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PAKISTAN:
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI
PAKISTAN AND PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY
By
UBAID ULLAH
M.PHIL POLITICAL SCIENCE
This is certify that the Thesis submitted by Mr. Ubaid Ullah is approved and
recommended as partial fulfillment for the award of Master Degree of Philosophy ,
from the Qurtuba University Peshawar.
Date:___/___/____
To
Respected Sir,
Yours Sincerely;
Ubaid Ullah
M.Phil. Scholar
i
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN
It is certified that Mr. Ubaid Ullah M.phil. Scholar Roll. No. 5474 has made all the
possible changes in his thesis as requested by the external examiner. I have thoroughly
studied his thesis and found it up to the mark . So therefore kindly process his thesis.
Supervisor:
Dated: /Dec/2014
ii
LIST OF ACRONYMS
MSF Muslim Students Federation
BD Basic Democracies
JI Jumaat-i-Islami
iii
DAC Democratic Action Committee
JUI Jamiat-ul-Ulem-i-Islam
iv
MRD Movement for Restoration of Democracy
RJI Rudad-i Jamaat-i Islami, 7 vols. (Lahore, 1938 1991), these volumes
contain the Proceedings of the various Jamaat Congresses between
1941 and 1955.
v
DEDICATION
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF ACRONYMS........................................................................................................III
DEDICATION......................................................................................................................VI
TABLE OF CONTENTS....................................................................................................VII
ABSTRACT...........................................................................................................................X
INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................1
HYPOTHESIS..........................................................................................................................4
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY...............................................................................................4
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................4
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK..................................................................................................5
LITERATURE REVIEW............................................................................................................5
REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................13
CHAPTER-1.........................................................................................................................17
1.1 JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI......................................................................................................17
1.2 STRUCTURAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ILLUSTRATION OF JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN
...................................................................................................................................18
1.3 STRUCTURE OF JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN.............................................................19
1.4 AMIR-E-JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTANS OFFICE.........................................................20
1.5 THE DEPUTY AMIR.....................................................................................................22
1.6 THE SHURA OF JI.......................................................................................................23
1.7 THE JI PAKISTANS SECRETARY GENERAL AND SECRETARIAT...................................25
1.7.1 The Recent Development and Details of JI Pakistan.........................................27
1.7.2 The Organizations of JI Pakistan......................................................................27
1.8 PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTYS ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS AND IDEOLOGY.................28
1.9 ORIGIN OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL STRATEGY. .30
1.10 PPP: OFFICIAL ORGANIZATION..............................................................................34
vii
1.11 THE ACTUAL ORGANIZATION OF PPP....................................................................39
1.12 AN INSIGHT INTO THE POWER STRUCTURE OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY (PPP). 44
REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................46
CHAPER-2............................................................................................................................51
REFERENCES.....................................................................................................................79
CHAPTER - 3.......................................................................................................................82
viii
3.15 UP TO DATE INCONSISTENCY OF OUR POLITICAL PARTIES...................................122
REFERENCES...................................................................................................................124
CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................132
APPENDIX-A.....................................................................................................................140
APPENDIX-B......................................................................................................................148
APPENDIX-C.....................................................................................................................152
BIBLIOGRAPHY...............................................................................................................153
ix
ABSTRACT
The existence of political parties is essential for democratic societies. Political
parties guarantee efficiency of the democracy. On the other hand, the simple existence
is not the spirit of democracies; the feature of political guidance and how political
parties fulfill their responsibilities, set out a stretched approach to form the character
and track of the political organism.
After 1970, the PPP came to power by turn through popular general elections.
Though they formed government in the centre and other small political parties
practiced the parliamentary set up, but they remained as flag holder. Unfortunately,
the regimes have been marked by indiscriminate politicization of government, semi-
autonomous and even autonomous offices and institutions, and by corruption and
misrule, violations of state laws, which make the governance weak and undemocratic
x
in practice. There have been academic studies on democracy and democratic practices
in the different political institutions including in political party. This study is focused
on finding the presence and practices of democracy in the party, as well as it
investigates into the causes which hinder the institutionalization of democracy in the
political parties. The researcher for this research has supposed the following grounds
The factors which are the serious hurdle in the way of internal democracy, power
distance of society, patron-client relation (link along with imbalanced financial and
communal class /the chief and his clients or customers), and partrimonialism (form of
control in which the entire influence run in a straight line as of the leader), are
affecting institutionalization of democracy in the political parties.
As matter of fact, the JI has established strict rules and regulation with regard
to the rigorous and tight discipline in its internal structure, for the purpose. At the
same time as, the PPP labeled to its founders past deeds or family background matters
in their political stances. Despite the fact, that the feudal system hasnt disappeared
stretched back as of the rural culture of Pakistan, further than the society remains
hierarchic, wherein laissez-faire values are not experienced, and a segment of
privileged people, now a days political actors define good or bad in the society. The
same practices are reflected in the political parties, of Pakistan, except Jumaat-i-
Islami Pakistan. Patron-client relation in the parties remains an obstacle to systematize
the party rules and mechanism, and it affects the party governance and the state
governance as well. Patrimonialism has been another setback within the parties for
which the central party leaders remain submissive, and demoralized. This also affects
the whole party governance. The local party leaders frequently claim systematic
practices, i.e.; democratic practices do not exist in the center, so the local units also
dont care for democracy in the party. This study also reviews cultural values of
Pakistans society, and takes perception of the people and the political leaders about
democracy and the party system to analyze the causes affecting institutionalization of
democracy in the political parties.
xi
INTRODUCTION
IMPORTANCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN
DEMOCRATIC SET UP
By well known election process political parties form the government. They
connect and denote various state institutions. They are also accountable to bring on
high quality authority of the government. Elected authority relies on the nature,
association and organization of the political parties, that enjoys the political authority.
The actions and activities of political parties influence the masses in all spheres and
by all means. Political parties also alter the society caliber, its social value and the
societal pre-requisites. Internal democracy in political parties and their
institutionalization play vital role in social, financial, economical and political growth.
They promote overall state objectives.
1
publicly available. In addition, written rules of procedure may not accurately reflect
actual practice, especially where there are dominant leadership groups or established
customs for organizing parliamentary group work. All the mentioned facts have given
the weightage in these words by Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar as!
2
financial and civilizing state of affairs, so as to permit the free and fair practices
of political autonomy.
Democracies are those political set up in which they are assured and fulfilled
the focal point lying on the competition dimension, as Dahl interpreted that the system
have different extent on the way to which the eight assurances are explicitly
accessible, publicly employed, and fully guaranteed to the members of political
system. Regime can vary according to the extent of acceptable opposition, public
contestation, or political competition. Since, a regime might permit opposition to a
very small proportion of the population. He argued that a second dimension that
reflects the right to participate in the public contestation, or inclusive suffrage, is
needed in order to classify a regime as democratic. On this basis, the following
definition of democracy will be used in this research:
1)-Parties will be the most important vehicle concerning political character; 2)-Parties
will be the key development with reference to the ruling/government; 3)-Parties are
crucial agendas on the subject of supporting democratic function. The democratic
growth, development about political affairs and proceedings will be for that reason
key towards the well-beings of the democracy and also very essential for the general
public.4
3
HYPOTHESIS
1) Democracy in the Country depends upon democratic structure of its political
parties.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
In this thesis the deductive research method used in two political parties,
analyzed to specify the inner democratic trends in the structure of Jumat-i-Islami and
PPP to determine the basic reasons for the Juma at-i-Islami Pakistan and Pakistan
Peoples Party (PPP) unique position within the political realm of Pakistan. Further,
the research ascertained the basic aims and objectives of the founding fathers of
Jumaat-i-Islami, PPP and to clarify the ideology of Jumat-i-Islami Pakistan and PPP.
In the research process collection of historical facts has made; and both primary and
secondary sources have consulted. The research thus is analytical, historical and
descriptive. Furthermore, there is a gap in previous works the subject is there but the
topic is missing which I dare to investigate about the paradigm of democracy within
the Jumat-i-Islami and Pakistan Peoples Party. The whole process of research
methodology followed in order to fill the gap. Full effort used to access the primary
4
sources, and secondary sources also consulted in this connection. Interview may be
conducted if necessary. Conclusion drawn after analyzing the data, I tried of my level
best as an objective as possible to endeavor the goal of research.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
The planned study pursues a theoretically standard research of two major
political parties in Pakistan to find out factors involve in the way, institutionalization
of democracy in political parties. Political parties and organizations, though basic set
up extra or fewer, deliberately in the company of some type of strict rules and
objectives. Institutionalization should be understood as the process by which the
party becomes established in terms both of integrated patterns of behavior and of
attitudes, or culture. It is helpful to distinguish between internal and externally related
aspects of this process. Internal aspects refer to developments within the party itself;
external aspects have to do with the partys relationship with the society in which it is
embedded, including other institutions. Democracy should be understood as a political
method in which the people as voter periodically choose between possible teams of
leaders, political scientist .Sidney Verba, describes political traditions the same as a
system of empirical beliefs, expressive symbols, and values, which defines the
situation in which political action takes place."5
LITERATURE REVIEW
According to Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar The purpose of parties is to acquire
political authority through peaceful means, an important feature that discriminate
political parties from interests of the society and prepare their manifesto
accordingly.6
5
conjectural and necessity approximate- which may serve a basis and guide for detailed
studies.7
As a matter of fact, the political parties of Pakistan not only playing its role in
individual spheres but, also collectively in pololitical alliances. In this connection, the
great scholarly work of Akhtar Husains Political Alliances in Pakistan (1954-99)
cannot be ignored. He argued in his thesis on the other alliances like National
Democratic Front(NDF), Combined Opposition Parties(COP) and Pakistan
Democratic Movement(PDM) etcopposed against a totalitarian regime of Field
Martial Ayub Khan and mentioned alliances had rooted out the autocracy of Ayub
Khan.It also let down great impacts on the future of the state. Z.A Bhuttos era was
the witness of political parties alliances.Accordin to Bhutto United Democratic Front
(UDF) and Pakistan National Alliance(PNA) named it as an electoral turned alliance,
all these are discussed and their real impacts on Bhuttos regime in Akhtar Husain
Political Alliances(1954-99).He also discussed Movevement for the restoration of
Democracy(MRD).8
6
internally democratic procedures for their deliberation and decisions
strengthen democratic culture generally.9
If we put the weights of these against the current situation, the scholarly work
of M.Rafique Afzal Political Parties in Pakistan vol.1, 2, 3, are worth of
mentioning. In his glorious work done he had sketched the complete picture and
political culture of different political Parties in Pakistan. He had discussed that how
the pioneers political party in Pakistan had lost its momentum, although this pioneer
party was the Pakistan winning party; meet with complete failure verses the new
parties rise to power, side by side with showing the complete picture of the political
parties in Pakistan. He also argued that deals with martial law administration, the state
of the political parties framing in Framework order. Numerous old and new parties
emerged on the political scene, advocating different ideologies. Not only he had
sketched the who lipstick political parties culture in Pakistan, but also the next looks
at religious political parties like the Jamiat Ulama-i- Pakistan, the Jamiat- ul-Ulam-i-
Islam, the Nizam Islam party and the Juma, at.e. Islami Pakistan, while the one after
deals with the Pakistan Aawmi League, the National Awami Party and the Pakistan
Peoples Party.10
The third human race has to lookout against domination however, the most
excellent way to watch not in favor of supremacy in the direction to stop
coupegemony. The major tie of the outer colonialism is the inner colonialism.
Armed takeover is the most terrible foe of the state unity. Coupegemoney is the link in
excess of which the domination marches to follow in excess of the land.11
It is great and worth of mentioning the schalarly and accedemic work of Nasr,
Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the IslamicRvolution;The Jamaat.i Islami of
Pakistan; Berkeley : University of California Press, 1994.According to him Ever
since the advent of the Iranian revolution Western scholarship has been convinced that
revivalism is inherently antistatic. This is not necessarily the case. The Jamaat is the
first instance of Islamic revivalism that participates in the political process, rather than
7
trying to topple it. Its development tells much about how Islamic revivalism will
interact with democratic forces across the Muslim world in the coming years. Western
scholarship has also assumed that Islamic revivalism, once unleashed, will control
Muslim political choices. This again is not supported by the facts at hand. The
Jamaats ideology and activism have been important in Pakistani politics and to
revivalism across the Muslim world, but the party has failed to seize power in
Pakistan. It can be credited with forming a national alliance that has been advocating
the cause of Islam in Pakistan for four decades; it has helped create a distinctly
Islamic voting bloc; it has institutionalized religiopolitical action, and sacralized
national political discourse. It has contributed to the Islamization of Pakistan and has
helped shape Pakistans history since 1947; it has had a role in the outcome of social
movements and political events and is likely to continue to do so.12
The scholarly work done by Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice
is also worth of mentioning. She has enlighted the the JIs tight and sound disciplined
organizational stance. Acording to the JIs constitution and rigid discipline she says!
So for as about other PPPs and JI related literature as I have studied in this
regard, I want to describe them as:
Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power, someone has conceived it
as a Machiavellian cunning. An analysis which set up as soon after come back in
Khan Abdul Wali khans frustrated declaration to the Guardian (London) that Bhutto
is not the sort of person you can do business with. 14 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,
8
Commitment to History, he expressed in the better way for democracy as! The
objective in defeating Ayubs dictatorship was that we wanted democracy.All the
parties want democracy because that means the rule of the common man.People dont
have any voice in a dictatorship.15
Herbert Feldman in his precius work done described as!, From Crisis to
Crisis, Pakistan 1962-1969, The Bengali peasant leader had motivated to the
reasonable perception in the company of the Ayub establishment. Moreover, in a deal
with a trick exploited by Bhutto and Bhashani, had stirred and sat out the 1965
elections, an aspect which several believed that enable Ayub Khan victorious in East
Pakistan.16
Khalid Kashmiri in, Awam ka Sadr says! A document to set the result was
arranged and offered to Bhutto at the meeting. It is worth mentioning that Bhutto
initially in public utilized the idea of the new party, on 23 November, 1966, while he
experienced that the countrys troubles might not be solved the hope of it to became a
true Islamic socialist state17 Abul Ala Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State,
All world views and systems of thought, belief and action which deny Gods
sovereignty and the authority for Divine guidance. 18 Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law
and Constitution, organized campaign of mass political action a network should
exist that can carry the movement through.19 Abdul Rashid Moten, in his scholarly
work, Jamaat-e-Islami in the Politics of Pakistan, says! That Islam constituted the
ultimate source of power and legitimacy among the Muslim community. 20 Rudad-i
Jama_at-i Islami (RJI), 7 vols, (Lahore, 1938_1991), they contain the records of the
variety of Jama_at everything else events record between 1941 and 1955. 21 It has the
precious JIs records and through which we can easily access to the historical facts.
All these have given me a lot of valuable knowledge and clear destination about
Pakistani politics and the role of political parties of Pakistan in the past especially
with regard to JI and PPP. It also gave me clear directions in connection of the future
perspectives of Jamaat Islami of Pakistan and the Pakistan Peoples Party.
9
governments have ruled directly and at other times as thinly veiled guardian of
centrally directed civilian regimes.Military civilian supremacy has been challenged by
rising middle class politicians and urban party leaders which have come to power
through elections.22
Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi, Islami Riyasat is the most outstanding and
remarkable book which denotes us the following aspects about the democratic and
real approach of democracy as: As such the aim of our struggle must be an
establishment of such a system in our society. He thus continuous write the first
question is as to weather and how human affairs be addressed but under which
fessible style- as if such affairs belonging to the prople, demand to appoint a leader of
their own choice who as supposed to go forward with their collective consent and
consultation, thus such leader will play their role till the axcellent level of confidence
of the people entrusted in them.26
10
In Sarwat Solat, Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), he stated:
11
countries have retarded the development of Muslim democratic potential, and that this
has helped spawn the Islamic extremist threat to Islam itself and the West.34
Daughter of the East is also worth of mentioning she (Benazir) stated here as:
Democracy - she goes to great lengths to suggest that Islam's doctrines of
consultation (shura) and consensus (ijma) and independent reasoning (ijtihad) make
Islam and democracy compatible. Today, on an occasion so personal and solemn for
me, I want to re affirm my public pledge to the people of Pakistan, and restate my
most solemn vow to devote my life toward the welfare of each citizen and the
freedom of this great nation of ours from dictatorship," I'd written in a statement
released the morning of my wedding. "I will not hesitate to make any sacrifice, be it
large or small, as in the past. I will work shoulder to shoulder with my brothers and
sistersthe people of Pakistanto create an egalitarian society that is free from
tyranny, from corruption, and from violent tensions. This was my goal yesterday, this
is the dream I share with you, and this will remain our unwavering commitment
forever."35
12
REFERENCES
1. Prof.Dr.Muhammad Sarwar, Introduction to political Science; Ilmi Kutub
Khana Kabir Street, Urdu Bazaar Lahore,2010.
3. Ibid., p.15
13
9. Susan Scarrow Political Parties and Democracy in theoretical and Practical
Perspective Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), available at
<http://search.tb.ask.com/search/GGmain.jhtml?searchfor=Susan+Scarrow +
%E2%80%>
10. M.Rafique Afzal Political Parties in Pakistan. vol.1, 2, 3 ,M/s Roohani Art
Press, Blue AreaIslamabad, Pakistan.
12. Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the IslamicRvolution;The Jamaat-
i- Islami of Pakistan; Berkeley : University of California Press, A 1994.
13. Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice, Lahore, 1973. p. 336
14. Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power,Vinkas Publishings House,
Dilhi,1972.
15. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Commitment to History, text of the Affidavit, Peoples
Book Centre, 1969.
16. Herbert Feldman, From Crisis to Crisi, Pakistan 1962-1969, Karachi, Oxford
University Press, 1972, pp.71-72.
18. Abul Ala Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State, Islamic Publications
Limited, Lahore, 1960. p.5
19. Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law and Constitution, Islamic Publications Limited
Lahore, 1984. p.60
14
22. Philip E.Jones The Pakistan Peoples Party Rise to Power. Oxford
University Press, Karachi-74900, 2003.
23. Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan Crisis Group Asia Repor
N102, 28 September 2005, available
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south
asia/pakistan/102-authoritarianism-and-political-party-reform-in pakistan.
aspx > accessed on 28 May 2014 at 9 am
24. Khurram Murad, Hikmat-e-adeen Mafhoom Taqazey aur Buniadi Osool,
Monthly Tajuman-ul-Quraan, 1999. P.41)
26. Sayyed Abul Aala Mawdudi, Islami Riyasat Islamic Publications, Lahore,
1988. P. 541)
27. Sarwat Solat, Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), Islamic Publications
Lahore,1980. P. 140)
29. Sayyad Abul Aala Mawdudi, Tafheemaat (Part- 5), Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quraan
Lahore, 1990. P. 174)
31. - Saeed Khalid bin, The Political System of Pakistan Civil and Military
Press, Karachi, 1987 . p.169)
33. Hassan Askari Rizwi Military and Politics in Pakistan n.d, pp.119-120
15
35. Daughter of the East available at http://bhutto.org/Acrobat/Daughter%20of
%20Destiny.pdf accessed on 28 July 2014 at 2.00 PM.
16
CHAPTER-1
DEMOCRACY AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
OF JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN AND
PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY
1.1 JUMAAT-I-ISLAMI
Pakistan: Sayyed Abul Aala Maududi was the fouder of Jumaat-i-Islami. It is
the better organizational, structural, social, political, economic and religious unique
ideological party. It was established in 1941. So, it has a long political and ideological
history as compared to Pakistan Peoples Party. Mawlana Maududi has struggled for
the right cause of political, social, moral and constitutional Islamic laws in pre and
post independence era. Since 1941, JI addressed organizational issues and problems
within organizational check and balance. Therefore, it has a sound organizational and
distinctive superiority over other political parties in Pakistan, in this regard. The ways
which led it to its unique organizational and structural strength and social bases are
history old; not only in pre-independence era but also up to date continue the manners
of distinct social, political and ideological identities. For the purpose, to abide itself
by a constitutional obligation JI Pakistan has categorically mentioned in its
Constitution as!
It shall ascertain as to what is the instruction of Allah and His Prophet, before
deciding on any matter or taking any step. All other things shall be secondary and kept
in the view only to that extent that Islam permits. (ii) For its ideals and objectives to
realise the Jamaat shall never use such ways and means that are opposed to the
demands of honesty and truth or may cause mischief on the earth (iii). For the
desired reform and revolution, the Jamaat shall use democratic and constitutional
means, i.e., the use of advice and propagation of thought for reforming the mind and
character and preparing public opinion for accepting the desired changes.
(IV). Jamaats struggle for the realisation of its objectives shall be open and public,
and not on the pattern of secret movements.
17
The party strictly follows the constitutional and organizational structure in the
given rigid constitutional and democratic ways to carry on for the right cause of the
restoration of democracy in the country. So the given structural illustration of the
party and achievements further strengthen the internal partys democratic strength.1
18
constitution (Aayeen) to alignate themselves with the Partys rigid structure and
organizational discipline. Prior to all these, JI has faced serious disciplinary issues and
problems, after 1941. Maududi had step forwarded in that connection to maintain the
party rigid discipline by all means.5
Every JIs member was bound to hold weekly meeting in their respective
constituencies at national and local levels. In every unit, personal, local and national
issues and problems were discussed. Every member has to give accounts (muhasiba)
to their senior in each weekly meeting. Those who missed two meetings without solid
reason were eliminated by the party rigid discipline.6
So, accumulating the local and national levels meeting each unit has emerged
into a unique body through the party rigid hierarchical strength. Each unit was bound
to hold and attend meeting on each week. In those weekly sessions JI members has
encouraged free discussions and personal views to create collective wisdom but, if
once decided through mutual consensus then it became the final words for all. Every
member was bound by it. Ijtemaa-e-aam has also introduced to show national
solidarity at national levels. At Patankot, in 1945 its first all India meeting was held,
consequently the meeting was held regularly till partition. In Pakistan, traditionally
the meetings were continued merely for affiliates and members. The partys first
national meeting was at Lahore in May 1949 and the 2 nd at Karachi in 1951. The most
important and significant among the post independence meeting was Machchi Goth
which were not held at all between 1958 and 1962 martial law ban. After the prolong
period of 42 years the party has opened for the first time its national meeting to the
masses in November 1989 which had done in the early partys period.
19
of members at various villages or town levels, they will be accumulating in one circle
and a number of towns converted into one zone. In administrative point of view, the
circle is known as village unit in party hierarchy and zone is as town level. Every unit
has the authority structure of amir, deputy amir, shura and secretary general and they
will be maintained through election.
20
These amirs will check upon their secretary generals. The lower level secretary
general is also accountable to the top level (national level) secretary general who can
minimize his power and control in administrative affairs.
In the JI history, the Machchi Goth affair shown deviation from its rigid
discipline and sacred trust of Amir, but have not much importance. From that period,
the JI has taken its right direction of governing. So for Mawdudi and Mian
Muhammad Tufail has successively passed their amarats period, in 1972 and from
Tufail to Qazi Hussein Ahmad in 1989. They enjoyed their periods till to retirement. 8
The reality now is that the JI has got momentum and having an edge over other South
Asian Islamic movements and it became much stronger after its founders departure.
After defeat in 1970s elections JI has called meeting at Lahore on 10 th of January
1971, 9 to know the realities about that. The head of that group was Sayyed Munawar
Hussan (former JI Pakistans Amir), made Mududi responsible for the JI involvement
in the election process. The same statements and feelings were quoted in Tarjuman-
ul-Quran by the JI supporters in the same months of that meeting. 10 Due to these
prevailed circumstances and hapless situation the cry of the time was to demand for
the fresh leader. Because of heart attack of Maududi, he had decided to give up the
leadership of JI in 19 February 1972. He had stepped down and Mian Muhammad
Tufail (secretary general of JI at that time), Ghulam Azam (former amir JI
Bangladesh), and a long time disciple of Mududi were nominated by the shura. Mian
Muhammad Tufail voted as Amir-e-JI on Novemer 2, 1972.11
Later on, the elected nominees by the shura were not proved effective and
charismatic leaders. The electorates had disappointed by the JI performances in the
election of 70s. In the election of amir once again shura had played its decisive role
and maintained its supremacy in the entire process of M.M Tufails selection. In
October 1987, a rush of wave had caused the election of Qazi Hussein Ahmad and he
became the amir JI Pakistan. In the Zias era the JI political career has questioned and
eclipsed, in the decades of 70 to 80. In the party member had differed the amirs
policy of decision making and taking. The performances were also under observations
of the members and shuras vigilant eyes, again the amirs selection was not as such
the other party procedure his selection and election was brought into effect by the
shura nomination and prescribed manner. As usual, the shura has brought three names
21
of Khurshed Ahmad Jan Muhammad Abbasi and Qazi Hussein Ahmad for the
purpose. The first two were conservative in nature while the later was active and
innovative in his approach. The party elected Qazi Husseein Ahmad as amir having
Dewbani religious background. His close ties with Dewbandi helped him to close him
to the KPKs debandi ulema. He was quite familiar with JI since 1970 as he joined the
JI. Maximum hopes were there for JI and Qazi of the former and younger JI members
and they felt that it was better time for change. In KPK, he managed and thoroughly
made the constituency for the JI which nowadays elect comparatively good share of
MNAs and MPAs in KPK. At national level he also gave much better momentum to
the JI politics in this regard.
In 1976 the office was reintroduced with a new objective in mind. Three deputy
amirs were appointed by the amir, and each was given a specific area of Jama_at
22
activities to oversee.The interprenural office of the deputy amir aimed to decentralize
the JIs power during Mian tufails era. It rationalized the Jama_at_s organizational
structure by dividing activities into separate units and delegating authority to the
deputy amirs who oversaw those units. The office of deputy amir also gave the rising
generation an important office to fill and brought the increasing number of peripheral
activities and affiliated bodies under the party_s central command, both of which
helped ease tensions within the party. The office exists only on a national level.
During 1987, the duties of the deputy amirs were dignified and their actions
further obviously defined plus specified legal authority through the shura. Their
figure was enlarged to five. One was in charge of dealings in the company of new
political parties; one was responsible for the Teachers Union and parliamentary
affairs; one handled the operations of the Jamaats central administration; one acted
as a link with the Jamaats student organization; and one was in charge of relations
with ulama and other Islamic organizations. The office is by now an established part
of the command structure.
From the early post independence era of Pakistan, its members were just 12 in
number, but due to the upcoming 1951s elections its strength had further increased to
sixteen and strictly to follow the Machchi Goth constitutional reforms, to fifty.13 The
numbers were increased again in 1972 giving greater representation to members. In
1989 every central shura member represented just about one hundred of its members.
23
The raise in extent has vested better powers in the central shura, whereas dipping the
authority of each member, which was one cause why Mawdudi took the pace in the
first position following the Machchi Goth concern. By means of the similar purpose in
brain, the Jamaats charter has held in reserve the lawmaking authority of the shura
in check by giving the amir, deputy amirs, secretary-general, and provincial amirs,
who attend shura sessions, voting rights. The figure of this added-shura votes are
twelve, a fifth of the shura votes and a sixth of the entire votes cast. During of a tie
the vote of the amir counts as two. Regular members of the Jamaat may be present at
sessions of the shura by means of the consent of the amir, however contain no talking
or voting rights.
The Central Shura of JI meets one time or two times a year and may in
addition be called by the amir or incase of concerned the majority of members votes.
It evaluate/review the JI actions and decides the next coming party policies. Its sub
committees are ten in number which concentrate in different fields of the JI related. It
also provides its special commands and expertise in various fields as they have to the
shuras in policy making process. In case of religious concerned affairs and legal
matters, if there is not clear cut instruction founded in Islamic laws the central shura
can explore (ijtehad) for the purpose, to solve the burning issues in all spheres. In this
regards, the JI shura can justify, Identify and clarify the religious matters. The JIs
shura involve itself in the real practices of religious affairs through the Islamic term of
Ijmaa and the matters concerned are openly discussed in the shura meeting. Then,
no stone will be unturned in the solution of that religious matter through mutual
consensus, for which it about to go on board. During 1970 Mawdudi reported that in
its twenty-nine years of movement, the central shura had agreed on best part
judgment on no more than four occasions, the very distinguished of between them
was the event to Machchi Goth. If not, the central shura has, time subsequent to,
agreed undisputed verdicts. 14 In view of the fact that Machchi Goth, a lot of executive
decisions has been placed in front of the twenty-two-member majlis-i amilah. This
smaller council steers the Jamaat from side to side most of its actions at what time
that central shura is not in meeting.
24
1.7 THE JI PAKISTANS SECRETARY GENERAL AND
SECRETARIAT
The routine activities of JI are overseen through its central bureaucracy in
secretariat. In 1941 the secretary generals (qayyim) was created. Since then,it has
grown in power to become something akin to that a party boss. The concept of a party
workers was introducedto the Jamaat in 1944 while the party set up the special
training camps in Pathankot for its workers.15 As the strength, size and their activities
of JI has increased, the value of its works got much importance. In between 1985 to
1989, as JI took part into politics, its full time workers increased in numbers from one
hundered twenty five to seven thousand five hundred and eighty three. 16 Since 1947,
they have been controlled from Lahore by the secretary-general, who is appointed by
the amir in consultation with the central shuraa. Over the years, not only has the
central secretariat increased in size but it has also reproduced itself at lower levels in
the party, creating an administrative command structure which extends from the
center to the smallest unit, paralleling the command structure controlled by the amirs.
During the 1970s, subsequent to its crushing defeat at the polls and by an amir
at the controls who institutionalized the partys ideological enthusiasm into different
norms and dealings, its secretariat increased more in volume, power, plus number of
workers. At Lahore various permanent training camps were established in the party
headquarter, in 1979. Just in 1980 two thousands and eight hundred fresh workers
availed the facility .17 From 1970, the partys large amount is allowed to hire these
workers and expand the activities of the bureaucratic force. Except, amir, deputy amir
25
and shuras members all the rest of hired JI workers are paid for their work done.They
may serving in other salaried capacities in the party. Qazi Husains successful family
dealing in Peshawar has helped him to settle on the problem of financial reward for
his services. The growing share of individuals joining the rising bureaucracy are
former students of Islami Jamiat-i Tulabah (IJT), they are educated in modern
subjects and have known to each other since university days. This extra strengthens
the pose of the bureaucracy. The bureaucratic configuration of the Jamaat is
duplicated in the partys growing females section (halqah-i khawatin), established in
the 1950s. A number of 70 percent of them emerge from families where the men
belong to the party (JI). They have no amir of their own, but have a central shura, and
an office of secretary-general (qayyimah). Their head offices are placed in the central
compound, from where the working nazimahs (organizers) of lower-level units
aresupervised.
The Jamaat-i- Islami women also have their own seminary, the Jami_atu_l-
Muhsinat (Society of the Virtuous), which trains women as preachers and religious
teachers. The women_s wing is primarily involved with propagating the Jama_at_s
literature and ideas among Pakistani women through its periodicals, the most
important of which is Batul, and to incorporate Jama_at families into the holy
community by recruiting from among the wives and daughters of the Jamaats
members and by encouraging women to bring up their children true to the teachings
of the Jamaat.
26
Pakistanits members had never again been able togrther in one location, through
establishing a community/headquartes remained a goal.18
27
educational body which led by Abdul Ghafoor Ahmad named as the "Islami Nizamat-
e-Taleem", that includes 63 Baithak schools. Rabita-ul-Madaris Al-Islamia supports
one hundred and sixty four Jumaaats Madrassas, in Pakistan. It also operates the
"Hira Pakistan Project" and "Al Ghazali Trust". The Al-Khidmat Foundation is JI's
humanitarian Non Governmntal Organisation. Its predecessor, organised in the mid
1990s was the Al-Khidmat Trust. The foundation administers schools, women's
vocational centres, adult literacy programs, hospitals and mobile chemists and other
welfare programs. In this respect, JI interacts with the general market.
28
economic dependence or customary form of leadership (e.g Piri Muridi). This was
situation in which economic and other interests were openly persued, and distributed,
through partylineal networks. Pakistani thinkers have characterized it in various ways
as hand to mouth politics (J.A Rahim) or the politics of immediate gratification
(Professor Munir Ahmad), or the politics of it represent a stage in which struggle for
power is neither contained in consentual institution, nor clothed in debates over
ideology or policy.
So far as Punjab is concerned, still the rawest forms of social and political
control, some of which enlivened PPP factionalism. But, it should also be noted that
elite urban social groups have for decades operated more modern consensual interests
group organization. Nonthles, the internal dynamics of some of these volunteery
organizations, with their interest-oriented rather then ascreptive membership, were
still governed by partylineal cum-patronage politics. This was much truer of voluntery
organization with multiple intersts and large membership (political parties and trade
unions then of elites single interst groups). Even in distinctively ideological
environment (the JI Pakistan), where policy and group discipline were taken seriously,
the structure of leadership was essentially partilineal. Giving this wider background, it
is important, it is important, when looking at the organization of the PPP, to remember
that few of those who became officeholder in the party were equipped with the kind of
organizational results. Many of them, themselves from newly politicized social groups
were having with the PPP, their first experience of political organization and
responsibility.
29
Islami), where policy and group regulations were in use sincerely, the composition of
leadership (PPP) was fundamentally partilineal.
As that time there was so much emphasis on Democracy and so many people
thought that democracy meant voting, constitutions, parliaments and parties. But
the real concept of democracy the people didnt have, this was the type of civic
behavior that, without which, we could not have democracy. 26
Z.A Bhutto was also aware of the fact when he observed that the organization
of the PPP had been much influenced by the social conditions in Asian countries like
India and Pakistan, that is the tendency for groups and factions to occure 27. But,
having social all this and keeping in mind the mitigating circumstances of such
conditions, can it shall be said that the PPP leadership pursued the policies that were
best calculated to take advantage of organizational possibilities that exists in Punjab?
This is an important question, for in many respects the ultimate failure of the PPP was
a failure of organization.
30
minister in the early Ayub Cabinet, he had witnessed the impossibility of avoiding the
emergence of party groupings in the National Assembly, even though the 1962
constitution had been designed to function without them. In the debate of 10 July
1962 on the Political Parties Act, which he supported on behalf of the government,
Z.A Bhutto agreed that the role of political parties is essential to every state whether
it is democratic or dictatorial.29 He was an early member of Conventional Muslim
Leagues Working Committee and later served for a short period as its Secretary-
General. In the working committee he favored a policy of inducing members of the
administrative services to join the CVML ( Coventional Muslim League) and to
function thereafter under party discipline.30This would be a means of exerting party
control over the bureaucracy and evidently originated in Bhuttos frustration, as a
politician in technocratic regime, at the grip of the bureaucracy on all aspects of
political life.His tenure as Secretary General of the CVML doesnt seem to have been
distinguished, largely because by then, foreign affairs had come to pre-occupy his
efforts. However, he is reported to have helped to conceive a new party constitution
that was extremely centralized with as few elections as possible. 31 Thus in his early
contact with party matters, we finds in Bhutto a tendency towards centralization, but
no strong view of the role of parties in a political system, or the manner of the
organization.
Certainly Z.A Bhutto expansive grasp of history and politics made his
knowledge about the functions of political parties in various systems, both historic
and contemporary. Yet, for the most part Z.A Bhutto has been curiously silent on the
question of party orgranisation. He did a glimpse of his view of parties in Pakistani
politics in an interviewe with Hanif Ramay on 10 November 1968, just three days
before his incarceration .32 Z.A Bhutto suggested that the weaknesses of political
parties and the episodic nature of popular protest had basic historical causes. The first
of these was the character of the Pakistan Movement. The war which the Quaid-i-
Azams Muslim League had waged for the achievement of Pakistan was a legal and
constitutional struggle,not an armed struggle.33 Jinnah had succeeded because he
won the confidence of the Muslim of India, a confidence which he has demonstrated
in their support of the Direct Action Day. Bhuto suggests that there was a casual
relationship between the degree of psychological and organizational solidarity of the
31
people with the League on the one hand, and the extent to which Jinnah had to
prepare both for situation that could become war like. Direct Action Day was a first
step towards arm struggle, but it was also the last, because it alone was sufficient to
prove Muslim solidarity and demonstrate the fact that Britain could deny Pakistan
only at the cost of civil war in India. Thus Jinnah prepared the League physically and
mentally for the highest sacrifice, the sacrifice itself was unnecessary.
Further, suggested the Bhutto very rapidity with which Pakistan emerged after
Direct Action Day focused the gratitude and loyalties of the Pakistanis more on Jinnah
than on the League. It also meant that the League had not been forced by
circumstances to build up its organization. Hence, after Quaid-i-Azams departure, the
league rapidly lost its spirit, cohesion and popularity. But, the league been forced to
wage an armed revolutionary struggle for Pakistan, than the thread of trust between
the people and the party would have emerged unbreakable, much as has happened in
Russia, China, Algeria, Cuba and Vietnam. 34 A second limiting factor was that none
of our political parties have had to pass through a hot period of total war against
external aggression. The nation has tasted Indian aggression in 1965, and our people
stood firm and united, but, all the popular awakening that the challenge of war
afforded us was to be wasted because of the cease-fire. We did not have the
opportunity, as Yugoslavia in World War two, to wage a long struggle through which
we could form experienced and responsible institution. Finally, none of our political
parties had to pass through the miseries of civil war. According to Bhutto, civil wars
have a way of strengthening popular political organization, as happened in the United
States and Ireland.35
Though Bhutto did not press his explanation beyond these historical
generalities, his perception that strong political parties really emerged from prolonged
historical crises may will have influenced his views of the potential organizational
capacities of a party in a nation that had experienced no much crises. Bhuttoo was not
an ideologue determined to create Pakistan version of the Chinese Communist party;
he was at heart a pragmatic politician, interested in power and moving according to
his own conception of what was most advantageous in the gaining of it. It is too much
to say that his socialism was simply a front wall, since there are many signs that he
genuinely believed some form of socialism were the answer for Pakistan.
32
To a very large degree, his apparent attitude to party organization, ideology
and factionalism, were a reflection of a larger strategic view of the Peoples party as
an instrument with which to win the 1970 election. This was the reason for his
insistence that the PPP be an open-ended multi class, and broadly polarizing agency,
not restricted, class-based ideological party. Here, of course he disagreed with
Maulana Bhashani, but, with asignaficant section of his own party, who wanted party
organization to be adopted for revolutionary struggle.
Bhutto mastermind lay first in perceiving that the people aspirations were
nationalist, participatary, and economic, not revolutionary, and secondly in
understanding the implication of their massive voting power. He realized that new
techniques (mass meetings) and new economic slogans would be needed to garner
public support, but, his broader approach would always be to knit to gather within the
party, a broad coalition of nationalist and radical forces. Hanif Ramay put his finger
on his notion when, during period of internal struggle in the PPP, he observed that the
party itself was a united front.36 The PPP Chairmans insistence on an inclusions
rather than an exclusionist membership policyanyone who agreed with us could
come in, 37 meant that neither the organization nor the ideology of the party could be
rigid. One result of this election approach to party organization was a questioning
among party leaders, journalists, and scholars in Pakistan as to whether the PPP ever
really became a political party. One of these was Hussain Naqi, a columnist for
Nusrat who often toured with Bhtto during the pre-election period, who observed;
The PPP is not a political party. It is a loose sort of mass organization, a mass
movement, a lashkar, that is a mass of people coming together for a specific purpose,
led by a man who holds his leadership by right of superior vision.38
This does not mean Bhutto did not see the Peoples Party as a new and bold
departure from the pattern of established parties in Pakistan. The later he described to
Ramay as rootless coalition of personalities who were living in the past and using the
techniques of the past, being led by events rather than leading, incapable of scientific
analysis given to flights of imagination and bravado, completely opportunist, willing
to switch policies and allies at a moments notice, and often the creature of foreign or
domestic interests. The PPP Chairman observed that none of these attributes was
applicable to the peoples Party. He observed that in the twentieth century, a political
33
party needed more than simply a good leadership, it needed an ideology and
organization, and it needed to be dedicated to the service of the common man.
Otherwise, it becomes prey to confusion, where Bhutto saw the PPP most
significantly as a departure from the past was its willingness to act to arouse mass
support for its economic program. The PPP would not simply pass a few resolutions,
hand out press release, or celebrate this or that holiday with procession or meetings. It
continually go down to activate the people, spread its program and organization to
every urban muhallah, town and village and drive its force and legitimacy from mass
support. It would come to power, not because its leaders had made the right
connections in the elite establishment, but because the people demanded it.39
Bhutto pronounced himself to Ramay highly pleased with the first year of the
PPPs existence. Granted, the soil was well prepared, but, even so perhaps never
before in history has a political party made so much progress in on year. It is a new
party with a new style (naya uslub), that is both sincere and spirited, the partys
clear and scientific programe has appealed to the people. In less than a year, to a
great extent, readied its organization, prepared its workers for coming election and
consequent events, and begun a compaign of political education through its party
literature. With its revolutionary character and its experienced leadership, the party
was fully prepared for the crucible of people struggle.Bhutto even permitted himself
to look into the future, where he saw the Peoples Party leading a cultural revolution
(sqafati inqilab) in Pakistan. This he would call The Movement to purify the land of
Pakistan (Tehrik-i-Pak surzamin ki Pakizgi). It would end the social problems of the
present system corruption, male-practicing, scapegoating, predatory, and joblessness,
and place people on a modern and progressive footing.40 It was Bhutto earliest
indication to the Peoples party the same as a upcoming driving force of behavioural
change inside the country.
34
To govern the working of the Party during the organizational period, it is designed
to organize the party throughout the country, promote its growth in the masses and
foster collective leadership within its ranks. It provides for adjustments that may be
found necessary by experience through participation of the people in the party. This
interim constitution shall remain enforce until another constitution is adopted by the
National council to be constituted after the party has been built up on the widest base
and election held democratically upwards from below.41
35
re-elect the national party office-holders, with the exception of the Chairman. Such
matters as the accreditation of representatives to a National Conference and its agenda
would be determined by the Chairman in Consultation with the Organizing
Committee and the provincial Chairmen.45
The interim constitution recognized that the primary units would be the basic
building blocks of the party. They would be delimited by their respective districts and
city organization and would elect their own office-holders and a primary committee to
be composed of one committee-man for every twenty party members. In a system
somewhat reminiscent of the Basic Democracies, the primary level committeemen
and party office-holders would be ex-officio members of the district or city council.
Though the language of the interim constitution is somewhat un-clear, it is apparent
that only at primary unit level would the party membership vote for office-holders and
committeemen. The district and city councils would elect their own office-holders and
committees, as well councilors to the Zonal Council, all on the basis of fixed elector-
36
electee ratios. The process will be repeated for the Provincial Council. Finally, the two
Provincial Councils would elect from among themselves 110 National Councilors,
who would form a National Council of 220 members. The National Council, which
would be convened by the Chairman in consultation with the central committee,
would then elect a chairman for the party, determine the constitution of the central
committee, and adopt a permanent constitution.47
An attractive quality of the interim Constitution was the capability of the party
committees lying on all levels on the way to co-opt members by fixed ratios. It
curtails as of Article 14. It grants with the purpose of representation shall be
guaranteed into the organizing committees and later in party committees, at all levels,
for active party members from amongst the workers, peasants, the youth, the women
and the intellectuals. Two committees would be able to vote as a group for
representation in the zonl councils. Representatives of these groups in the two
Provincial Councils would be able to vote for a total of 20 of the 220 elected members
of the National Council. Clearly, the Party Chairman was the pivotal figure in all the
crucial formal functions and organization of the PPP. In essence he controlled the
expansion of Organizing and principles Committees, the constitution of the central
Committee, the selection of the unit chairmen down to the district and city levels, the
timing, agenda and representation of the National Conferences and the calling of the
National Council. He also had a major part in maintaining party discipline. According
to the Article 10 of the Interim Constitution:
(1) During the initial Organizational period the Chairman of the Party may in
consultation with the Organizing Committee of the party and the Chairman of
concerned levels, withdraw the accredition [sic/selection of a laboratory inspection
choice/certificate body is an informed choice] of the Chairman of any Organizing
Committee and accredit another Chairman who shall reconstitute his Organizing
Committee.
37
In addition, the party Chairman was the final court of appeal for internal
dispute of the party, settling those that Chairmen at successively higher levels were
unable or unwilling to solve.49 A number of other aspects of the Interim Constitution
are important and worth of note. It is interesting, for example, the PPP the Principle of
parity between East and West Pakistan for the purposes of its own organization.
Another feature was open membership, without restriction for any class or
occupational group. Article 6 ensured that membership was open to every adult
Pakistani who endorsed the principles of the party and who pays the membership fee
of 25 paisas (about $.06 US in 1967). A further feature was the requirement that
Urban areas having Corporations, Munciplal Committees and Town Area
Committees shall have city Organizations independent of the District Organizations.50
According to one informant (Philip E Jones), this was done at the behest of strong
contingent of urban lawyers and professionals at the convention.
The leftists at the convention were reportedly not happy with the centralization
of the party hierarchy and were especially upset at the process of vertical recruitment
downward as the original mode of party organization. This they saw to be essentially
feudal and would have preferred to see the higher party levels but, upward from
previously established primary units. The provision of party conferences and elected
38
officers and committees was a partial recognition of their demands. The left group
combined with the parliamentary democracy group to ensure that the principles of
elections and collective leadership were recognized in the preamble. Further fearing
that class enemies would infiltrate the party, the leftists were not happy with the
open membership clause, though they were somewhat placated by Article 14, which
guaranteed the representation of workers and other groups, albeit at ratios that would
give them a little influence if applied restrictively. The provision for Planning
Committee represented the continuation of old liberal leftist demand in Pakistan
politics that parties in power, not the bureaucracy, must have the dominant role in the
policy-making. Finally the, the liberal-leftist groups argued for a provision (Article
15) that committed the party to completing its organization as soon as possible.
These groups believed that the sooner the party moved into its permanent stage, there
would be a greater scope for the party committees and councils to exert influence over
policy and patronage.
We are not in any hurry and the appointment of mere office-bearers is not the
main point. We dont want to make our organization a party of patronage. We will do
our organizational work slowly, gradually and with the consensus and approval of
friends.53
According to PPP high ranking nobles, close to the centre of actions into the
Peoples Party, party organization was not a main concern of the Chairman and party
organization was set aside basic in support of a number of time, following the
founding convention.54 The Central Organizing Committee and the Principles
39
Committee were chosen soon later than the convention, however neither functioned
not including the definite guidelines as of the Chairman. Both Committees were
reserved small, drawing on the most influential leaders at original convention. The
Central Committee was not selected in anticipation of 10 and 24 January 1971, which
is, until and after the election. A dusk Central Committee does appear to have
survived in advance, prepared fundamentally of the organizing and principle
Committee members, jointly with those invited as a result of the Chairman. Its most
significant and merely recorded gathering captured position on 23rd March 1969 at
Karachi, where it committed the PPP to a policy of dismantling the one unit Scheme.55
On 4 March 1969, The East Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP/EP) suspended 58 the
happening was linked in the direction of the quittingof Malik Hamid Sarfaraz as of the
party in late February 1969. To a large extent of the original PPP/EP was controlled
by associates of Malik Hamid Sarfaraz, himself a former colleague of H.S.
Suharwardy. A new effort to organize the East Pakistan branch was begun under
40
Maulana Nur-uz-Zaman, Acting Chairman of thr Provincial Organizin Committee.
But, this effort met with disaster on 30 January 1970, when acting on the
recommendation of J.A Rahim, the Principle Committee suspended Maulana
Nuruzzaman from his party office.59
There were a number of issues involved in this breakdown, though perhaps the
two most important were PPP/EP autonomy and organizational matters. Rahim who
had a little love for Maulana (he called them priest), maintained that Nuruzzamans
negotiations with other parties and leaders in East Pakistan had done without the
concurrence of Bhutto. Nuruzzaman responded by calling Bhuttos leadership of the
party dictatorial and reported that the PPP/EP Working Committee had asked the
Party Chairman on 28 December 1969, for the last-time to form a Central Working
Committee and Central Council (i.e., Central Committee and National Council),
which he did not even after two years of party life. 60 Clearly PPP/EP leaders felt
they could function better in East Pakistan, where Bhutto was not especially popular,
with more articulated party organizations.
A provincial Organizing Committee for West Pakistan does seem to have been
appointed, but it was never active as a body. It was redundant to the Central
Organizing Committee in membership and function. From the beginning, Bhutto
chooses to concentrate on Zonal Organizing Committees in West Pakistan, the Zones
corresponding to the pro-one Unit provinces of the West Wing. With the end of One
Unit, announced on 28 November 1969, these Zonal Committees would become
Provincial Committees.
41
By concentrating on this level, Bhutto was able to compartmentalize and
separate leaders and issues, ideological and provincial that might have Torne the party
apart if handled at West Pakistan level. The Chairman of the Organizing Committees
for Sindh and KPK were chosen immediately after the founding convention: Mir
Rasul Bakhsh Talpur for the former and Hayat Khan Sherpao for the latter. Both
choices were good one: Talpur because of his social connections with the old landed
elites and his known sympathiser for social politics. He would be a valuable link to
rising forces of Sindh regionalism and would help to soften Bhuttos original
unyielding stand on Sindh Desh issues. 61 Sherpao was chosen over Sardar Inayat
Ullah Khan Gandapur for the KPK because his tribal and political connections were
in the heart land of Pakhtuns politics, though Gandapur was given a free hand to
organize the southern districts. An Organizing Committee for Punjab-Bahawalpur was
not appointed until 4 September 1968 that for Azad Kashmir appeared on 26 February
1969, while the Balochistan Committee was delayed until 30 December 1969, only
two days before the start of the 1970 election campaign.
42
Students radicals were represented on the original committee by Amanullah
Khan, students liberals by Aftab Rabbani, 63 young layers by Mian Muhammad Aslam,
Islamic Socialists by Hanif Ramay and already emergent sub-provincial unit by
leaders by Sheikh Usman Fateh (Gujrat) and Rao Abdus Sattar (Sahiwal). Seven of
the original seventeen (including Sheikh Rashid) were lawyers two were substantial
landholders, two were student leaders, two were women, one was journalist, another a
middling businessman, and finally one was aspiring trade unionist. Seven would win
election to the National Assembly on the PPP ticket; three would likewise win
election to the Punjab Provincial Assembly. This committee would expand fairly
rapidly under Sheikh Rashid and ideologically, would move significantly to the
political left.
The 23 March 1969 edition of Nusrat announced that the first National
Conference of Pakistan Peoples Party would be held from 4-6 April 1969 at Lahore .
64
This was clearly an attempt to consolidate the gains made by the PPP during the
November Movement. Delegations were invited from among students, women,
lawyers, intellectuals, journalists, peasants and workers, as well as from established
PPP committees. Although, it did not included the expected banning of political
parties, the imposition of Martial Law on 25 March 1969 include a prohibition on
political activities and the PPP conference at Lahore had to be called off. The first
National Conference would be held from 1-3 July 1970 at Hala Sharif at Sindh, the
second, and perhaps the last, at Rawalpindi on 30 November and 1 December 1972.
The PPP in Punjab expanded more rapidly at the bottom than at the top. The first
occurred immediately after the founding convention, when delegates returning home
organized the first primary units and set off a wave of spontaneous party
organization. These units were organized by local groups on their own volition,
without reference to higher units, which in most cases, did not yet exist. Most of these
original units would later seek accreditation or be discovered by district organizations,
though a few of them would fall afoul of local rivalries. Approximately eight to ten
percent of all primary units organized between December 1967 and December 1970
were set up in the first three months after the founding convention. 65 Interestingly, a
large proportion of these units emerged in the towns and in district and tehsil capitals
like Gujrat, Jehlum, Kasur, and Khanewal. Major urban units were generally the next
43
category to be organized, followed by district organizations, which help to absorb new
entrants and professional politicians as the party expanded.66
Though the major urban units were founded before November 1969, the anti
Ayub Movement greatly strengthened them and also led to the formation of the bulk
of district level committees. The second surge of primary unit organization came in
the urban areas in late 1969 and early 1970 and was related of both to the approach of
the elections campaign and to urban unrest among workers, students and journalists.
During this period many of the local units based on special interests were formed,
including womens units. It also brought the high tide of leftist influence in the Punjab
PPP. The third period of rapid expansion was less visible, but it began after the
conference of students, workers, and peasants at Toba Tek Singh on 23 March 1970.
This conference had a major impact on the countryside and lead to the spread of PPP
units in villages and Mandi Towns in the heartland and canal colony tracts. According
to informants in Cambellpur, Sheikhupura, and Rahim Yar Khan District, not a few of
these village units (PPP panchayats) stayed underground until after the election. The
final burst of party organization at the primary unit level occurred between July and
mid-December 1970. It was occasioned by the proximity of the elections, the efforts
of the PPP candidates, and the bandwagon effect of the PPP campaign that brought a
wave of the old type of political figure into party. As fifty percent of all primary units
in Punjab were recognized during this last period, in some cities e.g., Lahore the
percentage ran much higher.
It has its basis detained well-built with being the leading power runner in the
country and with one of the strongest voters bank. Founded in 1967 by Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto the party has for long been the family of the Bhuttos and it gives the feeling to
continue the case for an extended time. Party Chairman is Zulfiqar Bhuttos grandson,
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and the Co-Chairman is of course his father, the President of
Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari.
44
Right from its inception till to date, PPP has remained the preserve of Bhutto
family where fathers death made the daughter, Benazir Bhutto incharge of the party
and subsequent to her heartbreaking and brutal killing her son succeeded the throne
without any party elections. After the death of Benazir, her will was enough to put
Zardari in charge of PPP to overlook the party affairs as Co-Chairperson since
Bilawal was by all accounts also immature to come out in the open and guide the
party. Hence it was strong-willed that Zardari would maintain the control of the party
in check for as long as it would take his sonto complete his studies (abroad) and to be
ready to take over his realm. And now as five years rule of PPPin government reaches
to an end and Pakistan moves towards another election bilawal came back to the scene
as the rightful heir of the party. Some call it the nice play of cards at say perfectly
right time so as when ppp reaches out to the voters they could once again call for the
slogans of sacrifices of Bhutto and to claim power in order to run the country from
front step, in style of bhutto.
However, no matter how strong a contender PPP has remained over the
decades it has ironically always bypassed the tradition of intra-party elections for one
reason or the other. When asked by a member and provincial leader of PPP that why
has this been the case for like always, he swiftly remarked that in a multi-class
society (like of Pakistan) intra party elections would benefit only the well-off people
of the party. We fear that if elections were to be held in the party, money would play a
major role and it will be difficult for sincere and loyal members of ppp to get party
offices. Well yes, money could play a pivotal role in determining the power structure
within a party but then isnt the essence of democracy demands the right of vote to be
put on test no matter what may come? And the whole ideology behind this vote and
test rule is to let the voters decide and meanwhile let the system of elections develop
itself for sincere and loyal members to have a go for the power when time comes.
But like most of the other political parties in Pakistan, PPP also like to maintain a
status quo for the elitist power holders to keep a powerful political party completely
under their control to manipulate it the way they want.
So while power comes with great responsibility the power holders of PPP cares
more for power and less for responsibility and likes to keep the way things are going
so that they could run PPP as a Bhutto dynasty and not as a truly democratic party.
45
REFERENCES
1. Constitution of Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan, Part 1, available at <
https://www.google.com/#q=jumaay-e-islami+pakistan+constitution>
accessed on 25 May, 2014, at 11.00 AM
5. Rudad-i Jama_at-i Islami Pakistan, opcit, vol. 1, pp. 45_56, vol. 2, pp. 16_28;
vol. 3, pp. 53_96; and vol. 4, pp. 37_40.
46
10. Tarjuman-ul-Quran (June-August), Lahore, 1971.
11. Mian Tufayl joined the Jama_at in 1941; he served as the secretary-general of
the Party from 1942 to 1972 and for a period was deputy amir and vice-amir.
14. Sayyid Abu-l-Ala Mawdudi, Jamaat-i- Islami ki Untis Sal, Lahore, 1970, p.
42.
18. Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, the Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The
Jama'at-i-Islami of Pakistan, Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1994.p.53
25. Quoted in Philip E.Jones, The Pakistan Peoples Party Rise to power, Karachi,
Oxford University Press, , 2003. p.201
27. Ibid
47
28. Ibid. 204.
29. Ibid.
30. S.M Zafar, Through the Crices, Book Centre, Lahore, 1970. P.364.
33. Ibid., p. 9.
36. Editorial in Nusrat, No 56, Peoples Party ka Qom par Asatanah Kardar aur Is
ki Ahmiyat, 19 October 1969. p. 3.
39. Ibid
48
51. Ibid, art. 21.
56. For example the, the Principle Committee was given the task of maintaining
party Discipline in Punjab on the one Unit policy, letter to Ahmad Raza
Qasuri, from Dr. Mubashar Hassan, member, Principles Committee, 9 July
1969.
49
63. Soon to be expelled from the PPP on grounds of being an informant for the
CID.
62- Nusrat, No. 26 (23 March 1969), p.4.
65. Ibid
66. Something of the magnitude of the party development can be seen in news-
papers reports. On 15 July 1970, the Gujraat District PPP was sufficiently
organized to hold a District conference of more than three hundred councilors
from local units. Masawat (Lahore), 16 July 1970. In Sialkot District, during
one Two week period in late August, forty-four new units were recognized,
bringing to 144 the number of units in the District. Musawat , 25 August 1970.
50
CHAPER-2
VIEWS OF JI AND PPP ABOUT DEMOCRACY IN
PAKISTAN
His era was a black chapter in the history of the country. The country divided
due to him, in that period into two wings. Consequently, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came in
and his speeches awakened the dormant people, for democracy in the country,
especially in the West Wing. He expressed the electoral politics and created a hope for
the depressed people with respect to bread, cloth and house slogans. He linked his
manifesto to the living standard of the people of Pakistan. He added the Islamic
Socialism, for the first time in the countrys politics for their welfare. By this, he
enclosed himself through the so called programs the guardian of the country and
Islam.
So, here I am going just to share the views of Pakistan Peoples Party founder
(Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto), mostly he delivered in various speeches for the Marching
Towards Democracy in Pakistan. During his era he visited the people throughout the
country and met them face to face, for the purpose. He persuaded them for the right
cause of democracy, educated them, and prior to all these, convinced them that they
were sovereign. He also pointed out that not to vote for their traditional bosses, rather
than to serve a lay man.1 He always favored the poors of the country and gave a clear
cut manifesto for their future concerned of bread, cloth,and house. To him, his party
workers were everything. He therefore justified them even they were in jail or in the
parliament. He stressed and sided with the majority of the masses in one of his
election campaign on January 4, 1970 as! The Pakistan Peoples Party will always
side with the people, and with the poor workers and the peasants and the students. By
51
people of Pakistan I mean the majority of this country, not a few families, and neither
a small minority.2
He further added that Ayub Khan had created a class life in the country. In this
regard, he argued that the people of the country were his team, not the upper class, as
Ayub Khan favored them. He also added that his politics was for the lay man in
collective spheres. He also condemned the Ayubs regime with respect to the
suppression of the masses struggle in his era. 3 Democracy, in his point of view is not
contradictory to the Islam. He categorically given the stance about religion and
democracy as! In democracy the people are represented and their opinion carries
weight. That is why the people of Pakistan want democracy and we have struggled for
it. This struggle was not against our religion. There is no conflict between our religion
and the principles of democracy4.
He gave clear direction to the democracy and mentioned the real components of
democracy for the peoples welfare in the following parameters as! In democracy
there is freedom of expression, the courts of justice are independent, and there is
government by the people. But they feel offended when we speak of the poor, the
peasants and the laborers. The fact of the matter is that in Islam, socio-economic
equality or Musawat has been given the highest priority. The Prophet (peace be upon
him) emphasized the importance of Musawat. We shall, therefore, bring about
Musawat. No power on earth can stop us5. He struggled for the peoples government
and stressed through one of his speech as!
52
stood and gird up for the change in the country. For the purpose he mentioned the
poverty causes and drew a line between the upper and lower class. He also pointed out
the destination for the nation in the following manner as!
Our foremost principle is that unless capitalism and exploitation are ended
the problems of the people cannot be solved with the help of the constitution and a
parliamentary system alone. We want a change in the economic system. Our
opponents are those who have sucked the blood of the common man. Our objective is
to bring their hegemony to an end.8
Bhutto viewed that for the social justice, the ideology, democracy and the
economy our stance denoted and cleared the main manifesto of the PPP in the
following manner. Dear friends and brothers, our party has three guiding principles.
Islam is our religion, democracy is our polity and socialism is our economy. These
principles are in no way against Islam and the ideology of Pakistan. We are all
Muslims. That is why I say, Islam is our religion. Islam has taught us democratic
principles. Hence democracy is our polity. Islam envisages Musawat and teaches
equality among human beings. Therefore, Islamic Musawat or Islamic Socialism is
our economic program.9
With respect o Pakistan ideology, he educated the masses that if, you people
considered the ideology just a paper work then it is nothing for the welfare of the state
to run accordingly. To him, ideology in a real dynamic mean eradication of
corruption and in-justices in the society, to make sure the rule of law and to establish
the peoples authority rather than to maintain the monopoly of the upper the class.
Pakistans ideology means that Muslims should govern Pakistan to make it a
prosperous country. There should be no corruption and injustice. It is not Pakistans
ideology that a few people should have a monopoly over government and wealth at
the expense of the people at large who are left to suffer the worst economic
difficulties and denied any say in the running of the State.10
Bhutto declared the PPP as the peoples party and reckoned the fact that
everyone has the right to speak and demand according to the democratic spirits.
Therefore, he stated! The Peoples Party is important not because I founded it, but
53
because it is your party and always reflects your opinion and demands. It will never
betray the people.11
He favored and educated the betterment of the majority rather than to award
the upper classes. He further blamed the class who exploited the masses in the name
of ideology and religion. He categorically explained his party stance in the following
manner! The progress of a nation means the betterment of the lot of the common
man. In Pakistan, the majority of the people, the workers and the farmers are
becoming poorer every day. Our opponents who are responsible for this state of
affairs and have exploited the common man will never accept the responsibility for
their misdeeds. They can only try to cover their exploitation behind the slogan of
Islam in danger. They never can explain how Islam is in danger.12
Bhutto expressed full support to the majority of the people of Pakistan and
favored them. He blamed those who just governed them and had not given them the
democratic stance and rights. As they introduced the family politics and formally used
the democracy for the sack of their government prolonging, and to him, the party
would not use the mentioned tactics and the key of our success. We had full faith in
the people and we were with them. We called upon them to co-operate with us in the
movement against the dictatorship. The other politicians did not believe in this
method. They used to come and make speeches occasionally, but they would not have
been able to remove him. He had been in power for a decade and was thinking of
nominating his son as his successor. He did not feel any danger from these politicians.
They used to come sometimes and hold small meetings and make speeches but in the
evening they used to go to the district officials and apologize for what they had said.
That was not the way to fight against a dictatorship. Because we were with the people
and we believed in the politics of the masses, the people co-operated with us. We burnt
our boats and came into the open. That is why we were successful.13
54
You have to set up offices. You have to pay attention to organizational matters
because no party can be run without organization. In fact there is need for organizing
the party. You have to acquaint yourself with the party principles. You have to think
them over. Do not think you will get your rights so easily. You will have to fight for
them. The people should not think they will get their rights while sitting idle at home.
You will have to undertake a long struggle. You cannot do all this with one stroke.
You should be ready to work. We are with you, if you are vigilant no anti people
conspiracy can ever succeed14.
The two times Pakistans ex- Prime Minister and Chairperson of the PPP
Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto (shheed) had also stressed for the restoration of
parliamentary democracy. As she viewed about democracy not only in the country
(Pakistan) but also in the whole Islamic World is the remedy to eradicate the
sectarianism at large scale. Once, as she addressed the John Hopkins University
School of Advanced International Studies in the US on February 7, 2007. She
embarked on Pakistan: Politically at the Cross roads as!
That democracy in Pakistan and the Muslim world at large was crucial at this point
of time to avert the dangers posed to its future by terrorism and sectarianism.15
She further added in this regard that in democracy we can expect that
everyone would be satisfied through social justices and every one would tolerate each
other and the sectarianism would be abolished. Her stance was! The democratization
of Pakistan is important to the war against terror, to the interpretation of Islam as a
message of freedom and enlightenment as well as to the empowerment of the people
of Pakistan.16 One of the pre-requisite of democracy is the free and fair election and
she demanded the same from the Musharaf government to hold free and fair election
for the purpose. She said there was an opportunity this year for the restoration of
democracy because of the general elections. Free and fair elections were critical for
the restoration of democracy and that is why the PPP had prepared a paper which she
said must be adopted by the rulers if they were really committed to holding free and
fair polls as claimed by it. She said that the Party was still waiting to hear from the
Chief Election Commission to whom a copy of the paper had already been sent...17
55
She greatly emphasized that the government is in need to abide itself to the
ARD (Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy) because the alliance has the
accumulation of all the political parties of Pakistan and the majority decision has to be
obeyed. The government is in need to implement these for the betterment of the
country. As she stressed for the imposition the ARDs demands side by side she
suggested for the then government to hold free and fair election in the country. It was
not merely her individual stance but, was the bold, legal and right decision of the
collective and mutual consensus, for the restoration of democracy.
Benazir Bhutto talked and stressed about the human rights and blamed that the
elected Prime Minister was in exile and NAB always targeted the opposition. The
NAB always favored the ruling party which was totally against the human rights and
totally injustices. "We cannot claim to believe in moderate enlightenment if we do not
fight for it in our own homelands. We cannot say Islamabad respects human rights.
While elected Prime Ministers are forced into exile, we cannot say Pakistan has
human rights. While NAB finds corruption only in the opposition and not in the ruling
party, we cannot say Pakistan has Justice."18
She totally rejected the military rules in Pakistan and stated that dictatorship
support was for the time being. She added that the International community also not
supporting the dictators. To her, the dictator support in Afghanistan was the root
causes for the military support in Pakistan which also caused the alarming results in
the country. According to her speech, she expressed that the global response is to
promote democratic stance and value in the world. She added that due to dictatorship,
our country badly suffered politically, financially, and socially. The prolong period of
dictatorship from 1977 to the Musharraf era contains more or less than twenty five
years of dictatorship dominancy led to the uprising of armed struggle, poverty,
hunger, unemployment, conflicts and communal riots. The extremism is also due to
56
the military rules in the country. She pointed out the very remedy for the eradication
of such an alarming situation as! "Only by the restoration of civilian control and
supremacy the tide could be reversed".19
57
2.2 VIEWS OF THE JAMA AT-I-ISLAMI PAKISTAN ABOUT
DEMOCRACY
As a matter of fact, the JIs founder Maulana Sayyed Abul Aala Maududi in
his speeches, catagorically says that our struggle is for Islamic and Democratic
Pakistan. He not only stressed on Islamic System but, also greatly emphasized that
our struggle (Islami Nizaam ka Nifaaz) is in need of democratic atmosphere in
Pakistan. Therefore, he struggled for the restoration of democracy, in pre and post
Ayubs era and still their Islamic and Democratic Struggle for the noblest cause of
Islam and democratic set-up. In his speeches, he further strengthened the stance of
Jama at-i-Islami Pakistan and consequently stressed for constitutional and democratic
struggle, to re-store Democracy in Pakistan.22
His speeches are the precious and great assets for Jama ats struggle, for Islam
and democratic set up. According to his views, if, there we establishing Islam in our
country, it will be merely through democratic values at large. In the Movement of
Restoration of Democracy (Tehrik.e.Jamhuriat.e.Pakistan), all the Political Parties
stressed to abolish the Ayubs dictatorship and restore the 1956 constitution. He
stressed that Jama at-e-Islami Pakistan will never launch a separate movement, and
will join hand with the Tehrik.e.Jamhuriat (Movement for the Restoration of
Democracy). In this regard, Madudi has contributed will through his speeches and
practical struggle for the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.
As a matter of fact, these are the significant history for the democratic
struggle, of the Islami Democratic Republic of Pakistan. Later on, we are still
suffering a lot generally of the dictators influential, un-democratic, un-constitutional
and secular (pro-western) steps. They are the alarming pictures of the suppressions of
Fundamental Human Rights and exploitation of the masses, at a large scale. In the
Ayube Regime, there was a law, to isolate the political parties and their leaders from
the state affairs and politics. It is known as EBDO (Elective Bodies Disqualification
Order). Through EBDO, the JI top leaders were imprisoned, and banned Juma at-i-
Islami. All its officials and offices were sealed. In September 1964, the court declared
the Jamaats ban un-constitutional, Maududi and 43 workers of JI released. The
country as a whole and political parties and Institutions, has suffered a lot due to
Ayubs un-constitutional tactics. Very few politicians were there to oppose the un-
58
democratic regime. In the circumstances like these, very few were there to tolerate
and display against for the purpose, the Ayube cruelties. Some were waiting for the
right time to come and observing the situation.
We know that there is no need of secret movement, for the Islamic State or
government because its results are not good for our democratic and Islamic
movement. We dont like to conspire for military or radical revolution, and we want
to establish an Islamic and democratic government in this regard. If, we dimiss one
government through undemocratic tactics, and the next one is the copy of the previous
one than the result will be the same, as the former government was. To eradicate the
bad and undemocratic practices, we believe that to create openness and common
touch with the masses, to preach and disseminate our views and preach them our
ideology, rights, religious, political, electoral and democratic spirits, for the
purpose.23
Maulana Maududi believed, that without electoral politics you can address
your creeds, moral values, and day to day affairs but, you cant bring a pious and
honest leadership. Voters can train themselves through active participation in the
election, either direct or in-direct. If, we (pious leadership) dont participate in
national election, as a result, materialistic, wrong doers, illegal representatives will
dominate and the government will be in the hands of such scrupulous and
irresponsible representatives. Further he says that in absence of honest leadership how
can voters discriminate between the two?
He says, that it is obligatory for us now to avoid un-fair means, fraud, rigging,
biasness, religious or group favoritism, immoral and un-constitutional, black-mailing,
59
horse trading, fraud voting and through fraud tactics to change the election results.
Free and fair election is the cry of the time. The people have to give a freedom of
chance of their own, to elect their representatives of their own well-wishing. He
further greatly emphasized that the candidates or the stake holders are in-need to show
their respective programme and agendas before the people of the Republic of
Pakistan, clearly.24 He took part in the campaign of Restoration of Democracy,
during Ayubs period. This was precious and un-prcedented struggle of the founder of
the party against the dictator. JI still works for the right cause of democracy and
Islam. The following are the combination of the speeches that Maududi has delivered
during mass contact, at that time, in various cities of Pakistan.
60
result of economic and materialistic issues. As a matter of fact, Pakistans creation
was on the base of ideology and he categorically declared it as: We were in-need of
such a homeland where we establish an Islamic government, where the Quranic laws
will impose and where we practice our social lives in the prescribed limits of Quran
and Sunnah.25
This aim was not the prolong study of Muslims books reading. Millions of
Muslims were low literate, at that time. But they have a sense as a Nation that if, they
dont acquired the pre- requisite of the separate Homeland and where there they
havent established an Islamic government, as a Muslims they cant exist anymore.
Therefore they perceived that their slavery was due the un-islamic system.
Individually the British government not banned them to perform their belief and
rituals according to Islamic customs, like like Prayers, Fasts, Zakat, Al- Quraan
recitation and something else. The first thing they had done the exclusion of Islam as
a State Religion and established a secular state and imposed their education system.
Later on, imposed such a system, due to which they deprived them from their due
rights of appetite (Rizq). The learned and qualified Muslims were considered as
illiterate, who denied western type of education. The Muslim got the education that
was not Gods conscious and they were taught materialistic type of education rather
then spiritual. Due to this reason, their concepts were not Islamic in collective spheres
and almost contradictory to over civilization. They (Britishers) succeeded in their
mission that they got it without firing a single bullet, very easily. The Muslims had
forgotten the real spirits of Islam and Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). They became
doubtful about religion and Allah, all these were due to the Western Type Education.
61
deceived by the name of our Ideology. It was not the business and concerns of the few
people of employees, business-men and the upper (Haves) Class. He categorically
emphasized that there are big differences between the Western type of democracy and
Islamic Democracy. He also condemned the quantitative strength of the opportunist
and corrupt masses over the less learned knowledgeable community. He greatly
stressed for Islamic Democracy rather than Western style. He says, that there is not
allowed a single person to rule as a Dictator, in Islam. Islam doesnt allow a person to
hostage the masses by sword. It is not the spirit of Islam to impose Martial law
according to his own wishes. Islam greatly emphasized, that consult every matter
amongst each other (Shuraa).
By and large, the mentioned legacy well aware of the fact that that here the
majority are the Muslim Nation and they like the religion by heart. If, here the free
and faire election will hold, after the departure of their Bosses, the majority will vote
in favor of Islam. As a result, the Islamic Government will emerge and the legacy will
be excluded, or they will be in the position to take shelter in a country. Therefore, they
are creating hurdles in the way of such well known fact of the democratic process. I
am going just to tell you about that her e the Legislative Assembly has dis-missed
through un-democratic tactics because, the said Assembly was trying to practice and
to make laws according to the Islam and Sunnah. The people were stressing to
implement Islamic Laws.
62
In 1956, a Democratic Constitution has made through mutual consensus. Juma
at-i-Islami was also satisfied with that. All the Ulemaas also declared that the basic
thing regarding Islam has fulfilled. Now the General Election is must to move further,
for a Representative Government. When it was decided that the General Election
would be in February 1959, than conspiracy theory has got its momentum, and
hurdles were created for the purpose. So, in 1958 the Martial Law has been declared
through a Coup-Deta. Again, the Islam will be implementing just through
Democratic ways. I strong believe that Muslim has strong faith in Islam. The majority
will favor Islam. Consequently, the Democracy will restore after transition period, and
the next government will be Islamic through the majority of the Muslim decision
(votes).
Maulana Maududi has sketched a brief and clearer mape on circumstances and
worse situation of that time in his speech. He also condemned the BDs and
categorically pointed out that the said system is merely for the protection and the
tactics to prolong the Dictators Regime. He stated that in the dictatorial constitution
of 1962, there were no Fundamental Rights. Finally, he claimed that the said speech in
not the safeguard of my own secret agenda. These are the remedies for the betterment
of the people of my beloved country. So, you (people) has to come forward, restore
democracy and change the scenario for the sake of the nations interests.26
63
2.7 PEACEFUL MOVEMENT
He said that our movement is the first historical movement which will try to
overthrow a dictator through peaceful means. He said that it is un-precedented in the
history that dictator has been over throw through peaceful means. We have started just
in the name of Allah. If, we succeed, it will be a best example to the world.
Unfortunately, such environment has been created that led to the unfair means. In
these tactics, they made their minds that they will prevent the peaceful revolution and
change. But, change or revolution is a natural process. No one can change its way by
all means. The big different is that if, we changed a scenario through unfair means, it
will bring drastic and fatal results for the entire nation. Its also not useful to the
nations of the world, universally. The consequences of unfair means are too bad and
the nation will suffer a lot for a long period by these. We are trying to avoid such bad
practices which cause the nations humiliation and destruction forever. He further
added that the result and destination is in the Hand of Allah.
The rulers has to vigilant now that the persons, Institutions or group involved
in such bad practices, which can endanger the entire nation, will face the
consequences later on. We are trying to take away the frustration of the people.
Because, if there is frustration, the perception of the masses will be on the same
manner and the nation will collectively act and react in the same fashion. As a result,
the government will be in the hands of un-constitutional and un-democratic persons.
We hope that if, all the masses conceive and well aware of their rights, not to become
enslaves by their own brothers and self made ruler/ dictator/ not by an elected
persons. They will have to perceive that in post independent period, will become
slaves if, and not took measures for the eradication of the dictatorship spirits. We are
expecting that the people will support us in the Restoration of Democracy Movement.
If, the whole nation united, they can change the dictatorship into democratic set up.
He said that we will trust in Allah for the better results. We have to avoid selfishness,
self interests and think for the betterment of the nation.
Finally, he prayed for the solidarity of the nation, country and unity amongst
the political parties, to restore democracy and to take the country on the real track of
democracy.
64
2.8 THE DICTATORSHIP IS THE OPPOSITE OF DEMOCRACY
HYDERABAD LARGE GATHERING OF THE PEOPLE 1ST
APRIL, 1968.
In this address to the nation, Maulana Maududi has enlighten the situation
prevailed that time, throughout the country and presented the remedy that how to
over-ride the situation collectively. Maulana has added that we have lost the very aim
of our countrys ideology. Now here such a system has been imposed which is totally
wrong. The pre and post generation of independence knows very well that how and
for what the Pakistan emerged? This country is not the product of a Military or
Government Servant. Its emergence is the result of combined peoples democratic
struggle. Its basic aim was to establish such a laboratory where the Muslims will
practice according to their great Civilization and Religion. They were in-need of such
a homeland. The spirit of freedom was eternal and universal, to survive as a Muslim
nation, in the world.
2.9 AN EXAMPLE
If, there are millions of share holders invest their investment, in an institution
for a purpose, mutually. Then, they nominate and authorize a staff for supervision and
to look-after it. But, the said staff irrespective of the millions share-holders consents
took the control of the Institution and declare themselves the real master rather than
employees or sub-ordinate. The same case is in our country. As a dictator the ruling
class now fully controlled everything of the country. They deprived the public from
their due rights in all walks. It is totally wrong and the consequences will be fatal and
alarming for the nation.
The dismissal of the government was due to the corruption, instability and
inconsistency. The new setup failure causes are thr same as the previous one. There
were the charge sheets for their dismissal. The question is that if, there was anarchy,
than the real stake holders (people of Pakistan) are having the responsibility to
address the worse situation and think for that reason. Except, the people of Pakistan
there is no right of other to do so that without the people of Pakistan they do the pre-
requisites for the State. Other serious allegation has been put up in this regard that
there were internal and external threats, therefore the military solution was right and
democracy has failed in this country. He added that the self-made and false allegations
65
are not right because in real sense democracy has never here given a chance in
Pakistan, then why a person claiming in such a way and blaming the People of
Pakistan and democracy. If, we give a chance to the masses to run their social and
administrative affairs, than they can do the said things.
If, we havent given the required chance to the public, then why we blamed
the entire nation. If, the nation once doing so there are chances of committing
blunders but they will learn from their mistakes and faults its their privilege also.
Democracy is the name of gaining something from your experiences and mistakes.
Free of choice, if you do good or bad is up to the people, seek a way which is pre-
requisite for their betterment, at their own choices. Just a person/dictator has no right
to interfere in the public selection and choices, and to influence their freedom of
thoughts and fundamental rights. As a nation, we have the right to of maintaining and
sustaining, forever and as an individual/dictator we cannt maintain and sustain
democratic norms and values in the country. We cannt afford dictatorship for better
success. One person cannt claims that he is the symbolic ruler and the representative
of the nation, in his own capacity.
66
He stressed that through the Basic Democracies dictator will become a
president according to his sweet wills, irrespective of turn and tenure. The dictatorship
will prolong through these tactics and the masses will become passive. He equally
made the electronic media to keep aware the public all the time contiously.
Finally, he stressed that we now in a cyclone, which has badly affected the
nation and we still suffering a lot in this case. The real emancipation from all these
and the onlysolution to over-ride this worse situation is the just cause of the absence
of democracy in Pakistan.
Almighty Allah has stated the aim of creation of human life in the following
words: He who has brought to existence the system of life and death so that you are
subjected to test in the goodness of your action (Al-Mulk). It seems if life is a testing
phenomena and a continuous trial of virtuous action. So the first and foremost demand
of this principle is to testify human intentions, level of choicing and freedom of
action. Any testing process is deficient in the concept of justice requirements if and
when the person concerned doesnt enjoy the liberty of his actions and selections.
This is something as a matter of basic freedom of man granted to him by the divine
authority.28
This liberty is the actual crux of the democracy and the final end of human
struggle has been to achieve such freedom for huminity. When it was questioned by
the Persian commander Rustamabout the prime ambition of fighting a holy war,
Hazrat Rabi bi Aamir (RA) and his companions clarified their objectives in the
following words: Allah has ardanined us to take-out the common people from the
slavish grips of others like them, towards the true obedience of a single creator,29
67
their own choice who as supposed to go forward with their collective consent and
consultation, thus such leader will play their role till the axcellent level of confidence
of the people entrusted in them. Or otherwise, an individual or group become the
leader all by themselves just to implement their own sweet will to run the common
affairs in such away to exclude the willingness and intervention from their selection
and other related matter being run by them- will just be futile.In the first modality
(democracy), it appears to be the right path of justice dictated for us will be absolutely
justified and there is no need diverting over attention and where else even a single
step. Hence the whole premises of our discussion should be focused upon the first
modality for its real implementation to the maximum level of its practical method.30
For the same reason, the major part of his life remained devoted to establish a
democratic society by fighting against the dictatorship. In the very early days of
Pakistan struggle he clarified in a meeting with the press representatives on 17 August
1950: The sole remedy is the ideal Islamic democracy for countless social evils, in
the modern times.Hence, I shall be fighting against dictatorship in all its
manifistations, till the last touch of my life. 31
Sayyad Mawdudi also managed while dressing up himself with the democratic
determination that his established movement must take up a democratic style. At the
same time, it must be persuing all the democratic doctrine. For the same reason JI
happens to be the sole democratic faction out of the entire bulk of political parties in
Pakistan.It has been observing democratic norms and fashion in the selection of its
leadership at every possible level.The charter of JI vividly includes the following
statement!
68
into the minds of the common people. In this way, the common choice of the masses
will approve quite self operatively and the resultant change would be correct and valid
for lasting values.33
So, it is the demand of such firm attachment with democracy that it must
clarify the essential features of a real Islamic democracy. As such it was an obligation
done by him nicely and with a sense of prideful beauty. He defines democracy in the
following words: Democracy happens to be the prime intentions of Quraan and
Sunnah as well as the dominating ambition of the countrymen. It clearly implies that
the country does not belong to a particular group or persons/ individuals but, it is
infact sharable to all of them, who are living in it, or atleast it should be processed
ahead under the consent of majority. They should enjoye this right and practical
oppurtunity as a matter of principle to choose their leaders independently according to
their will and similarly to remove them in the same measure.34
Sayyad Mawdudi has illustrated the democratic system from the holly verse of
the Holy Quraan- Whosever, amongst you becomes and up-holder of faith and
virtuous actions, then almighty Allah has given them a covenant to authorize them as
a caliph on this earth. (Al-Noor-55)
1)- The word Caliph has been used to signify the appointment of a leader of Islamic
state, will be a representative of the sovereign authority, thus using the delegated
powers entrusted in him by following all His sweet will and prescribed
limitations/boundaries.
2) - The holy verse promises with all the true believers to be made Caliphs and is not
specified for a particular person, family or otherwise group of different individuals.
2)-They will also enjoy an equal level of evolution of their persnality, growth of
personal abilities of each and every person and party.
69
3) - Such a society has no room for ditatorship, simply because each believer happens
to be a caliph. The actual status of aleader is that all the Muslims or in literal meaning,
all the caliphs will have to repose and cocenterate their willingness and authority of
administrative objectives in him. On the one hand, he is answerable to almighty Allah
on the other, before all those caliphs who have entrusted this caliphate in him. Now
incase he becomes an irresposible dictator, so he will earn the position of a traitor,
instead of being a caliph be dictatorship is infact the negation of caliphate under
common term. 35
Sayyed Mawdudi had a clear mind that a democratic system has the following
five liabilities:
70
election of head of the state, shall exercise powers for his legal removal under the
image of majority 38
But, at the same time he has distinguish between islamic and western
democracy, thus he wrote: The democdracy of the westren style claims the common
people to be the sovereign authirity, while the muslim consider that the common and
qualified people entitled to become the caliphs. Th affairs that state demand a high
regard to the public opinion which can form or modify the style of any gonernment,
and likewise our drmocracy also asks for the same pattern. But, the main distingtion is
that western democracy consider the state to be fully authorised by the people while,
according to Islamic concept, democratic caliphate is bound to observe the will of the
Devine. 40
Since 1947 till 1958, the party has sided with democratic elements for vivil
liberties under the leadership of Sayyed Mawdudi. A number of political alliances
were set up in 1962 like National Democratic Front (NDF) or United Opposition etc,
Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), or United Democratic Majlis-e-Amal .. JI
Pakitan has been shoulder to shoulder in all such political movements. Atlast, we
succeeded in our demand for direct elections on the basis of parliamentary system by
casting votes from president Ayub Khan. Afterward, during Bhutto regime, United
Democratic front (UDF) and than pakistan Natinal Alliance were established
successfully for democratic freedom and values, so the party also was in the front
line. 41
71
The most prominent stage of the democratic struggle of Sayyed Mawdudi was
in times of Ayub Khans dictatorship period in which he criticised quite openly by
voicing loudly to establish democracy in the country. The famous political historian-
Khalid bin Saeed writes in his book The Political System of Pakistan. It may be
noted that Mawdudi and the Juamaat have expressed themselves in favor of a
democratic regime in their opposition to Ayubs system of government. 42
The party has the ambition for a real and most healthy democracy to be
established in which all the citizens must be upholders of rationality inorder to
exercise there free opinion in the formation and demolishing of the government. 43
The democratic and views and efforts of Sayyad Maududi cannot be covered
in these few pages, its just a collective analysis of his struggle and democratic
thoughts. It was his mission of life to demonstrate the Islamic democratic system and
domination of the will of God. He was really convinced that Islamic system is the
name of a real democratic set up and as result all the efforts of his life can be regarded
as truthful democratic adventures. Nowadays, Pakistan undergoes democratic
democratic phenomena once again and JI of Sayyad Mawdudi has become a torch
bearer in the front line.
72
While answering this question he pointed out that thirty one Islamic scholars
from different schools of thoughts organised almost twenty two major and aggriable
outlines. In which the basic characteristics of Islamic system were enutiated. Prior to
this, as a result of the demand for the Islamic constitution, the Objective Resolution
was aggreed upon on March 1949, by the first constituent assembly, under the
leadership of Liaqat Ali Khan, he added. He declared that the Objective Resolution
happens to be the actual bases of constitution. The Supreme Court of Pakistan has
recognised it as a foudation for the state in its various verdicts, where in it has been
decided that even the elected parliament does not enjoy the the authority to bring
about changes in this resolution or shuffle the state from this basis.
The sole sovereignity of almighty Allah has been recognised upon the entire
universe in the Objective Resolution and the people of Pakistan have been entrusted
the right to utilised its custody within the prescribed boundaries of the Divine
Authority. The common people will use this delegated status for theier chosen
representatives. Democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice shall be
the actual guiding principles for Islamic interpretation and action carried out there
upon. It will be a stae obligation to enable the Muslims that they should managed and
led their lives according to the liabilities of Quraan and Sunnah, in theirindividual and
collective fashion.
Further he stated, the Objective Resolution also ensures the religious rights
of the minorities along with a gaurantee for their fundamental rights. These
fundamental rights includes an equal rule of law for all, social and political justice,
freedom of expression, belief, religious worshiping and congrigational liberty. The
full and complete freedom and suirty for judiciary is also embodied in the Objective
Resolution. It was given an empathetic endursement by the JI and its founder
Mawdudi had also recognised Pakistan as an Islamic state. There was also a great
influence by Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani in the approvsl of Objective
Resolution. He further elaboratd that the Objective Resolution itself admits the fact
on priority bases that the state is responsible of educating and training the prople
that----all of them should be able to understand islamic liabilities to be observed in the
shaping out of their individual and collective life. According to him, in the wording of
73
Objective Resolution It is the basic obligation of the government to shape out society
by observing the Islamic requirements.
He catagorically said in the Musharafs era, that Islam and democracy are the
undisputed pillar of the state, have been made contravercial. He further added that the
common people stand deprived of their fundamental rights. The Judiciary has been
restrained and there is personal ruling of a single person, who enjoys to the full black
and white of this country. What is the actual expediency and interests...its fate will not
decided by the court or an institution but, just by a single man who himself has
declared to be the chief executive and president, simultaneously. It has been regarded
as a rebellion even to talk against him. He has been given the right for bringing
necessary amendments whatever he likes, or otherwise to do lrgislation by suspending
other parts of the constitution. He has practically proved that he can sign any
international treaty/package because there is no one stopping him in the path.
74
To him, each individual should embellish with the basic education, wether
male/female. The basic aminitiesmust also be equally available to everyone alongwith
basic education and other necessities of life. He elevated that in this way a nation
comes into existance, from the combination of different individuals-- such a nation
will becomes self reliant as well as self respected. He added that destitution and
begging happens to be counter running to self reliance. Depending upon own
resources, standindng on sound putting, gaining self sufficiency in basic aminities and
food etc, negotiating with other nations or equal terms, avoiding begging and taking
loans, defending ones own freedom and egoism becomes the obligation of an
independent and honourable country, he added.
He also distinguished that the Islamic leadership and its workers will not
accept any distingtion after joining the government. They would rather present
themselves equally before the law, like all other citizens. If, the country enjoys a
government of such poitical party, inorder to become the practical model before the
consttutional codification, then the rule of law shall be realized gradually al by itself.
Each department and institution will be restored under the rule of law, every invidual
wil enjoyhis full rights, all the department will be rectified, bribery and nepotism shall
be pressdown, everyone will do and perform his duties lovingly, peace will be
restored and the courts shall also performing excellently.
Sirajul Haq and Khursheed Shah were speaking to media persons after holding a
meeting here in the backdrop of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insafs Azadi March and Pakistan
Awami Tehreeks Revolution March.Sirajul Haq said the entire nation is apprehensive
on whatever is happening in Islamabad but added that derailment of democracy and
75
constitution will not be allowed in any circumstances. Martial law had never proved
appropriate for Pakistan, the JI Ameer observed. Opposition leader in National
Assembly, Khursheed Shah said one should not lose hope. We should put our heads
together to come up with a solution of the issue at hand, he added.
76
democracy. Earlier, Governor Punjab Chaudhry Mohammad Sarwar contacted
Jamaat-e-Islami chief Sirajul Haq and discussed prevailing political crisis.The
leaders contacted each other after anti-government protestors led by Pakistan Tehreek-
e-Insaf chief Imran Khan and Pakistan Awami Tehreek Chairman Dr. Tahirul Qadri
arrived in the federal capital to hold sit-in till Prime Minister Nawaz Sharifs
resignation. Later, a meeting was scheduled between Ch Sarwar and Sirajul Haq in
Mansoora area.
Amir Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Siraj-ul-Haq said politicians should learn from past
mistakes and resolve their issues amicably for strengthening democracy. Talking to
news channel, he said unity among political parties was imperative for existence and
promotion of democracy in the country. He hoped that the current political issue
would be resolved through dialogue between Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and the
government as there was already agreement between them on majority of points.
To a question, the JI chief said state institutions were in favour of resolving the
issue through political means and negotiations. Commenting on Pakistan Awami
Tehreek (PAT) decision to end the sit-in, Siraj-ul-Haq said PAT chief Dr Tahirul Qadri
should have decided this earlier especially after the police registered a First
Information Report (FIR) of the Model Town incident. However, he said it was a good
decision of PAT to end the sit- in and prayed for good health of Tahirul Qadri
suffering from heart ailment. Replying to a question, the JI chief said his party was
working on the manifesto to ensure provision of all basic facilities like home,
education, health and edible food items at controlled rates to the common man across
the country.
77
Kashmiris must be given their legitimate right of self-determination according to the
resolutions passed by the UN Security Council.
78
REFERENCES
1- Quoted in Marching towards democracy A collection of articles, statements
and speeches,1970-71 By Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reproduced in pdf form, by Sani
Pansar available at <http://panhwar.com/Books_By_Sani/Marching-Towards
Democracy.pdf > accessed on 2 june, 2014, at 2.00 AM.
3- Ibid
4- Ibid
6- Public Speech at Mardan, Basic Issues are Economic, February 25, 1970
8- Ibid
10- Ibid
11- Speech at a Public Meeting, A Long March for Peoples Rights, Abbottabad,
April19, 1970
12- Public Speech, Equality without Justice, Mansehra, April 20, 1970
13- Public Speech, Their Watches Stopped In 1950, Dera Ismail Khan, April 23,
1970
14- Speech at the Opening of the P.P.P. Office, Orangi Karachi, July 7, 1970
15- Benazir Bhuttos Speech, Democracy in Muslim World and Pakistan essential
to avert Dangers, John Hopkins University School of Advanced International
Studies February 6, 2007, available at
79
http://www.ppp.org.pk/mbb/speeches/speeche80.html accessed on 28
April,2014, at 10.Am.
16- Ibid
17- Ibid
18- Ibid
19- Ibid
20- Ibid
21- Ibid
26- Ibid
27- Qazi Sultan Mahmood, Sayyed Mawdudi Key Jamhuri Afkaar, unpublished
31- Sarwat Solat, Mawlana Mawdudi Ki Taqareer (part- 2), Islamic Publications
Lahore, 1980. P. 140
80
34- Sayyad Abul Aala Mawdudi, Tafheemaat (Part- 5), Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quraan
Lahore, 1990. P. 174
42- Saeed Khalid bin, The Political System of Pakistan Civil and Military Press,
Karachi, 1987. p.169
44- Hassan Askari Rizwi Military and Politics in Pakistan n.d, pp.119-120 (see
also Sayad Wali Raza Nasr, Vangaurd of Islamic Revolution, The Jama'at-i-
Islami of Pakistan, Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press,
1994. Pp.159-161
81
CHAPTER - 3
STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN: THE
ROLE OF JI AND PPP
In spite of the fact, that equally they are gathering movement phenomena. The
Bolshevik party copy is the extra systematically radical in them its aims to confine the
pre accessible state institutions and to furnish them to its personal ideological, as well
as political goals. Fuhrerist parties hence are likely to reduce their individual
organization becoming part of the state appratus. Evidently, away as of party state
dealings, these two models have very significant outcomes in conditions of control
styles, organizational strategies recruitment political and ideological emphases.
In its early years, when it was not in government, the party was not completely
a Fuhrerist party though the tendency toward single leader dominance was visible to
anyone who looked strictly as much as necessary. Those were the days of the
dominancy of the ideological building of the social gathering. It styled the outer sign
of the Bolshevik copy in its prerequisite for a Chairman and a central committee and
its grass roots organizations plan. However, in the cultural and political
circumstances established in Pakistan, it was possibly merely a subject of time prior to
the PPP would change itself evidently interested in a fuhrerist party through this
practice was sound and was in progress prior to the 1970 election , it became further
82
clear in the days of its authority. The prolonged inner great effort between the
ideological and the political stances, made the Party like a midway composition era of
mass polities. What held the party together in these circumstances was the remarkable
ability of Z.A Bhutto to stand above this interior rift in the party and to function in the
previous privileged order which at the same time as arousing gathering sectors with
the forces of his image and his demand for foremost societal alteration.
However, political condition would slowly shift Z.ABhutto far from the
internal strategy in the direction of establishing his personal party, its part of the
measure of the men, and a mark of his outstanding political quickness, that he did not
practice all those changes in sequences, however at the same time as it is. This
practice of dealings along with manifold arenas certainly effect a mass miscoceptions,
loose ends and beaten egos, however it was, and would continue, feature of Bhuttos
political fashion. Like Piloo Mody has printed Zulfi has always been fond of saying
that consistency is the hallmark of mediocrity and has thenset out to prove his own
greatness.2 A Punjabi elected official, who had been left hanging by one of Bhuttos
unkept assurances during this period , described this technique as the calculated use
of unpredictability3. Someone has conceived it as a Machiavellian cunning. An
83
analysis which set up a soon after come back in Khan Abdul Wali khans frustrated
declaration to the Guardian (London) that Bhutto is not the sort of person you can do
business with.4
Evidently, that was a time of complicated talks used for the ex- Foreign
minister. Not including dully tracing all of his visions, political and geographical,
around Pakistan, allows me to feel briefly on Bhuttos quest of all dynamics and
options.
84
It had became the medium in favor of a group of thinkers, in them, Hanif
Ramay, Safdar mir (zeno), Professor Muhammad Usman and Maulana Ghulam Rasul
mehr, who required to build up Islamic socialism as a scholarly association that would
facilitate the country, completely with rtespect to its religious fundamentals, to get a
way to innovation between the materialistic stances on the left and frequent
westernization and religious on the right. Consectively, the September and October,
1966 Nusrats editions had strongly preached and boosted the Islamic Socialism. It
was the mainly far-reaching dealing the matter had time-honored in Pakistani text and
it would ultimately turn into as Hanif Ramay laid down it, the Bible of the peoples
movement. His group had cordial relations with the Conventional Muslim leagues
and a most dynamic person. He was the founder of yhe Nusrat on one side and the
propaganda secretary of the west wing CVML (Convential Muslim League). He was
also the supporter of MSF (Muslim Students Federation ), at the thirty five of his age.
He was disappointed by the Tashkant accord of Ayub Khan with India. In this
connection now it was great opportunity for him to start team work with his group of
intellectuals and supporters, especially the Z.A Bhutto for the Islamic Socialism to
revive the countrys political fortune.7
A document to set the result was arranged and offered to Bhutto at the
meeting. It is worth mentioning that Bhutto initially in public utilizd the idea on 23
November, 1966, when he observed that Pakistans problem could not be solved until
it become a true Islamic socialist state.8 This observation was made at the famous
meeting at Lahore YMCA Hall, organized by the MSF, at which Bhutto spoke on
Afro-Asian issues to an overflow crowd. It was his first public appearance in West
Pakistan after leaving the government.
Later on October, debate in Lahore, Bhutto had gird up to sustain the program
of a forward Bloc of moderate forces within the CVML. The countrywide journalists
had reported two days earlier than Bhuttos speech by the side of YMCA. This idea
was vigorously resisted by the CVML high command, who recommended Daultanas
classic use of the old leagus organization to gain Punjab Chief Ministership from
Mamdot in 1951, and by the presidential circle, which rightly saw it as an attack on
Ayubs policies. Indeed after his October discussion, Bhutto found himself excluded
from the inner councils of the CVML. He received no credentials for the meeting of
85
either its Working Committee or the Council held at Dhaka in November 1966,
though he was the member of both the bodies. On 10 December 1966, the president of
the West Pakistan CVML, Malik Khuda Bukhs Bucha , a bureaucrat turned politician,
ruled out the possibility of any forward or backward block in the Muslim League, and
suggested that Bhutto either accept the view that the government party was to
function an aid to economic and social development, not as an instrument for
discontented to gain power or quit the party altogather. Though Buchas statement
seems to shut off the forward block alternative. 9 Bhutto neither executed a hasty
departure from League, nor discontinue his contacts with sympathatic elements in the
regime. At late as 8 February 1967, he was honoured at Lahore by a group of civil
officers. Bhutto did not resign from the Convention League until April 1967.
.Ample evidence of this support was demonstrated in the huge crowd that
assembled to greet Bhutto in Rawalpindi, Lahore and Karachi after the
announcement of this leave of absence from the cabinet.10
86
group. Yet, by the side of that moment, and really all over his political line of
business, Bhutto was doubtful of the strength and durability of student hold up. He
was conscious of the speedy return of student wings and understood that student shore
up could be seriously unsound and interrupted. Bhutto has organized to make use of
their qualities when the time was mature. However, he was not ready to rely on them
merely in support of his political prospects.
Bhutto would have felt more comportable with a decision for early open
opposition had the established opposition parties, closed ranks with him in a united
front strategy reminiscent ( recalling the past experiences ) of that which produced the
Combined Opposition Parties ( COP ) of the 1964-65 elections, that he sought and
failed to secure such an option was clear. Even before leaving Rawalpindi, ha had a
long meeting with Nurul Amin, leader of the opposition in the National Assambly, and
reportedly discussed just such a possibility.
In the 1966s discussion, at Lahore, Bhutto had met with various political
workers whose prior loyalties were with COP (Combined Opposition Parties), while
an ex-COP group, unclearly led by Mian Faqir Muhammad, Supreme Court Advocate
and President of the Pak-China Cultural Association, aliged with Bhutto at this time.
The United Front initiative had failed to draw the required support of the key entities
like Mohtarmah Fatima Jinnah, COP Presidential candidate in 1964-1965, and Main
Mumtaz Khan Daultana, the central body in the post-EBDO Council Muslim League
(CML).
Its option was not the merely deviation of the outside approach initiated via
Bhutto during this period. By all means, he was furthermore dynamic here, linked
with the political parties in individual sphere. Regarding these, there was some
controversy, Bhutto revealed as quoted in Philip E. Jhoness Book:
Yes, there were general discussions with other parties, but there were no
tergiversations on my part. This was done to see how the land lay and how the other
parties and their leaders were thinking. These parties tried to get me into their ranks
and made great efforts. Daultana, Nawabzada Nasrullah and the ANP tried. I had long
discussions with these people and when they asked me to join them I couldnt refuse
87
absolutly. Instead I gave polite and vague answers. But I never promised and I never
planned to join another party.12
This contradicts what others perceived about Bhutts efforts during this period.
Malik Ghulam Jillani: He wanted the president ship of the council Muslim league
and asked me to talk to Daultana about it.13 Mairaj Muhammad khan: At one
pointBhutto was considering joining the NAP, if the Bhashani and Wali Khan groups
could rejoin, or Awami League, if they would change their programme. 14 Mian
Muhammad Ali kasuri: After he left the Ayub cabinet, Bhutto asked me on several
occasions if he could join NAP15
Bhutto was mainly concerned in each the Council Muslin League (CVML) or
the National Awmi Party (NAP), although he hadnt joined them. His debates went
utmost in the company of the leftist, liberal and moderate NAP. Here, in a number of
ways it was cleared Maulana Abdul Humid khan Bhashani, the leading NAPs head,
had enthusiatically favored the pro-China policy of the Bhutto in Ayubs era.
Moreover, the meeting with Mao Tse-ting and Chou en lai in October 1963, during
that the Mao had asked Bhashani to give us an option to get deeper our closeness with
our government.16 The Bengali peasant leader had motivated to the reasonable
perception in the company of the Ayub establishment. Moreover, in a deal with a trick
exploited by Bhutto and Bhashani, had stirred and sat out the 1965 elections, an
aspect which several believed that to enabled Ayub Khan to win in East Pakistan. 17
Both had met at Dhaka, in November 1966 and later on during the year and in early
on 1967, met in the company of the west Pakistan NAPs leaders, at the Lahore
residence of M.A Kasuri who was the enthusiastic support on the NAP part of a
proposal for Bhutto membership actually at least, the talks broke down above Bhutto
insist for an assured position in the NAP and the second requirement that he came in
like the ordinary member and prove himself before rising to a position of leadership.
The Punjab NAP leadership, C.R Aslim, A.H .Manto, Major Ishaq, Shaukat
Ali, Main Arif iftikhar and Mirza Ibrahim were not convinced that Bhuttos
ideological stances were valid and assumed that his disagreement to Ayub errupted
basically of his removal from office of the cabinet. They were not insignificant
concerns on behalf of an idividuals who loved their ideological firmness and who had
great effort and tolerated for them in the labor and peasant movement. Another
88
important concern must have been the attractiveness of Bhuttos personality in an
organization that, for all its Marxist pretensions, was still essentially a collection of
parrellel leader followers groups held together at the top by a collective leadership
committee. As one old communist leader noted, the pirs of the left were afraid that
Bhutto would steal their followers. This is, infact what happened, but it happened
from the outside when the new Pakistan Peopls Party later co-opted most of the
leader echelon NAP-Bhashani group workers.
Indeed, the NAP had been spoiled by its organization, though implied, in the
company of the Ayub Regime. It was the case during January 1967, when the NAP-B
identified itself with the governments position on the successful railway workers
strike. This strike was carried out to protest the rapid post war inflation, despite the
opposition to it of both the government sponsored official union and the more
popular unofficial union, headed by Mirza Ibrahim and associated with the NAP_B.
Evidently the regime was able to persuade Ibrahim that the CIA was behind the strike
and, in solidarity with the anti imperialist and pro-China Regime. The NAB
opposed the strike only to find its union leaders by passed by more militants gross
roots leader among the workers. 18 This strike which halted all mainline rail service in
West Pakistan, for two days and left at least three strikers dead, shook the established
left in West Pakistan, for it showed that the NAP-B had not only lost touch with its
89
most important constituency but, also with the powerful undercurrents of anti-
governmet opinion in the province.
It also suggested that that labor crisis could produce new leaders that might
not be constrained by prior political affiliations. It is certainly of note that most of
these new leaders, as well as NAP-B union organization who broke with the party line
on the strike, would be among the first trade unions to join the PPP. 19
Despite, their non success, Bhutto talks with the opposition parties were an
important indications of the direction in which he wanted to move. The fact that made
his most concerted efforts with the Convevtional Muslim League, and the National
Awami Party (NAP), is particularly significant. 20 For it suggests that Bhutto had come
to envision the recreation of Muhammad Ali Jinnahs broad nationalist coalition as the
most effective means of countering, even overthrowing, the gripe of the vice-regal
institutions on the state. Both parties were product of the Pakistan Movement, CML
having the most direct organizational connection, the Punjab NAP tracing its political
lineage through the Azad Pakistan Party to the progressive group in pre-1947 Punjab
Muslim League. Like mentioned facts, in the detailed as given, each group, as social
entities during the pre independence league were key to the accomplishment of the
Pakistan development in Punjab, the Daultana bond, as it had brought the leading
societal strength within the province. The various groups in rural as well as in urban
areas accumulated their strengths. In them, Zamindariat, Progrerssive Groups
(lawyers, students, artisans and the progressive ulemas) supported the Muslim
Leagues fundamental programs in 1946.
The CML had been deeply damaged by its political failings during the pre-
coup years. Moreover, the EBDO having expired on 31 December 1966, it was now
an elite deeply divided between those who wanted to concert with the Ayub regime, in
return for pre-requisites of power, and those who were admant in opposition. For
Bhutto, who was aware that a reconstruction of Quaid-e-Azams natinalist coalition-
albeit on an expanded social base, required the broad polarization of political forces
against bureaucratic forces, the vaccilation by the CML was unacceptable.
The NAP posed more serious troubles for Bhutto. He saw its internal alliance
of provincial autonomists and anti feudal revolution as a potential threat to the
90
survival of the Pakistani state. The racial linguistic autonomists were seen the same as
a danger to the dominance of Muslim nationalism. In similar to approach the opposing
feudal revolutionaries were a risk to the means of social structure block in the unique
state forming coalition, be supposed to nearby group come to power jointly within a
mass movement, or touch by the Bengali nationalists of the Awami league, the
consequence might sound be the break up of the state or the appearance of the yet the
sound shape of Bonapartism. It is not that Bhutto was disparate in the direction of the
anti feudal revolt. Its start was in one shape or another chronological need. Relatively,
it was a worry that the shape it would similar to would have foremost long term
outcomes in co-operation for the state.
For Bhutto, then Pakistan most basic interests would best be protected but the
anty feudal revolution could be submerged with in a strong recrudescence/ revival of
material of a broader Pakistan nationalism. However, Bhutto would later be pushed
farther than to be the left by a result of an urgent need or demand Peoples Movement
that he would otherwise have been inclined to go, he not at all lost sight of his
unique/original conception. It would afterward be observable in various ways- in his
attempts to convince Mian Manzar Bashir to put in order the PPP in West Pakistan, 21
in this quiet, but president courting/the body of directors of an organization, the old
League zamindariat during the 1970 electionsand in the reality that it was the Peoples
Party in 1972 that at last put the Punjab Muslim League menifesto of 1946 into law.
91
authorship of the Haj particulars , it led to better strength and flight services for Indian
Muslims who prepared the pilgrimage to Mecca. In 1946, J.A Rahim was seconded to
Egypt as a commissioner of Roads. While Pakistan comes into existance the next
years, Rahim held early Egyptian ambassadorial credit on behalf of the new state and
put up the first Pakistani charge in Cairo. He afterward assisted to organize the
Foreign Office and the Pakistan Foreign Services and considered to be the foreign
secretary. The maximum non political selection in the foreign ministry, afterward, in
anticipation of his departure in 1966, he rendered within a variety of capitals like the
countrys envoy.22
One of the founding members of the PSS was Taj Muhammad Khan Langha,
an adolescent advocate as of Lodhran Tehsil, awho was then a legal Advisor in the
Ministery of Housing in Richard Crossman. Access the world press had provided
those emigrant groups a serious assessment of the September War and opposite to
their countrymen at home only some assumed Pakistan was the understandable field
champion. Pakistans armed and ambassadorial shotcomings, they supposed, rooted
out as of the composition of Pakistani culture. The hold of the military-bureaucratic
elites, its intimate ties to feudal land lords and comprador capitalists (A section of
an indigenous middle class allied with foreign investors, multinational corporations,
bankers, and military interests) , and its servitude/ obedience to the neo-colonialist
powers, through the technique of unequal deal, armed and intelligence dealings. 24
Their prescription was for a massive, systematic restructuring of Pakistani society
along socialist lines. These were not new prescriptions, but the war had intensified
92
and given them focus. Our incapability to succeed in opposition to India was
degrading. One of the UK returned, PPPs lawyer afterward recalled, and we observed
what a well-built defense certainly existed on an economically and political tough
society.25
In the wide-ranging claim for systemic alteration, there were various specific
demands. One of the more common is the demand for the growth of heavy industry in
Pakistan foundation of armed self capability. However, the key requirements for
achieving the kind of basic changes farsighted and insighted by the left were the
gaining of political power. In the meticulous political and social conditions in
Pakistan, where the Nasserite element (Egyptian and pan Arab Movement) had been
defeated of the equipped forces In 1951, the merely genuine way to authority was
seen as that however a new political party which would demand to the peoples lying
on the basis of a collective agenda. At this juncture, surely their prescriptions
coincided in the company of individuals of J.A Rahim more as might be estimated in
social order that was still largely paternalistic, which a party could be structured .
Similar to Rahim, who had vigilantly observed him as of their existence in the foreign
ministry, they saw Z.A Bhutto as the mainly evident being to fill up this position. At
the same time as the just exceptional leader in the Ayubs cabinet, and the maker of a
moderate foreign policy. He had acquired huge plus point in the looks of the left
disposed emigrants.
He was responsible for the first trade agreement with Russia. He guided and
influenced the pro-China policy and made contact with such a progressive third
world leaders as Nasir, Sukarno and Bin Bella. He gave a welcome touch of
progressivism to Pakistani politics. His anty Indian stand was very influential.26
93
Basic Democrat functionary, who was typically subservient to the bureaucracy and
very often also corrupt.27
In this regard, Bhuttos socialist persuits are the distinct feature of his
approaches/thinkings. He perceived that the partys pre-requisites are sufficient funds,
organizational skills, and the international links. Before November 1968 Movement, a
sizable fund collected from PPPs expariate/emigrants in Britain, and also from the
British Labour Party. The most prominrnt member ofBhuttos inner circle, Ghulam
Mustafa Khar said, that Bhutto had decided to form new political party 28, after a
successful meeting with Rahim in Paris. Although Rahim conceived that Bhutto was
not confident in this connection, until they (Bhutto and Rahim) met again in Genewa,
in 1967.29
Bhutto owns learning was always nationalistic. He always emphasized the the
nationalistic side, while I inclined the other way and emphasized the internal
social change, believing that we could take the nation, and its existence in the
frame-work of the state, for granted.30
Surely, as of the start of his previous cabinet era there were groups and
individuals in Punjab that persuaded Bhutto on the way to shape a fresh political
party.31 This was predominantly the reply of the new societal groups that were, not
including well-built earlier political firmness, approaching into the political ring. On
behalf of these groups, the well-known parties of in cooperation with the government
and opposition were fake coins which had deceived the national concern. In the post
Tashkent environment, of political upheaval in Punjab Bhutto as sought out through a
94
figure of moderate groups to identical thought the usual political growth of the nation
had turn into detracked subsequent to the coup of 1958. Those were official
organizations similar to the bar associations and student federations, the similar as
unofficial political chat groups. The second, which are usually identified as halqas
(circles) were wings of politically oriented general public who met frequently to
discuss and talk about the issues of the day.32
Here, a text dispersed, after that day not printed via the media, he demanded a
judgment of the people resting on all state hurdles, as well as posed a series of
metaphorical questions which come into view, planned to plea, toward a range of
revolt of the divers opposition: Is the future of the people of Pakistan to be based on
economic exploitation and inequality or is it to rest on socialist principles of equality
and egalitarianism? Is the ideological basis and state sovereignty to be strengthened or
is to become a victim of international power politics? Is the rule of law and the
freedom of the individual to be inherent composition? Is the future to be based on the
universal participation of the people or is the order of the day to. be governed by
then monopoly of power.35
95
slogans---- Ayub khan kutta hi hi and Bhutto zindabad. Bhutto made speech for them
from the bugalows with out loud speaker. In a country wherever it is doubtful of all
unstructured demonstrations, this occasion does give the impression to have been now
that intended unstructured demonstrations by and large encompass additional
substantive slogans. One Lyallpurs lawyer noticed so as to more than one hundred
buses a day run from Lahore to Lyallpur , recommended that Bhutto speeches of the
earlier day, in somebody's company with the news that he was approaching to
Lyallpur, had extend extremely quickly along the road and all the way through the city
. He compared this utterance of mouth, the message with the intention of of the
enormous revolt of 1857, when chapattis (indigenous bread) were distributed as a
sign of revolution. It should moreover noted that Lyallpur the Manchester of Pakistan
is a growing manufacturing city, which fourth-fold its residents between1957and 1972
and which is encircled through canal colony villages whose residents have generally
been extra politically alert than the peasantry of the old settled areas.
The Lahore and Lyallpur meetings showed that key suggestion of opposition
rested in Punjab by practically all societal point and that rather of a political
development was thrilling the lower social guidelines. His progress into open
opposition at the moment while supplementary opposition leaders were unvoiced,
served to set up Bhutto illustration as an opposition form and to allay the doubts of
some, but by no way all who counted his current closeness with Ayub Khan. He also
began to feel the hard pressures of being in the opposition. On the one hand there
were the demands of the constituency for greater militancy he was confronted at
Lyallpur regarding his constant membership in the CVML and grateful too early to
disconnect himself, openly at least, as of the government party.36
Lying on the other hand, the government started to intimidate and bother
Bhutto and his supporters to provide audience toward his previous political enemies in
Larkana District. It also started to impose section 144 CCP, lying on any city or town
where he went to speak, thereby in suspense to make certain that not anything
distantly similar to level of proceedings by the side of Lyallpur would reoccure. 37
During June 1967, in the sharp environment shaped by the Arab Israeli six mass rally
in Lahore Gol Bagh. The meeting was disobedience of section 144 CCP, pointed out
Bhutto readiness to step up his opposition as of oral disapproval to a conflict in the
96
road. The management responded by herding the grounds and introducing live wires
and by distributing in a company of wicked men to disturb the gathering and rough up
Bhutto, the entire of which succeeded in throwing to rally forever into chaos next to
the beginning of Bhuttos speech. It moreover places the responsibility lying on the
management for stand-in to split up a in favor of Arabs rally.
97
of Punjab in the armed, management, financial and cultural life of West Pakistan, and
its population majority of 57.6 per cent (1972), Lahore was vital ring, equally,
politically and symbolically.
For a moment, Bhutto ideas in his era, the same as his birth of a new party, is
clear in the organizations get-together documents which had dispersed at the evident
in the foundation meeting, and written before in the autumn via Bhutto and J.A Rahim
at Larkana.43 The documents, which immediately concers us, entitled Why aNew
Party? Characterised the PDM the same as the partial formations of thoughts,
Pakistani traditional parties, and hailed that like a constructive growth. 44 The then
obvious step in the March events would for the progressive parties, to form a
combination among themselves similar to that of the PDM Once this had been
accomplished. It would be easier to reach the destination and accord linking all
opposition parties by the side of crest, in connection, to establish a legitimate struggle
in favor of the restoration of democracy. However, why a new political party,
according to the Bhutto and Rahim perceptins, merely an exclusive new party would
be capable to unite all progressive forces and next left on to strengthen the unity of all
the opposition parties. Two causes were known for the latter statement first the
chronological division defined biasness dispute of the PDMs parties and the internal
clashes within the progressive parties, made it impracticable moreover for the latter to
98
polarize the progressive forces several of the former to provide a gathering point
about which a large anti Ayub alliance could meet.45
A growing and powerful body of the people, spear headed, by the younger
generation, firmly believed that the old ways and the traditional methods are not
sufficient to surmount the colossal problems of Pakistan. Each epoch has its own
political significance, its own seismic pattern. This epoch which is both so exciting
and full of challenges, requires a new party with a new face and vitality to build a new
societyThe people are not prepared to return to the past They want a new system
based on justice and attached to the essential interests of the toiling millions. Only a
new party can discharge this responsibility.46
That was the most obvious declaration of Bhuttos idea of the new party, as he
was in relation to establish. It would be fundamentally pro-autonomy, the crucial point
to each and every one troubles, being the philosophy of the Quaid-e-Azam. 47 It would
plea openly to the masses. It would represent a latest creation, a new era and a bright
and scientific move toward the nations financial and societal troubles. It would
supply first as a polarizing centre for the progressive forces, and then as a means
around manifold wellbeings, and various sects could unite to re-establish democracy.
Once this was accomplished, both the progressive and the coservative forces could go
on to present their programmes to the people on the basis of principles, in refreshing
contrast to the negative and whimical (thrill/fancy) affiliation to persnalities. 48. Here,
then is Bhutto larger scenairo, clearly designed to apeal to the widest possible section
of opposition groups. While the actual course of events would only fleeting resemble
this scenairio , it does reveal Bhutto attachment to a revival of Jinnahs coalition of
national and radical social forces. Though he attempted to play down his own
prospective role, commenting in apparent reference to Ayub Khan: It is not for
individuaql to arbitrarily determine the life of the nation.49, we could be convinced
that he would not be pleased to be left outside the centre of proceedings.
Not amazingly, the government acted to confine Bhutto collision and his
organizational belongings. The National Press Trust newspapers almost immediately
started on to put forward Bhutto was an rebel who could only harm the Islamic basics
99
of the nation . In answer to these charges, the ex foreign minister endeavored to make
clear the type of Socialism,proposing for Pakistan. This would be a republican
egalitarian socialism. The new party would serve and protect the ideology of Islam
and the country50. There was no idea at risk of getting the communist type of
socialism in the direction of a Muslim people, by means of an antique way of life.
However, in particular as there was no probable danger toward religious conviction or
civilization, economic policies could be followed without complexing them in
spiritual debate.51 The NPT papers also raised the question of one Unit 52, thre by
hoping to divide Bhuttos supporters between those from the former Punjab, where
One Unit was particular, and the progressive groups in the old minority provinces.
But, Bhutto would not concern on this issue and remained evasive, saying it was an
issue for the people to decide.
The beginning convention of the Pakistan People, s Party was not as Bhutto
acknowledged a brilliant achievement. 53 According to PPP sources the Ayub
government had moved out to substantial extents to make certain so as to this would
be thus. It had endangered prospective delegate as of the district towns.54, it had
prohibited the convention organizers as of hiring an appropriate hall in Lahore, and it
had purchased all the seats on PIA flight as of Dhaka on the way to Lahore, on the day
before the convention.55 At the end, the beginning convention was detained at the
home of Dr. Mubashar elsewhere in the elite community of Gulberg, a few miles
away as of the volatile inner city and the complex of educational launching in the
region of Gol Bagh. According to Dawn56, a number of 300 delegates participated the
convention, though the most hopeful PPPs entities placed the digit by 500, or
regarding half the quantity anticipated57, there were no delegates as of East Pakistan, a
reality which allowed the NPT papers to dismiss Bhutto as a national leader, but
which also ominously presaged/signified future events, since it was an original deficit
from the PPP would never recover. Apart from the news repoters, the NPT papers
printed commentaries that were sarcastic/ironic of the convention. The Pakistan
Times called it a faceless gathering of political parties romantics, runway students,
and ideological odd balls, not to mention the briefless lawyers and cry to
communists, who were also presnt.58 The Dawn thought the gathering looked like a
teenagers jamboori than a solemn political conclave,and pointed that, with the
100
country already plagued by innemurable political parties, the addition of still another
could hardly br rxpected to kindle popular enthusiasm. 59 The district management
was worried but not excessively troubled and went consequently extreme as to
enforce section 144 CCP lying on the city and to turn down the new party consent, to
grasp its initial public meeting, which was planned in support of 3 December by the
side of Mochi Darwaza.60
Inspite of the smaller than expected turn out , the mode at the covention was
positive. Z.A Bhutto, who was elected Chairman of the covention on the first day,
noted that the beginnings of great movement were often modest and small. 61 In fact,
there were individuals who set up their shocking , set the enmity of the government,
with the purpose of the convention was yet detained . Anyhow, meeting in that
opinion site provided the contributors a common sense of society and duty. We should
not overstress the routine facts of the gathering. In abstract we may note down so as to
it approved all the way through four sittings within two days. The initial was specified
in the direction of a lengthy speech through Bhutto and the next to presentations by
self chosen representatives of the peasantry, lawyers, businessman, engineers and
youth leaders which confirmed what a far-reaching the plea of the party was in
the direction of political aware masses.62 In the third one, the delegates discussed the
organization meeting papers and the decree drawn up immediately through the
conventions Resolutions Committee. In the fourth session, the fresh party was
established. The organization determined to name itself the Pakistan Peoples Party
(PPP) and they selected a combination of three colors partys flag, the final point
originated most of the debates.63 It also approved the short-term constitution and as
soon as asked to elect a party Chairman in harmony with article 4, the delegates one
voiced the name of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.64
The practical proceedings of the gathering are less important than the
substantive ideological organization features so as to produce it up.
101
opened many hospitals and clinics. Jamaat helped needy and poor people and opened
philanthropic/humanitaran institutes. Small cities are witness of their dispensaries and
mobile clinics and a clear proof of their human welfare and social work. Suriya
Azeem Hospital in Choburje Chowk, Lahore is another example of their social works.
As a result of the demand of Islamic state many activists of Jamaat were sent
to prison. Despite all this Jamaat continued its struggle up till Chaudhry Muhammad
Ali, who was himself a fan of Maulana Maududi, made a constitution (1956) near to
the ideology of Jamaat. Jamaat ran a strong movement in favor of Separate Voting
System in the days of Suhrawardys government but Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
arranged a session of National Assembly at Dhaka and by making an alliance with
Republicans passed the bill for Mixed Voting System.
102
Jamaat formed an alliance with Muslim League, headed by Abdul Qayyum
Khan, and Nizam-e-Islami party, led by Chudhary Muhammad Ali in 1958. They
criticized activities of Iskander Mirza. Due to the activities of this alliance reputation
of Iskander Mirza was strongly damaged and seeing no future he decided to enforce
Martial law in the Country.
From the first day Jamaat did not accept the Martial Law by General
Muhammad Ayub Khan. General met with Maulana Maududi and advised him not to
take part in politics but when President Ayun Khan left a ban over political parties,
Jamaat was first to be active. Then Jamaat launched campaign for the restoration of
Islamic articles in the constitution of 1962 and submitted 9 miles long signatory paper
for basic rights. Government planned to treat Jamaat harsh and punished by forcing to
arrange annual party meeting 1963 in a garden with tight space at Berun Bhatti Gate
and didnt allow for loud speakers. After all that when Jamaat refuse to cancel it then
rascals were sent who started firing at the gathering. People asked Maulana to sit
down but maulan replied Who will stand if I sit. Maulana was saved by the firing
but a worker was martyred. Dictator regime not able to control the activities of Jamaat
banned her in 1964 and all known activist and leaders were send to prison. Later High
court freed all and Supreme Court ruled in favor of the JI as a "legitimate political
group" and announced the ban unconstitutional.
In the elections of 1964-65 Jamaat joined the alliance of COP and fully
supported Madar-e-Millat Miss Fatima Jinnah. Religious scholars raise the
propaganda against the leadership of woman but Maulan philosophy was that in one
side is a man who has no quality other than that and on the other side is a women who
has no fault except she is a female so we should support her.
Jamaat was the main spirit in the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM)
against Ayub Khan and in ground, workers of Jamaat was organizing it. When
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Maulana Bhashani rose the slogan of Socialism Jamaat
103
strongly resisted it. In the manifesto for 1970 elections Jamaat supported Provincial
feedom (not up to six points) and declared Quran and Sunnah as source of law.
Separating judiciary from administration and grantee of basic rights of minorities are
also included in it. A strong relation with Muslim world was purposed in foreign
policy. Jamaat was against the nationalization but in favor of seizing the illegal
property. Maximum ownership of land was set to be 100 Acres and 200 Acres for
rainy and canal areas respectively so that the uneven economic condition can be
controlled. The program of economic justice is given instead of economic equality
and promised equal employment opportunities for jobless people. Bonus Share
Scheme was announced so that factory worker can own shares of the company. But
just before the elections Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan broke the alliance which cost to
Jamaat-e-Islami who was competing Pakistan Peoples Party and Awami League
having socialism and provincial slogans and announcing drastic changes. Jamaat only
won 4 seats of National and 4 of Provincial Assembly.
104
Jamiat-e-Tulba was sent to prison. Many members were politically victimized. Even
after that Peoples party failed to get power in universities and colleges and youth start
becoming critics of Bhutto. That struggle gave birth to, many leaders who are now in
the frontline of both parties.
105
in the post because of a long ailment, and Qazi Hussain Ahmad was elected to the top
position. Qazi Hussain Ahmad became member of Jamaat-e-Islami in 1970 and was
elected to the office of President of its Peshawar branch. He served Jamaat-e-Islami as
Secretary and then Ameer of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. He was raised to the
office of Secretary General, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1978 till he was elected as
Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan.
After General Zia death Jamaat was entered in an alliance Islami Jamhoori
Ittehad (IJI) with Muslim League. During Nawaz Sharif government Jamaat neither
took any ministry nor plots or any kind of loans as others did. Jamaat announces
Peoples Party and Muslim League as equal evil and in elections of 1993 tried to rise
as a third power but loses own voter bank captured only 3 seats in the national
assembly. Jamaat continued to act as an "eternal opponent" of non-Islamic rulers,
while grabbing power-sharing chances, especially under Nawaz Sharif. Jamaat
boycott elections of 1997 and cleared a way of success for Nawaz Sharif. Due to this
Jamaat lost representation in Assemblies but their importance remained as a pressure
group. During Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee arrival at Lahore Jamaat
protest and thousands of workers was arrested by the police.
Jamaat welcomed General Pervez Musharraf at first but turn against him once
Musharraf started reforms. Many differences arises because of Musharrafs policies.
Generals decision of becoming the part of war against terrorism also increases
differences. In 2002, Jamaat formed an alliance with other religious parties naming
Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and got 53 seats out of 272 elected members seats.
This alliance took majority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. Jamaat constantly
criticized war on terror and arranged public protest against the decision and
denounced President Musharraf for "betraying" the Taliban and siding with the U.S.
against them. Jamaat also denounces the presence of American troops and agencies in
Pakistan. Jamaat give though time to President Pervez Musharraf and oppose him in
many issues. Jamaat opposed the Women's Protection Bill in 2006. Samia Raheel
Qazi, MP and daughter of Qazi Hussain Ahmed stated, "We have been against the bill
from the start. The Hudood Ordinance was devised by a highly qualified group of
ulema (Islamic scholars), and is beyond question".
106
Jamaat-e-Islami believes that the bill did not need scrapping, but needed to be
applied in a fairer way, and undestood properly by judges. Jamaat-e-Islami's senior
Minister of Pakhtonkhave Province Mr. Siraj ul Haq resigned from his ministry
against the drone attack on madrassa in Bajour Agency. Jamaat was also against the
operation of Lal Masjid and Ameer-e-Jamat Qazi Hussain Ahmed gave his resignation
from the National Assembly when visiting the camp of victims of the Operation.
Jamaat participated actively in the struggle of restoration of Judges. Jamaat-e-Islami
and affiliated groups have been involved in providing relief efforts in the Pakistani
city of Balakot for the earthquake victims. And an intensive relief effort is made in
flood of 2008 in Pakistan by its public welfare wing Al khidmat foundation.
107
Maulana Mawdudi which has massive capacities of societal association to great extent
but, unfortunately it not been able to achieve its destination as the pre-requisite of
Jumaat Islami and also tried differently as the founder started its goal from the real
beginning.
Maududi wrote one hundered and twenty books and pamphlets, delivered one
thousand speeches, he also wrote, the Tahfim-ul-Quran, the interpretation of sensible,
dynamic and political Quranic concepts. In connection of practical and political Islam,
some international leaders had impressed by the Maududis thoughts with respect to
political Islam in the recent world including Sayyad al Qutb, Hasan al-Banna
followed the same in Egypt as Maududi philosophies and thoughts, mentioned by the
well known historian Philip Jenkins. Among them the Ayatullah Khomeini had made
strong ties with him and translated his work into Farsi from Urdu language. Abdullah
Azam in Arab World the Palestinian Jurist and the Usama bin Ladins teacher much
impressed by him.
108
the Muslims are suffering a lot in connection of leadership and dominated by
ignorance. He pointed out the struggles that earlier Muslims faced against tyrannical
Hence it is in need of revival of Islamic movement to strengthen the real Islamic
spirits for their societal calibration in accordance with the Islamic eternal principles.
An effort to re-establsih Islam in its pristine purity and to reconstruct the fabric of
life and society in given space-time context in accordance with Islamic values and
principles 67. For Maududi the partys very purpose is to establish such a movement
which revives (tajdid), the Islamic values and to play a leading role of the renaissance
and reformes of Islam. For this purpose, he argued his mission in his book The
Process of Islamic Revolution very clearly. For the purpose he in-sighted and
farsighted the Prophets revolutionary three phases. Among these the very first was
the strong believes to construct enough strong and firm bases. The second, he united,
trained and organized the followers. He also put them into practiced the Islamic life
styles and ways of life to originate the public opinion for good deeds and abstained
them from evils and wrong doings.
In Madina, it took its last stage where just four hundred trained and well
equipped workers, in all spheres of Islam who were capable to operate as the real and
loyal followers were given the responsibility of organizational Islamic and political
set up for social life and Islamic principles. They showed their girds and devotion in
this regard and the whole of Arabia came under the umbrella of Islam, just in eighty
years of devoted struggle. So, the JI has followed the real prophetic paradigm of
identifying, selecting and organizing for their workers and followers. The party had
called on them on a single platform and planned intellectual, moral and social
programs for them. The partys workers had become familiar by these programs with
real spirits of Islam. To him, first of all he greatly emphasized on the establishing of
such a unique knowledgeable, committed and restricted group who can provide the
leadership to the society by preaching and role model to get the very objectives of the
Islamic revolution. Therefore, JI launched a campaign for the whole community
rebuilding with Islamic concepts of life.
109
respective areas people God conscious and truthful. So, the mass opinion would
emerge to over rule the rest of secular and evil nature elements, to build a fair sort of
society for the Islamic and democratic set up in the country. Consequently, the party
would start to confine the state and reform the government. The JI was not merely a
movement for the Sub-Continent but also for rest of the world and mankind. The
Muslims can adapt the Islamic imaginary state or reform their state structure through
it by all means to create an Islamic environment. Therefore, the revival (tajdeed) has
started in the Sub-Continent and prevailed to the rest of the world at large.
Mawlana Maududi has been blamed through the contemporary scholars that he
had established a new group of people and followers.68 The cotemporary religious
sects to that time were Deobandi, Barelvies and Ahl-e-Hadith. Even, the mentioned
sects young scholars had joined hand with Maududi from the start just as Manazir
Ahsan Gilani, Abdul Majid Daryabadi, Husain Ahmad Madani and Shabbir Uthmani
never endorsed his message.69 Their difference in opinion was that the Maududi has
over stressed the idea of tajdid, to turn into revivalist himself and not for the
common betterment of Isalam. According to them it was not an important concept of
Islam. So, due to those reasons that time honored religious scholars had not allowed
the Maududis ideology on a large scale in the mosques. With respect to social
movement, the JI struggle can be defined as the Brannan described!
110
The early years of its existence would be considered as a social movement.
For example, although the Hezbollah has taken part in elections as a party, it is still
regarded as a social movement by Ziad Munson (2009), Kepel (1993) and other
scholars in the field. Similarly, the Muslim Brotherhood, though banned in Egypt, has
taken part in electoral politics by having part members run as independent candidates
in the elections. The JI wants to be part of the democratic set up and wants to ensure
to alignate with the ideas of an Islamic government. 71 The founder of JI in the
beginning categorically had stressed that we accepted Pakistan in such a way that it
should be an Islamic role model for the other nations of the world. In 1957, as he
decided to take part in the electoral party politics its main cause was not to became a
president of Pakistan but, to create an Islamic state, based on the Islamic shariah and
became mujadid. In his six hours pro-longed speech to the JI members, at the time
to joine the party politics, in that speech he started that when JI would be in power, it
would establish iqamat-i-Din or Islamic ways of life and hukumat-e-Ilahiyah or
government based on Divine pattern.72
This was true with the Common Opposition Party Alliance vs. Ayub Khan
JI Pakistan long struggle reveale us that it had played its role, by playing and
displaying of democratic tactics from 1941 to 1988. It maintained its struggle by
involving publics through processions, giving fatwas, against the rulers and the
democratic means. During those eras the Jamaats capacity to operate as political
party, was weak. As a matter of facts, in pre-independent historic era there were
Britishers, after that the country has run by the interim government more than a
decade until 1958. Consequently, General Ayub Khan run the government as a dictator
to thirteen years and forbidden all the political parties. In connection of these hurdles
111
next there was Bhutto who emulated/strive to initiate the role of a communist dictator
for his years in power using secret police to suppress all opposition and lastly, there
was another military ruler, the master tactician Zia-ul-Haq, who initially gave the
feeling to the Jamaat that they were in power but quickly stripped all authority from
them. Thus, it could also be concluded that the Jamaat was nothing but a social
movement because it was never allowed to be part of the system in Pakistan.
So, by all these mentioned facts we can justify the movement is a social one.
JI long struggle can be seen in the light of social movement theory as! social
resources available to unorganized but aggrieved groups to launch an organized
demand for change.73
In this connection, if one party got their means and pre-requisites then utilized
them in a constructive style, they will achieve easily. Adding classical model which
relies on inequality between the haves and haves not, resources mobilization model
relies on the assets accessible for the group, in which way they capitalize the available
means, these matter the group success. In this view, social movements have no
distinct inner logic and are not fundamentally different from institutionalized
behavior. Organizations, institutions, pre-existing communication networks, and
rational actors are all seen as important resources playing crucial roles in the
emergence and outcome of collective action . . . organizational and institutional
structures are argued to be central throughout the entire process of collective
action."76
112
According to the process model, accomplishment of the party relies on internal
real strength of the organization, their talent to gain benefit from the available and
prevailed opportunities to enhance their communication links which caused by the
movement and also the common touch between the leaders and public. In this regard,
McAdam says! cognitive liberation of the movement is that the members of the
movement identify with its goals and message, and really think that the movement
will turn out to be successful; it is only then that a large enough group of people
would exist to facilitate collective protest.77 He further added So, for a frequent,
constant, effective and organized campaign of mass political action a network
should exist that can carry the movement through.78
Prominent ulema or scholars joined the Jamaat including six from Madrasat-
ul-Islah, four from Deoband, four Nadwis and two from the Ahl-i-Hadith. By
1945, the Jamaat boasted a membership of some two hundred and twenty four
ulema, sixty of whom continued to teach at various dar- ul-ulooms (religious
seminaries) 79
113
3.11 JI WITH RESPECT TO PAKISTAN MOVEMENT, FROM 1941
TO 1947
According to Khurshed Ahmad, reconstructing the religious thought of
Islam, Maulana Maududi had from the outset opposed the movement for
Pakistan by the Muslim League.81 The Pakistan creation was opposed by the
founder of JI, because he perceived and conceived that state constitution of the new
state would be on secular based. JI stressed on its opposing master frame of Muslim
Nationalism. During the independence campaign, the Muslim League had presented
that the idea of new state religion would be Islam, side by side they adapted the
western sort of democracy, for the state running and their laws. By and large the
Muslim League had hailed the western thoughts, knowledge, way of life and
viewpoints. Maududi had pointed out that the restoration of colonial type government
or secular types are the same in nature. The concept of nationalism was identical to
the British concepts and caused dis-harmony among the Muslim World. He further
stressed that the imperialists had dominated the muslims ways of life and mentalities
through materialistic approaches. He totally denied and declared the Muslim
nationalism spirits at large scale and advocated for the Islamic socio-political set up.
The Quaid-e-Azams using Islamic card in politics was due to the Maududi and
Allama Iqbal perceptions and thoughts. As a result of the Muslim League big
achievement in the election of 1945-46, Maududi firm belief was!
That Islam constituted the ultimate source of power and legitimacy among the
Muslim community.82
At the time of independence, ha was quite optimistic about the Islamic state.
He perceived that the newly emerged state would be the leading example and model,
in case of Islamic revolution not only for the Sub-Continent but also for the rest of the
world. The mentioned fact was the only reason for the acceptance of Pakistan, to him.
114
Azam had said in this connection as where principles of Islamic social justice could
find free play.83 He further added with the intention of We must work our destiny in
our own way and present to the world an economic system based on true Islamic
concept of equality of manhood and social justice. 84 Quaid-e-Azam further clarified
that renaissance of Islamic culture, to secure liberty, fraternity and equality as
enjoined upon us by Islam, to take our inspirations and guidance from the Holy
Quran and to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic
85
democracy and Islamic social justice . About the Constitution of Pakistan, he
overwhelmingly stated that of democratic type embodying the essential principles of
Islam86 (Moten 2002, 24) His presidential address to the constituent assembly on 11
th August, 1947, illustrated that his speech had much similarity with the Islamic
principles. He stressed on equal opportunity, ethics, faithfulness plus individual
patience irrespective of color, class or faith. Up till now, it must be pointed out that
Jinnah firmly asserted that Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic state to be ruled by
priests with a divine mission.87
A leading and prominent entity of Mulum League had also acknowledged that
they were trying to put forward an alternative social system based on Islam as
opposed to capitalism as represented by certain countries of the West and
communism as represented by Russia.90 As a matter of fact, the Muslim Leagues
leaders reckoned the fact that to pertain the Islamic main beliefs however they denied
the theo- demoracy as Maududi presented. The Muslim League and JI ideological
point of view contradicted each other at large. Major controversies between the two
were Kasmir issue and oath of allegiance. Maududi stressed on armerd struggle
through Jihad. The masses dis-liked that stance and he changed his stance for the
purpose and supported the peaceful solution of Kashmir issue. In connection with the
115
oath of allegiance to the state he stated that it was just for the Allah Almighty,
alone. Second, on the question of the oath of allegiance to the state, Mawdudi held
that it was to God alone that a Muslim owed allegiance till Pakistan became an
Islamic state, governed solely by the rules of the Sharia. He therefore refrained from
taking an oath of allegiance, and even more from serving in a non-Islamic entity.
Therefore, the government of Pakistan had taken the quick measures against
the JI banning the publications of the Jamaat, particularly the Tarjuman ul-Koran,
while twenty-five members or sympathizers of the party were dismissed from the
administration. Mawdudi was arrested and imprisoned in October 194891
The JI had not launched the movement of opposing Ahmadi community nor
participated in the agitation until the JI representatives called on to the Muslim Parties
Convention on 16th January, 1953. But since the Jamaat also did not recognize the
Ahmadis to be Muslims and it was present in the Muslim Parties Convention. The
government bureaucrats at that time alleged the JI for that and inquired in this
connection through The Court of Inquiry. The cause of that inquiry was to know the
real factors of the then agitation and they finally come to the point that the agitation
was a natural one. They have reported in this regard that it was a corollary from the
Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on March 12,
1949, from the religio-political system, which they call Islam.92
116
Generate an interpretation of Islam that could serve as an effective, realistic,
meaningful ideology that could fit a valid substance to the Islamic form of socio-
political aspiration.93
As a matter of fact, the upper class and the establishment in Pakistan opposed
the Islam as a system because their materialistic and centralization of wealth in few
hands were contrast to each others. The upper class has strong hold on the politics of
Pakistan including administrations key posts, establishment, commerce and the
whole economy of the land, strongly opposed Islam and its political role. Although
they continued to pay lip service to the ideal of an Islamic society, given the fervent
zeal for Islam expressed by the population.94
Maududi had alleged the upper classes for keeping uneducated and un-islamic
the masses at maximum ratio, to obey them in all walks of life. He further argued that
the real Islamic society will bring equality to all sects of life and the haves could not
afford such equality. The un-Islamic forces and the government influential class were
greatly frightened, vigilantly observed and reckoned the fact of ulemas and Islamic
forces display of anty Ahmadis. Therefore, they added the role of Islam to some
extent. Later on, in the constitution of 1956 the Islamic provisions were less and the
secular laws were prevailed modern, even broadly secular.95
Maududi had demanded for the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the P.M and
the President would be Muslims and the state religion would be Islam. The then P.M
117
and government had built-in these in the 1973 constitution. Since, 1973, JI started
resisting the government continuously. In Punjab, at Rabwa railway station the
students wing of JI (Islami Jamiat-i-Talba) and the Ahmadis group of people had
made fight with each other. It took another national anti Ahmadi movement. The JI
had played a leading role in this regard by arranging rallies, and various sort of
displays against them. The then government at last declared them minority and non-
Muslims through constitutional amendment. In 1976, when the Jamaat began
forcefully to demand the implementation of the Sharia, it found its membership by
around 150,000 new entrants.96
Bhutto and Maududi met once again on 16 April 1977 in Lahore and bared no
fruits. Bhutto as result had taken some measures to address the issue and tried to
Islamize to some extent (banning singing and dance clubs) but strongly criticized and
failed to over-ride the situation. Saudi Arabia mediated and turned down the tension.
Bhutto had launched anti imperialist and nationalistic programme and alleged the
PNA and especially JI as pro Americans. All this came to an end when on 5 July, 1977
Bhutto was overthrown in a military coup by General Zia-ul-Haq, on the alibi of
making Pakistan truly Islamic.
118
3.14 ZIAS ERA (1977-88) AND JI
The General Zia-ul-Huq era was much significant in the JI political and
ideological history. In its prolonged history it was the 1 st time to deliver as a part of
ruling military type of govt, for the party. General Zia-ul-Huq had declared himself
that he was the demand and much needed for PNA (as they struggled for Nizam-e-
Mustafa), during their electoral stance. Therefore, he joined hands with JI and other
Islamic parties to strengthen his Islamization process. During his first speech as he
delivered to nation he stated!
I must say that the spirit of Islam, demonstrated during the recent (PNA)
movement, was commendable. It proves that Pakistan, which was created in the
name of Islam, will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I
consider the introduction of an Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the
country.97
For the Jamaat, the decision to support the military regime was not an easy
one. It disapproved of the coup and after having launched a campaign for Islam with
democracy. For the purpose, the JI had started up to implementI slamic rules in
Pakistan. They supported Zia as military ruler in this connection. As a coalition
partner, with Zia its strategy was to peruse the government, to manage the elections.
As a result of Islamization and the promise of election and democracy return on the
side of Zia JI gone into the lap of dictator. Mian Muhammad Tufail had become the
Amir-e-JI as Maududi had resigned in 1972. He had given the task to implement
Shariah in the country. Maududis perception was that the government would be in the
hands of fair people. During 1978, Zia and the PNA had agreed with each other on the
making of government on 21st August. JI had given various authorities and ministries.
Mawdudi died in April 1979, in the USA, after months of illness, and the party
could never enjoy the religious credibility of Mawdudis writings. On 21 June 1979, a
month after Bhutto's execution, Zia dissolved the government. Officially, members of
the Jamaat resigned because of the perpetual postponement of the general elections
scheduled initially for November 1979. From this date the Jamaat no longer refrained
from criticizing the government for its delay in the process of Islamization but
refused, to begin with, to rejoin the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy
(MRD). It criticized Zia govts Islamization delay tactics and also demanded for the
119
restoration of democracy in Pakistan. This change of attitude could be seen in various
measures the government took and which revealed the growing rivalry between the
regime and the Jamaat-e-Islami.
From 1947 to Ayubs era the country feudal lords tried to sustain the
democracy. As Ayub came in, he prohibited the entire political parties activities and
stopped the democratic growth in the country. The Liaqat Ali Khan and Jinnah
exploited the Islam as to legalize their authority. As a result, the former has passed the
Objective Resolution in the Constituent Assembly in 1949, which was incorporated
with minor modifications in the successive constitutions of 1956, 1962, and 1973. But
it was just paper work because the ruling and religious parties were not on one page
for the cause of Islam. Consequently, the democracy and Islam not nourish and
flourish in the country.
120
As Mawdudis personal calculate approximately, when in 1957, the Jamaat
tried to get a push in to electoral politics only five percent of the Muslim population
of Pakistan were enlightened about Islam, 90 percent of them were illiterate with
blind faith and the remaining 5 percent has been corrupted by Westernization. 98 Due
to these mentioned factors, the JIs mission has blocked by various hurdles, one way
or the others. Maududis early stance was for the political Islamic changes
(government), with the Islamic principles. The party joined the electoral politics and
sidetracked its early stance and has given the priority over social and intellectuals
reforms. According to Murad the most significant purpose of the party is the
leadership of the wayward with those of the men of sterling character and piety.99
121
experienced the spiritual side while the masses were interested in materialistic issues
and the party had not stressed out such a stance. In East wing, the Bangladeshians
were mourning on their deprivations and the JI taught them the religious lesson about
their social issues and their solution in the religion. On the other hand Sheikh Mujeeb
attracted them in connection of separation from the West wing as compared to the JI
and gained much popularity amongst the public of East Pakistan. Therefore, the East
Pakistans people rejected the Jumaat suggestions and caused Bangladesh as a
separate country.
1. First in 1947-1958
2. Second in 1971-1977
3. Third in 1988-1999
4. Fourth in 2008- up to date
122
party basis. Electoral systems in dadvanced countries are distinguished by political
parties that are highly well thought-out and be inclined towards joined action, block
voting and distinct party platforms. The party regulation is required in parliamentary
systems, primarily because variation from the party streak could effect in bringing
down the government. Parliamentary systems require that the executive and
legislative members agree upon issues, lest it forces the dissolution of the
government.106
123
REFERENCES
1- Quoted in Philip E. Jones, The Pakistan Peioples Party Rise to Power,
Karachi, Oxford University Press, Plot No. 38, Sector 15, Korangi Industrial
Area, P.O Box 8214, -74900, 2003, p.98.
2- Piloo Mody, Zulfi my Friend , Hind Pocket Books, Delhi, 1973, p. 141.
4- Dilip Mukrjee, Zulfiqar Ali BhuttoQuest for power, Dilhi, Vinkas Publishings
House, ,1972, P.33
7- Ibid.
10- Evidence of this support was visible earlier when Bhutto hosted the President
and Foreign Minister of China around the country on their official visit in late
March 1966. Liu Shao-chI and Chin Ye were welcomed by unprecedentedly
large and enthusiastic crowds and it was noted that much adulation was also
directed at Bhutto.
13- Ibid.
14- Ibid.
15- Ibid.
124
16- Bhashani recounted this conversation to Tariq Ali in June 1969. See Tariq Ali,
Pakistan: Military Rule or Peoples Power, William Marrow and Company,
New York, 1970, pp. 140-141.
17- Herbert Feldman, From Crisis to Crisi, Pakistan 1962-1969, Karachi, Oxford
University Press, 1972, pp.71-72.
18- Tariq Ali, Pakistan Military Rule or peoples Power, William Morrow and
Company, 1970. pp.145-146.
20- Ibid.
21- Manzar Bashirs father Mian Bashir Ahmad had recognized the MSF in 1943
into the vanguard of the Pakistan movement in Punjab and had been one of
jinahs closest advisers in the provinces. His son was regarded as something of
an expert on party organization.
23- Ibid
24- This view is best reflected in Tariq Ali, Military Rule. The preface of this book
begins: This book is unabashed and straightforward polemic against the
feudal and capitalist class of Pakistan which has ruled the country since1947
in varying guesses.
26- Ibid.
27- Ibid
29- Ibid.
30- Ibid.
31- Ibid.
125
32- Halqas typically had a number of diverse origions. Without any systematic
approach to the subject, this student found halqas based on single families
which had expanded through martial alliances and buisiness or professional
acquaintances , on web of tribal and familial relationships that had in common
a pre-partitioned identity with a specific place in East Punjab, on past political
associations, and simply, on fortuitous connection of like minded people. The
most renowned halqa, of course, was that which met at the YMCA Hall on
Sundays. It was the general assembly of the tea house circles of the
intellectuals, writers and journalists that met on weekdays in various
establishments along the Mall around the old Campus of Punjab University.
This halqa had a venerable history, had long been associated with leftist
causes, and occasionally produced papers and discussions of high ideological
sophistication. The halqas, which are most common among the urban middle
classes--- there are also political conservative halqas---are a class of social
phenomenon that would bear further research.
34- These meetings were Hamid Nizami Day observances, the law College
Students Union and a general meeting of Lahore citizens. The Pakistan Times,
27 February 1967, mentioned the first of these meetings, but reported only the
part of Bhuttos speeches that urged de-EBDO and other opposition leader to
unite.
126
39- The Pakistan Times, 17 September 1967.
41- The PDM comprised the National Democratic Front East Pakistan, the council
Muslim league, the Jamaat-i-Islami, a section of the Awami League and the
Nizam-i-Islami Party. In the CML elections of early 1967, the anti Ayub
faction had taken over the party offices.
44- Dr. Mubashir Hassan Pakistan Peoples Party, Foundation and Policy,
Shahrah-i-Inqilaab, Classic Lahore, n.d, pp 23-28. (This is the second edition
of the pamphlet originally circulated at the founding convention. It expands
that pamphlet to include the proceeding and resolution of the convention and
the Interim Constitution of the PPP).
49- Ibid, p. 28
51- Younis Abid, Chairman Bhutto ke Siyasi Afkar, Aurnit Publications, Lahore,
1969, p.12
52- See; Abdul Majid, Test for Mr. Bhutto. The Pakistan Times, 23 November
1967.
55- Ibid.
127
56- Dawn, 1 December 1967.
63- This was not as frivolous as it may seem, since the flag was an important
symbol of political affiliation for great numbers of people who had no other
way of publicly expressing their opinions.
65- Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Maududi and the making of Islamic Revivalism,
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. P.45
66- Abul Ala Maududi, First Principles of Islamic State, Lahore Islamic
Publications Limited, 1960. p.5
128
68- Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, op.cit., p.110
70- Quoted in Mujtaba Isani , The Rise and fall of The Jumaat-e-Islami in the light
of Social Movement Theory, Marquette University n.d < available at
http://www.bing.com/search?q=THE+RISE+AND+FALL+OF+
THE+JAMAAT-e-ISLAMI+IN+THE+LIGHT+OF+SOCIAL+MOVEMENT
+THEORY++Mujtaba+Isani+Marquette+University+%09%09&x=
122&y=9&form=MSNH14&pc=UP97 >, accessed on 26 March, 2014, at 9.00
A.M.
71- Ibid
72- Ibid
73- Ibid
75- David A Snow and Robert D. Bebford, Master Frames and Cycle of Protest,
Frontiers in Social Movement theory. Ed. Aldon Morris and Corol Mc Clurg
Mueller, New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1992.
78- Ibid.
79- Khurshid Ahmad, Islamic Law and Constitution, Islamic Publications Limited
Lahore, 1984. p.60
129
81- Abu Ala Mawdudi, The Process of Islamic Revolution, Lahore: Islamic
Publications Limited, 1947. p.15
86- Frederic Grare, Political Islam in the Indian Subcontinent: The Jamaat-e-
Islami. New Delhi: Manohar, 2001. P.4
88- Ibid
89- Ibid
90- Asad Gilani, Thought and Movement. Lahore: Islamic Publications Limited,
1984. p. 273
93- Ibid.
94- Ibid
101- Ibid
130
102- Ibid
103- Ibid
104- Quoted in South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol.
25, No. 1, January-June 2010, pp.89-97
105- K. K. Aziz, Party Politics in Pakistan, 1947-1958, Islamabad: National
Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1989. P. 56
106- Clemens, Walter C. Jr. , Dynamics of International Politics, Lanham: Rowman
& Littlefield, 1998. pp. 121-123
107- Shahid Bokhari, , Constitutional History of Pakistan, Qureshi & Sons, Lahore,
1989. pp. 15-17
131
CONCLUSION
The existence of the political parties is essential within the direction of the
egalitarian practice. Political Parties guarantee efficiency of the democracy. On the
other hand, the simple existence is not the spirit of democracy; the feature of political
guidance and how political parties fulfill their responsibilities, set out a stretched
approach to form the character and track of the political organism.
By well known election process political parties form the government. They
connect and denote various state institutions. They are also accountable to bring on
high quality authority of the government. Elected governance relies on the nature,
association and organization of the political parties, that enjoys the political authority.
The actions and activities of political parties influenced the masses in all spheres and
by all means. Political parties also alter the society caliber, its social value and the
societal pre-requisites. Internal democracy in political parties and their
institutionalization play vital role in social, financial, economical and political growth.
They promote overall state objectives.
In Pakistan political parties, family units and societal culture usually matter in
their practices. Patron-client relation between the influential wealthy community and
the political parties is evident in the Pakistan political culture. During general
elections, the party centers forget and deny those grassroots leaders who are
politically renowned figures, and nominate those with money and power in exchange
of huge donations to the parties. While talking about their position for such practices
of the party centers, the grassroots leaders, even though they themselves are involved
in different intra-party lobbies or factions, express their dissatisfaction and concern
and sometimes grievances. The masses observe that egalitarian/democratic
considerations have been missing in the political parties. We have not enough
educational, sense and existence of high quality. The societal and civilizing
composition are not constructive for democratic sense and practices. Yet, the party is
voted on the way to form government and the management tasks, but democracy is
not exists in the party. A small number of fundamental creams of the crop/
the best of all/eminent/ high in station, rank, or repute;/ prominent;/ distinguished:
designed for their autocratic and morally corrupt sweet wills are responsible in for
132
humiliation of the party. Several key leaders are concerned here in fraud, as well as
intellectual wing on the way to large extent are also politically corrupt. The majority
of the inner most privileged comprise mal-practicing or being linked with the dealing
group of people encompassing corruption and offenses. As a result, the party leader is
not capable to deal with such unstable situation and approve the offender in the party.
Changes are further critical in the fundamental levels of the political parties.
Democratic mentality segments of the parties hesitating that the party leaders desire to
uphold democratic sort in the parties, the party leaders to apply democracy also. As
talking regarding the peoples perceptions of democracy, the party chiefs themselves
consider that the working division of people at a standstill cannot reveal other than
accessibility or way into belly. The masses think that they have privilege on the way
to choose and vote in support of a government, and the government in response will
guarantee the accessibility and inexpensive cost of food items/things. The masses
dont know big matters similar to the party democratic system, party association,
democratic changes in the party positions, or who is being voted or designated as
contestant.
The majority of the political partys heads, in Pakistan has immense power in
all matters of domestic politics. The head of the party, most frequently by pass the
masses general wills, through autocratic sorts of decision making and taking. In this
regard, the rest of the party members are bound to accept their leaders opinion. This
value discourages the mutual consultation process and everything else. Our political
system divided into wealthy and deprived working class. An influential/ rich person is
given great weightage rather than an intellectual poor person. The feudalistic class
still grasped the political partys key posts in Pakistan. By and large, most of the
Pakistans political parties lack in quality institutionalization and organizational
strength. Therefore, they suffer a lot of financial constraints and a quality leadership
in the state. Their lower levels hierarchal structure of district, tehsil and union council
are not properly developed. Most often the leaders dont care about their public
interests, and not been able to align their national campaign with the desires and will
of the people at lower levels. Most of the political partys leaders are highly
centralized and typically structured around the personality of their own leaders.
133
The PPPs leaders call attention to the same as consider political parties and
people cannot or dont wish for, to feel extra than the party bosses. At the same time
as the people prefer for PPP, it indicates that the masses feel like Bhutto into
influence. In the extended sense, they do not go round missing the Z.A Bhutto. This is
the people approaches regarding Z.A Bhutto. Since people are connected in a number
of channels or others with the Union level through district level party divisions, they
acquaint with their needs to the party leaders. As regards peoples demands from
political parties, here democratic considerations like equal opportunity, justice and so
on, do not work, but funds are dispersed all the way through opinionated practice and
political personalities. Yet, the mases in the village follow political influentials/chiefs
or campaigners to get in touch with the workers for their demands.
At the lower level, in most of the political parties units have less get together
and political interactions. There is stipulation for gathering, but most the respondent
local chiefs cant yet consider it important as that they dont know what time they met
for the last time. A number of them attempted to relate their group existence in large
political get-together, attended by lower or upper rank leaders the same as their usual
group actions, but in fact these are not their legitimate group activities. At the masses
level, the political leaders frequently mark politicians themselves and the official
organism are weak and dishonest. Funds can purchase the popular of the politicians
and civil servants. Weak points and dishonesty in these segments of the people have
transmitted to each area of the the social order. The respondents mourn that these
mismanagement have dented the societal integrity organism, law breakers, and the
civil rights of the people, depressed the influence of the open-minded people,
constrained the door to choices, and above all blocked the track to democratic
improvement in the society.
Jumaat-i-Islami on the other hand, has improved its internal structure and
abides strictly their members by a rigid constitution of the party. As they engage in a
serious business of democratic survival, their entire structural organization,
collectively and individually manage and follow the party constitutional provisions.
Although, it hasnt come to power in the parliament, but still eradicate the concept of
poor and rich, family influence or back ground and above all the election of the leader
(Amir) is merely on merit. The glaring example of this is the recently elected Amir-e-
134
Jumaat-i-Islami Pakistan Siraj-ul-Huq. His appointment is purely on merit
irrespective of any family back-ground and cast.
Due to the reason, the party members have appointed and elected him as amir-
e-JI. In this connection, he is a pious person and still not involed himself in mal-
practicing and corruption, being twice practiced as a provincial Finace Minister, in
KPK. These entire things are due to the internal party democracy and religious
concerned. By and large, the JIs approaches and stances are spiritual and theo-
political. While, the PPPs very slogan (roti, kapra and makan) is still not achieved
yet, it had ruled the country, a number of times. Its main leader most often charged
with corruption and other mal-practices and the party also havnt any check and
balance on them.
The researcher argues that it is the responsibility of the political cream of the
crop/eminents to inform the masses about their privileges, preferences, compensation,
shortcoming and the traditions for fruitful developments/growth. They are made-up to
give the peoples an idea about future brightness and resolve our disaster in the society
that the political chiefs never hand on matters similar to aggression in the social order,
troublemaker, load shedding, and cost of commodities etc., which terrorize the daily
lives of the general masses. The political leaders do not have a discussion of or do not
give notice towards the basic and human rights of the people. The masses decisively
observed that their personal chosen chiefs and law creator are to a certain degree
engaged in breaching set of laws, intimidating fine people by their cruel cadre of
arms.
135
in Pakistan due to the coup d'tat of General Zia-ul-Huq. In this connection, the
military influenced, controlled and even imposed their own style of democracy. In
post Zias period and in the Zia regime from 1985 to 1996, the country experienced
five general elections in a short space of just 12 years. Those elections were as in the
following manners and styles. In 1985 election was non party based; the 1988, 1990,
and 1996 elections were on party based. In 1997s general election PML (N) with a
huge mandate put on sweep majority through out the country, in the parliament. Even
though, Sharif's reputation in 1998 and popular peace initiatives in 1999, the coup
d'tat was emerged against him by Army General ( Pervez Musharraf), accusing
Sharif of hijacking the plane and pushed terrorism blame next to Sharif in the cout of
military; as a result finished his government. In the election of 2002, which was 8th in
number, Jumaat-i-Islami came to power in KPK and Baluchistan in shape of MMA
while PPP and PML (N), the mainstream Pakistani political partiess leaders were in
exile.
136
Pakistan Peoples Party, founded by Z.A Bhutto in 1967, the masses including
every sect were in fact variety of groups attachments in the history, in conditions of
their societal distinctiveness. Their ideological tendencies and generational
characteristics were emerged into new party. They held varying notions about the
ultimate aims of PPP and about the role of Z.A Bhutto in it. Some of them, friends
from better days and protective future opportunities, formed the beginnings of an
inner circle around Z.A Bhutto. People saw him as the popular to Ayub Khan and a
leader who could unify the political forces against the military-bureaucratic forces and
to bring parliamentary democracy back to Pakistan. Some others like students and
anty Feudalistic forces had also joined hand with Z.A Bhutto in addition of highly
organized political party, to introduce and seek socialistic reconstruction of the
Pakistans economy. From the start, Bhutto concept was not so much of a party as it
was of a political movement, where groups, leaders and fragment of groups were held
together segmentally, with vertical lines of authority leading to the Chairman. This is
quite clear that neither ideology nor organization could be too rigid or refined.
As a matter of fact, both the parties have their significance and playing their
respective roles, irrespective either they win or not win. Both the parties had tasted the
dictatorship and military tyrannies by one way or the other way. Unfortunately, in
country like Pakistan the lay men and masses are not having the sense of democracy.
They just conceive that the democracy is the name of voting, constitution, parliament
and parties. The attitude and culture always creates hurdles in developing civic
behavior and manners, without which we cant develop real democracy in Pakistan.
They are in-need of proper political training and recruitment by the political parties.
137
Jumaat-i-Islami Pakistan is pre and post independence political, religious party while
PPP base is socialistic and materialistic in nature. The PPP always revolve around the
personality of Bhuttos family and uses the Z.A Bhutto card. Jumaat-i-Islami
Pakistan structure is quite different and not as such the PPP. The JIs leader (present
president) is not from its founder family. He will be electing through secret ballet by
the Shuras member. The election of amir is always Right man for the right job. In
PPP, some of its leaders alleged and even involve in corruption but the party internally
has not such a strong check and balance as JI has. In JI there is nothing for those who
involve in mal practices because of strong party internal check. Jumaat-i-Islamis
structure and strength is qualitative, spiritual and materialistic, while PPP stances
based on ground realities rather than spiritual and most of all quantitative in nature.
Where there is politics there will be political parties. They represent the states
caliber through the people. Each party has their own programme and agendas and the
people support them by their votes. Their diversities in thoughts are the beauty of
democracy. The Pakistans political parties denote their self as garden flowers each
party is the flower of this garden and without its existence it is incomplete. In this
regard the intra political party rigid discipline, structure and organization are the back
bone of political party to produce sound leadership in the country. So, contrary to
diversities they should be on one page to deliver the state obligations and duties
properly.
FINDINGS
The following measures are in need to strengthen the institutionalization in the
political parties of Pakistan:
In support of the political parties they require to arrange party conferences, having
great weight, as well as successful, and avoiding the family or personality great
tributes of the top leaders of the party (ignoring the rest of the party workers and
members), past and present, laced with broadside of misuse for opponents, their
speeches should be to the point, precise and above all, they were on the burning issues
like education, the menace of terrorism, sectarianism, agriculture, commerce and
trade, foreign relations, health etc., and also not to use repetition and reappearance. In
party leader as well as considerable high authority positions, suitable election through
138
secret ballot should be in place, discontinuing the practice of keeping a panel of office
holder useful by earlier hidden blessing of the Chief/influential party bosses in
support of an immediate sanction, rather unanimous, and with doubtful personal
belongings left on behalf of the Chief's decision only.
Extreme reliance on the customers or investor has out of order the chain of
systematic management of the political parties as institutions, weakened the party
strength and motivated the breach of laws and rules, and use wrongly the state
properties. Until, the political parties have to maintain their survival under some rigid
structure, abide by electoral regulations and dealings, and bring together money as of
accepted and legal sources, they will not function as well-organized democratic
institutions in Pakistan. For bringing democracy within the parties, application of
electoral laws, determining code of conduct, and establishing transparency in raising
and spending of party funds are utmost important. Election expenses of the party
nominees can be borne/shared by the parties. Thus, the candidates being spared of
huge election expenses, and also other invisible expenses in the form of contributions
to party fund and party bosses' fund, they will not need to treat this expenditure as
investment. Thus a tendency of recovering invested amount and building reserves can
be discouraged.
139
APPENDIX-A
A Long March for Peoples Rights
As you all know God Almighty sent 124,000 prophets to the people of the
world till such time that religion was completely revealed. During that period, there
could be a danger to religion. We believe that with the appearance of the Last of the
Prophets (peace be upon him) the revelation of religion was complete. Had there been
any danger to Islam, Mohammad (peace be upon him) would not have been the Last
of the Prophets. We can safely conclude that there is no danger to Islam at all. That is
the one reason why no more prophets will be sent to the world. This is an article of
faith with us because our religion is a complete code of life and God Himself is its
protector.
Leaving aside the religious aspect of this question, I wish to call upon you to
use your common sense. May I ask you a simple question? How many of you living
in this country feel any danger to their faith? If Islam had been in danger, you would
have palpably felt it. You are living in Pakistan. There is nobody in this Country to
preach anything against religion. Nobody comes to your homes to Prevent you from
offering your prayers. Nobody has ever asked you not to have faith in God Almighty
or not to recite the Holy Quraan. None has preached against performing Hajj. There is
no such party in Pakistan. When the fire is kindled, the sparks are visible. If there is
flood, the water can be seen all around. If a storm is blowing, it can be seen. Because
you do not feel any danger to Islam, it is proved that there is no danger to Islam. In
fact, there can be no danger to Islam in Pakistan because it is a Muslim country. There
are no enemies of Islam in Pakistan.
When the Quaid-i-Azam was struggling for Pakistan, when blood was being
spilled and when people were making sacrifices for the cause of Pakistan, these so-
called defenders of Islam were not in the ranks with Quaid-i-Azam. The nation was
passing through a critical phase and the Hindus and the British had joined hands in a
big conspiracy against the establishment of Pakistan. Our enemies were siding with
140
Nehru, Patel and Gandhi. When we took on our enemies, these people advised us
against the establishment of Pakistan. At that time, they dubbed the Quaid-i-Azam as
a great infidel. During our struggle against the enemies of Islam, these people were
against the Pakistan movement. What right do they have now to tell us that Islam is in
danger in Pakistan? No, none at all! Islam is not in danger in the present
circumstances. It is the capitalist system which is in danger.
We declare that democracy is our polity. There are two types of political
systems, the democratic and the dictatorial. You have struggled against a dictatorship
and defeated it. Dictatorship is one mans rule. It is not a peoples government. That is
why you were opposed to it. We were with you during this struggle. That is why our
second principle is that democracy is our polity. In so far as our third principle is
concerned, it relates to the economic problems of the people. This, in fact, is the basic
problem. This problem concerns you and in order to solve it, we demand Islamic
equality. Equality is one of the basic principles of our religion. The English term for
musawat is socialism We do not want to fight on the question of terminology.
However, I am not the first one to commit the crime of using this term. It was the
Quaid-i-Azam who first used it.
You can consult the relevant books. You will find that the Quaid-i-Azam
declared that Islamic Socialism would be established in Pakistan. Later this was
repeated by Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan as well. I want to make it clear to my
Pakistani brothers that so long as the solution to your poverty is not found, this
country can never progress. There has been no progress during the last 23 years. The
reason is that the capitalists ruled the country. Just as dictatorship is hateful in
politics, similarly capitalism is hateful in economics. If democracy is not opposed to
Islam, equality too is not against Islam. Everybody knows that there is no
parliamentary system in Islam. But Islam is based on equality. Why do cur opponents
ignore this? Whose cause do they serve?
The Peoples Party is your party. You have formed this party. We are with you.
We have never cheated you. When I first appeared on the scene I had promised you an
independent foreign policy. The previous policy, formulated by the imperialists and
followed for 12 years was detrimental to the national interest. This policy was against
the integrity and sovereignty of the country. Pakistan became the laughing stock of the
141
world. Even small countries of the world made fun of us. When I assumed office as
Foreign Minister, I said that the foreign policy of the imperialists was totally wrong
and I promised that we would formulate an independent foreign policy. We
established good relations with the countries we had ignored. Our relations with
Afghanistan were very strained.
We did not have good relations with Russia and not much contact with China.
When I went to Russia in the capacity of Minister for Natural Resources, I concluded
an agreement there which initiated a phase of good relations with that big power.
Later, we developed the best of relations with China. When we fought a war against
India, countries from Algeria to Jordan supported Pakistan. We did not have an
Islamic Secretariat at that time! Recently, when the question of establishing an Islamic
Secretariat was raised, many Arab countries refused to have anything to do with it.
During our war with India Shastri himself declared that India had been isolated. All
these changes took place when I was Foreign Minister. My foreign policy was the
peoples foreign policy. During the war with India, I spoke in the Security Council
and declared firmly that we shall fight India resolutely. It was at this meeting that
Swaran Singh left the Security Council.
I had said that we were notafraid of India because we were fighting for a just
cause. Ayub Khan was afraid of India. He used to take out a map and show to us the
size of India. He used to point out that India was a big country and had a large
population and immense resources. I used to tell him, Ayub Khan Sahib, please roll
up this map. We will fight India. During my short political life, this was my first
promise which was fulfilled. May I ask the Islam exploiters, whose careers range
from thirty to forty years, what have they done for this country? What services have
they rendered to Pakistan that they have the courage to offer themselves again for
public office? They should stay at home and take some rest now. There is a right time
for everything, for marriage, for life and death. Similarly, there is an age which is
right for politics. Their watches stopped in 1950. Ever since they have been taking
them to the watchmaker for repairs, but they have failed to make them tick. The
Peoples Party is important not because I founded it, but because it is your party and
always reflects your opinion and demands. It will never betray the people. I fulfilled
142
the first promise by giving the country a new foreign policy. The second promise
fulfilled was to confront India, and stop its aggression.
These parties never struggled against Ayub Khan. My dear brothers and
sisters, you have to decide this. When Ayub Khan had been toppled, these people
came out and started claiming that they had done this and done that. I say that the last
blow to dictatorship was delivered by the people. Until the people rose against him,
workers left the mills, the peasants their fields and the students their studies, the
dictator could not be defeated. The surprising thing is that supporters of Six Points
also went to see him. I think that it was the first time in history that a people defeated
a dictatorship. It was possible because we sided with you during this struggle. We did
not ask you to go and fight and spill your blood while we watched the outcome of the
struggle. We were with you in all the phases of the struggle. I had to go to jail and to
suffer imprisonment in the Mianwali and the Sahiwal jails. You were my strength at
that time. Now our promise is that we shall uproot this corrupt system which has
promoted poverty and deprivation in the country. We shall bring this system to an end
and establish peoples rule.
I am very well aware of the fact that this is going to be an ardor, struggle. A lot
of sacrifices will be required to secure the peoples rights. We need a long march.
When I say that we would undertake a long march I am dubbed as a communist.
I say that the first long march in history was undertaken by Imam Hussain. My
dear brothers, please remember that it is going to be a hard struggle, but we are bound
143
to succeed. You have learnt a lot during 23 years of independence. You have never
enjoyed any benefit from this independence. Other countries have progressed and
prosperity prevails in them after independence. Why is the situation in Pakistan
different from that? In Pakistan, it is not animals but human beings who live here.
This is not a slave country. Why should poverty and hunger keep on spreading in this
country? This certainly is not Gods will. It is because of the wrong capitalist system.
A patient needs the right type of medicine for treatment. If the wrong medicine is
given the malady will not be cured. The stooges of the imperialists can clearly
visualise the danger ahead. This system increases the prosperity of the capitalists who
go on establishing one mill after another. Their mills are increasing in number every
day. We are not afraid of them. We have to establish only one mill and that is the mill
of Pakistan.
This is the most important principle. We are proud of the fact that we are
Muslims. We shall wage a jihad for the cause of Islam, not only in Pakistan but
anywhere in the world, if required. Our holy war will also be against poverty. We say
that if you want to serve the ideology of Pakistan, do not pay mere lipservice to it.
The ideology of Pakistan means that the Muslims of Pakistan should do their duty to
Muslims who are in trouble anywhere in the world. If Muslim blood is being
mercilessly shed in India, you cannot just wring your hands. If atrocities are being
144
committed on the Muslims in the Middle East, you will have to do something about it.
If the Peoples Party had been in power and if there had been a peoples government
in Pakistan, it would not have allowed India to get away with the killing of Muslims
in Ahmedabad.
I call upon the Governments stooges not to take undue advantage of the
situation and exploit the oppressed people of Pakistan. This Government is temporary.
I want to inform them that a strong peoples government will be established in
Pakistan and it will call them to account. The ideology of Pakistan is that the Muslims
of Pakistan should progress and the Muslims of the world should be helped whenever
they need help. It is ironic that the persons who had opposed Pakistan are trying to
teach us the ideology of Pakistan. The truth is that we are all imbued with the spirit of
Islam. If we did not have the prestige of Islam dear to our hearts, we would not have
declared that we would fight for a thousand years. How can a Muslim be against
Islam? This is a baseless accusation which does not make any sense. It Islam were in
danger, the people of Pakistan would have felt it. Gentlemen, do you feel that Islam is
in danger?
These people have some cheek telling us that Islam is in danger. When the
enemies of Islam were trying to weaken the Muslims, these persons were siding with
them. They were siding with the people who called the Quaid-i-Azam, Quaid-i-
Kufr. They are not only opposed to us; they were opposed to the Quaid-i-Azam too.
They also issued edicts against Allama Iqbal. They do not issue edicts against bribery
and exploitation. We respect the ulema who are true religious leaders, but when they
interfere in politics and sing their discordant tunes, we cannot accept them. They did
not spare the Quaid-i-Azam. Those who called the Quaid-i-Azam a kafir, are
themselves the greatest of infidels.
145
message of equality for everyone. That is why we want that Islamic equality should be
established. Poverty and hunger cannot be stamped out without adopting the
principles of equality. I spoke about Tashkent in Lahore on 8 March. I quoted from
certain books.
During my recent tour, I had been told not to say anything more than what the
Government had already made public. It was with this in view that I read out from the
books but even this was criticized. I have nothing to add to what I have already said in
Lahore. Whatever I can add can come when a peoples government has been
established in Pakistan. Presently, you should ask Ayub Khan. This question can be
put to me when a government is established in Pakistan which openly discards and
tears up the Tashkent Declaration, but if messages continue to be exchanged on the
anniversary of the Tashkent Declaration, I cannot divulge anything. When the people
resolve to launch a campaign against the Tashkent Declaration, I shall lead this
campaign and point out the blunders committed in this Declaration. I have done my
duty in Lahore and it was not possible for me to say much and explain how hard I
tried to avert this Declaration. Even an Indian author has written that I tried to prevent
this Declaration while they were very happy about it. I can only say that this
declaration is against the interests of Pakistan.
Some of the ulema have declared that there is no equality in Islam, but there
is justice in Islam. Even if we accept their stand, may we ask what justice demands?
Justice demands equality. If the people are denied two square meals a day, if there is
poverty and hunger, if the children are deprived of education, then it is not justice. It
is equality which is in keeping with justice. Socialism is an English word and our
friends are allergic to this English word. This struggle is against exploitation and
capitalism. We do not want that the system of oppression should continue. This is the
message of socialism or equality. The Quaid-i-Azam himself used this word. If you do
not like the English word socialism, we can substitute it with Islami Musawat. When
Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan called for Islamic Socialism,
why did they not declare that Islam was a complete code of life and that socialism was
not needed? I accept that Islam is a complete code of life, but then why do they keep
146
on repeating the demand for the 1956 Constitution? The Quran is our constitution.
Why talk about any other constitution?
The parliamentary system is not mentioned in the Holy Quran. No verse of the
Holy Quran or a saying of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) mentions the
parliamentary system. Is it Islamic or not? This system was formulated by the British
who ruled this country and who were our enemies. When it comes to a question of
equal distribution of wealth and the eradication of poverty, our opponents declare it to
be against Islam. If there is no Islamic Socialism in Islam, then there is no Islamic
democracy either. If they want Islamic democracy, then Islamic Socialism is also
needed. If the politics is to be that of the people, the economic system should also be
of the people. The condition of the Muslims is deteriorating every day. If they want to
serve Islam, they should serve the Muslims. They should enable the Muslims to get
education. There should be hospitals for them. They should be provided with clothing
and shelter. The majority of the Muslims is becoming poorer every day while these
leaders keep on repeating that Islam is in danger. This is no service to Islam. Service
to Islam lies in service to the Muslims. That is Islamic Socialism. Our opponents
cannot accuse us of cheating the people or of committing excesses. We cannot be
charged with exploiting the people or for having misled them. That is the reason for
this propaganda that we are endangering Islam. Islam cannot be in danger because it
is an eternal religion. We may have to launch a long struggle and offer innumerable
sacrifices, but the peoples rule will be established and we are bound to triumph.
147
APPENDIX-B
MAULANA MAUDUDI SPEECH ABOUT DEMOCRACY
AND ISLAM SPEECH AT JEHLUM, NOVEMBER 14,
1967.
All the praises to Almighty Allah! My dear friends and colleagues, in the near
past we have a get to gether and I think that the Provincial Amir fore-told you the
about the next strategy of the JI, that how to move forward in this connection. Yet,
you will expect from my side that to explain you the JIs task and policy in the current
situation. Therefore I will try of my level best to elaborate you the essentials
condensely in this regard, for the purpose.
The Programm of JI
You know that the JIs program has four components. The foremost is to call
the peoples towards Allah. Its very aim is to call all the masses toward Allah and to
coceve them the real interpretation of Allahs obedience and sertitude, to fulfill all
athe pre-requisites for the links. The second part/component of our program is to
organize in well disciplined manner, in Islamic spirits. Third one is to reform the
human race. For the purpose we have to train and enhace the capabalities of those
who has gird up with us, in this mission. Trough them, we have to interlink with the
society. The said tight discipline will not for the strenghtning of our personal gains
but, for the accomplishment of the mission.
Ofcourse, the very purpose of our mission is to reform and guide the rest of
the society for better results. We are in need to avoid the wrong doers from the evils
and sins to lead their lives according to the Quranic teachings, in their individual and
collective spheres. The people, who are not on the right path and they are the
believers, it is our duty to keep them on the right path and strengthen their links to
Allah the almighty. It is also our duty to inpused them with the doga of Towheed
(Oneness of Allah), that Allah is the maintainer and sustainer of the entire universe.
Our last, not the least point is to guide the ruler/govt., to implement the
Islamic laws and we condemned the Western type of democracy in the country. As a
matter of fact, our mission is to establish the prophetic society, in the real sense.
148
The Stages of the pious mission, for thr Restoration of Deocracy
In the mentioned facts, the one and only component is tacceptable to the
contemporary Political Parties of Pakistan and hope that they will join hands with us
for the just and the righteous cause. The remaining three are our personal. We have
our own mechanism to adopt and will consistently carry on, at any cost. My dears, it
is great blessing of Allah that all the political parties are agreed upon the mentioned
agenda, to guide and keep the recent government on the right path. We will move
forward collectively through mutual consultation and concensus. It is the real Islamic
principle and spirit that to consult the issues and problem with each other, than in
individualistic approach.
There is a king party which is not the pulic opinionated or elected, it enjoyes
the role, according to the pleasure of their boss (dictator). The said party is not
agreeing to implement the Islamic laws. Now, its quite necessary for us to guide and
prevent it, to enhance your mission at any cost. It is also our goal and the Islamic
principle to keep them on the right path and also to guide them. Remember the
guidance of the human race is our real mission, to develop a pious and prophetic
society. If, we achieve our goal, as a result we will capable to produce such aperson
who can run the state affairs honestly, and our state running resource persons will be
serve better the nation, in all walks. The constitution of 1956 was concensessed by the
JI and the cotemporary Ulemas, for the implementation of Islamic set up in the
country.
149
obligatory for us to show tolerance by every stake-holder in the democratic alliance.
We have to clear the ambiguities and develop the confidence building measures for
the better results of smooth democracy in the country. Strictlyn keep in your mind the
mutual respect, loyalties, devotion and sincerity for each other, to tie up your links.
Abuse or Reform
If, we use the civilized and democratic manners, in any sorts of affairs, no one
can create hurdles in the way you moving forward. If, they doing so, the entire
community will be stood up against them and will blame them for their wrong doings
that they are against the right cause. If, you use the harsh words, naturally they will
tease you and the opposition will enjoye their tactics.
My dears, Our goal is create pious, honorable, and prophetic community and
side by side, to guide and make suggestions for the government, for the betterment of
the humanity. The said principle is the very principle of Islam that not to loose the
grip on the preaching and boosting of the Islamic values. The preaching and Islamic
values will be consistently utilize, even in the battle field. It is obligatory for us to
maintain and sustain the mission. It is big difference between the Muslim and
Christianity that the former has no specified place to preech and practice and the later
is specified to temples and Fathers.
150
While the Islamic preaching and teachings covers the entire activities of life,
in all walks. Just a constitution is not the solution of the current situation. It is in need
of the whole community consensus, and to practice them in their daily lives and
activities.
151
APPENDIX-C
152
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