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AUTHOR "Andrea Sudbury"

TITLE "Falkland islands English"

SUBJECT "EWW, Volume 221"

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Falkland Islands English

A southern hemisphere variety?*

Andrea Sudbury
University of Canterbury, Christchurch

In addition to the major English varieties spoken in New Zealand, Australia

and South Africa, the dialect of the Falkland Islands is one of the few native-
speaker Englishes in the southern hemisphere. The Falkland variety is rela-
tively unknown in the rest of the English-speaking world and when heard it
is often wrongly identied as one of the other southern hemisphere varieties.
This article considers whether the Falkland variety is linguistically typical of
southern hemisphere Englishes. A description of Falkland Islands English is
given, based on a large corpus of conversational data, and direct compari-
sons are drawn between the Falkland dialect and the three main southern
hemisphere varieties. Although many similarities between these Englishes do
exist, the Falkland dialect is shown to diverge for several of the diagnostic
southern hemisphere variables. Explanations for this are suggested, using the
notions of identity and default.

1. Introduction

The Kelper1 has developed over the years an accent not unlike that developed
in other English emigrant territories although not as broad as the Australian

*This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council Postgraduate Training
Award R00429634115. I should like to thank the Shackleton Trust, the Economic and Social Research
Council and the University of Essex Blomeld Travel Grant for supporting a four-month eldwork trip
to the Falkland Islands. I am indebted to all those Falkland Islanders who allowed me to record them and
in particular to Jane Cameron, the Government Archivist, for her advice and comments on the
settlement of the Islands. I should also like to thank David Britain for comments on earlier drafts of this
paper. Any errors remain entirely my own.
1.Kelper is the Falklands term used to describe native Islanders, i.e. those people born in the islands.

English World-Wide 22:1 (2001), 5580. issn 01728865

2001 John Benjamins Publishing Company
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56 Andrea Sudbury

accent, a percentage of the Kelpers do have an accent which is akin to that of

Australia. (Strange 1983: 161)
Kelpers speak in an accent you might think came from Devon or New
Zealand. (Wigglesworth 1992: 9)

These observations about Falkland Islands English (FIE), by a long-term

resident of the islands and a British journalist, reect the overwhelming view of
the Falklands accent, namely that it closely resembles the other southern
hemisphere English varieties. That this is the case is supported by the islanders
themselves, who, when they travel overseas, are frequently mistaken for
Australians, New Zealanders and sometimes South Africans. Moreover, both
Trudgill (1986) and Wells (1982), the only linguists to have commented on the
Falklands variety, note a southern hemisphere quality to the FIE samples they
have heard.
Such comments do not come as any surprise. The Falkland Islands are
situated in the southern hemisphere; they are closer, geographically, to Austra-
lia, New Zealand and South Africa than to their colonial power, Britain; and
their settlement history shares many similarities with the other English-speak-
ing (former) colonies in the southern hemisphere, particularly the timing of
colonisation (nineteenth century). However, closer analysis suggests that the
Falklands variety does not t in with the other southern hemisphere Englishes
as easily as the observations above imply.
This paper oers a brief description of modern-day FIE and considers
whether the Falklands dialect is linguistically typical of the other southern
hemisphere Englishes. FIE, along with New Zealand English (NZE), is probably
the youngest native speaker English in the world. In order to understand its
development, it is rst necessary to be familiar with the unique settlement
history of the islands. This is followed by an outline of FIE, based on conversa-
tional Falklands speech, taken from the rst empirical study of the Falklands
dialect (see Sudbury 2000). The focus lies primarily on phonetic and phonologi-
cal features, although brief consideration is given to grammatical and lexical
features. The characteristics of FIE are directly compared with the three main
southern hemisphere varieties, emphasising the main dierences and similar-
ities. Finally, reasons to explain why Falkland Islanders are often mistaken for
other anglophone southern hemisphere speakers are examined.
 Falkland Islands English 57

2. Geography and demography

The Falkland Islands are an archipelago of some three hundred islands, lying
300 miles (480 km) east of the South American mainland and 8 000 miles
(12 800 km) south of the UK. They cover an area of 4 700 miles2 (12 173 km2),
roughly half the size of Wales and a little bigger than Jamaica (Map 1).
There are two main islands, East and West Falkland. The population is just
over 2000 people and almost three-quarters of them live in Stanley, the capital
and only town, situated on the far east of East Falkland. The remainder live in
settlements around the islands which vary in size from two or three people to
thirty. All of the settlements outside Stanley and the land itself are collectively
known as Camp, a term derived from the Spanish word campo meaning
countryside. In addition a further 2 000 military personnel and 450 civilians
connected to the military are based in the islands. The majority of these live at
Mount Pleasant Airport, the military base and international airport, about
35 miles west of Stanley.

South Atlantic Ocean

East Falkland
Saunders Island Pebble Island

Johnsons Harbour
Hill Cove
San Carlos
Port Howard
STANLEY
Chartres
MPA
Goose Green
Fox Bay

North Arm N

West Falkland 0 25 50 km
0 25 50 miles

Map 1.The Falkland Islands

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3. Settlement history

The settlement history of the Falkland Islands is rather unique when compared
to the colonisation of much of the English-speaking world, by virtue of the fact
that when the rst settlers arrived the islands were uninhabited. The lack of an
indigenous population meant that the only language varieties to come into
contact in the Falklands were those spoken by the settlers themselves. Since the
majority of the settlers were British (aside from a handful of individuals mainly
from Northern Europe), the Falklands situation is a rare example of relatively
pure dialect contact, with virtually no interference from other languages.2
Furthermore, unlike the majority of British territories where native speaker
Englishes have developed and which have gained independence from their
colonial power, the Falklands remain a British colony. Islanders carry British
passports and enjoy full residency rights in Britain.
The settlement history of the Falkland Islands can be roughly separated into
four periods: pre-1833, before permanent settlement; nineteenth century British
colonisation, the main period of settlement; later twentieth century population
movement, both emigration and immigration; and immigration since 1982.

3.1 Territorial history up to 18333

Prior to the British colonisation of the Falklands in 1833 a couple of small
settlements had been established in the islands by the French (in 1764,
subsequently sold to the Spanish in 1766) and British (in 1765). These two
colonies remained unaware of each others presence until 1769. After a period
of struggle the British withdrew from Port Egmont in 1774, leaving behind a
plaque making it clear that they were not relinquishing their sovereignty rights.
The Spanish settlement was abandoned in 1806 during the independence
wars between Spain and her South American colonies (Strange 1983: 55). After
achieving independence the newly formed United Provinces of Rio de la Plata
(Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Bolivia and parts of Chile) maintained Spains

2.The eects of Gaelic, brought by many of the early settlers from the Highlands and Islands of
Scotland, and the Scandinavian languages, brought by shipwrecked sailors, on the developing Falklands
dialect are assumed to be minimal, as they seem to have been lost within a generation.
3.For a more detailed history of the discovery of the Falkland Islands and the subsequent territorial
claims by the French, Spanish (later Argentinian) and British and recent territorial disputes see Strange
(1983), Cawkell (1983) and Sudbury (2000).
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claim on the islands they called Islas Malvinas, but did not return to the islands
until 1820 to state their sovereignty.
In 1833 the British returned to re-establish sovereignty. Many of the
remaining Spanish colonisers chose to leave, leaving the British with an almost
uninhabited group of islands.

3.2 Nineteenth-century British colonisation

When Lieutenant H. Smith arrived in the islands to take command of the
reclaimed settlement in January 1834 the resident population was a mere nine
people. This had increased to forty-ve people by the 1842 census and over the
next few decades the population escalated, with the majority of settlers arriving
from Britain.
By mid-way through the century the population was increasing. There was
a sharp increase in newcomers from South America. Most were on the run
(Royle 1987: 20) and were employed as gauchos, brought over by the land-
owners to herd wild cattle. Nevertheless, very few settled in the islands and the
majority had returned to Chile and Uruguay by the turn of the century (Spruce
1996: 1). Their legacy in the islands includes several place names of Spanish
origin, and also the style and terminology of horse gear (Spruce 1992: 302;
Strange 1983: 156; see below).4
A second group of fresh immigrants were sailors who had either been
shipwrecked or had jumped ship on their way round Cape Horn. A signicant
percentage of these were from Scandinavia and although it seems that they lost
their native languages within a generation, their inuence is reected in the
Falklands telephone directory today, which lists a number of Pettersens,
Andersons and Larsens, to name a few.
However, despite the rapidly increasing population there were diculties
attracting fresh immigration to the islands. The government began to lease land
to prospective farmers in order to attract newcomers. Land on East Falkland
was leased from the 1840s, but it was not until the late 1860s that the settlement
of West Falkland began (Strange 1983: 80).
According to popular opinion Scottish Highlanders and Islanders were the
ideal settlers, being accustomed to a hardy life (Government despatches,
1842, from Governor Moody to Lord Stanley). Yet it wasnt until the second

4.This appears to be the full extent of language contact with Spanish in the islands.
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half of the century that Scottish settlers came in large numbers. A substantial
proportion of these Scottish migrants came from the Highlands and Islands,
with a great many being employed by landowners, particularly the Falkland
Islands Company,5 as shepherds and labourers.
In 1849 thirty Chelsea Pensioners6 and their families were sent to the
islands to form a garrison. However, many found the life was too tough and it
was reported that they were not good colonists (Falkland Islands Journal
1969: 45). After less than ten years they were oered the option of returning to
Britain and seven of the families took up this oer and left the islands.
By the 1901 census, just over 2 000 residents were recorded (Falkland
Islands Government Census Reports).

3.3 Twentieth-century population movement

The early decades of the twentieth century saw the Falklands population
continue to increase. Nevertheless, there was a steady and constant turnover of
people, particularly signicant given the smallness of the Falkland community.
From the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries many Falkland
Islanders, both landowners and labourers, were attracted by the prospect of
wealth in the Magellanic Region of Chile and Argentina. One estimate is that
some 300 people emigrated during this period (Martinic 1996:83). Some settled
permanently in Patagonia, others later returned to the Falklands. In addition to
this migration, new immigrants continued to arrive from Britain, while several
existing settlers returned to the UK.
By 1931 the population hit a peak, with almost 2 400 residents. However,
from the mid-century onwards, particularly after World War Two, the Falkland
population began to decline. This decrease became acute in the 1970s and early
1980s between the 1962 and 1980 censuses there was a 16.2% drop in the
total population. A number of factors contributed to the fall in population.
Most importantly, the local economy, entirely dependent on wool production,
stagnated as a result of the depression in the global wool market in the 1970s.
This forced many islanders, especially the younger workforce, to leave in search
of better job opportunities.

5.The Falkland Islands Company, once the biggest employer in the islands, was established in 1851.
6.Chelsea Pensioners were military veterans. Despite being called Pensioners, the average age of
the men was just 42 years. Most were recorded as English or Irish.
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The Falklands were thrust onto the world stage in April 1982 when
Argentine troops landed in the islands, in an attempt to assert their territorial
claims. The ensuing Conict and British victory have changed the islands way
of life irrevocably, giving rise to massive social and economic upheaval.7
Regeneration of the economy has encouraged a new wave of immigration
to the Falklands since 1982. This includes the return of many overseas Falkland
Islanders, as well as fresh immigration from Britain and elsewhere.
Today the population of the Falkland Islands has increased to just over 2000
people. Of those, 60% are true Falkland Islanders, in other words, they were
born in the islands. Most of the other residents are British (30%) and the rest
come from elsewhere, including Europe, the United States and Asia. In recent
years there has been an increase in immigration from the British Dependency
of St Helena and from Chile. There are also a number of contract workers from
Australia and New Zealand in the Falklands. These include teachers and
medical personnel as well as seasonal contract shearers and farm workers.

4. Dialect origins of the founding Falklands population

It is commonly assumed that given such a recent colonial history and a tiny
population, the dialect backgrounds of the founding Falkland population must
be easy to trace. However, this turns out not to be the case. The overall settle-
ment history of the Falklands has been poorly documented. Many records
which might have shed some light on the origins of the early settlers have been
destroyed or lost over the years and much of the written evidence which has
survived is incomplete or vague as to the regional whereabouts of the founding
colonists. Thus, those sources which are available only provide a very general
overview of settler backgrounds.
This situation is further complicated by the transient nature of the Falkland
population, which dates back to the early days of the colony. Reviewing the
establishment of the Falkland Islands as a colony, Royle observes that many of
the early settlers did not make a long term commitment to the islands and there
seems to have been a high turnover of people (Royle 1987: 17). A number of
settlers left the islands because of the harsh lifestyle and, as noted above, many were
attracted by a new life in Patagonia (The Times Dec. 16th, 1892; Martinic 1996).

7.See Strange (1983) for details of the Falklands Conict and Sudbury (2000) for population and
economic changes since 1982.
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The high turnover of people was exacerbated because a signicant propor-

tion of the early population were contract workers. This included farm workers,
but also government employees such as teachers and other civil servants. Such
contracts were usually between two and ve years. Many of these workers
renewed their contracts or chose to live in the islands when their contracts
expired. Nevertheless, a large number left the Falklands and did not return. As
with the general settlement history, clear documentation of this sustained
population movement has not survived. This makes it impossible to give precise
dialect origins for the early Falkland Islands settlers.
In spite of these problems, two regions stand out as being especially
inuential in the peopling of the islands: Scotland, in particular the Highlands
and Western Islands region, and the South-west of England, predominantly
Devon and Somerset.

5. Methodology

My description of FIE is based on a corpus of conversational Falklands speech,

collected during a four-month eldwork trip to the islands in 1997. The
selection criterion for informants was, quite simply, that they had to be native
Falkland Islanders in other words, to have been born and brought up in the
islands. Speakers were categorised according to three social variables: sex, age
and residence. Residence, here, is a variable specic to the Falklands and refers
to the area of the islands where informants have spent the majority of their lives
either Stanley, Camp or, for those who have moved around, Mixed.
Informants were selected using the friend of a friend technique, based on
Milroy (1980). The Falkland Islands Government archivist agreed to act as a
broker and this allowed me to select speakers from a wide range of estab-
lished Falkland families. Where possible, recordings were made after an initial
meeting with the informants. Most taping sessions took place in speakers
homes, which helped create an informal atmosphere. No set interview struc-
ture was followed. Rather, conversations were allowed to take as spontaneous
a course as possible, with speakers encouraged to steer the conversation to
topics they wanted to discuss.
In total, over 100 hours of conversation were recorded, from 87 informants.
The speech of 57 of these speakers was orthographically transcribed and forms
the basis for the description of FIE which follows.
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6. Falkland Islands English

6.1 Regional variation

In spite of a very small population and land mass, it has been suggested that
because of the geographical isolation of many of the Camp settlements, particu-
larly on West Falkland, FIE is regionally variable (Trudgill 1986).8 Trudgill
asserts that the remoteness of these settlements, from each other and from
Stanley, resulted in the maintenance of dialects which closely resembled the
English of the original settlers. Since many Camp settlements were populated by
immigrants from the same area, such as the West Country for Hill Cove on
West Falkland and Scotland in the Lafonia region of East Falkland, the dialects
spoken by the children of the founding population would have been very
similar to the nineteenth-century dialects transported to those settlements. In
Stanley, by contrast, Trudgill states that a more focused variety has developed,
on account of greater dialect mixture. Moreover, this dialect has many similar-
ities with the other southern hemisphere Englishes, particularly the Australasian
varieties (Trudgill 1986: 128).
That this was the situation earlier this century and probably prior to 1982
is certainly likely. Many Falkland Islanders reported that Camp settlements, and
some more than others, had idiosyncratic accents. The overall impression from
the Islanders is that, at one time, some settlements developed (or retained)
quite distinctive accents, reminiscent of the dialects of the early settlers,
supporting Trudgills claim.
However, in recent years, particularly since the Conict, the increase in UK
immigration and the improvement of roads in Camp, such distinctions are
becoming less marked as Campers have contact with a wider range of people.
Some Islanders claim still to be able to distinguish between East and West
Campers; however, the majority felt there was no dierence. So perhaps, at one
time, Camp dialects were distinguishable from Stanley varieties, but over the
last twenty years any distinctions appear to have been lost. This is the reverse to
what is happening in New Zealand and Australia, where regional dialects do
seem to be emerging (Bradley 1991; Oasa 1989; Horvath and Horvath 1999).

8.Trudgill bases his comments on a personal communication with Thomas Melchionne, an

ethnographer who conducted research on alcohol consumption in the Falkland Islands during 1982 and
1983.
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6.2 Social variation

The population of the Falklands has been too small for clear class boundaries to
develop and, on the whole, social stratication is considerably less discrete than
in the UK and elsewhere. Nevertheless, there was an upper stratum in early
Falklands society, consisting of the landowners (and later, farm managers) and
government ocials, which continued, to some extent, until the restructuring
of land ownership in the late 1970s. Many of this group sent their children away
to the UK for education and often retired back to Britain. The linguistic
consequence of this was a land-owning class of RP or near-RP speakers, with
very little socio-linguistic dierentiation between the other settlers.
If a more structured social hierarchy emerges from the post-Conict
Falkland society, then in future some kind of social variation continuum within
FIE may emerge.

6.3 Inter- and intra-speaker variation

FIE is distinguishable from other English varieties. Nevertheless, the high levels
of variability which characterise Falkland speech make it dicult to dene
precisely. Not only is there considerable variation between individuals in
dierent social categories, such as age, sex and residence groups, but also
between speakers within these groups, when they are more nely stratied.
There is even sizeable variation between siblings within these categories. In
addition to such inter-speaker variability, FIE also shows high levels of intra-
speaker variation. A good example comes from an old female speaker from
Camp, who used three dierent vowel variants in the word class in the same
utterance: a mid-front variant [klas], a back realisation [kl"s] and a variant
Such variation suggests that FIE is not yet
intermediate between these, [klas].
a fully focused variety. Rather, it seems to be still in the middle stages of
koineisation, which are characterised by both inter- and intra-speaker variabil-
ity (Trudgill 1999: 197).

7. Phonetics and phonology

FIE is, phonemically, a southern British English variety, sharing the same
phonemic system as southern Britain and the southern hemisphere varieties.
However, there are substantial phonetic dierences which distinguish these
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varieties. Moreover, as already mentioned, there is considerable phonetic

variation between Falkland Island speakers. Using Wells (1982) lexical sets as
points of reference for vowels, a brief description of FIE is given below.

7.1 Vowels

7.1.1 Front short vowels

The most striking observation about Falkland Island front short vowels is that
TRAP, DRESS and KIT correspond more or less exactly with southern British
English. In other words, the southern hemisphere characteristic of raised front
short vowel tokens is not a feature of FIE (see Figures 13). As far as these
vowels are concerned, Falkland Islanders sound like southern British English
speakers and most denitely not like southern hemisphere speakers.

(NZE/AusE/SAfE) 7

(FIE/SBrE)

Figure 1.Realisations of the TRAP vowel in the southern hemisphere varieties

The usual variants of the front short vowels in the Falklands are TRAP [5],
DRESS [7] and KIT [I]. There is a small degree of variation in the realisations of
these phonemes in the direction of closer realisations. However it should be
emphasised that such variation is not widespread, making the Falkland front
short vowels clearly untypical of southern hemisphere Englishes.
There is occasional TRAP variability with a few tokens slightly closer [55].

These few raised realisations of TRAP tend to precede a nasal, such as Stanley
[st5nli],
hand [h5nd].
Variation in the DRESS lexical set is slightly greater with
DRESS sporadically realised as a mid-close vowel [77eee]. Certain lexical
items seemed to encourage some raising. Most notable of these was get, which
was often a mid-close vowel [getgetgetgIt]. For KIT a little centralisation
66 Andrea Sudbury

(NZE/AusE/SAfE) e

(FIE/SBrE) 7

Figure 2.Realisations of the DRESS vowel in the southern hemisphere varieties

(AusE) i
G (NZE/SAfE)
(NZE/AusE/SAfE) I

Figure 3.Realisations of the KIT vowel in the southern hemisphere varieties

was found, though this was rarely as central as New Zealand KIT. One or two
realisations were even close front vowels, as used in Australian English (AusE)
[IIGIi].

7.1.2 MOUTH and PRICE

PRICE has several realisations in FIE. The predominant variant has a mid
central onset [6I]. In addition, a slightly more open variant [!I] is widely used.
Fully open front and back realisations [aI"I] do occur, although they are less
common, and the monophthongs [a"] are also used, albeit rarely.
Falklands MOUTH also has three common onset qualities: a mid-open
front onset [7], a mid-open central vowel [!] and, less widespread, an open
variant [a]. As with PRICE, some monophthongisation occurs.
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As observed by Trudgill (1986: 160), both Falkland PRICE and MOUTH

tokens are allophonically distributed according to the pattern of Canadian
Raising (Chambers 1973). That is, preceding voiceless consonants PRICE and
MOUTH onsets tend to be mid-central. In all other following environments
more open onsets are used. It should be emphasised, however, that although
there are clear Canadian Raising patterns for both PRICE and MOUTH in FIE,
the allophonic contrast is less distinctive than in other dialects such as Cana-
dian English, because the onsets of both diphthongs are seldom fully open in
FIE (Sudbury 2000; Sudbury fc.). Furthermore in contrast to the other
southern hemisphere varieties, Falkland PRICE and MOUTH have not
undergone so-called Southern Shift (Labov 1994) or, in Wells terminology,
diphthong shift, whereby PRICE has raised from a fully open to a back mid-
open starting point and MOUTH has raised from a fully open to a fronter mid-
open one (Wells 1982: 598).
However, the Falkland PRICE and MOUTH variables do share one similar-
ity with the other southern hemisphere Englishes, namely glide-weakening.
MOUTH realisations, in particular, are prone to glide weakening, with both
weakened glides and monophthongisation very common amongst speakers
(Sudbury 2000: 2779). Trudgill et al. hypothesise that glide weakening is a
distinctively southern hemisphere innovation (Trudgill et al. 2000: 13) and the
evidence that it is a feature of FIE helps to support such a claim.

7.1.3 CLOTH/LOT
In FIE the CLOTH/LOT vowel is generally realised as an open back rounded
variant [#], much the same as the other southern hemisphere realisations. There
is some variation by some speakers who distinguish between the LOT and
CLOTH lexical sets, using the lengthened raised variant [f] for certain items,
most usually o, across and often. This feature has also been noted in NZE
(Bauer 1986: 238) and AusE (Trudgill 1986: 130) for the same lexical items.

7.1.4 FOOT and STRUT

FIE behaves like a southern British English dialect, having distinctive phonemes
in FOOT, /~/, and STRUT, /%/. For the most part FOOT is generally realised as
[~], however some speakers tend towards fronter, unrounded variants [GY],
particularly in words such as good, could.
In a similar way to Australian, New Zealand and South African Englishes
(Allan and Starks 2000: 73) STRUT shows signs of some fronting [%!] in FIE.
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However, in the Falklands this fronting is considerably less widespread and it

is too early to assess whether this is an incipient change.

7.1.5 BATH/START/PALM
The BATH/START/PALM vowel shows considerable variability in FIE, with
widespread inter- and intra-speaker variation. However, as with the
Australasian varieties,9 the general tendency for these lexical sets is a long front
realisation in FIE.
The open front variant [a] is the most commonly used variant for the START
 also occurring. Backer variants are also
lexical set, with a fronter realisation [a]
used by many speakers, ranging from the central realisations [a"]  to the
RP-like ["]. The BATH set has similar realisations with an increase in individ-
ual variation for this variable. Nevertheless the front variant is favoured overall.
A number of short TRAP-like realisations, [a5], are used by some speakers
in a small subset of BATH words, including last, past, after, half and asked.
However, no Falkland speaker used short realisations consistently and no
discernible pattern could be identied, in contrast to the phonologically dened
lexical subset in AusE10 (Sudbury 2000: 175).

7.1.6 NURSE
There are several NURSE variants in FIE ranging from the RP-like unrounded
mid central vowel [8], to the raised, fronted and lip-rounded variant [],
common in Australian, New Zealand and South African Englishes.

7.1.7 FLEECE
The FLEECE vowel is realised as [i]. There is occasional diphthongisation,
although this is not at all common. This contrasts with Australian and New
Zealand realisations, where diphthongisation is widespread (cf. Horvath
1985: 13; Bauer 1986: 236).

7.1.8 FACE
Falklands FACE ranges from an RP-like diphthong with a mid-close onset, the
predominant form, to a slightly more open realisation [ei7i]. In contrast to

9.South African English (SAfE) favours long back realisations ["a] (Branford 1994: 480).
10.An individual systematic patterning of long versus short in the BATH lexical set is also found in the
English Fenland dialect (Britain and Trudgill 1999: 254; Sudbury 2000: 174).
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Falkland Islands English 69

Australian, New Zealand and South African Englishes, the Falkland variants
show little tendency towards more fully open or centralised onsets.

7.1.9 THOUGHT/FORCE/NORTH
As elsewhere in the English-speaking southern hemisphere, this vowel is
generally a half-close, back vowel [f] in FIE. It is diphthongised by some
speakers to [f6f!], a feature of NZE (Allan and Starks 2000: 64), although as
with FLEECE diphthongisation this is not common in the Falklands.

7.1.10 GOAT
Realisations of GOAT are extremely variable in FIE. The RP realisation [6~] is
commonplace. A backer more open onset [%~], found in many British varieties
and in the other southern hemisphere varieties, is also common. In addition, a
number of speakers have a back mid-close onset [?~] for GOAT. Overall, then,
Falklands GOAT is considerably closer and somewhat backer than in the other
southern hemisphere Englishes.

7.1.11 GOOSE
As in the other southern hemisphere varieties, the GOOSE vowel is commonly
fronted to [}] in FIE. However, in contrast to Australian and New Zealand
Englishes, there is no tendency to diphthongise GOOSE (Allan and Starks
2000: 64). The back RP-like realisation [u] also occurs variably.

7.1.12 NEAR and SQUARE

On the whole FIE realisations of the NEAR and SQUARE diphthongs are
distinctive, [I6] and [e6] respectively. Nevertheless, a number of speakers show
signs that NEAR and SQUARE are merging towards /e6/. This suggests a
possible change in progress towards an /I6//e6/ merger, as has happened in
NZE (Bauer 1986; Gordon and Maclagan 1990; Holmes and Bell 1992; Mac-
lagan and Gordon 1996). Certain words tend towards merger more than
others, in particular the items year [je6], shear/shearing/shearer [we6] [we6rI]]
[we6r6] and, sometimes, here [he6]. This suggests that if this is, indeed, a change
in progress in FIE, it may be diused lexically, as has also been argued for the
New Zealand merger (Gordon and Maclagan 1990: 139). A small degree of
monophthongisation also occurs.
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70 Andrea Sudbury

7.1.13 /I/ and /6/ in unstressed syllables

In FIE there is considerable variation, both between speakers and for individ-
uals, for the vowel in unstressed syllables. The KIT phoneme and schwa are the
most common realisations and an intermediate variant somewhere between
the two is also used [IG6]. Schwa is narrowly favoured overall. One interpre-
tation of this is that although variable at the moment, the vowel in unstressed
syllables is gradually focusing on schwa in Falklands English. As such, it is
consistent with the other southern hemisphere Englishes, which strongly
favour [6] in this position.

7.1.14 HAPPY
In FIE the unstressed HAPPY vowel is almost invariably realised with the long
FLEECE vowel [i], as it is in most southern British English and southern
hemisphere varieties.

7.2 Consonants
The consonantal system in Falklands English is less variable than the vowels, as
is true of other (post-)colonial English varieties.

7.2.1 Post-vocalic /r/

Consistent with the other southern hemisphere Englishes, the Falklands dialect
is, on the whole, non-rhotic. Yet despite the general loss of non-prevocalic /r/,
several Falkland Islanders do show varying levels of rhoticity, with a small
minority who use quite high levels of non-prevocalic /r/. This suggests that the
loss of rhoticity has not reached total completion in the Falkland Islands, as is
the case for the Southland area of New Zealand, which is the last stronghold of
rhoticity in the country (Wells 1982: 606). Both linking and intrusive /r/ are
features of FIE.

7.2.2 Intervocalic and word nal /t/

A glottal variant [] and a voiced realisation [n] are widespread for word-nal
and word-medial /t/ in FIE. This is consistent with NZE (Holmes 1994, 1995;
Bauer 1986) and possibly the Australian and South African varieties.11

11.There are few reports of /t/ glottaling in either AusE or SAfE. However, this lack of reporting does
not necessarily mean that /t/ glottaling is not spreading in these varieties as well (cf. Sudbury 2000: 319).
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Falkland Islands English 71

Falkland speakers vary considerably in the extent of their [] and [n] usage.
Overall, the glottal variant is favoured in word and morpheme nal positions
preceding consonants, and the ap is more widely used preceding vocalic
segments. Such a pattern of loose complementary distribution has also been
noted for NZE (Bauer 1986: 2289).
There seems to be an increasing trend towards glottal usage in all environ-
ments in FIE, most notably for the younger speakers.12 Compared with the
spread of /t/ glottaling in NZE (Holmes 1995), [] usage appears to be consider-
ably more established in FIE (Sudbury 2000: 319). Moreover, the glottal variant
is rapidly gaining ground over the apped variant.

7.2.3 H-dropping and -ING variation

As far as h-dropping and -ING variability are concerned, the Falklands dialect
behaves much the same as the other southern hemisphere Englishes. H-drop-
ping is uncommon, with older speakers being more frequent h-droppers than
younger informants (Holmes, Bell and Boyce 1991: 54). -ING is variable in the
Falkland Islands for most speakers, with variants such as [I]][In][6n]. In
words ending in -thing, such as nothing, anything, something, the variant [I]k]
also occurs.

7.2.4 /l/
FIE /l/ has both clear and dark allophones. As with NZE (Allan and Starks
2000: 56) and AusE (Lass 1987: 299), however, there is a tendency towards dark
prevocalic /l/ for some speakers, particularly the younger islanders. /l/
vocalisation does occur, again, this is particularly noticeable amongst the
younger speakers. At this stage it is too early to judge whether /l/ vocalisation is
spreading in FIE, as seems to be the case with New Zealand and Australian
Englishes (Bauer 1986; Horvath and Horvath 1997, 1999).

7.2.5 /j/
Yod dropping is not widespread in FIE. Generally yod is retained after /t, d, n/,
although a few speakers omit it. Following //, in words such as enthusiasm, yod
is also variable. In environments where /j/ occurs historically, such as after /s/ in
words like suit and super, the /j/ is usually dropped.

12.See Sudbury (2000: 31653) for a detailed analysis of (t) variants in FIE.
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72 Andrea Sudbury

7.2.6 Disyllabic -OWN

FIE has variable realisations for -OWN/-EWN past participles, with a number
of speakers using an additional schwa in words like BLOWN and SEWN,
[bl6~6n] [s6~6n]. Such disyllabic past participles are characteristic of NZE.
Moreover they are spreading rapidly, according to recent research (Maclagan
and Gordon 1998; Britain 1999) and are also found in some Australian varieties
(Bradley and Bradley 1985). This pronunciation is not as widespread in the
Falklands as it is in New Zealand as yet, but it may represent the early stages of
a change in progress.

7.2.7 WITH
A feature that FIE shares with some varieties of NZE is the use of the voiceless
interdental fricative [] in with, instead of [] (Bauer 1986: 252). A number of
speakers across all age groups had instances of [wI], though no speaker uses
this categorically. This is a common feature in many Scottish varieties and
Scottish immigrants are a likely source for this in both dialects.

7.2.8 TH-fronting
In general, TH-fronting does not occur in the Falklands dialect. However, there
were isolated cases of two young speakers who replaced the dental fricatives //
and // with the labiodentals [f] and [v] almost categorically.

8. Intonation

As is the case with the other southern hemisphere Englishes, in particular the
Australian (Guy and Vonwiller 1984, 1989; Allan 1984) and New Zealand
(Allan 1990; Britain 1992, 1998) varieties, high rising terminals (HRTs) at the
end of statements are widespread in FIE. Although no empirical analysis has yet
been conducted on the social distribution of HRTs in the Falklands variety, it
appears that younger speakers are the most frequent users. Moreover, impres-
sionistically at least, Falkland women seem to use more HRTs than men. This
is consistent with the results found in New Zealand (Britain 1998: 35) and
Australia (Guy and Vonwiller 1989: 34).
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Falkland Islands English 73

9. Grammatical variation

FIE has few distinctive grammatical features which stand out. This corresponds
with the lack of distinguishing grammatical features in the other southern
hemisphere varieties, as noted by Lass, for example: there are very few if any
major grammatical features characterising Aus/NZE (Lass 1987: 300, my
italics). What variability does occur is similar to the non-standard features in
many other English dialects (Bauer 1994: 399). However, the frequency of many
of these features in FIE is very low. Variable morpho-syntactic features which
are relatively common in FIE include:
lack of subject-verb concord: our fellas has got a little one;
use of personal pronouns as demonstratives: I dont have any of them
qualications;
second person plural pronoun: about eight of youse;
singular verb forms in existentials with plural noun: theres tapestries theres
photos and theres penguins (cf. Britain and Sudbury fc.);
absence of plural marking for some nouns of measurement: ten pound a pile;
never as a simple past tense negative marker: and then never got home till
quarter to ve.

FIE also has a number of grammatical features in common with Australasian

English, some of which occur in many Scottish dialects:
adverbial but at the end of sentences: not that I ever used it much but
lack of allomorphy in the indenite article: a elderly uncle
avoidance of auxiliary shall

One feature which seems to be a Falklands innovation is the loss of the denite
article when referring to the UK:
unless you go to UK
hes from UK

This is so widespread in the Falklands that using the denite article in this
position is marked.13

13.Whether this loss of denite article applies to other country acronyms such as the USA or just the
UK is unclear, as no examples were found in the data.
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74 Andrea Sudbury

10. Lexicon

FIE has a very small island-specic vocabulary in comparison with Australian,

New Zealand and South African Englishes, which have developed rich local
lexicons (mainly with respect to place names, native ora and fauna, and local
cultural practices).14 The lack of language contact in the Falklands may
account for the absence of lexical diversity with no indigenous population
and an overwhelmingly British founding population contact with non-English
varieties in the islands has been minimal. Nevertheless, there are some local
lexical items. The majority of these have Spanish origins, most likely left
behind from the nineteenth century South American gauchos. These South
American Spanish loan-words have been Falklandised and now have
distinctive Falkland pronunciations, almost unrecognisable from their original
forms. Examples include the place names Tranquillidad [trI]k6lida]; and the
French-named Chartres [twatez] and Choiseul [twIz6l] Sound,15 and terms for
horse-riding gear16 such as rebenque whip, pronounced [r6vInki]; tarbos
beef/cattle knee bones, locally called [tab6~]; arroyo river [r6~6]
(Cameron 1997: 3; Spruce 1996: 45).
A commonly used Falklands expression is che [twei]. This is used in a similar
way to British dear or love and Australian mate. It is most likely derived from
Spanish che, meaning friend. There may be a slight degree of regional variation
with respect to che, with it being used more on West Falkland than on the East.
In recent years, the armed forces have had an inuence on the Falkland
lexicon. Military expressions like R&R (rest and recreation meaning short
break) are commonly used by islanders (Cameron 1997: 10). Furthermore,
local terms such as passar libre found on road signs have been substituted by
standard British English words, for the benet of the military, who do not
understand the Falkland English for cattlegrid.

14.See, for example, Orsman (1997) for NZE, Ramson (1988) for AusE and Silva (1996) for SAfE.
15.These French place-names are left over from the short-lived French settlement (cf. Sudbury
2000: 17).
16.The South American style of riding gear is still widely used in the Falkland Islands.
 Falkland Islands English 75

11. Is FIE a southern hemisphere variety?

A simple count of the features FIE has in common with the other southern
hemisphere varieties shows that they share more similarities than dierences.
Features which FIE shares with the other southern hemisphere Englishes include:
high levels of HRTs in declaratives;
front BATH vowels (excluding SAfE);
front and lip-rounded NURSE;
little h-drop;
intrusive and linking /r/ (excluding SAfE);
HAPPY tensing;
lack of distinctive grammatical features;
minimal [w]/[&] distinction.

A number of other Falkland variables bear similarities with Australian, New

Zealand and South African Englishes, although to a lesser extent:
use of schwa in unstressed syllables;
some tendency towards dark /l/, with increasing vocalisation;
overall loss of non-prevocalic /r/;
disyllabic OWN;
diphthongal glide-weakening.

By contrast, there are fewer features which show divergence (to varying degrees)
between FIE and the other varieties. Notable amongst these are:
non-raised front short vowels;
Canadian Raising allophony of PRICE and MOUTH;
absence of Southern Shift for diphthongs, including: non-open FACE
realisations; non-diphthongisation of long vowels such as FLEECE and
GOOSE; RP-like GOAT realisations;
relative lack of STRUT fronting;
limited local lexicon.

Such a tally would seem to place the Falklands dialect as a typologically southern
hemisphere English. However, this method is rather crude and ignores the
evidence that for a number of salient diagnostic features, such as raised front short
vowels and southern shifted diphthongs, Falklands English diverges sharply
from the other southern hemisphere tendencies. This therefore tempers the
classication of FIE as linguistically typical of the other southern hemisphere varieties.
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76 Andrea Sudbury

Yet, in spite of the evidence that FIE diverges from the southern hemisphere
varieties for key features, as shown above, the fact remains that Falkland
Islanders are often misidentied for Australians, New Zealanders and South
Africans. Certainly, the quotations at the beginning of this paper and anecdotes
from islanders (Sudbury 2000: 2) clearly conrm that, to non-southern hemi-
sphere speakers at least, Falkland Islanders have a southern hemisphereness
to their speech. There are two connected possibilities which may explain this.
The rst concerns saliency, the second is a default valve.
All dialects have certain features which stand out as salient, in some way, to
speakers of other varieties. In NZE, for example, the raised TRAP and DRESS
vowels, and centralised KIT pass by unnoticed by New Zealanders, but for non-
New Zealanders, these variants are extremely salient (Gordon 1998: 68).
Variants become salient for certain groups for dierent reasons: they may be
stigmatised; they may be undergoing change; they may maintain a phonological
contrast or the phonetic distance between the variant used by the group and
others may be particularly great (cf. Trudgill 1986: 11; Sudbury 2000: 363).
Following this argument, Falkland Islanders may be mistaken for other
southern hemisphere speakers because FIE shares features with the rest of the
southern hemisphere, which are perceived as salient to other English speakers.
Those Falkland features which stand out as particularly associated with the
southern hemisphere include fronted BATH variants and HRTs. With respect
to BATH, islanders themselves observe that Britons nd the Falkland
realisations marked in some way,17 as noted by one speaker:
so say lager and see whats so funny about that when they used to laugh at you
whenever you asked for a lager in the UK. (speaker j)

Evidence that HRTs are salient southern hemisphere features may be found in
descriptions of the Falklands accent by several observers. One journalist, for
example, comments on the upward laconic lilt of Australia as a key character-
istic of FIE and in his directions for speaking Falklands English instructs readers
that every sentence must rise at the end (Ritchie 1997: 78).
However, it is important to note that FIE does not share all of the features
which are linguistic markers in the southern hemisphere. In particular, the open
FACE vowel, one of the most salient southern hemisphere features for British

17.It should be noted that several British dialects, such as those in East Anglia, also have a long front
BATH vowel. Moreover, many East Anglians, particularly from the west of the region, get mistaken for
Australians and this too may be explained by saliency (p.c. D. Britain, 1999).
<LINK "sud-r30">

Falkland Islands English 77

speakers, is rarely used in FIE (cf. Sudbury 2000: 366). Thus, the saliency
argument to explain the southern hemisphere nature of FIE only holds for
certain variables.
The second argument to explain why Falkland Islanders are confused with
other anglophone southern hemisphere nationals is the default hypothesis. It
would not be an exaggeration to claim that the vast majority of Britons are
unfamiliar with the Falklands accent. However, the other southern hemisphere
dialects are generally recognisable in Britain (even if there are diculties in
identifying the specic variety). Given the realisational dierences between FIE
and standard British English outlined above, a Falkland Islander in Britain is
unlikely to be mistaken for a British dialect speaker. Nor is it likely that they will
be identied as North American. This leaves one of the southern hemisphere
varieties as a default choice. The evidence that FIE does share some salient
features with the other southern hemisphere Englishes serves to reinforce the
default hypothesis. Thus, Falkland Islanders are regularly misidentied as
Australian, New Zealand or South African English speakers on the lack of any
other distinctive linguistic evidence. That this is one of the most plausible
arguments to explain why Falkland Islanders are considered to speak a southern
hemisphere variety is even recognised by islanders themselves. This is demon-
strated by a narrative from one speaker who had been mistaken for a South
African business man when he was in Britain:
they heard my accent thought I was the guy from South Africa because if
anybody asks you they do think youre from New Zealand or Australia
but then probably people are more familiar with the New Zealand or Austra-
lian accents than the South African probably (speaker m)

His interpretation for being misidentied clearly suggests the default hypoth-
esis, with the Australasian accents being easier to identify than SAfE, and with
the implication that the Falklands accent is harder still to recognise.
So to return to the question Is Falklands English linguistically a southern
hemisphere variety?, the only conclusion which can be drawn is rather
inconclusive. FIE does share many features with the other southern hemisphere
varieties, suggesting that, linguistically, it is a southern hemisphere English. At
the same time, however, the Falklands dialect diverges from the other varieties
for a number of key diagnostic features. Thus, at best, FIE can only be described
as a peripheral southern hemisphere English. Whether or not it will show
greater convergence or will diverge further from the Australian, New Zealand
and South African varieties in future, if and as it focuses, remains to be seen.
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78 Andrea Sudbury

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Authors address
Andrea Sudbury
Department of Linguistics
University of Canterbury
Private Bag 4800
Christchurch
New Zealand
e-mail: a.sudbury@ling.canterbury.ac.nz