Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
in Public Education, National Economy, and Agriculture and Development. As Director of the
the Agricultural Department. In 1934, he was institution, he proposed regional studies as
General Director of Rural Population and Settle- tools to understand and improve the indigenous
ment in the Ministry of Agriculture and from population in their physical and cultural
1935 to 1937 was a member of the Technical aspects and to exercise good governance.
Advisory Committee of the SEP and, from 1938 He proposed the use of applied anthropology as a
to 1942, Head of Vital Statistics of the Ministry tool of government, taking into account Molina
of Interior (Comas 1956: 12-7). In 1942, he was Enriquez and Boas proposals. With these
appointed Director of the Inter-American concerns in mind, Gamio attended the Second
Indigenist Institute, which allowed him to join International Congress of Eugenics in New York,
the indigenismo. He was reelected twice in representing the Mexican government (Uras
this post, which he held until his death. One of 2002; Lopez 2003).
his main concerns in the Institute was the Since 1917, Gamio conducted a regional study
improvement of indigenous peoples by the of the Teotihuacan Valley integrating archaeo-
introduction of American soybeans in their diet logical, historical, and anthropological investiga-
(Comas 1956; Gallegos 1996). tions. He held workshops to teach people
Spanish; science and craft manufacturing, to
encourage economic activity complementary to
Major Accomplishments agriculture, were established. The results were
published in The Population of the Teotihuacan
Gamio is sometimes considered to be the father Valley (Gamio 1922).
of modern anthropological studies in Mexico. He When Gamio was appointed Assistant
postulated that anthropology should be consid- Secretary of Public Education, he moved the
ered as an applied science that focused on solving Department of Archaeology to the Secretariat
problems of contemporary peoples and on the (with the name of Department of Anthropology).
cultural identification of indigenous cultures He denounced the inflated expenses in several
based on social, paleontological, archaeological, purchases of the Secretariat and had to leave the
anthropological, linguistic, and historical post and the country since Plutarco Elias Calles
knowledge (Gallegos 1996; Rutsch 2007). rejected all these allegations and supported the
Gamio is also considered one of the key practi- secretary Puig Casauranc. With his departure,
tioners of stratigraphic excavation (Adams 1960). the Department was converted into an office
From 1910 to 1912, he excavated a series of for archaeological research (Department of
deep trenches in the refuse deposits at San Archaeology), canceling the second regional
Miguel Amantla (Azcapotzalco) in Mexico City project in Monte Alban, Oaxaca (Uras 2002;
under the direction of Boas, who proposed the Lopez 2003). Gamio sought refuge in America.
sequence of De los Cerros-Teotihuacan-Azteca There he joined the archaeological-ethnographic
for Mexico Basin. exploration of the American Archaeological
In his classic work Forjando Patria (1916), Society of Washington in Guatemala and
Gamio portrayed contemporary Indians as then, sponsored by the Social Science Research
backwards, uneducated, and poor. He advocated Council and the Rockefeller Foundation
stronger education programs, with an emphasis Spellman, took the migration to the USA as
on Spanish education and the sciences. He saw subject of research, studying its impact on econ-
cultural fusion, linguistic unification, and eco- omy and society and the reasons why migrants
nomic equilibrium as a means of building a new had preserved their traditions and customs
nation. His approach was launched in the new without full integration to the American lifestyle
Department of Ethnographic and Archaeological (Gamio 1930, 1931).
Studies founded in 1917 (called also Department Gamio never lost hope of regaining the
of Anthropology from 1919) in the Ministry of confidence of President Calles and maintained
Garden Hunting 2945 G
a constant correspondence in which he always Further Reading
showed his unconditional support, despite the GAMIO, M. 1935. Hacia un Mexico nuevo: problemas
sociales. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista.
disdain of Mexican politics. He returned to
- 1948. Consideraciones sobre el problema del
the Mexican public administration occupying indigenismo. Mexico City: Instituto Indigenista
minor positions; this fact was the end of his Interamericano.
archaeological career and also an impasse in GONZALEZ -GAMIO, A. 1987. Manuel Gamio. Una lucha sin
final. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonoma
his interest in improving indigenous races
de Mexico.
(Uras 2002: 110-3). GONZALEZ -MELLO, R. 2004. Manuel Gamio, Diego Rivera,
and the politics of Mexican anthropology. Res 45:
161-85.
HANSEN, L. D. T. 2003. Resena de El inmigrante
Cross-References mexicano: la historia de su vida. Entrevistas
completas, 1926-1927, de Manuel Gamio.
Migraciones Internacionales 2(1): 171-75.
Mesoamerica: Complex Society Development
Nationalism and Archaeology
MATOS, E. 1998. Las piedras negadas. De la Coatlicue al G
Templo Mayor. Mexico City: Consejo Nacional para la
Cultura y las Artes.
RUTSCH, M. 2002. Ramon Mena y Manuel Gamio.
Una mirada oblicua sobre la antropologa mexicana
References en los anos veinte del siglo pasado. Relaciones 88:
81-118.
ADAMS, R. 1960. Manuel Gamio and the stratigraphic
excavation. American Antiquity 26(1): 99.
COMAS, J. 1956. La vida y obra de Manuel Gamio, in
Estudios antropologicos publicados en homenaje al
doctor Manuel Gamio: 1-26. Mexico: Direccion
General de Publicaciones-Universidad Nacional Garden Hunting
Autonoma de Mexico/Sociedad Mexicana de
Antropologa. Peter W. Stahl
GALLEGOS, J. R. 1996. Manuel Gamio y la formacion de la
Department of Anthropology, University of
nacionalidad: el problema de los indios y de los
derechos de los pueblos. Unpublished Bachelor disser- Victoria, Victoria, BC, Canada
tation, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico.
- 1999. La artesana, un modelo social y tecnologico para
los indgenas. Poltica y Cultura 12: 223-41.
GAMIO, M. M. 1913. Arqueologia de Atzcapotzalco, D. F.
Introduction
Mexico. Proceedings of the Eighteenth International
Congress of Americanists: 180-7. Garden hunting was originally proposed as an
- 1916. Forjando patria: pro nacionalismo. Mexico City: indigenous subsistence strategy associated with
Libreria de Porrua Hermanos
- 1922. La poblacion del valle de Teotihuacan. Mexico
pre-Hispanic tropical agroforestry in western
City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista. Panama. At the time, it was offered as
- 1930. Mexican immigration into the United States: a potential means for farmers to supplement
a study of human migration and adjustment. Chicago: their carbohydrate-dominated diets in tropical
University of Chicago Press.
environments that were traditionally viewed as
- 1931. The life story of the Mexican immigrant. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. protein deserts (Nigh & Nations 1980).
LOPEZ, H. 2003. La arqueologa mexicana en un periodo de As a subsistence option that exploited wild
transicion, 1917-1938, Unpublished Bachelor disser- game animals that were either passively or
tation, Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e Historia.
intentionally attracted to indigenous agroecolog-
RUTSCH, M. 2007. Entre el campo y el gabinete.
Nacionales y extranjeros en la profesionalizacion de ical landscapes, the possibilities of garden
antropologa mexicana (1877-1920). Mexico City: hunting subsequently engaged the attention of
Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia- archaeologists working in different areas of the
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico.
URIAS, B. 2002. Las ciencias sociales en la encrucijada del
world and biologists who were interested in
poder: Manuel Gamio (1920-1940). Revista Mexicana its possible conservation implications within
de Sociologa 64(3): 93-121. anthropogenic landscapes.
G 2946 Garden Hunting
Garden Hunting,
Fig. 1 Skinning a garden-
hunted paca (Cuniculus) or
hochi (San Calixto, Beni,
Bolivia) (Photo by author)
Garden Hunting 2947 G
Key Issues/Current Debates diversity in the tropics. Although classical char-
acterizations of tropical forest ecosystems have
The number of different kinds of species depicted a steady accumulation of species in
(richness) and their relative abundance benign settings over long periods of time, more
(equitability) tend to be much higher in tropical recent models emphasize continuous but modest
forest ecosystems that have developed over change as the engine behind high species
longer periods of time under optimal growing richness. The ecological history of tropical
conditions. Unlike temperate ecosystems which forests is one of dynamic stability, which relies
tend to be dominated by eurytopic taxa (general- on temporally and spatially localized instability
ists with broad niche requirements), tropical to prevent monopolization by a few species while
ecosystems contain more stenotopic taxa (spe- presenting new opportunities for others (Connell
cialists with narrow niche requirements). The 1978; Colinvaux 2001). Sporadic and localized
latter have not had to adapt to extreme seasonal instability in canopied forests may be caused by
fluctuations, which enables them to increasingly a variety of natural perturbations including tree G
partition their habitats and focus on environmen- fall, fire, disease, drought, flood, or animal
tal heterogeneity (Eldredge 1991). Tropical activity. As a universal cultural footprint, anthro-
ecosystems composed of canopied forests are pogenic clearance is an important feature in land-
dominated by small-bodied animals which tend scape modification that contributes to changing
to be stenotopic as they perceive their environ- plant and animal diversity in the forested tropics.
ments in a relatively fine-grained manner. Many Ecologically, indigenous gardens can be consid-
of their larger mammalian counterparts tend to be ered as mechanisms that produce higher net
eurytopic as they exploit their temporally and productivity while maintaining or increasing
spatially dispersed resources in a relatively high diversity through a pattern of intermediate
coarse-grained manner and thus require greater disturbance (Nigh & Nations 1980).
foraging space (Mares & Willig 1994). Stable Indigenous cultivation is characterized by
environments with low levels of resources tend a wide range of land-intensive as well as
to favor small populations with narrow niche land-extensive practices but is today dominated
tolerance and low reproduction rates. Small by shifting cultivation, so named because the
populations of K-selected (producing larger technique usually involves leaving older gardens
and/or fewer offspring less frequently) specialists to fallow for periods of variable length when
can exploit heterogeneous environments that farmers shift their focus to preparing, planting,
have reached maximum population levels more and harvesting newer gardens. The practice
effectively. Stable environments with low normally involves the selective clearing of
resource levels tend to be characterized by vegetation in small garden plots, after which the
many different kinds of species (high richness) slash can be mulched or dried and burned for
with comparable population sizes (high equita- additional fertilization. Indigenous gardens are
bility). This is in contrast to unstable environ- diverse and multistoried plots characterized by
ments with high and fluctuating resource levels multiple cropping and interaction with natural
which favor populations tolerant of broader vegetation. Early succession gardens often
niches and with high reproduction rates. Large feature plantings of higher nutrient-demanding
populations of r-selected (producing smaller or annuals requiring greater ambient sunlight.
more offspring more frequently) generalists Subsequently, with increased vegetational
are favored under conditions where the most maturity and complexity, less nutrient-
food can be harvested and the largest families demanding shade-tolerant perennials, particu-
can be reared (MacArthur & Wilson 1967; larly root crops, dominate later succession
Valentine 1971). gardens. Over time, farmers manage and utilize
Environmental instability is important for forest fallows in an active form of agroforestry.
understanding the historic evolution of biological Old fallows are returned to for various reasons
G 2948 Garden Hunting
Garden Hunting,
Fig. 2 Neotropical chakra
or swidden garden
(Jasiaquiri, Beni, Bolivia)
(Photo by author)
and can be considered both structurally and and distribution of animal life. These are linked
functionally as orchard fallows. Fallow utiliza- to body size, mobility, and trophic status, along
tion is a way to convert a system of short-term with the willingness and physical ability of
cropping into a longer-term agroforestry system; organisms to cross non-forested gaps, the mini-
however, eventual abandonment is not mum area of forest necessary to maintain normal
a moment in time but a process over time behavior, the degree of spatial/temporal patchi-
(Denevan et al. 1984: 347) (Fig. 2). ness of resource distribution, and the effects of
Garden hunting is generally considered as an edge environments on animals (Dale et al. 1994).
integrated feature of indigenous tropical Fragmentation and edge creation create condi-
agroecology. It is undertaken throughout the tions that can favor certain synanthropic faunas
entire cycle of garden life but can continue which have a propensity for dramatic population
particularly during the management of later increase under anthropogenic conditions. Many
stage swidden fallows. For the same reason that of these animals are preferred prey items that
farmers who manage the succession of their thrive in fragmented mosaics and thus comple-
fallow orchards continue to harvest relic ment the agroecological strategy of tropical
products, these sites also continue as favorite agroforestry.
foraging locales for eurytopic and synanthropic The production and exploitation of
(wild animals living near and benefitting from agroecological landscape mosaics in the past
humans) species. In most cases, this latter can be potentially inferred from an analysis of
propensity should be viewed as an actively recovered and preserved archaeofaunal and
managed outcome of fallow orchards in order to archaeobotanical specimens. However, the
take advantage of the increased productivity reliability of these inferences is subject to many
found in unstable forest clearings. Mosaic land- of the problems usually inherent in archaeologi-
scapes created by indigenous agroecological cal data interpretation, particularly those
systems can be productive habitats for human associated with assemblage accumulation and
populations as they provide multiple, dispersed, preservation. For example, the original accumu-
and productive venues in tropical forest settings. lation of many of the faunas recovered at the site
Controlled field studies in neotropical forests are of deposition in an archaeological site may have
identifying the ecological effects of habitat frag- actually been incidental to garden hunting.
mentation and edge creation on the abundance However, in certain kinds of depositional
Garden Hunting 2949 G
contexts, it is possible to identify the mode of demographic increase, or technological innova-
accumulation in the archaeological record based tion. Instead, they suggest that increased reliance
upon patterned preservation. The natural on large game is causally linked to fundamental
histories of incidentally accumulated faunas, socioeconomic changes associated with larger
moreover, might also suggest local conditions community size, residential stability, and
that can be used to support an interpretation that augmented horticultural commitment. Larger
suggests habitat fragmentation. Recognizing and more permanent communities tend to deplete
a pattern of garden hunting in the archaeological local game, while increased horticultural effort
record involves identifying a suite of eurytopic also places constraints on time and labor which
taxa that proportionately dominates the recovered involves a rescheduling of hunting effort.
sample in a cultural assemblage. These can be Additionally, the increased stability afforded by
compared and contrasted to faunal distributions a predictable agricultural diet enables hunters to
associated with continuous primary forest engage in greater risk-taking. Hunters, therefore,
habitats. The relative proportions of eurytopic increasingly tend to spend more time farther G
taxa supporting the inference of garden hunting afield pursuing larger, high-quality game. This
and expressed in the form of richness and even- critique, however, does not clearly define what
ness values can be assessed through ubiquity is meant by large and small game animals
measures, rank correlations, and techniques nor does it substantiate how increased reliance on
that are sensitive to sample size differences like larger animals is established in the archaeological
rarefaction, regression, sampling to redundancy, record. It also relies on research undertaken
and computer simulation (Stahl 2000; Stahl & among neotropical, primarily Amazonian,
Pearsall 2012). farmers and foragers to critique the application
In its first appearance, garden hunting was of an hypothesis which was originally proposed
presented as a potential indigenous subsistence for pre-Hispanic neotropical horticulturalists to
strategy practiced by pre-Hispanic neotropical archaeological assemblages in ecologically
horticulturalists. It was originally an archaeolog- unrelated geographical areas like the desert
ical interpretation that was based upon patterning Southwest.
of animal bone specimens recovered from Recent field-based studies of tropical
archaeological contexts in forested Panama horticulturalists, mainly conducted among
and coupled with inferences derived from ethno- non-indigenous small-holding riberenos and sub-
graphic analogy and ecological observations. sistence farmers, have been undertaken specifi-
Critical issues surrounding garden hunting as cally to examine the contemporary practice of
a prehistoric subsistence strategy have been garden hunting. An 18-month study of 60
raised in archaeological studies from areas out- non-indigenous farms in the Peruvian Amazon
side the tropics. Field-based studies of garden found that the most common game animals
hunting by tropical subsistence farmers have above 2 kg in live weight consisted of species
also been undertaken to understand its possible that regularly consume agroforestry crops.
implications for conservation. It has been argued In order of importance, these included the follow-
that the relationship between increasing agricul- ing: agouti (Dasyprocta), paca (Cuniculus),
tural effort, human sedentism, and hunting is collared peccary (Tayassu), tayra (Eira),
a complex and interrelated issue. Citing armadillo (Dasypus), brocket deer (Mazama),
diachronic data from archaeological assemblages and rabbit (Sylvilagus). Large game animals like
in the Near East, North America, and particularly capybara (Hydrochoerus), tapir (Tapirus), and
the American Southwest, Speth and Scott (1989) white-lipped peccary (Pecari) were seldom
suggest that reliance on large game actually observed (Naughton-Treves 2002). A related
increased in association with increasing settle- study of non-indigenous colonist and lowland
ment stability. This appears to have arisen Quechua farms in the Peruvian Amazon deter-
independently of environmental change, mined that older forests contained significantly
G 2950 Garden Hunting
more wildlife per unit area; however, animals biodiversity. Throughout tropical regions of
were more readily available to hunters in second- South America, Africa, and Asia, secondary for-
ary vegetation both in terms of biomass and ests are particularly important for the acquisition
number of collection events (Gavin 2007). It has of wild meat (Parry et al. 2009). Open anthropo-
been suggested that non-indigenous hunters pre- genic landscapes are particularly productive in
fer to pursue wild game in primary forest and tend this regard as the tropical wildlife most likely to
to spend more time there. Although anthropo- survive in the fragmented conditions created
genic habitats may be more productive in terms through farming tend to be a suit of relatively
of hunting effort, primary vegetation may be small, highly adaptable, rapidly reproducing,
preferred because of less dense understory, and pervasive faunas that include rodents, deer,
increased prey predictability, and the opportunity and peccary in South America; cane rat, porcu-
to combine hunting with the pursuit of other pine, pig duiker, baboon, and vervet monkeys in
forest products (Parry et al. 2009). Highly prized Africa; and, pig, deer, and primates in Southeast
game like paca is usually hunted in gardens and Asia (Naughton-Treves 2002). Typically, high-
fallow, where hunting takes on the dual role of canopy species are rare, minimally due to can-
guarding crops. The choice of technology is also opy removal, and farmers often clean the forest
a factor as some hunters will not waste of large predators (Naughton-Treves 2002:
a relatively expensive shotgun shell on a small 499). However, the removal of large predators
game item like an agouti (Naughton-Treves may also be a preventative measure, particularly
2002: 498). It has been suggested that by farmers who maintain domestic stock. It is
non-indigenous riberenos do not manage gardens particularly because of their habits that small,
in order to intentionally attract game, a pattern pervasive, r-selected, and highly adaptable
also followed by the indigenous Bugle of western eurytopic species are in low risk of extinction
Panama. Bugle hunters encounter most of their and consequently of no interest for conservation
wild game within agricultural areas and do not (Naughton-Treves 2002: 500). The higher spe-
consider it necessary to garden intentionally in cies richness that often accompanies anthropo-
order to attract crop pests that would be normally genic habitats also does not take into account the
attracted anyway. The primary reason that Bugle rare endemic species that are of particular inter-
hunt in their gardens is due to the constant threat est for conservation (Smith 2005: 527). Conser-
that animal pests pose to agricultural production. vation biology has considered secondary forests
As in other tropical areas of the world, garden as a possible source for replenishing game
hunting is a complementary activity that is under- depleted through hunting in primary forests
taken within a broader cultural ecological pattern (Gavin 2007). Also, hunting in anthropogenic
(Smith 2005). habitats is also considered as a potential
source for relieving hunting pressure of primary
forest prey. Nevertheless, the former primarily
International Perspectives consist of terrestrial species of low interest for
conservation, whereas the latter include many
Garden hunting as a potential subsistence of the canopy dwellers like birds and primates
strategy has been pursued by archaeologists that are targeted by conservation efforts (Parry
in different world areas, but it remains best et al. 2009: 1785). Studies undertaken through-
studied and recognized in tropical areas as out the tropics suggest that humans do indeed
a complement to indigenous agroforestry. Con- prefer large wild prey over their smaller coun-
servation biology is particularly interested in terparts; however, the former decrease in num-
garden hunting as it relates to conservation bers and can become locally extinct in
efforts linked to expanded farming, global association with settlement age (Wilkie & Lee
deforestation, and the loss of animal 2004). Hunting effort is often greater in fallow
Garden Hunting 2951 G
forests than in primary forests and continues to CONNELL, J.H. 1978. Diversity in tropical rain forests and
be a complementary activity within agroforestry coral reefs. Science 199: 1302-10.
DALE, V.S.M., H.L. OFFERMAN & R.V. ONEILL. 1994.
throughout the tropics. Animals are hunted Relating patterns of land-use change to faunal biodi-
and meat protein is obtained while crops are versity in the central Amazon. Conservation Biology
cultivated and protected from predation (Wilkie 8:1027-36.
& Lee 2004: 358). Field studies have however DENEVAN, W.M., J.M. TREACY, J.B. ALCORN, C. PADOCH,
J. DENSLOW & S. FLORES PAITAN. 1984. Indigenous agro-
suggested that human hunting in agroforestry forestry in the Peruvian Amazon: Bora Indian man-
landscapes does not otherwise necessarily alle- agement of swidden fallows. Interciencia 9: 347-57.
viate the pressure of species loss, nor is it ELDREDGE, N. 1991. The miners canary: unraveling the
a strategy that is more productive than the main- mysteries of extinction. New York: Prentice Hall.
LINARES, O.F. 1976. Garden hunting in the American
tenance of animal domesticates, nor does it tropics. Human Ecology 4: 331-49.
support game biomass similar to that found in GAVIN, M.C. 2007. Foraging in the fallows: hunting pat-
savanna habitats. Fallow hunting currently terns across a successional continuum in the Peruvian
appears to supply sufficient protein for human Amazon. Biological Conservation 134: 64-72. G
MACARTHUR, R.H. & E.O. WILSON. 1967. The theory of
populations when their density is kept under island biogeography. Princeton: Princeton University
four people per square kilometer (Wilkie & Press.
Lee 2004: 366). The metaphor of gardens as MARES, M.A. & M.R. WILLIG. 1994. Inferring biome asso-
enclosed spaces for attracting animals, as ciations of recent mammals from samples of temperate
and tropical faunas: paleoecological considerations.
opposed to enclosed spaces for excluding ani- Historical Biology 8: 31-48.
mals, has been criticized as a false allegory that NAUGHTON-TREVES, L. 2002. Wild animals in the garden:
was originally coupled with an ancient dream of conserving wildlife in Amazonian agroecosystems.
human harmony with nature (Naughton-Treves Annals of the Association of American Geographers
92: 488-506.
2002). NIGH, R.B. & J.D. NATIONS. 1980. Tropical rainforests.
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 36(3): 12-19.
PARRY, L., J. BARLOW & C.A. PERES. 2009. Allocation of
Cross-References hunting effort by Amazonian smallholders: implica-
tions for conserving wildlife in mixed-use landscapes.
Agroforestry: Environmental Archaeological Biological Conservation 142: 1777-86.
SMITH, D.A. 2005. Garden game: shifting cultivation,
Approaches indigenous hunting and wildlife ecology in western
Anthropogenic Environments, Archaeology of Panama. Human Ecology 33: 505-37.
Historical Ecology and Environmental SPETH, J.D. & S.L. SCOTT. 1989. Horticulture and large-
Archaeology mammal hunting: the role of resource depletion and
the constraints of time and labor, in S. Kent (ed.)
Landscape Archaeology Farmers as hunters. The implications of sedentism:
Landscape Domestication and Archaeology 71-9. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sustainability and Cultural Heritage STAHL, P.W. 2000. Archaeofaunal accumulation,
Vertebrate Taphonomy in Archaeological fragmented forests, and anthropogenic landscape
mosaics in the tropical lowlands of prehispanic
Research Ecuador. Latin American Antiquity 11: 241-57.
STAHL, P.W. & D.M. PEARSALL. 2012. Late Pre-Columbian
agroforestry in the tropical lowlands of western
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VALENTINE, J.W. 1971. Resource supply and species
COLINVAUX, P. 2001. Paradigm lost: Pleistocene diversity patterns. Lethaia 4: 51-61.
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cover in perpetual flux, part 2). Review of Archaeology systems and landscapes: conservation implications in
22: 20-31. west-central Africa and southeast Asia, in G. Schroth,
CONKLIN, H.C. 1957. Hanunoo agriculture. A report on an G.A.B. da Fonseca, C.A. Harvey, C. Gascan,
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G 2952 Gardin, Jean-Claude
Introduction
Cross-References
Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry
Interpretation in Archaeological Theory (GC-MS) is an analytical technique that allows
Middle East Archaeology: Sites, Texts, the separation of mixtures of volatile organic
Symbols, and Politics compounds and the identification of each constit-
Preucel, Robert W. uent compound. Due to its sensitivity, speed,
Processualism in Archaeological Theory versatility, inexpensiveness, and the ability to
Semiotics in Archaeological Theory identify many different compounds in a mixture,
G 2954 Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS): Applications in Archaeology
Definition
volatility, a sample is often derivatized. In this produced by Richard Evershed and his students.
procedure, a sample undergoes a chemical reac- From this beginning, GC-MS has become the
tion to produce a derivatized sample in which standard instrumental application for the analy-
most of the compounds are more volatile and sis of most complex organic mixtures found on
stable than the original compounds and have bet- an archaeological site or in anthropogenic soils,
ter GC separation than the un-derivatized parent including but not limited to absorbed pottery
compounds. There are many types of derivatiza- residues, visible pottery residues, and organic
tion, but in archaeological science applications, binders in painting.
trimethylsilyl esters (TMS esters) are often used In 1994, Evershed and colleagues first applied
in samples containing a mixture of compounds, GC-IRMS to archaeological science (Evershed
including alcohols, fatty acids, terpenoids, and et al. 1994). Although this technique is not yet
acylglycerols. Methyl esters are often used in widespread, probably due to the expense and
samples consisting primarily or entirely of fatty rarity of the instrument, it is extremely useful in
acids. the identification of isotopically unique resources
in residues and soils, such as dairy products and
maize (Dudd & Evershed 1998; Reber et al.
Historical Background 2004).
Modern contamination is also an issue in the to be more helpful in addressing human behavior
interpretation of GC-MS analysis of archaeolog- than has been the case heretofore. The future
ical samples. Due to the sensitivity of the tech- direction of standalone GC-MS analysis seems
nique, compounds from excavators bug spray to be one of increasing maturity and helpfulness
and sunscreen often enter the analyzed residue. to the understanding of past human behaviors.
Contamination from modern plasticizers is ubiq- Continuing developments in compound-
uitous and appears to be exceptionally difficult to specific isotope analysis and other combined
eliminate. Contamination also commonly arises GC-MS techniques will almost certainly develop
from modern fertilizers and pollution, as well as in the future, as instrumental analysis techniques
archaeological labeling procedures. For this rea- improve in complexity and sensitivity, and the
son, all samples taken for GC-MS analysis should availability of inexpensive GC-IRMS analysis
ideally be handled minimally by excavators and increases.
placed in aluminum foil in the field. Contact with
plastic bags should be minimized, if possible.
That said, the ability of GC-MS to separate com- Cross-References
plex mixtures means that contaminants, if cor-
rectly identified, may be separated from the Anthropogenic Sediments and Soils:
remainder of the sample with minimal problems Geoarchaeology
to interpretation. Archaeological Chemistry: Definition
A secondary issue in GC-MS analysis is the Biomolecular Archaeology: Definition
correct selection of instrumental analysis. Ceramics: Scientific Analysis
GC-MS is generally the best instrumental tech- Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy
nique to use when a complex mixture of volatile (FTIR): Applications in Archaeology
organic compounds is known to be present. When Isotope Geochemistry in Archaeology
a complex mixture of nonvolatile compounds is
present, liquid chromatography-mass spectrome-
try (LC-MS) is preferred. If a substance is known References
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GC-MS. DUDD, S.N. & R.P. EVERSHED. 1998. Direct demonstration
of milk as an element of archaeological economies.
Science 282: 1478-81.
EGLINTON, G. & G.A. LOGAN. 1991. Molecular preserva-
Future Directions tion. Philosophical Transaction of the Royal Society of
London B 333: 315-28.
GC-MS analysis has a bright future in archaeo- EVERSHED, R.P., K. JERMAN & G. EGLINTON. 1985. Pine
wood origin for pitch from the Mary Rose. Nature:
logical science. As more background research is
314: 528-30.
performed, more biomarkers will be identified. EVERSHED, R.P., C. HERON & L.J. GOAD. 1990. Analysis of
As a result, the number of biomarker identifica- organic residues of archaeological origin by high-
tions of prehistoric resources in a residue will temperature gas chromatography and gas
chromatography-mass spectrometry. Analyst 115:
increase. Further, the ability to compare results 1339-42.
from similar GC-MS analysis across sites in EVERSHED, R.P., K.I. ARNOT, J. COLLISTER, G. EGLINTON &
a region or a time period will allow this technique S. CHARTERS. 1994. Application of isotope ratio
Gava Mining Site: Fieldwork 2959 G
monitoring gas chromatography-mass spectrometry to similar to turquoise, is found in Neolithic tombs;
the analysis of organic residues of archaeological ori- its color is probably linked symbolically with the
gin. Analyst 119: 909-14.
GOHLKE, R.S. & F.W. MCLAFFERTY. 1993. Early gas chro- regeneration of life. At Gava it occurs as seams of
matography/mass spectrometry. Journal of the Amer- slate within layers of limestone and dolomite or
ican Society for Mass Spectrometry 4: 367-71. sealed under clay where it outcrops. The prehis-
HANSEL, F.A., M.S. COPLEY, L.S. MADUREIRA & R.P. EVERSHED. toric miners followed the seams, digging shafts
2004. Thermally produced o-(o-alkylphenyl) alkanoic
acids provide evidence for the processing of marine leading to tunnels between 5 and 10 m long and
products in archaeological pottery vessels. Tetrahe- about 2.5 m wide. These later expanded into more
dron Letters 45: 2999-3002. complex galleries with chambers, reaching
HERON, C., R.P. EVERSHED, B. CHAPMAN & P. BUDD. 1989. depths of 30 m and more. In general the prehis-
Glue, disinfectant and chewing gum in prehistory, in
P. Budd, P. Chapman, C. Jackson, R. Janaway & toric mining cavities had been backfilled with
B. Ottway (ed.) Archaeological sciences 1989: extraction debris, including broken mining tools
325-31. Bradford: Oxford University Press. (stone picks and bone wedges); this saved the
HURST, W.J., R. MARTIN, S. TARKA JR. & G.C. HALL. 1989. labor of transporting it outside the mine. Some G
Authentication of cocoa in Mayan vessels using high-
performance liquid chromatographic techniques. Jour- of the cavities were reused as graves in Neolithic
nal of Chromatography 466: 279-89. times (Figs. 1 and 2).
MILLS, J.S. & R. WHITE. 1977. Natural resins of art and The first task of archaeological investigation
archaeology, their sources, chemistry, and identifica- was to make the mining galleries safe. Shoring
tion. Studies in Conservation 22: 12-31.
MORGAN, E.D., L. TITUS, R.J. SMALL & C. EDWARDS. 1984. with metal frames and concrete, as in modern
Gas chromatographic analysis of fatty material from mining, was unsuitable, as it would mask the
a Thule midden. Archaeometry: 26: 43-8. surface of the rock, where prehistoric tool marks
REBER, E.A., S.N. DUDD, N.J. VAN DER MERWE & R.P. EVERSHED. are still visible. Instead, metal anchors are placed
2004. Direct detection of maize processing in archae-
ological pottery through compound-specific stable iso- on the rock with a resin coating that protects and
tope analysis of n-dotriacontanol in absorbed organic secures the surface. Cracks and fissures are also
residues. Antiquity 78: 682-91. filled with resin. The rock surface is impregnated
REGERT, M., N. GARNIER, O. DECAVALLAS, C. CREN-OLIVE with a product that allows moisture to escape.
& C. ROLANDO. 1993. Structural characterization of
lipid constituents from natural substances preserved Humidity and the flow of water inside the mines
in archaeological environments. Measurement Science are controlled with high precision, and warning
and Technology 14: 1620. instruments monitor the stability of the rock.
ROTTLANDER, R.C.A. & H. SCHLICHTHERLE. 1979. Food Excavation to date has focused on the deposits
identification of samples from archaeological sites.
Archaeo-Physika 10: 260-8. inside the mine. A full stratigraphic record of the
strata in the galleries, chambers, and minor cav-
ities is being made, both to define any features
such as the graves and to investigate the patterns
of extraction and discard noted in the debris. The
Gava Mining Site: Fieldwork assemblage includes different kinds of lithics,
ceramics, and animal bones. Systematic screen-
Josep Bosch ing maximizes recovery and has allowed the find
Gava Museum, Barcelona, Spain of a variscite necklace. The date of the mining,
from radiocarbon, is between 4100 and 3400 cal.
BCE.
Brief Definition of the Topic After nearly four decades since its discovery,
a sizable, but unknown, proportion of the mine
Gava, a village by the sea at the mouth of the has been examined. The mine was declared a site
Llobregat river in the northeast Iberian Peninsula, of National Cultural Interest in 1996, and there is
is the site of the only known Neolithic mine in a plan to open it to the public once safe access and
Europe extracting variscite. This green mineral, robust conservation measures are in place.
G 2960 Gava Mining Site: Fieldwork
new questions (not only in terms of homosexual- presence and contribution of women. It is also
ity), which may in fact be complementary to important to note that publication in this area has
Indigenous perspectives, and encouraging decreased since the 1990s.
archaeologists to think outside the box of Rock art is an area where some contribution
Western and male perspectives. has been made to the consideration of gender as
Dominant models and narratives of archaeologically significant. Rock art is found in
Indigenous occupation have failed to move all environmental zones of the continent, with
beyond male female dichotomies. In 1990 examples of Pleistocene antiquity, although
Wendy Beck and Lesley Head pointed to the most sites are dated to the Holocene. Early
lack of Australian prehistorians moving beyond ethnographic research had assumed that only
simplistic male and female assignment of gender men were responsible for its production. This
to material culture, for example, continuing to was disputed by Smith (1991), who collated
identify stone artifacts with males and shell a number of ethnographic and archival examples
middens or seed grinding stones with women, from regions of Northern Australia. She
rather than challenging the idea that contended that gender was a variable that needed
a prehistoric division of labor existed. They to be factored into rock art interpretation; that
state, . . .there has been little systematic feminist rock art may have been produced by men,
influence on either theory or methodology in women, and children; and that it may encode
Australian prehistory (Beck & Head 1990: 41). information on the age and gender of the artist.
Given the minimal output of work in the area of Likewise, McDonald (1992) systematically chal-
gender prehistory to date in Australia, it is appar- lenged the androcentric interpretation in several
ent that there is still a reluctance to move beyond papers, while providing evidence that men,
evidence derived via natural sciences and safe women, and children had a role in the stencilling
interpretations of hunter gatherer societies and of hands and implements in an analysis of rock art
male female dichotomies based on ethnogra- and excavated material. Such studies have
phy. There has been some work directed towards permeated the study of rock art and led to
reexamination in the areas of stone artifact use, a recognition of both genders in art production.
manufacture, and hunting, whereby women Despite ethnographic records which indicate men
making stone artifacts are often dismissed as are responsible for most rock art in recent
exceptions. The groundbreaking article in this generations, the contexts of production over
respect was by Bird (1993), who evidences thousands of years are most likely to have been
womens manufacture and use of stone artifacts much more diverse.
across Australia and New Guinea. For example, Several studies have sought to reassess the
in the western desert of Australia, women used interpretation and assumptions made in terms of
stone artifacts for woodworking and meat cut- sex and gender of human remains held in museum
ting, including the manufacture of bowls, digging collections. Donlon (1993) found that in the
sticks, fighting sticks, and flake scrapers. As well sexing of human remains held in the Australian
as differences in use, the raw materials selected Museum, there was systematic bias in the
also differed from those selected by men. Bird attribution towards males, particularly those
demonstrated that women could and did make from the Pleistocene and early mid-Holocene.
stone artifacts; mens and womens technology This may be explained by differences in male
is organized differently, but it should not be and female burial practices or simply the bias of
presumed that women were less skilled at manu- researchers. Hope (1998) also found bias in
facture than men. This area of research exem- interpretations of Indigenous burials in Southern
plifies much of the work on gender in Australian Australia. In a similar fashion, McCardle (2002)
archaeology. It still focuses on making women found that Indigenous bark burials of the Central
visible; to date the majority of analyses have Queensland Highlands included both sexes and
been concerned with establishing the mere all age groups, which contradicted prior
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Australian Perspective 2965 G
researchers who had assumed these types of archaeology in Australia. In a similar sense,
burial were only for young men and children. a shunning of a feminist heritage and theory,
Historical archaeology was first taught in in favor of a post-processual narrative, or a mere
Australia in 1974 at the University of Sydney, change to gender neutral language, can be
and Judy Birmingham is accredited with being interpreted either as taking a safer option or as
instrumental in its development. With its links an attempt at some degree of political
by way of British colonialism and European correctness.
invasion of an Indigenous population, Australian
historical archaeology is similar to that practiced
in the United States. Although potentially able to International Perspectives
provide more detailed social perspectives as
aided by text, pictorial, and other evidence, One of the major research questions for archae-
gender is often left to a few sentences together ologists working in Australia is the timing and
with ethnicity and class and, like Indigenous means by which Sahul (and hence the continent G
archaeology, is practiced with a processual of Australia) was first colonized by humans and
focus. As discussed by Lydon (1995), the influ- the origins of those humans. Theories on coloni-
ential Birmingham and Jeans (1983) model had zation in this region are distinctive, following the
less to say about social structures than economic argument put forth by Davidson and Noble
and technological ones and was highly (1992) that the maritime colonization of Austra-
androcentric. Though historical archaeology has lia must have been linked to people with language
progressed since the Birmingham and Jeans and therefore probably constitutes some of the
model, the main focus in the areas of gender to earliest evidence of modern human behavior.
date has been the construction of gentility Research of this nature thus continues to generate
(Russell 1994; Young 1998), the status of interest and contribute to debates of international
women (Hourani 1990), identifying women in significance. There is consensus that the first col-
male dominated spheres such as mining, whaling, onization was by anatomically modern humans
and frontiers (Lawrence & Davies 2010), and and is central to understanding human evolution.
more general issues of cultural identity (Lydon Balme and Bowdler (2006) have put forth an
1999; Ireland 2002). In maritime archaeology, argument for the role of gender in the coloniza-
which has undergone significant growth in tion of Australia. While the binary assumptions
Australia over the past two decades, there has and universalizing regarding gender that serve as
also been a technological focus, but some work the basis of their arguments are likely to be
has been directed into the nuances of social flawed, Balme and Bowdler nevertheless raise
relationships (Staniforth & Lawrence 1998). important considerations about the role of gender
While the complex nature of the relationships in such processes as colonizing new lands, an
between such phenomena as social organization area where discussions on gender or women as
and spatial organization has been recognized and active participants in this process is traditionally
addressed theoretically and despite papers which absent.
identify women in the archaeological record, An internationally significant study also
there has been no substantial development of undertaken in Australia is that by Casella (2000)
a particularly Australian feminist framework. (although not an Australian archaeologist
The significant body of feminist theory herself). Gender, sexuality, and power were
developed from the United States has established strong emergent themes in her analysis of net-
a context for historical (and Indigenous) archae- works of black market exchange throughout the
ology into which gender and feminist theories can inmate population at the Ross Female Factory,
be integrated. A reluctance to include such a nineteenth-century Australian colonial prison
theoretical perspectives is perhaps a reflection for transported British female convicts in
of the passive opposition to gender and feminist Tasmania. She concluded that both material
G 2966 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Australian Perspective
objects and sexual encounters fuelled systems of To clearly delineate a future trajectory for
illicit barter by relating the differential distribu- such archaeologies, it is necessary to acknowl-
tion patterns within the button assemblage to edge that gender, queer, and feminist archaeol-
sexual dynamics of the convict black market. ogies do have a history and a tradition in
Asking and testing whether same-sex relation- Australia. Though this may be short and small,
ships can be archaeologically interpreted has an agreed version of events, a recognition of an
highlighted the validity of asking such questions Australian discourse, may in fact prompt
in these environments and demonstrated how archaeologists into generating further discussion
a rigorous and gendered archaeology can be or regain the traction that was lost at the end of
produced. the 1990s. What is needed is an acknowledge-
ment of those who worked so hard in these areas
in the past and new ways to inspire the younger
Future Directions generations of conservative Australian archaeol-
ogists to recognize that there is still much more
Despite efforts to construct and include gender work to be done. These issues could be addressed
theory in Australian archaeology, few methodo- in future by the creation of new communities as
logical or theoretical breakthroughs have occurred through conferences in the past. The
occurred in any mainstream sense. This lack of inclusion of the theoretical aspects of gender,
progress is due to several factors, including the queer, and feminist archaeologies in teaching at
issue that fundamental terms such as gender, sex, undergraduate level at universities within main-
and queer have been used inconsistently and are stream archaeology, as was done in the 1990s,
often used interchangeably, which indicates would also provide opportunities for greater
a negligence in theoretical understanding or understanding and debate. Following Bowman
interest. This has also led to a misconception and Ulm (2009) it can also be asserted that
that all studies in these areas are concerned with individuals lack the capacity and/or funding to
the conflation of the status of women. The notion undertake directed research or publish on gender
that gender is invisible archaeologically also archaeology, as this is an area that has seen
persists especially in relation to Indigenous a decline in interest and attracts fewer funding
women and the archaeology of deep time. Such opportunities. This is a problem not easily
archaeology is largely thought only to be acces- addressed, and not one confined to this discipline.
sible through perishable, organic (gatherers) Australian archaeology has moved forward in
material remains or other invisible social pro- developing some aspects of feminist archaeol-
cesses. There is also, perhaps, a reluctance to ogy, such as equity in employment opportunities,
consider gender in isolation from other social and removing overt discrimination. Despite its
categories, such as ethnicity, particularly in his- promising development, particularly in the
torical and maritime archaeology. Despite some 1990s, the future of an archaeology of gender
of the aforementioned work and given the dis- (and especially of feminist archaeology) in Aus-
tancing of much of gender archaeology from tralia is uncertain. Given the recent focus on job
feminism, the discipline in Australia is still in and fieldwork training, the emphasis on test-
the process of adding women (proving their able data, combined with the general apathy
existence) and thus has only achieved what towards feminism, and a major focus on CHM
Engelstad (2007) refers to as simply a cosmetic employment particularly in areas where mining is
change to our interpretations of past societies. In being undertaken, most archaeologists in
this sense distancing gender from the political, Australia will never work in a university or pur-
and from theorizing, even within the gender sue a higher degree. With a small pool of aca-
archaeology camp may have contributed to demics as compared to other countries, the
the decline in inclusion and relevance in publica- percentage of the archaeological population who
tions over the last decade in Australia. could focus on gender is small compared to the
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Australian Perspective 2967 G
proportion who will earn a living from never DONLON, D. 1993. Imbalance in the sex ratio in collections
having to do it. The question must be asked, of Australian Aboriginal remains, in H. du Cros &
L. Smith (ed.) Women in archaeology: a feminist
does feminist, gender, and queer archaeology critique (Occasional Papers in Prehistory 23):
have a future in Australia at all? 98103. Canberra: Australian National University
Press.
DOWSON, T.A. 2000. Why queer archaeology? An
introduction. World Archaeology 32(2): 1615.
Cross-References DU CROS, H. & L. SMITH. (ed.) 1993. Women in archaeol-
ogy: a feminist critique (Occasional Papers in
Australias Archaeological Heritage Prehistory 23). Canberra: Australian National
Post-Processualism, Development of University.
ENGELSTAD, E. 2007. Much more than gender. Journal of
Social Archaeology Archaeological Method and Theory 14(3): 21734.
HOPE, J. 1998. Making up stories: bias in interpretations of
Aboriginal burial practices is southern Australia, in
References M. Casey, D. Donlon, J. Hope & S. Wellfare (ed.) G
Redefining archaeology: feminist perspectives:
BALME, J. & W. BECK. (ed.) 1995. Gendered archaeology. 23945. Canberra: Archaeology and Natural History
The second Australian Women in Archaeology Publications, Australian National University Press.
Conference. Canberra: Archaeology and Natural HOURANI, P. 1990. Spatial organisation and the status of
History Publications, Australian National University women in nineteenth century Australia. Australian
Press. Journal of Historical Archaeology 8: 707.
BALME, J. & S. BOWDLER. 2006. Spear and digging stick: HUCHET, B.M.J. 1991. Theories and Australian prehistory:
the origin of gender and its implication for the coloni- the last three decades. Australian Archaeology 33:
zation of new continents. Journal of Social Archaeol- 4451.
ogy 6: 379401. IRELAND, T. 2002. Giving value to the Australian historic
BECK, W. & L. HEAD. 1990. Women in Australian prehis- past: historical archaeology, heritage and nationalism.
tory. Australian Feminist Studies 11: 2942. Australasian Historical Archaeology 20: 1525.
BIRMINGHAM, J. & D. JEANS. 1983. The Swiss family KABERRY, P. 1939. Aboriginal women: sacred and
Robinson and the archaeology of colonisations. profane. London: Routledge.
Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology LAWRENCE, S. & P. DAVIES. 2010. An archaeology of
1: 1314. Australia since 1788. New York: Springer.
BIRD, C.F.M. 1993. Woman the toolmaker: evidence for LYDON, J. 1995. Gender in Australian historical archaeol-
womens use and manufacture of flaked stone tools in ogy, in J. Balme & W. Beck (ed.) Gendered archaeol-
Australia and New Guinea, in H. du Cros & L. Smith. ogy. The second Australian Women in Archaeology
(ed.) Women in archaeology: a feminist critique Conference: 729. Canberra: Archaeology and
(Occasional Papers in Prehistory 23): 2230. Natural History Publications, Australian National
Canberra: Australian National University Press. University Press.
BOWDLER, S. & G. CLUNE. 2000. That shadowy band: the - 1999. Many inventions: the Chinese in the rocks,
role of women in the development of Australian Sydney, 18901930. Melbourne: Monash Publications
archaeology. Australian Archaeology 50: 2735. in History.
BOWMAN, J. & S. ULM. 2009. Grants, gender and glass MCCARDLE, P. 2002. The Aboriginal bark burial mortuary
ceilings? An analysis of ARC-funded archaeology practice of the Central Queensland Highlands.
projects. Australian Archaeology 68: 316. Undergraduate Honors dissertation, University of
CASELLA, E. 2000. Doing trade: a sexual economy of New England, Australia.
nineteenth-century Australian female convict prisons. MCDONALD, J. 1992. The Great Mackerel rockshelter
World Archaeology 32 (2): 20921. excavation: women in the archaeological record?
CASEY, M., D. DONLON, J. HOPE & S. WELLFARE. (ed.) 1998. Australian Archaeology 35: 3550.
Redefining archaeology: feminist perspectives. MOSER, S. 2007. On disciplinary culture: archaeology as
Canberra: Archaeology & Natural History Publica- fieldwork and its gendered associations. Journal of
tions, RSPAS, Australian National University. Archaeological Method and Theory 14: 23563.
COLLEY, S. 2002. Uncovering Australia. Archaeology, NELSON, M.C., S.M. NELSON & A. WYLIE. (ed.) 1994.
Indigenous people and the public. Crows Nest: Allen Equity issues for women in archaeology (Archaeolog-
and Unwin. ical Papers of the American Anthropological Associa-
DAVIDSON, I. & W. NOBLE. 1992. Why the first colonization tion 5). Arlington (VA): American Anthropological
of the Australian region is the earliest evidence for Association.
modern human behaviour. Archaeology in Oceania OCONNOR, S. 2008. Engendering Australian and Southeast
27: 13542. Asian prehistory. . .beyond epistemological angst.
G 2968 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective
so far been very rare in European archaeology. feminism from Simone de Beauvoir to Ameri-
In a paper advocating the development of can standpoint theorists.
a masculinist archaeology inspired by feminism The first Scandinavian gender archaeology
Knapp (1998: 94) distinguishes between initiatives took place among students in the
reactionary masculinities and motivated early 1970s and were related to equity issues.
masculinities. Motivated masculinities are A Norwegian conference organized by teachers
influenced by feminist research and problematize and museum curators, Var de alle menn?
masculinities in much the same way that femi- (Were they all men?), followed in 1979.
ninities have been investigated. In a few cases, In 1985 the organization K.A.N. Kvinner
studies of masculinity are undertaken by women, i Arkeologi i Norge (Women in Archaeology in
from a feminist standpoint. Norway) was founded. Its concomitant
In the context of archaeological gender studies journal became the main publication venue of
in Europe, postmodern deconstruction of the gender archaeology in Scandinavia until it was
concepts of sex and gender has emerged as discontinued in 2005. Thus, critical theory
a dominant approach to gender studies, an and feminist/gender perspectives had already
approach that does not focus on women only. become part of Scandinavian archaeology
Postmodernism in archaeology has tended to when British post-processualism became a
favor the study of individuals, constructed iden- strong force in international archaeology during
tities, and personhood rather than groups, socie- the late 1980s.
ties, and systems. In this process, focus in the sex/ British gender archaeology, on the other hand,
gender dichotomy has moved from gender to developed in parallel with post-processualist
sexuality and embodiment, paving the way for approaches. Again, the gender initiative came
queer archaeology, which can basically be from students who dedicated a whole issue of
described as an archaeology of difference, and Archaeological Review from Cambridge (Arnold
in this sense includes anybody and anything that et al. 1988) to gender issues. In addition to
does not fit into the society in question. presenting prehistoric women and discussing
In a narrower sense, queer archaeology is under- feminism as a basis for archaeological interpre-
stood as investigation into genders and various tations; gender as an analytical category was now
sexual identities in the past. The impact of queer introduced. In the following decades, this was
archaeology (in the narrower sense) in Europe going to become one of the most influential
has so far been limited mainly to the United approaches of British gender archaeology.
Kingdom. A Scandinavian study of gender and Language is probably the reason why the vast
the role of the main god Odin in Old Norse amount of German-language gender archaeol-
religion and ideology is based partly on queer ogy, steadily increasing in volume from its incep-
approaches (Solli 2002). tion in 1988 and addressing a wide variety of
The many approaches sketched above now topics, is little known outside its own linguistic
exist side by side in gender archaeology, globally area. Like in Britain, German gender archaeology
and in Europe. In sum, gender research is still developed from student initiatives (Mertens &
developing and is characterized by critique on the Koch 2005). The German-language archaeologi-
one hand and theoretical eclecticism on the other. cal tradition in the 1980s was strictly culture
historical and processual but also deeply
Chronology: Where and When influenced by neighboring humanistic disci-
Scandinavia, and particularly Norway, seems to plines. Early gender-relevant inspirations varied
have been the first place where a new feminist- from popular engagement with the idea of matri-
inspired archaeology took hold, in the early archies in the past to gender constructivism
1970s. The inspiration was derived mainly (Julia Koch, pers. comm. 2011). The Netzwerk
from two sources, the critical theory of the Ger- archaologisch arbeitender Frauen (FemArc),
man Frankfurter school and second-wave which was to become the focal point of much
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective 2971 G
German-language gender archaeology, was archaeology where gender and daily-life activi-
founded in 1991. FemArc now publishes ties are included in the study of social structures,
a newsletter for its members and a book history, and development.
series, Frauen-Forschung-Archaologie, on the
renowned Waxmann Verlag.
As a whole, southern Europe has so far shown Key Issues/Current Debates
relatively little interest in gender archaeology.
Spain is a special case, with a strong tradition of In a historical perspective, gender and feminist
womens and gender archaeologies going back archaeologies are mainly associated with the
to the 1980s and addressing many different study of women and the relationship between
issues (Sanchez Romero 2005; Prados Torreira women and men. This is now slowly changing
& Ruiz Lopez 2008) (see also the entry in this as queer and masculinist archaeologies are
encyclopedia entitled Gender, Feminist, and emerging.
Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective). It should also be mentioned that in a European G
During the 1990s, a new and innovative strand setting, the archaeology of childhood has been
of gender archaeology emerged from the basis of closely associated with gender archaeology.
Marxist and feminist standpoint theories. This Two early papers (Lillehammer 1986, revised
maintenance archaeology examines small and enlarged English version 1989; Sofaer
events and the routines of daily life as part of Derevenski 1994), published in the K.A.N.
social structures, often reevaluating their impor- journal and the Archaeological Review from
tance for the well-being of society and techno- Cambridge, respectively, focused on how to
logical and political progress (Gonzalez-Marcen identify children in the archaeological record. In
et al. 2008). tune with the development of gender archaeology
In Eastern Europe, gender archaeology is still proper, interest has since moved from visibility to
in its incipient stages, dependent on a few active the question of childrens roles in prehistoric
scholars (Berseneva 2008). Like many Eastern societies and relations between children and
scholars, gender archaeologists still tend to adults (e.g., Moore & Scott 1997; Roder 2002;
work within the processual paradigm, although Sanchez Romero 2004; Berseneva 2008). The
changes are on the way (Palincas 2008). A few archaeology of children is now recognized as
papers on gender in East and Central Europe have a separate field represented all over Europe and
also been published by scholars based in Western is organized in The Society for the Study of
universities. Childhood in the Past (http://www.sscip.org.uk/).
The chronological sequence presented here In the following section, primary issues will be
also indicates a process of diversification and discussed against the background of goals and
specialization where different regions have been aims of early gender archaeology. Early publica-
taking leading roles at different times. The golden tions and the agendas of the two gender archae-
years of Scandinavian gender archaeology were ology organizations founded in 1985 and 1991,
from 1985 onward, with a clear focus on feminist respectively, will provide keys to what was
approaches. Later on, British (and American) deemed important at the time.
gender archaeology took on leading roles inter- The edited volume Were they all men?
nationally, developing gender as an analytical (Bertelsen et al. 1987), one of the very first
tool and anthropologically inspired approaches volumes in English dedicated to gender archae-
to past genders, respectively. At the same time, ology, presented papers from the above-
a German-language gender archaeology strength- mentioned Norwegian conference held in 1979.
ened its position in its own cultural area, combin- The editors stated that their aim was identifying
ing detailed analyses of archaeological finds with individuals in a prehistoric context but also
new theoretical impulses. At present, the Spanish acknowledged their debt to the feminist move-
development holds promises for a future ment which may have provided a better basis for
G 2972 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective
viewing not only the present but also the far past Promote the discussion between archaeolo-
with a feminist perspective in mind, and the gists and other academics involved in
table of contents reveals that focus was almost womens and gender studies.
exclusively on women (Bertelsen et al. 1987). Establish an interdisciplinary approach
K.A.N. (Kvinner i Arkeologi i Norge, Women between female archaeologists, scientists of
in Archaeology in Norway), the organization other fields, and interested amateurs.
founded by Norwegian women archaeologists in Expand the theoretical foundations for femi-
1985, presented its aims and goals in the first nist archaeology.
volume of its journal (published in Norwegian Open feminist archaeology to the public and to
[English from 1996]) by the same name: all women.
To promote well-established research on and Establish feminist archaeology and gender
by women in archaeology studies as themes and methods in archaeology.
To present traditional research areas as well as In slightly different terms, these declarations
new aspects of research into prehistory of intent all agree on three areas of concern:
To be a medium for archaeologists seeking equity issues, the ways that women had been
a qualitatively new research strategy through presented in archaeological narratives, and theo-
the development of new theories, retical approaches. These three issues have been
reassessment of methodological principles, constant companions to gender and feminist
new ways of evaluating sources, and search archaeologies ever since.
for new source material
To be a medium of thoughts and opinions on Equity Issues
the working conditions and the work of Equity issues were one of the main issues of
women in archaeology and in society second-wave feminism. Equity issues which
In the United Kingdom, the editors (Arnold have been addressed in archaeology include:
et al. 1988: 2) of the 1988 Women and archae- The number of women archaeologists and
ology volume of Archaeological Review from women working in archaeology
Cambridge argued that the subject of women in Positions held by women in archaeology
archaeology demanded a critical evaluation of Research fields dominated by women and
the following points: men, respectively
The conditions under which women work in Archaeological arenas (research, teaching,
all areas of archaeological practice. museum, excavations) dominated by women
How women are portrayed in the interpreta- and men, respectively
tion and presentation of the past. The prestige of women-dominated research
What gender is and what epistemological fields
questions an archaeology of gender forces us Research carried out in the 1980s and 1990s
to recognize in terms of social theory. shows that in some countries, women made up
The German FemArc organization (founded a fair proportion of the archaeologists, but even
1991) presents its aims and goals on its English- so, few held permanent positions and even fewer
language website (http://www.femarc.de/) like held top positions. Power and prestige followed
this: the subfields or arenas where men dominated.
Create contact between women who are The number of women professionals in archaeol-
involved with archaeology and its related ogy is now increasing all over Europe but gender
fields. inequality is still a serious problem in many
Prevent the isolation of female archaeologists. European archaeological communities. As for
Encourage the exchange of experiences gender archaeology, this is still dominated by
between women. women.
Improve the employment situation of female Learning about the history of women in
archaeologists. archaeology became part of equity research.
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective 2973 G
An edited volume Excavating Women:
A History of Women in European Archaeology
(Daz-Andreu & Srensen 1998) addressed
womens contributions to archaeology in many
European countries. Similarly, the FemArc pub-
lications Eine Dame zwischen 500 Herren (Koch
& Mertens 2002) and Ausgraberinnen,
Forscherinnen, Pionierinnen. Ausgewahlte
Portrats fruher Archaologinnen im Kontext
ihrer Zeit (Fries & Gutsmiedl-Schumann 2013)
present portraits of female pioneers in the
German-language area.
a considerable percentage of burials in the ceme- in family businesses (Stalsberg 1987). More gen-
teries investigated cannot be gendered through erally, women seem to have been engaged in
the grave gifts. They therefore tend to be left textile work all over Europe. Again, this is
out of the interpretations, thereby possibly creat- supported both by grave gifts and iconography
ing sharper gender divisions than warranted. (spindle whorls, weaving equipment, and depic-
Finally, a question related to all representations tions of women weaving).
of women (and men) in the past is whether the Technology is a masculine laden word, effec-
representations are idealized or realistic ones, tively often leaving women out of fields such as
gender ideologies or gender in action. metalwork or boat building, although the ques-
tion of womens participation has been raised
Subsistence, Trade, and Technology (e.g., Srensen 1996). A fruitful approach is to
In spite of the great number of prehistoric settle- point to the fact that activities traditionally con-
ments known in Europe, these have played sidered female, such as ceramic production, tex-
a relatively small role in gender studies. One tile work, the preparation of food, and caring for
reason may be that tools found in settlement people, require skill and knowledge and therefore
contexts can rarely be definitely attributed to represent sophisticated technologies. This is the
any gender. Interpretations tend to rely on ethno- strategy of the Spanish maintenance
graphic and historic evidence, inviting the inter- archaeologists (Gonzalez Marcen et al. 2008;
pretation of subsistence activities like hunting or Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies:
farming as mens work. But there also seems to Spanish Perspective in this encyclopedia) who
be a general agreement that both women and men claim that these and related activities are basic
must have participated in economic activities in for the structure and continuation of societies.
all kinds of societies. Grave gifts sometimes
indicate what kind of work the people buried Theoretical Approaches/Current Debates
engaged in. As an example, agricultural imple- Insofar as the theories are applicable to archaeol-
ments in female graves may indicate that women ogy, European gender archaeologies have
have taken active parts in farm work during the followed the development of second (and third)-
Scandinavian Iron Age, and scale-weights found wave feminisms. Two issues, however, may be
in graves indicate that Viking women in Russia said to characterize the European archaeological
may also have been traders, probably participants scene. One is a sometimes explicit discussion of
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective 2975 G
the relationship between feminist and gender that advocate pluralism and open-ended interpre-
research; second is the conflation of postmodern tations, namely, that with no fixed authority to
deconstruction and gender analyses as keys to appeal to, interpretation becomes a matter of
understanding genders of the past. power (Engelstad 1991). Power is still predomi-
Feminist studies are defined by their approach. nantly male in academic circles, and Engelstads
A feminist study in archaeology may have as its comment thus reflects the basic idea of feminist
subject any aspect of the archaeological past, scholarship, namely, critique of androcentrism in
men, women, the emergence of agriculture, tech- any form. Another comment would be that by
nological innovations, or religious ideologies. deconstructing the concept of gender, gender
The ensuing new interpretations would not only studies no longer have an object, and conse-
include women but be made from womens quently the legitimacy of the field as such is
standpoints. Although feminist theories have undermined.
been fundamental to the critiquing of androcen- In a relatively recent paper, Whitehouse
tric science and vital to the early development of (2007) claims that European gender archaeology G
gender scholarship in Europe, feminism has not as a whole has developed in a post-processual and
remained a preferred framework of interpretation even postmodern direction, with the consequence
for all gender archaeologists. Some scholars con- that European gender archaeologists tend to
sider feminism to be political, or biased, while neglect the fact that most people worldwide do
true scholarship should be objective and unbi- in fact live and identify themselves as women and
ased. Others claim that objectivity is impossible men. Central issues like male/female power rela-
in humanistic scholarship and that the solution is tions and the role that reproduction and mother-
to recognize your bias and take it into account in hood must have played in womens lives are
interpretations, as recommended by standpoint likewise excluded. In sum, claims Whitehouse
feminists. (2007), European gender archaeology has
The study of gender (or women), on the other removed itself from the lives of real women and
hand, is defined by its subject and may take at men of the past.
least two different directions. One is the anthro- This is a legitimate critique of strands of gender
pologically inspired study of how gender works, archaeology that seem to have problems accepting
that is, how people of the past have lived their the category of gender at all. But it is a mistake
lives as women, men, and possible other genders to assume that this attitude characterizes European
within different cultural contexts. Another gender archaeology. Whitehouses discussion is
approach, which will be discussed in the follow- based almost exclusively on Anglophone gender
ing paragraphs, is closely linked to the impact of archaeology. The trends she criticizes represent
postmodern scepticism and deconstruction in one particular European tradition which, because
parts of European archaeology and concentrates English is the academic lingua franca, tends to
on the character of gender and gender as an dominate the international field. European gender
analytical concept. archaeologies are, however, situated within
British archaeologists signalled the analysis of national archaeological communities of scholars.
gender as a central concern as early as 1988 Spanish, German-language, British, Scandinavian,
(Arnold et al. 1988: 2). Discussion concerning and the emerging East/Central European gender
the relationship between gender and material archaeologies all carry the hallmarks of their own
culture as archaeologys special contribution to local academic traditions, which may be culture
gender research (cf. Srensen 2000) is a further historical, processual, post-processual, or post-
development of this theme, postmodern decon- modern, and favor different issues, approaches,
struction and analysis another. and forms. In many European languages, it is
An early comment on the relationship between also the case that biological sex and gender are
postmodernism and the study of gender in archae- intrinsically linked even covered by the same
ology relates to the danger inherent in approaches term. Native speakers of such languages think
G 2976 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective
differently about gender, thus contributing to the European countries, gender archaeology is only
multivocality that is a precondition for new occasionally disseminated to local publics.
insights. International communication did not stop at
With these reservations, it is probably still the the European borders. Conferences in Europe,
case that the analysis of gender in all its variations North America, and Australia attracted partici-
has become one of the most important in terms pants from many continents, and the conference
of papers presented maybe the most important papers were read by everyone with an interest in
strands of archaeological gender research in gender and archaeology. Some sources of
Europe today. Most British gender archaeology inspiration were shared by almost all gender
today falls into the category of gender analysis. researchers. Foremost among these are the
The approach is represented in Scandinavian and writings by feminist theorists like Simone de
Spanish archaeologies as well, although feminist Beauvoir from France and American
archaeology is relatively strong in these regions. standpoint feminists like Nancy Hartsock and
In German-language archaeology, some scholars Sandra Harding, who became household names
prefer working within a feminist framework, to anyone working with women and gender.
while others have emphasized the importance Donna Haraway and Judith Butler have also
of finding a place for nonideological gender influenced European gender archaeology consid-
research (Mertens & Koch 2005), as, for erably, as have the philosopher/archaeologist
example, gender analysis. Alison Wylie and gender archaeological pioneers
like Margaret Conkey and Janet Spector.
International contacts tend to be unilateral
International Perspectives between Britain (or the USA), where well-known
international centers of education are to be found,
Viewed from a Norwegian perspective, the first and individuals of other nationalities. In the
years of gender archaeology were characterized context of gender archaeology, however, multi-
by a high degree of Scandinavian cooperation and lateral contacts within Europe should not be
enthusiasm. With the advent of the first English- underestimated. Naturally, these tend to go
language publications in the 1980s, a feeling of between regions with related traditions in culture
sharing a common frame of reference and work- and language, as reflected in the regions
ing toward a common goal developed. On discussed above, but wider networks have also
a European level, the British TAG conferences been established. From 2008 onward, European
became an international meeting place for gender gender archaeologists have had a common meet-
archaeological discussions. ing place in the working group Archaeology and
From then on, gender archaeology was defi- Gender in Europe (http://www.upf.edu/mate-
nitely an international phenomenon, with steadily rials/fhuma/age/), part of the European Associa-
increasing communication across borders. The tion of Archaeologists (EAA). One of the goals of
number of publications increased dramatically, this network is to ensure that information and
especially English-language books and papers. inspiration will cross borders and oceans in all
A positive effect was that scholars who wanted directions.
to participate on the international arena were
often encouraged to publish in English, thus
reaching a wider (academic) public. On the neg- Future Directions
ative side is the fact that those who chose to write
in their native languages, and thereby also to In archaeology, gender research has been mainly
communicate with the general public in their an academic field or a discourse between archae-
countries, became more marginalized than ever ologists. But archaeology also has a role to play in
internationally. The end result of the ongoing society at large. Doing gender archaeology
internationalization may be that in many should, among other things, mean reaching out
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: European Perspective 2977 G
to the general public and presenting recent incorporating gender-relevant questions or
research through popular books and papers, women. Occasionally smaller, temporary exhibi-
museums, and other media. tions dedicated to women in the past are shown.
A future task would be to include a gender
Gender Studies and the Archaeological aspect in all museum exhibitions, especially the
Record permanent ones.
The archaeological record, or the material Another arena not yet conquered is that of
remains recognized mainly through surveys and general historical accounts, in textbooks and
excavations, kept in the landscape or stored in overviews aimed at nonspecialists. Like museum
museum collections, is the basis of all archaeo- exhibitions, these tend to be conservative, and
logical interpretations. Today, most of the addi- gender is seldom in focus. Incorporating the
tions to the archaeological record are results of results of gender archaeology into the great
rescue excavations taken on not for academic narratives of humankind has been the main moti-
reasons but because the land in question is being vation of gender archaeology from the 1970s G
developed for new purposes. onward. It is now time to make this a priority in
Increasingly, rescue archaeology is carried out future work.
by commercial firms, although guided by local
heritage legislation and international agreements.
In Europe, rescue archaeology works closer to the Cross-References
processual paradigm than does academic archae-
ology. The general opinion seems to be that Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies:
(gender) theory is not relevant to rescue excava- Spanish Perspective
tions or to the excavation phase at all: interpreta- Post-Processual Archaeology
tion comes later. Large-scale excavations also Post-Processualism, Development of
tend to be headed by men, something that has Processualism in Archaeological Theory
not favored gender or feminist approaches.
In future, a closer relationship between rescue
archaeology and academic research would be
desirable in order to generate gender-relevant References
discoveries in creating the archaeological record
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body and self-identity in Bronze Age Europe. Journal
of European Archaeology 3: 105-45. tally in English-speaking and Scandinavian
WALDE, D. & N.D. WILLOWS (ed.) 1991. The archaeology countries. Because of this, the majority of this
of gender. Proceedings of the Twenty-Second Annual entry focuses only on the development of femi-
Conference of the Archaeological Association of the nist and gender archaeologies, since queer
University of Calgary. Calgary: University of Calgary
Archaeological Association. archaeology is practically nonexistent in Spain.
WYLIE, A. 1997. The engendering of archaeology.
Refiguring feminist science studies. Osiris 12(2):
80-99. Definition
rise to feminist archaeologies different to the presenting the past, that reflect on fundamental
earlier Marxist ones. concepts like those of space, time, and
Finally, it was during the first years of the identity , and that propose new categories of
twenty-first century that feminist and gender historic analysis (a more detailed examination
archaeologies were firmly established in Spain. of those works can be seen in Daz-Andreu &
In this period, the first monographs were Monton-Subas 2012). Some of these concerns
published. In the year 2000, for instance, have been brought together around two specific
the Seminario de Arqueologa y Etnologa lines of inquiry that Spanish archaeologists have
Turolense dedicated the 22nd volume of and are contributing to the global scene: mainte-
Arqueologa Espacial to gender and space in nance activities and the sociohistorical construc-
archaeology. Furthermore, new gatherings of tion of gendered personhood and self-identity
women in archaeology were organized in differ- (see also Monton Subas & Lozano 2012). The
ent universities. The first was the course approach of maintenance activities arose at the
Archaeology and Gender that took place at beginning of the 1990s among a group of feminist
Granada in 2003 (Sanchez-Romero 2005). archaeologists linked to a research team at the
Inspired by the Wedge conference procedure, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, within the
and its influential Engendering Archaeology, emphasis given by a feminism of Marxist inspi-
this occasion also saw various archaeologists ration to the analysis of womens work and the
discuss their ways of understanding and practic- material conditions of their existence. Mainte-
ing feminist and gender archaeology in front of nance activities were initially aimed at investi-
the student body of the university. Soon after, gating a specific sphere of social production and
thematic seminars on specific questions, such as reproduction, a sphere that had been forgotten in
maintenance activities (see below), held in the traditional historical narrative (including that
Barcelona in 2005 and 2007 (Monton-Subas & of Marxism). Soon other researchers joined their
Sanchez Romero 2008), began to be organized. efforts. They shared with them concern and dis-
In 2006, the Museum of Prehistory in Valencia satisfaction of the sexist biases affecting the prac-
organized the first museum exhibition of women tice of archaeology and the motivation to create
in prehistory (Soler 2006). Originally designed new categories of analysis to evaluate the prac-
with a provincial character, it soon aroused tices and experiences of women. Inevitably,
the interest of other Spanish museums and many of these contributions, although not all,
institutions, generating debates, courses, and cir- exceeded the original theoretical framework,
cuits of academic dissemination where it was adding and/or combining concerns stemming
exhibited. from feminist theories different to the Marxist
ones. Currently, this approach continues to be
enriched by the contributions of different
Key Issues/Current Debates researchers within and outside of Spain (see,
e.g., Monton-Subas & Sanchez-Romero 2008).
In over 20 years of research on gender and The concept of maintenance activities
feminist archaeology in Spain, works on diverse embraces all basic activities necessary to create,
themes have been published. Drawing on the regulate, stabilize, and reproduce (in the short,
critique of androcentrism, concerns similar to medium, and long term) social life. Related to the
those demonstrated first in the pioneering coun- management of everyday life and the well-being
tries have prospered. Thus, we have publications of all of its members, they include, grosso modo,
on the work and contributions of women in the caregiving, cooking, basic weaving and cloth
past, works that analyze the labor situation of manufacture, hygiene and public health, the
female archaeologists, that expose the sexist socialization of children, and the fitting out and
bias of archaeological discourse and language organization of related spaces. Specialized in
verbal and nonverbal , that discuss new ways of maintaining the groups connections and links,
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective 2983 G
they are part and parcel of the relational frame- modern times. Subsequently, their relational
work in which they take part and which they character and their recurrent rhythm, in direct
create. Although the specific content of mainte- opposition to change, individuality, and power
nance activities is not always the same, and may the values highlighted by history, which is the
vary depending on chrono-geographical coordi- discourse created to legitimate Modernity
nates, what remains stable is the structural func- (Hernando 2005), were added as main reasons
tion to which the term refers (Gonzalez Marcen in their concealment. In any case, many different
et al. 2008: 4). In any case, both the historical and works have insisted that the association between
ethnographic record show continuity with respect women and maintenance activities has
to the relations and practices that articulate the a historical character, and that in the origins of
day-to-day management of the communities, and humankind, the whole group men, women, and
their long-term sustainability. For this reason, children would have been involved in their
with slight variations, the study of the previous practice.
tasks, in their possible conjugations, is what often Subscribing the perspective of maintenance G
appears in the analyses of maintenance activities activities and suggesting that an important part
(see Monton-Subas & Lozano 2012 and of the times and roles of many women has been
Sanahuja 2002: 172-89 for a review of the Marx- overlooked do not mean defending that mainte-
ist perspective). nance activities represent the whole set of (poten-
The approach emphasizes, therefore, the tial) activities carried out by them (in fact some of
structural character of these activities, whose ulti- the professionals that work on maintenance activ-
mate goal consists in securing continuity of life- ities also investigate the presence of women in
ways, either through repetition and recurrence or other spheres of action, traditionally assigned to
through channeling changes into new patterns of men [Sanchez-Romero & Onorato 2005]). It
repetition and recurrence. Because of this, it has does, of course, mean understanding this sphere
been unveiled as a tool with great potential to of action in its singularity and articulating it with
evaluate social dynamics over vast lapses of the rest of the social, economic, political, and
time and periods considered to be historic ideological variables that orchestrate the course
transitions (see, for instance, section 3 in of life for human societies.
Monton-Subas & Sanchez-Romero 2008). The feminist politics in this line of inquiry is
Analyzing daily life in the long run, their forms underpinned by reflection on the values that
of permanence and change, allows us to better should be integrated in the writing of history
understand the articulation of the different and how they might help building a new form of
variables also those considered macro that public rationality. With the inspiration of authors
integrate the social fabric, as well as their changes grouped around the ethics of care, like Nancy
and modifications. Chodorov or Carol Gilligan, unorthodox Marxist
In this already established approach, one of the authors like Anna Jonasdottir, and others linked
most recurrent debates has referred to the nature to the feminism of difference connected to the
of the association between women and these Milan Womens Bookstore Collective such as
practices (Picazo 1997: 60; Gonzalez et al. Luisa Muraro and Adriana Cavarero, emphasis
2008: 3; Lozano 2011: 31). It is true that the is placed on the value of relationality and
proposal was initially partly aimed at interpreting interdependence, hitherto deemed as exclusively
the experiences and practices of women in an feminine. This endeavor is shared with another of
alternative way and that, therefore, there was an the most original contributions of feminist
implicit link between maintenance activities and archaeology in Spain: that which proposes to
practices carried out by women. But already in explain the historical reasons for gender inequal-
the first contributions, it was stressed that their ity in the Western world starting from the study of
dismissal by mainstream archaeology was due to the mechanisms through which we construct self-
their association with the female sphere in identity.
G 2984 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective
This line of investigation, which arose in related to differential mobility between men and
Madrid in the late 1990s, started from women. Caring for the highly dependent human
a different point than the majority of feminist offspring would have implied travelling shorter
studies. It did not initially focus on women, but distances or less mobility for women than for
rather on the way that human beings construct men. This fact would have been critical in
their identity (Hernando 2005; Hernando et al. hunter-gatherer societies, considering the vital
2011). On the basis of his own previous importance that oral societies place on the spatial
ethnoarchaeological work in oral societies and dimension in the construction of the world
drawing from studies in psychology, sociology, (Hernando et al. 2011). These initial subtle
philosophy, and anthropology that had already differences in mobility did not establish power
examined the differences between relational and relationships between the sexes, but could have
individualized identity, Hernando suggested constituted the base for a progressive increase of
that individuality and relationality constitute masculine individuality and, with this, the
packages of characteristics that are combined subsequent appearance of the patriarchal order.
in complex and dynamic ways within one single
person, depending on their position of power or
control in the social group. The author analyzed International Perspectives
the genealogy of contemporary gender identities
in the Western world, concluding that, initially, Feminist archaeology in Spain has always shown
all men and women in human societies would great interest in knowing debates generated
have had relational identities (similar, in abroad. This openness has lead researchers to
structural terms, to those that characterize con- integrate similar concerns from other countries
temporary hunter-gatherers). and to develop strategies to internationalize their
This means, according to Hernando, that own reflections. Out of this, exchanges and
the so-called feminine identity would be the collaborations have followed, which make this
relational identity typical of both men and field one of the most dynamic and international
women in the beginnings of humankind, which in Spain. These external influences were first
allows her to escape from essentialisms linked to expressed through the weight that the Women
sex. In accordance with this perspective, men the Gatherer movement of US anthropology in
would have been slowly and gradually develop- the 1970s had in promoting interest on the origins
ing individuality, while women would have of humankind (Querol 2001; Sanahuja 2002).
maintained the relational identity until modern Some years later, in the RAT of 1992, the title
times. Since then women would have also Somos todas hombres? (Are we all men?) was
developed characteristics of individuality, but selected to present a paper about sexism in the
by virtue of their different historical trajectories, practice of contemporary Spanish archaeology. It
there would be a difference between the current was the recognition paid by a group of Spanish
individuality of men and women. Obviously, this female archaeologists to the first workshop on the
line of work was aimed at analyzing the reasons subject Were they all men, held in Norway in
of this differentiation or, in other words, the gen- 1979. Equally decisive was the arrival of Engen-
esis of the patriarchal order. To this end, dering Archaeology, published by Meg Conkey
Hernando accepted that the extreme fragility of and Joan Gero in 1991, that would inspire many
the Homo offspring played an important role in later works on feminist and gender archaeology
the differentiation of identity trajectories in Spain (see also Cruz Berrocal 2009: 124).
between males and females, although unlike Spanish feminist and gender archaeologies
other approaches, she did not argue that the have repaid this initial input, bringing to the
central tenet of this differentiation was due to global scene more examples of how sexist and
biological factors, but rather to cultural factors androcentric values have inappropriately
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective 2985 G
influenced archaeological practice and archaeo- exploring the relationship between feminism
logical knowledge, alternative or new interpreta- and historical materialism has joined Spanish
tions of the Iberian archaeological record that, archaeologists with representatives of the Latin
as a consequence, begins to be much more American Social Archaeology (see, e.g., Vargas
renowned internationally (the Iberian Iron Age 2004). The promotion of multilateral, interna-
is an outstanding example (Prados & Izquierdo tional contacts is also behind the presence of
2006; Garca-Luque & Rsquez 2008)), and new several Spanish archaeologists in the creation
analytical categories or perspectives, such as the and functioning of AGE, the Archaeology and
ones reviewed in the previous section. Gender in Europe working party of the European
This spirit of internationalizing Spanish Association of Archaeologists (http://www.upf.
production has resulted in diverse forums. There edu/materials/fhuma/age/), a network designed
have been international conferences in Spain, such to bring scholars of different nationalities and
as seminars on maintenance activities in Barce- academic traditions together in order to develop
lona, which have brought together female archae- and exchange information on gender in archaeol- G
ologists from the Peninsula and abroad to reflect ogy in its many dimensions (Dommasnes &
on concrete aspects of the approach (Monton- Monton-Subas: 2012).
Subas & Sanchez-Romero 2008). In the same This internationalist vocation has been in part
vein, conferences abroad have been attended, supported by the Spanish research policy
including the organization of sessions in the conducted after the Francoist dictatorship in rela-
annual editions of the EAA (European Association tion to the concession of fellowships for research
of Archaeologists) and the SAA (Society for residencies in foreign research centers (Daz-
American Archaeology), and publications on plat- Andreu & Monton Subas 2012). Thanks to
forms of international scope have also appeared these visits, for example, the first news of the
(e.g., Berrocal 2009; Monton-Subas 2010; influential Were They All Men and Engendering
Lozano 2011; Hernando et al. 2011), however Archaeology reached Spain.
mostly in English (in September 2011, only 5 of
the 81 journals listed for archaeology in the
Thomson Reuters Arts and Humanities citation Future Directions
index were in Spanish). It is important to value
the extra effort that this fact implies and the situ- The strength and importance that research on
ation of double (or triple, or quadruple) demand feminist and gender studies holds in Spanish
faced by many of these archaeologists: on the one archaeology is established. This said, it should
hand, to find a way in a national and international be also clarified that there are obstacles and
academia dominated by androcentric power struc- challenges, both internal and external, for this
tures and, on the other hand, to do it in an interna- research. The explicit involvement or the affinity
tional academia of Anglo-American hegemony, of many of these researchers with feminist
much more receptive to the empirical cases approaches and the resulting critique of academic
proposed by Spaniards than the theoretical androcentrism, often experienced in first person,
approaches generated in our language. In fact, by cause doubt, reticence, hostility, and rejection in
the works cited in the English-speaking world, one one part of the academic establishment. Without
could reach the misleading conclusion that there doubt, the progressive popularization of the issue
are very few theoretical contributions outside of its has diminished public critiques, as they would be
own linguistic area. perceived as politically incorrect. However, from
Furthermore, forums of debate to bring less visible platforms, such as anonymous
together Spanish-speaking feminist archaeolo- decision-making panels, a veiled discrimination
gists from both sides of the Atlantic have also may act against research and candidacies related
been created. For example, the interest in to the investigations of gender. These forms of
G 2986 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective
discrimination are not only more difficult to iden- power dynamics of which they are part. While it
tify but also more difficult to challenge. is important, for example, to continue writing
Furthermore, the very dynamic nature and historiographies about female archaeologists, it
development of this research raises questions is even more vital to incorporate women in the
that demand greater attention and confront general historiography of the discipline.
challenges of a different character depending on Precisely, to move in this dual field, which is
whether or not the research has a political not incompatible, constitutes one of the most
involvement. A first necessary challenge would important challenges that feminist archaeologies
be to explicitly clarify the differences and and gender archaeologies face.
affiliations among feminist archaeologies, On the other hand, questioning the hege-
archaeologies of gender, and womens archaeol- monic gender system from which history has
ogies to avoid conceptual ambiguities. In fact, been written also means understanding that men
conceptual ambiguity has begun to happen of the past have been constructed following the
already within archaeologies of gender. Since dominant contemporary model of masculinity,
the popularization of the issue in the 1990s, a model which has assigned them a particular
some authors have just targeted gender, but way of being and behaving, associated with
ignored or rejected its original critical theoretical success, heterosexuality, aggression, and vio-
framework. In these works, gender is no longer lence. But, above all, it means understanding
a concept, but instead a term with which to des- that the very writing of history has been associ-
ignate women and, to a lesser extent, also men. ated with these values and has oversized activi-
By incorporating gender as only a word, one can ties, such as war, related with them. Despite the
continue writing about men and women in fact that in 1998 Thomas Dowson published an
a conceptual framework that perpetuates stereo- article in the 14th edition of the Catalan journal
types and gender roles characteristic of the Cota Zero calling for queer archaeology (see the
traditional imaginary and from the same andro- entry on Engendered Archaeologies, in this
centric positions confronted initially by feminist encyclopedia) and that the construction of mas-
archaeologies. Although the original desire of culinity has become a growing concern in other
those who devote themselves to gender archaeol- fields of the social sciences in Spain, this issue
ogy from a feminist position was and is to trans- has gone practically unnoticed in the archaeology
form the mainstream, the opposite effect has of our country. Recently, however, prevailing
often times resulted from less politicized assumptions related to the hegemonic model of
approaches. In these cases, the mainstream has masculinity have begun to be questioned to crit-
transformed gender archaeology, diffusing its ically reevaluate, for instance, the supposedly
feminist critique. Still, it should remain clear structural character of warfare and warriors in
that in Spain, currently, the majority of the the Argaric Bronze Age of Southeast Spain
works on gender are elaborated from positions (Aranda et al. 2009).
involved with feminism. As occurs in other countries, feminist
In Spain, as in other countries, feminist and archaeologists in Spain also should reflect more
gender research has mainly been identified with upon the implementation and the implications of
that of women. Indeed, women were the first who their political involvement in archaeological
drew from their gender stereotypes and expressed practice. Building a new disciplinary culture
the need to find themselves in another way in should imply awareness and change of the
written history. This being acknowledged, it is different forms that patriarchal power structures
however now important to associate feminist and adopt (in fieldwork, in the teaching of the
gender archaeologies not only with women, espe- discipline, in Ph.D. supervision, in academic
cially when this fact particularizes their study and management or, among others, in the nature of
prevents the understanding of the social and the links with nonprofessional communities
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Spanish Perspective 2987 G
interested in archaeology (on this last aspect, see of maintenance activities (BAR International series
Gonzalez Marcen 2005)). Otherwise, we run the 1862): 49-56. Oxford: Archaeopress.
GONZALEZ MARCEN, P. 2005. Redes de complicidades
risk of modifying archaeological discourse the y objetos vividos, in M. Sanchez Romero (ed.)
most visible front but perpetuating an andro- Arqueologa y genero: 491-9. Granada: Universidad
centric structure through the gears of its de Granada.
production. GONZALEZ MARCEN, P., S. MONTON-SUBIAS & M. PICAZO.
2008. Towards an archaeology of maintenance activi-
ties, in S. Monton-Subas & M. Sanchez-Romero (ed.)
Engendering social dynamics: the archaeology of
Cross-References maintenance activities (BAR International series
1862): 3-8. Oxford: Archaeopress.
HERNANDO, A. 2005. Por que la historia no ha valorado las
Engendered Archaeologies actividades de mantenimiento?, in P. Gonzalez Marcen,
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: S. Monton-Subas & M. Picazo (ed.) Dones i activitats
Australian Perspective de manteniment en temps de canvi: 115-133. Bellaterra:
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. G
HERNANDO, A., G. POLITIS, A. GONZALEZ-RUIBAL & E.
European Perspective BESERRA. 2011. Gender, power and mobility among
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: the Awa-Guaja (Maranhao, Brasil). Journal of Anthro-
USA Perspective pological Research 67 (2): 189-211.
LOZANO, S. 2011. Gender thinking in the making: feminist
epistemology and gender archaeology. Norwegian
Archaeological Review 44 (1): 21-39.
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VICENT, J. 1994. Perspectivas de la teora arqueologica en disciplines have their own interpretations,
Espana, in Sexto Coloquio Hispano-ruso de Historia: histories, and methods embedded in each. In the
215-22. Madrid: Fundacion Cultural Banesto
ZARZALEJOS, M. 2008. Los estudios de arqueologa del following, the terms are defined in relation to how
genero en la Hispania Romana, in L. Prados & they have been used and employed within
C. Ruiz (ed.) Arqueologa del genero. 1er Encuentro archaeology. Contrasts are drawn between North
Internacional en la UAM: 297-326. Madrid: American and other usages, where relevant. Fem-
Universidad Autonoma de Madrid.
inist archaeologies emerged in North America in
the early 1980s; queer archaeologies were inaugu-
rated in the early 2000s in both North America and
Europe. Gender as an explicit object of study
Gender, Feminist, and Queer emerged with feminism. Stereotypically, feminist
Archaeologies: USA Perspective and queer archaeologies have been assigned their
proper objects of study, mimicking that same divi-
Benjamin Alberti1 and sion of labor in academia more broadly: feminism
Ing-Marie Back Danielsson2 studies gender, while queer approaches are cen-
1
Department of Sociology, Framingham State trally concerned with sexuality. In actuality, nei-
University, Framingham, MA, USA ther feminism nor queer in archaeology need be
2
Department of Archaeology and Classical limited to these objects of study.
Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm,
Sweden Feminism
Feminism is recognized as an approach rooted
in contemporary political goals. Feminist social
Introduction science commitments are those that are relevant
to women and others oppressed by gender
This entry presents a brief history of the emer- structures (Wylie 2007: 211). Feminism in
gence of feminism, gender, and queer in North archaeology is concerned with the conditions of
American archaeology, which, along with the archaeological knowledge production in the
United Kingdom and Scandinavia to a lesser present and the reconstruction of the past and
degree, represents the geographic origin and center past peoples lives. Since this concerns power
of such work. The key concepts as used by archae- relations, focus is often but certainly not exclu-
ologists are defined; the relationship among them sively on women (Tomaskova 2011). Feminism
is explored and shown to be both problematic and in archaeology is further about recognizing
productive. The place of feminism, gender, and gender bias, rewriting histories of the discipline
queer within North American archaeology today and the past that exclude or downplay the role of
is characterized and, finally, likely avenues of women, questioning the alleged neutrality of
future research are suggested. The greatest impact science, and addressing equity issues in the
of feminist, gender, and queer archaeologies has discipline and the theoretical development of
been on the authority of positivist approaches, the key concepts, especially gender, but also power,
objectivity of interpretation, equity issues within bodies, and the State, among others (Conkey &
the profession, collaborative knowledge making, Spector 1984; Wylie 2007). Ultimately, feminist
and the understanding of key archaeological inter- archaeology involves a fundamental rethinking
pretive concepts. of the questions archaeologists address
and the frameworks they use (Conkey 2005;
Wylie 2007).
Definition The feminist critique of science has come to
dominate North American feminist archaeology
None of the terms feminism, gender, or and can be seen to constitute the orthodox
queer have fixed meanings. Different academic approach. Work typically draws on feminist
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective 2989 G
philosophers of science, such as Helen Longino production means that issues of power are recog-
and Sandra Harding (Wylie 1992, 2007). This nized as inherent to all aspects of the research
orthodoxy co-exists with a lesser post- process. Archaeology is recognized to be ines-
structuralist feminist production inspired largely capably political, as is the knowledge it engen-
by the work of feminist philosopher Judith Butler ders. A concern with ethical and pragmatic norms
(e.g., Joyce 2008), which is concerned with ques- means that egalitarian and collaborative forms of
tions of discourse and the performance of gender. knowledge production are sought, leading to
Butler is a useful figure who crosses the divide community archaeology projects and alternative
between continental post-structuralist feminists writing genres (Spector 1993; Joyce & Tringham
and social science feminists by using 2007; Marshall et al. 2009). Accountability also
a vocabulary of gender and performance. Work refers to the recognition that feminist research is
that draws on Butler in gender archaeology shares simultaneously about the past and how versions
the concern of the feminist critique of science of the past are sustained or not (Conkey 2005: 33).
with empirical adequacy and evidential con- A widespread acknowledgment among G
straints (Joyce 2008). The more radical elements feminist archaeologists is that while feminist
of Butlers and other continental feminist philos- research starts with the experience of women, it
ophers work tend to be re-categorized as queer. should ultimately lead to a general reframing of
Regardless of the type of feminism, all share a set questions, practices, theories, and goals within
of concerns around reflexivity, accountability, and the field as a whole (Conkey 2005: 26; Wylie
reframing key debates. 2007). In this regard, feminists question the
central concepts of archaeology, such as technol-
Reflexivity ogy, inequality, household, hunting/gathering,
Reflexivity has its roots in feminisms grounding gender, and bodies, as well as archaeological
in the experience of oppression of women, where practice and theory (Wylie 2007).
people are understood as constituted by their expe-
riences rather than simply having them (Conkey Gender
2005: 27). Reflexivity also refers to a commitment The original formulation of gender in archaeology
to locating the researcher on the same critical was adopted from a social science understanding
plane as the researched (Marshall et al. 2009: in which sex referred to biology (male and
226). The importance of reflecting on daily lives female), and gender referred to the meanings
is double: research is founded on the experience of ascribed to that biological foundation by particu-
the everyday life of women and marginalized peo- lar cultures. As such, gender is commonly under-
ple in the present and aims to validate the lived stood as a social or cultural construction.
experiences of past peoples, to people the past Conkey and Spectors (1984: 16) groundbreaking
(Spector 1993; Joyce 2008). A reflexive, situated article Archaeology and the Study of Gender
archaeology is a response to the insight that all defined gender as a system of social rather
research reflects the position of the researcher than biological classification that varies cross-
within a given social structure and incorporates culturally and changes over time and stipulated
the pragmatic interests of that position. Counter- a range of ways in which gender could be
intuitively, this is seen as the central virtue of conceptualized and studied, including roles,
reflexivity. A situated, feminist archaeology raises identity, and ideology. Gender attribution was
the bar epistemologically because it is a critical, a central concern. Genders could be identified
theoretically informed, standpoint on knowledge archaeologically through burials, representations,
production (Wylie 2007: 213). tool use, and skeletal remains by associating
cultural items with biological sex or its represen-
Accountability tation. Ethnoarchaeology was also seen as key to
Accountability to research subjects is of central illuminating the range of activities in which males
concern. The situatedness of knowledge and females were engaged.
G 2990 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective
Gender is now recognized as a historical pro- terms of identities and bodies that avoid
cess and a major structuring principle of societies the essentialism of more conventional forms of
of the past and present (Gero & Conkey 1991). identity labeling. In North American archaeology,
Gender is also increasingly thought of as more queer theory has predominantly inspired work on
a process than a static ascription of identity or one sexualities (Schmidt & Voss 2000; Casella &
among a list of social variables. It can also be Voss 2011). Nonetheless, queer also implies
thought of as an ongoing embodied and perfor- a critique of the ubiquity of heteronormativity,
mative process of identity formation which struc- the notion that an assumption of heterosexuality
tures relations. Thus, gender is also relational underlies many political and social structures
(Joyce 2008). (Dowson 2006; Voss 2009).
Gender implies a definition of sex. The con- Queer archaeology, in general, includes
ceptual foundation of gender is the ascription of redemptive counter-histories that bring to light
cultural meanings onto male and female bodies; previously hidden histories of sexualities (Voss
even when gender is understood to be an impor- 2009), queer statements that challenge heteronor-
tant element of how societies, in general, are mativity beyond a focus on sexuality (Dowson
organized, this foundation remains. This means 2000), and work on embodiment predominantly
that when gender is explored as a social variable, influenced by Judith Butlers theory of gender
even a structuring one, it is used to provide inter- performativity (Joyce 2008). Thus, the naturali-
pretations of historically and culturally specific zation of heterosexual institutions such as the
ways of organizing people on the basis of differ- family and the division of labor is challenged
ence grounded in binary sex. The concept itself is (Dowson 2006; Voss 2009). Past identities are
rarely open to theoretical reconsideration within understood to be constructed in fluid ways
the social construction formulation. (Joyce 2008). In common with feminism, queer
The concept of gender initially served the critiques have appeared in response to equity
important purpose of liberating interpretation issues within the discipline, such as the relation-
from the essentialism of sex role identity, where ship between non-straight subjectivity and
ones sex was assumed to determine ones capac- professional success and the epistemological
ities and roles in society (Conkey & Spector privilege of straight archaeologists and their
1984). Quite quickly, sex was questioned as accounts of the past, although this trend is more
a static foundation for culture to ascribe gendered visible outside North America (Dowson 2006;
meanings sex was also recognized as historical Voss 2009).
(see Joyce 2008). The implications of the critique
of sex have resulted in work on embodiment and
performativity (Joyce 2008). Arguably, not even Historical Background
these approaches manage to dispense with the
distinction between sex and gender which rests Gero and Conkey (1991) inaugurated a reflexive,
on that between nature and culture, although the self-conscious history of feminist archaeology in
nature of the relationship has been rethought. which the three fold development of feminism
Finally, some archaeologists, especially in the social sciences is cited: the critique of
those influenced by queer theory, question the androcentrism and destabilizing assumptions
unconditional relevance of gender in all contexts about womens capacities, the remedial search
(Joyce 2008), while others continue to argue that for women in the past, and finally the theoretical
its central importance to feminist archaeology development of gender as a concept. As such,
should be given (Wylie 2007). feminism and gender co-emerged in archaeology.
Prior to the early 1980s feminist work had
Queer little visibility and much was outside the
Queer refers to a deliberate strategy by activists English-speaking world. Conkey and Spectors
and academics to reclaim and redefine a word in (1984) article is a milestone in feminist and
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective 2991 G
gender archaeology; in it, the authors presented the field of gender archaeology was demonstrated
the case for the general applicability of gender by the publication of the Handbook of Gender in
and feminism. They presented a critique of Archaeology (Nelson 2006), which provided an
androcentrism in the discipline, argued that in exhaustive survey of the field from thematic,
the absence of an explicit framework for theoriz- temporal, and geographic perspectives.
ing gender archaeologists drew on common Feminist archaeology has rarely influenced
sense understandings, and provided a set of feminist debate beyond archaeology except in
conceptual tools with which to address gender the form of review pieces in general interdisci-
in a systematic way. plinary surveys of feminism, of which there
In the late 1980s, two quite different but have been few. An exception is Marshalls
equally agenda-setting events occurred: the (2008) contribution in the journal Feminist
small conference at the Wedge Plantation in Theory, which prompts feminists to explore
1988 and the far larger, student-organized change, transition, and transformation using
22nd Chacmool Calgary conference in 1989. the archaeology of the Pacific Northwest as G
Frustration with the slow development of gender a case study.
archaeology led to the Wedge conference where Queer archaeology in North America has
the goals of the 1984 article were deliberately its roots both in feminism and the study of
pursued in a series of detailed case studies sexualities, first gaining visibility through two
(Gero & Conkey 1991). The Chacmool confer- edited volumes published in 2000 (Dowson
ence was notable for the number of papers 2000; Schmidt & Voss 2000). Queer work in
presented as well as debate around the question North American archaeology is generally
of the relationship between gender and feminism. influenced by Judith Butler and work on
Recently, the stance that gender archaeology sexualities, resulting in specific case studies on
in North America is feminist within the terms of bodies and performance or explorations of sexual
the feminist critique of science was reaffirmed identities, most often in historical contexts. It is
in a 2007 special issue of the Journal of Archae- recognized that many of queer archaeologies
ological Method and Theory (although based on concerns parallel those of feminism, where its
an earlier conference) (Wylie 2007). Particular roots lie (Voss 2009).
emphasis was placed on feminist praxis. In her Queer is not overly visible in North American
introductory paper, Wylie (2007) reorients the archaeology today. In an attempt to galvanize
question away from feminist archaeology and a focus on queer and gender archaeology, the
toward what it means to do work as a feminist 2004 Chacmool conference was organized
archaeologist. Epistemological issues remain around the theme Que(e)rying archaeology;
at the forefront, including questions about the even though it produced statements from leaders
gender of theory and the intersections that are in the field surprisingly few queer papers
possible among marginalized perspectives within were presented. Recent work on sexualities and
archaeology (see also Conkey 2005). Since Janet colonialism may indicate a new avenue for queer
Spectors (1993) groundbreaking book, What research in archaeology (Casella & Voss 2011).
This Awl Means: Feminist Archaeology at
a Wahpeton Dakota Village, feminist concerns
have been increasingly seen as paralleling those Key Issues/Current Debates
of class, race, and indigeneity, resulting in col-
laborative projects and de-centered authorship. In Some long-standing and some recent debates
addition, issues of representation have led to crosscut feminist, gender, and queer interests,
alternative writing genres, explorations of lan- while others feature more strongly in one area.
guage, and research in hyper-media as a means The key issues outlined here are (1) the relation-
of representation (Spector 1993; Joyce & ship between feminism and gender; (2) epistemo-
Tringham 2007). North American leadership in logical concerns; (3) accountability; and
G 2992 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective
(4) identities and embodiment. In the latter, the politically oriented approach is taken is rebuked
question of whether gender is necessarily relevant by feminist archaeologists who claim that
to all identities is raised. feminism can provide better, more objective
accounts of the past while simultaneously valuing
The Relationship of Feminism to Gender ambiguity (Conkey 2005). Thus, in common with
The question of whether gender archaeology post-processualism, feminist archaeologists tend
need necessarily be feminist emerged in the late to be concerned with the nature of political influ-
1980s and has not entirely gone away. Gender is ence. Though, feminism is even more concerned
now present in many conventional archaeological with equity issues, leading to some adversarial
interpretations alongside other social variables, exchanges on the grounds that post-
but feminism is rarely mentioned. This is seen processualism simply reproduces androcentric
as a problem for some feminists who argue that and heterosexist structures in the discipline
gender without feminism loses the possibility of (Tomaskova 2011: 113-5).
producing fundamental change (Conkey 2005; Conkey and Spector (1984: 21) argued that the
Wylie 2007). Moreover, feminist theoretical greatest limitations on our knowledge of the past
resources enable gender to remain as a dynamic are epistemological rather than lack of data (see
concept in archaeology and allow us to account also Wylie 1992). Epistemological concerns have
for the epistemic and political commitments that to do with what we say about the past, how we go
inform practice (Wylie 2007: 215). about saying it in a reasonable and justifiable
The counterclaim is that feminism introduces way, and who has the authority to speak all
an unnecessary political bias and risks further parts of the feminist method debate (Wylie
isolating gender from the mainstream. Though, 2007: 211). Questions that have concerned
it has been claimed that feminist epistemological North American feminist archaeologists in rela-
concerns are central to gender work in archaeol- tion to archaeological practice include ending
ogy at all levels irrespective of whether the label inequality in the workplace, methodological
is used (Tomaskova 2011). issues, especially around objectivity, and who
Most feminist archaeologists retain the con- has the authority to speak. Workplace inequities
cept of gender in their work; gender as a category are real and systematic, and the politics of gender
of analysis is still needed, even if expanded in affects data collection and interpretation in
scope (Conkey 2005: 19). Wylie (2007: 213) profound ways (see contributors to Gero &
argues for the methodological axiom that gender Conkey 1991).
should not be disappeared. Queer and some The method debate is commonly phrased in
feminist archaeologists, however, see gender as terms of how to have gender while keeping
a potential barrier to conceptualizing identities archaeology objective, neutral, value-free, and
and bodies in nonbinary ways (Joyce 2008). scientific. Feminist archaeology has established
Many continental feminists, for example, do not itself as a legitimate field partly by addressing
work with the notion of gender at all, but rather conventional archaeological concerns about
work through sexual difference. Judith Butler is empirical adequacy, hence its long-term
a bridging figure who draws on sexual difference protagonism with processual archaeology. One
feminists but uses the social science conceptual response has been the argument that gender
language of gender, which may account both for archaeology can lead to processual plus,
her popularity and the misunderstanding or dis- a better but fundamentally unchanged processual
avowal of some of the more radical implications archaeology (see Tomaskova 2011: 115).
of her work. The suggested has been criticized as an add-
on to an unreflexive positivist approach
Epistemology (Tomaskova 2011). In contrast, by locating fem-
The charge leveled against feminists that objec- inist archaeology firmly within the tradition of
tivity cannot be maintained when an explicitly post-positivist feminist critiques of the sciences,
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective 2993 G
a philosophical space is opened for an engaged presentation of the data with reflexive discussion
feminism without conceding the legitimating of the research process and narrative reconstruc-
authority of science. Feminist archaeologists tions of the life of a young Dakota girl.
argue that it is the reflexive recognition of our The question of accountability can also refer
standpoint as positioned subjects that provides to the early and ongoing effort to recover women
the grounds for strong objectivity (Wylie researchers whose contributions to the history of
2007: 213). Wylie (1992: 30) has argued that archaeology had been lost. Similarly, queer
politically engaged science is often much more archaeologists, while signaling the danger of writ-
rigorous, self-critical, and responsive to the facts ing a history of deviants, stress the importance of
than allegedly neutral science, for which nothing uncovering a queer heritage to counter sometimes
much is at stake. Accordingly, social location brutal contemporary politics (Voss 2009).
rather than a polluting effect of our subjectivity is Joyce and Tringham (2007) stress the multi-
constitutive of the research process and simulta- plicity of voices that need to be recovered from
neously decenters a singular, authoritative sci- the past. Other authors have experimented with G
ence and hence opens the way to legitimizing nonconventional narrative reconstructions of
other perspectives. archaeological data (Spector 1993) in an attempt
Ambiguity of data and interpretation is to get away from exclusionary scientific discourse.
embraced by some feminist and queer archaeol- The BACH (Berkeley Archaeologists at
ogists; data are irreducibly ambiguous, so inter- Catalhoyuk) projects Remixing Catalhoyuk
pretations must be uncertain and open (Conkey website (http://okapi.dreamhosters.com/remixing/
2005: 25). To think otherwise is to falsely reduce mainpage.html), in which knowledge of the
complexity, to seek closure and causal simplicity Neolithic site is created and mediated through an
(Wylie 2007: 213). Feminist archaeology adopts experiment in multi-vocal open construction,
strategic ambivalence (Wylie 2007: 81) that clearly draws on Ruth Tringhams earlier, explic-
refuses both unreflective objectivism and reduc- itly feminist work (Joyce & Tringham 2007).
tive constructivism. Empirical constraints exist The inclusion of a broad range of publics in
but feminist archaeology has created an alterna- archaeological debate and interpretation of the
tive epistemic position that also recognizes ambi- past has resulted in the development of other
guity and sociopolitical factors (Conkey 2005). web-based projects, such as the Sister Stories
In queer theory, the impact of subjectivity on hypertext work, which presents fictional accounts
what pasts get written meets feminist critique in based on Nahuatl-language texts about the Aztec
the recognition that masculine norms define capital, Tenochtitlan (Joyce & Tringham 2007).
the process of professional socialization, with
institutions reproducing gendered and sexually Identities and Embodiment
normative conventions (Wylie 2007; Voss 2009). Initially, the notion of gender identity was used in
a straightforward way as the compliment to
Accountability a socially constructed idea of gender (Conkey &
Feminist archaeology is concerned with ethical Spector 1984). While it is still used commonly in
and political responsibility for knowledge this form, the introduction of post-structuralist
production. Recognizing the stakeholders in feminist and queer theory that challenges
knowledge claims implies a different type of the notion of a stable core to identity has led
research practice involving the formulation of to work that conceptualizes identity in
questions, the control and management of pro- nonessentialist ways. Work on the archaeology
jects, and the forms of knowledge dissemination. of the Chumash of coastal southern California
Spectors (1993) work has achieved iconic status. shows that identities may only be relationally
Her project included Wahpeton Dakota people relevant, based more on practice and profession
from the outset; she then wrote an account that than an enduring attachment to biologically
melded conventional scientific analysis and based categories (see summary of Sandra
G 2994 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective
Hollimons work in Joyce 2008). The case embodiment. The theory has been taken in
demonstrates that we need not assume that archaeology to mean that gender is a kind of
identities are stable or co-terminus with bodies incessant action involving dress, gestures, and
or that age and gender categories remain material culture, in fluid relationship to the
universally recognized and fixed. materiality of the physical body (Joyce 2008).
The limited work on masculinities in archae- Such acts enforce or naturalize sex into histori-
ology provides an interesting case of the limits of cally contingent organizations, stereotypically
identity archaeology (Alberti 2006). In archaeol- binary in the modern West.
ogy, successful accounts of historically and cul-
turally specific masculinities have demonstrated
that identities associated with male bodies are International Perspectives
highly variable and hierarchically organized
(captured by the model of hegemonic Norway, along with Sweden, saw the establish-
masculinities). Most work in this genre has ment of a feminist archaeology in the late 1970s
been carried out on documented cases. A notable and 1980s; the United Kingdom was also an early
recent example is the archaeology of the Univer- influence. Today, however, North American
sity of Californias chapter of the Zeta Psi frater- archaeological publications devoted to issues
nity (Wilkie 2010). Wilkie (2010) uses a rich array concerning feminisms, gender, and queer
of archaeological, architectural, and documentary dominate (Fig. 1). As such, they serve as a source
evidence to reconstruct the changing and hetero- of inspiration for feminist archaeology in
geneous nature of modern masculinity from the Scandinavia, although the interest does not
late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. appear to be reciprocated.
However, the use of the term masculinity There are apparent differences in the scholar-
outside of historical contexts may have the ship on queer archaeology between North Amer-
paradoxical effect of reinstating an ahistorical ica and the United Kingdom. North American
essentialism to masculinity (Alberti 2006).
The concept embodiment was developed to
explore ways in which identity and bodies can be Gender research articles 2001-2010
thought of in nonbinary ways (see Joyce 2008). Norway
This perspective accompanies a critique of the 2%
South-Africa
sex/gender dualism as a timeless structure. 3% Other
Canada 8%
Sex is understood to be equally historically
5%
contingent; a critique that has actually been
present since early in the history of gender
England
archaeology. One result has been the develop- 12%
ment of archaeologies of embodiment and the USA
theory of gender performativity (Joyce 2008). 70%
Embodiment indicates that all people experience
their worlds from specifically embodied perspec-
tives and, moreover, that a gap can exist between
an individuals or groups embodied experience
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA
and the norms or expectations of the dominant Perspective, Fig. 1 Number of gender research articles
society. Not all people or groups experience their published in archaeology by country between 2001 and
bodies and societys norms the same way; such 2010 according to Thomson & Reuters Web of Science
norms have a differential and sometimes exclu- (Arts & Humanities Citation Index, ISI). Gender research
includes keywords, such as gender, feminism, masculin-
sionary impact. ity, queer, embodiment, and intersectionality. There were
Judith Butlers theory of gender performativity 97 gender articles published out of a total of 3,525 archae-
has been a major influence on the archaeology of ological articles
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective 2995 G
work tends more toward studies of sexuality, hierarchies among communities and individ-
bodies, and performance (Schmidt & Voss uals. In this light, Conkey (2005: 12) redefines
2000; Joyce 2008), whereas queer theorists in gender as a contingent set of ideas and practices
the United Kingdom and Scandinavia often take within multiple systems of oppression. The type
the dictum that queer is about opposition to the of analysis entailed directs us toward the small
norm as their starting point (see contributors to scale, to daily lives, and the specific details of
Dowson 2000). Moreover, the genealogical rela- singular sets of relations. One point of intersec-
tionship to feminism is stressed less in the United tion is the need to understand how inequality, in
Kingdom. Exclusions in feminist scholarship general, works in our present-day lives and in
have been noted, such as the assumption of nor- the lives of past peoples. However, just as inter-
mative family structures or the implication that sections are needed precisely because of the
sexuality is a secondary effect of gender (Dowson partiality of perspectives, as feminist epistemol-
2006); and epistemological concerns in relation ogy has outlined so clearly, Conkey (2005: 25)
to queer are more visible. Marginalization of warns against scaling down or making hierarchi- G
studies of sexuality in archaeology and the rec- cal the relations that are intersecting, reducing,
ognition that the past is always already hetero- or subordinating one relation to another. Seek-
sexual has been linked to the question of ing clarity about gender, ironically, could pro-
epistemological privilege whose account of duce just such a privilege.
the past is given greater credibility (Dowson Work in this genre includes contributions to
2006). Casella and Voss (2011), which demonstrate the
constitutive intersections of sexualities, embodi-
ments, and colonialism. Battle-Baptiste (2011)
Future Directions presents a non-formulaic Black feminist reflexive
methodology to study the intersections of race,
Work that takes gender as a social variable seems gender, and class in the historical archaeology
entrenched in North American archaeology. The and history of Diasporic African Americans.
most exciting theoretical developments, how- There are also strong connections among
ever, are in feminism and queer archaeology, intersectional approaches and recent Marxist
including work on intersectionality, community archaeologies of praxis.
or public archaeology, and new feminist and Although located in the United Kingdom, one
queer materialisms. model for the important convergence of feminist
It has been argued that intersectionality and and queer approaches is the archaeology of the
the postcolonial critique represent a turning womens protest camps at Greenham Common
point for archaeology in general (Conkey 2005: (Marshall et al. 2009). The camps were occupied
10). Intersectionality is a means of describing by women and children in the 1980s to protest the
and theorizing the many intersections among deployment of Cruise missiles. Spectors (1993)
gender and other elements of identity, such as work, which emerged from a concern that archae-
race, class, age, and sexuality, within complex ological practices and interpretation be meaning-
sociopolitical contexts. It is clear that an analy- ful on human terms, is a clear antecedent. In
sis of gender alone is inadequate gender is the Greenham Common case, the reflexive
constituted by its intersections. Earlier conver- autoethnographic narratives of the three women
gences between the interests of feminists and researchers provide a possible model for feminist
indigenous peoples in North American archae- and queer archaeology, where issues of authority,
ology (e.g., Spector 1993) have been reframed vocality, and intersectionality are put into
and explicitly theorized as intersectionality practice. Refusing to stay outside of Greenhams
(Conkey 2005). Within this framework it is politics (Marshall et al. 2009: 233), their research
understood that multiple relations of domination method mirrors the queer nature of the site,
result in privilege, differing positions and with women and children living outdoors in
G 2996 Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: USA Perspective
associated with ear shape and tail curl have also a relatively large ancestral population compared
been located, although the underlying genes have to the taurine breeds. This characterization of
not yet been identified (Boyko et al. 2010). Simi- indicine cattle is consistent with findings of
larly, a region on sheep chromosome 10 shows higher nucleotide diversity in indicine than
a strong signal of differentiation between horned taurine breeds (Gibbs et al. 2009).
and polled (hornless) breeds, and it has been An LD-based approach has also been used
suggested that mutations in the RXFP2 (relaxin/ to reconstruct the demographic history of dogs.
insulin-like family peptide receptor 2) gene may The publication of the first genome sequence
be associated with loss of horns in this species for the dog and the initial set of dense SNP geno-
(Kijas et al. 2012). types for dogs from various breeds allowed an
assessment of LD patterns both within and across
Detecting Demographic History breeds (Lindblad-Toh et al. 2005). The decline in
Genetic data is also helping to unravel the LD with respect to physical genomic distance
demographic history of domesticated breeds. for the overall dog population was rapid, falling
Linkage disequilibrium (LD) declines with the quickly to low background levels. This relation-
genomic distance between markers; moreover, ship is consistent with a domestication-related
the shape of the relationship provides information bottleneck 5,0009,000 generations ago,
on population history. LD patterns can be used to based on comparisons with simulated data
infer past effective population size (the number (Lindblad-Toh et al. 2005; Gray et al. 2009).
of individuals in an idealized population that In contrast, within most dog breeds, the presence
would have the same rate of genetic drift as the of long-range homozygous haplotypes and high
actual population) and demographic events, as levels of LD over extended regions is consistent
the LD between tightly linked markers with a more severe contraction in population size
reflects effective population size further in the 3090 generations ago, at the time of breed-
past than the LD between loosely linked markers. creation events. However, some dog breeds
The relationship between LD and genomic (e.g., Labrador Retrievers) do not have particu-
distance has been exploited in a number of larly high levels of LD (Lindblad-Toh et al. 2005;
studies to estimate past effective population Gray et al. 2009), presumably because of their
sizes of domesticated animal species. The cattle relatively large effective population size.
HapMap study (Gibbs et al. 2009) analyzed dense
genome-wide SNP data from 19 breeds. They Introgression
found that the decline of LD with distance Genetic data has also shed light on past intro-
between markers was generally rapid but varied gression (hybridization) between breeds. Ani-
between breeds. In contrast to the pattern seen in mal breeders often practice crossbreeding to
humans, effective population size appears to introduce certain desirable traits for breed
have declined recently for all breeds, presumably improvement. In the case of pig breeds, human-
due to bottlenecks associated with domestication mediated crossing has influenced the genetic
and breed formation. Comparing LD-distance composition of European breeds (Wiener &
relationships across breeds can be used to under- Wilkinson 2011). In the eighteenth and nine-
stand the different breed histories. The NDama teenth centuries, Asian alleles were introduced
(an African taurine breed, humpless cattle origi- into certain British pig breeds to promote
nating in the Middle East) had the highest LD traits such as fattening and earlier maturation
values of all breeds at short distances, indicating (White 2011). Molecular genetic studies have
a small ancestral population, whereas the three since provided evidence of this introgression.
indicine breeds (humped cattle originating on A study examining mitochondrial diversity in
the Indian subcontinent) had lower LD than the pigs revealed that a number of European com-
other breeds at short distances, indicating mercial pig breeds carry Asian-like mtDNA
Genetics of Animal Domestication: Recent Advances 3003 G
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cated animal species.
LI, J., H. YANG, J. R. LI, H. P. LI, T. NING, X. R. PAN, P. SHI
& Y. P. ZHANG. 2010. Artificial selection of the
melanocortin receptor 1 gene in Chinese domestic
Cross-References pigs during domestication. Heredity 105: 274-281.
LINDBLAD-TOH, K., C. M. WADE, T. S. MIKKELSEN,
E. K. KARLSSON, D. B. JAFFE, M. KAMAL, M. CLAMP,
Cattle: Domestication
J. L. CHANG, E. J. KULBOKAS et al. 2005. Genome
Dog: Domestication sequence, comparative analysis and haplotype struc-
Genetic Bottlenecks in Archaeology ture of the domestic dog. Nature 438: 803-819.
Genetics of Early Plant Domestication: DNA RUBIN, C. J., M. C. ZODY, J. ERIKSSON, J. R. S. MEADOWS,
E. SHERWOOD, M. T. WEBSTER, L. JIANG, M. INGMAN,
and aDNA
T. SHARPE et al. 2010. Whole-genome resequencing
Pig: Domestication reveals loci under selection during chicken domestica-
Sheep: Domestication tion. Nature 464: 587-U145.
G 3004 Genetics of Early Plant Domestication: DNA and aDNA
STELLA, A., P. AJMONE-MARSAN, B. LAZZARI & associated with domestication. A major chal-
P. BOETTCHER. 2010. Identification of selection signa- lenge of the field is to reconcile genetic
tures in cattle breeds selected for dairy production.
Genetics 185: 1451-1461. evidence with archaeological evidence and to
SUTTER, N. B., C. D. BUSTAMANTE, K. CHASE, M. M. GRAY, redefine what exactly is meant by the term
K. Y. ZHAO, L. ZHU, B. PADHUKASAHASRAM, E. KARLINS, domestication.
S. DAVIS et al. 2007. A single IGF1 allele is a major
determinant of small size in dogs. Science 316:
112-115.
WHITE, S. 2011. From globalized pig breeds to capitalist Definition
pigs: a study in animal cultures and evolutionary his-
tory. Environmental History 16: 94-120. In the case of plants, the evolution of domestica-
WIENER, P. & B. GUTIERREZ-GIL. 2009. Assessment of
selection mapping near the myostatin gene (GDF-8) tion involves the selection of a characteristic
in cattle. Animal Genetics 40: 598-608. group of traits that are collectively termed
WIENER, P. & S. WILKINSON. 2011. Deciphering the genetic the domestication syndrome. Typically, half
basis of animal domestication. Proceedings of the a dozen or so traits occur in any one domesticated
Royal Society B-Biological Sciences 278: 3161-3170.
plant. These traits include the loss of shattering
(the ability for a plant to abscise and drop its
Further Reading
CIESLAK, M., M. REISSMANN, M. HOFREITER & A. LUDWIG. seeds), changes in seed size, loss of photoperiod
2011. Colours of domestication. Biological Reviews sensitivity, changes in plant physiology, and
86: 885-899. architecture. A combination of genome-wide
DARWIN, C. 1859. On the origin of species by means of information and direct evidence from the DNA
natural selection, or the preservation of favoured
races in the struggle for life. London: John Murray. obtained from the archaeological record is being
- 1868. The variation of animals and plants under domes- used to assess the molecular mechanisms under-
tication, Volumes I and II. London: John Murray. lying domestication syndrome traits, the pace of
DOBNEY, K. & G. LARSON. 2006. Genetics and animal the transition and the strength of the selection
domestication: new windows on an elusive process.
Journal of Zoology 269: 261-271. processes involved to understand this human-
plant interaction.
staggered arrival of traits suggests this is plants) that occurred in plant populations and judi-
a simplification and that a discrete event ciously selected for desirable traits. At the other
might be better replaced with the concept of extreme all traits arose through the unconscious
a domestication trajectory. actions of the cultivators. The former appears to
The evolution of plant domestication has also lend itself to scenarios of more rapid selection,
been directly studied through the use of ancient while the latter appears less restrained to a rapid
DNA. This approach has been used to establish or protracted process. The truth of the matter is
the presence of particular species at specific likely to differ for different traits and species.
locations in the past, the temporal stability of However, understanding the mode of human
phylogeographic patterns of genes, and direct agency will ultimately require the integration of
change of DNA through time. For example, the archaeological and genetic evidence in meaning-
presence of one wheat species in Bronze Age ful and deterministic ways, which is possibly one
Greece where it no longer occurs established the of the greatest challenges that lie ahead.
occurrence of a failed expansion (Brown et al.
1998). On the other hand, the geographical
distribution of alleles from maize compared Cross-References
between ancient cobs and primitive land races
showed that there had been little change in South Agricultural Practice: Transformation
America over the past millennium and that such Through Time
phylogeographic patterns can be stable to the point Agriculture: Definition and Overview
of being indicative of initial expansions of the Archaeobotany of Agricultural Intensification
plant (Lia et al. 2007). Furthermore, studies in Archaeobotany of Early Agriculture:
maize remains over time have shown the process Macrobotany
of selection of domestication syndrome traits was Archaeobotany of Early Agriculture:
staggered with some traits such as architecture Microbotanical Analysis
being selected early and traits affecting flour qual- Bananas: Origins and Development
ity being selected millennia later (Jaenicke-Depres Barley: Origins and Development
et al. 2003). More recently, ancient DNA studies in Breadfruit: Origins and Development
plants have moved to the genomic level where Childe, Vere Gordon (Political and Social
extensive genome level evolution has been Archaeology)
observed in cotton in the past few thousand years Childe, Vere Gordon (Theory)
(Palmer et al. 2012). Such studies are leading to Complex Hunter-Gatherers
a consensus common to that based on extant Darwin, Charles R.
genetic data that the evolutionary process of DNA Interpretation Constraints in
domestication is an ongoing trajectory rather than Archaeology
discrete event and that crops have and continue to Grapes: Origins and Development
change in their local habitats and in some cases Hunter-Gatherer Subsistence Variation and
represent local adaptation over thousands of years. Intensification
In the coming years a more complete picture of the Hunter-Gatherers, Archaeology of
evolution of domesticated crops is likely to Kuk Swamp: Agriculture and Domestication
develop as new technologies are increasingly Maize: Origins and Development
applied directly to genome change viewed through Manioc: Origins and Development
the archaeological record. Millets: Origins and Development
A recurrent theme in the discourse about Near East (Including Anatolia): Origins and
the evolution of domestication is the level of Development of Agriculture
consciousness there was in the human agency of Northern Asia: Origins and Development of
selection. In one extreme view, early cultivators Agriculture
were highly aware of all sports (visibly mutant Pigeon Pea: Origins and Development
Genetics of Early Plant Domestication: DNA and aDNA 3007 G
Plant Domestication and Cultivation in & R.G. ALLABY. 2012. Archaeogenomic evidence of
Archaeology punctuated genome evolution in Gossypium. Molecu-
lar Biology and Evolution. doi: 10.1093/molbev/
Potato: Origins and Development mss070
Rice: Origins and Development PELEG, Z., T. FAHIMA, A.B. KOROL, S. ABBO & Y. SARANGA.
Sweet Potato: Origins and Development (2011) Genetic analysis of wheat domestication and
Wheats: Origins and Development evolution under domestication. Journal of Experimen-
tal Botany 62: 5051-5061.
Yams: Origins and Development PENG, J., Y. RONIN, T. FAHIMA, M.S. RODER, Y. LI, E. NEVO
& A. KOROL. 2003. Domestication quantitative trait
loci in Triticum dicoccoides, the progenitor of wheat.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA
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PERRIER, X., E. DE LANGHE, M. DONOHUE, C. LENTFER,
ABBO, S., S. LEV-YASDUN & A. GOPHER. 2011. Agricultural L. VRYDAGHS, F. BAKRY, F. CARREEL, I. HIPPOLYTE,
origins: centers and noncenters; a Near Eastern J.-P. HORRY, C. JENNY, V. LEBOT, A.-M. RISTERUCCI,
appraisal. Critical Reviews in Plant Sciences K. TOMEKPE, H. DOUTRELEPONT, T. BALL, J. MANWARING,
29: 317-328.
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P. DE MARET & T. DENHAM. 2011. Multidisciplinary
ALLABY, R.G., D.Q. FULLER & T.A. BROWN. 2008. The perspectives on banana (Musa spp.) domestication.
genetic expectations of a protracted model for Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
the origins of domesticated crops. Proceedings of USA 108: 11311-11318.
the National Academy of Sciences USA 105: PURUGGANAN, M.D. & D.Q. FULLER. 2011. Archaeological
1398213986. data reveal slow rates of evolution during plant domes-
BROWN, T.A., R.G. AALLABY, R. SALLARES & G. JONES. tication. Evolution 65: 171183.
1998. Ancient DNA in charred wheats: taxonomic SHOMURA, A., K. IZAWA EBANA, T. EBITANI, H.
identification of mixed and single grains. Ancient KANEGAE, S. KONISHI & M. YANO. 2008. Deletion in
Biomolecules 2: 185193. a gene associated with grain size increased yields
BROWN, T.A., M.K. JONES, W. POWELL & R.G. ALLABY. during rice domestication. Nature Genetics 40:
2009. The complex origins of domesticated crops in 10231028.
the Fertile Crescent. Trends in Ecology and Evolution WEISS, E., M.E. KISLEV & A. HARTMANN. 2006. Autono-
24: 103109. mous cultivation before domestication. Science 312:
BUNN, B.F., L. BAUDOUIN & K.M. OLSEN. 2011. Indepen- 16081610.
dent origins of cultivated coconut (Cocos nucifera L.) WILLCOX, G., S. FORNITE & L.H. HERVEUX. 2008. Early
in the Old World tropics. Plos One 6: e21143. Holocene cultivation before domestication in northern
CHAPMAN, M.A., C.H. PASHLEY, J. WENZLER, J. HVALA, Syria. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 17:
S. TANG, S.J. KNAPP & J.M. BURKE. 2008. A genomic 313325.
scan for selection reveals candidates for genes WRIGHT, S.I., I. VROH BI, S.G. SCHROEDER, M. YAMASAKI, J.
involved in the evolution of cultivated sunflower F. DOEBLEY, M.D. MCMULLEN & B.S. GAUT. 2005. The
(Helianthus annuus). The Plant Cell 20: 2931-2945. effects of artifical selection on the maize genome.
FULLER, D.Q. 2007. Contrasting patterns in crop Science 308: 1310-1314.
domestication and domestication rates: recent ZOHARY, D. & M. HOPF. 2003. Domestication of plants in
archaeobotanical insights from the Old World. Annals the Old World, 3rd edn. Oxford: Oxford University
of Botany 100: 903909. Press.
FULLER, D.Q. & R.G. ALLABY. 2009. Seed dispersal and
crop domestication: shattering, germination and
seasonality in evolution under cultivation, in Further Reading
L. Ostergaard (ed.) Fruit development and seed ALLABY, R.G. 2010. Integrating the processes in the
dispersal: 238295. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. evolutionary system of domestication. Journal of
JAENICKE-DEPRES, V., E.S. BUCKLER, B.D. SMITH, Experimental Botany 61: 935944.
M.T.P. GILBERT, A. COOPER, J. DOEBLEY & S. PAABO. FULLER, D.Q., R.G. ALLABY & C. STEVENS. 2010. Domes-
2003. Early allelic selection in maize as revealed by tication as innovation: the entanglement of techniques,
ancient DNA. Science 302: 12061208. technology and chance in the domestication of cereal
LIA, V.V., V.A. CONFALONIERI, N. RATTO, J.A.C. crops. World Archaeology 42: 13-28.
HERNANDEZ, A.M.M. ALZOGARAY, L. POGGIO & FULLER, D.Q., G. WILLCOX & R.G. ALLABY. 2012. Early
T.A. BROWN. 2007. Microsatellite typing of ancient agricultural pathways: moving outside the core area
maize: insights into the history of agriculture in south- hypothesis in Southwest Asia. Journal of Experimen-
ern South America. Proceedings of the Royal Society tal Botany 63: 617-633.
of London B Biological Sciences 274: 545554. PALMER, S., O. SMITH & R.G. ALLABY. 2012. The
PALMER, S.A., A.J. CLAPHAM, P. ROSE, F. FREITAS, B.D. blossoming of plant archaeogenetics. Annals of
OWEN, D. BERESFORD-JONES, J.D. MOORE, J.L. KITCHEN Anatomy 194: 146-156.
G 3008 Geoarchaeology
sediments and soils as the result of the decay of by geologists over 100 years ago. In recent
organic materials. Phosphorus in soils undergoes decades, this technique has been adopted by
both fractionation and bonding to soil minerals. geoarchaeologists to study a variety of archaeo-
Because it bonds to soil minerals, it is not easily logical materials, such as stone tools and
removed by water within the soil profile. Ana- ceramics. A good example of such studies can
lyses of phosphates in archaeological sites can be seen in a paper by Fitzpatrick et al. (2003)
provide both chronometric and land use informa- which demonstrated the use of petrography in
tion. One example comes from the study of establishing cultural interaction in Palau, Micro-
a large Mayan ruin in Yucatan, Mexico (Huston nesia. This study examined pottery from both
et al. 2009). Phosphate analysis was used to volcanic and limestone islands in the Pacific. An
explain different lengths of occupation, varia- analysis of the materials in the pottery suggested
tions in land use, and reveal the byproducts of that the ceramics were locally made and then
maize processing. Thus, the geochemical analy- transported to other islands. This example
sis of sediments and soils provide a means for shows how geoarchaeological studies of raw
understanding human activity within sites but materials can be used to look at patterns of
also can be applied to the study of broader-scale exchange and interaction.
landscape dynamics. Microstratigraphy and thin-section analysis of
A completely different aspect of geochemistry sediments using micromorphology are ways of
in archaeology is provenance studies, which can examining the taphonomic (depositional and
be used to help determine the source of raw postdepositional) processes that have helped in
materials used to make artifacts. Small changes the formation of archaeological sites and to assess
in the abundance or types of chemicals found their stratigraphic integrity. Micromorphology
within artifacts can be used to determine their involves first collecting an intact block of sedi-
place of origin. Trace-element signatures can ment from an archaeological site. In the labora-
indicate geological and geographical sources of tory, the block is impregnated with polyester
unaltered raw materials such as native copper and resin and then sliced to make thin sections that
host of minerals and rocks including obsidian. are examined using a microscope. For example,
Less well known are isotope methods. Lead iso- the micromorphological analysis of sediments
tope studies have been used for decades with collected along the contact between Middle and
modest success to determine the source of copper Upper Paleolithic deposits at a cave in Germany
used to make artifacts. Recently, the vexing prob- revealed a sharp erosional contact between the
lem of sourcing tin has been aided by break- two groups of deposits, thus indicating that no
throughs in tin isotope methods (Haustein et al. mixing had occurred. Thin-section study of sed-
2010). Although tin-bronze was used in Greece iments from a Paleolithic cave in France provided
by about 2600 BCE and in central Europe 400 evidence of burning, trampling, and hearth-
years later, the source of the tin has not been cleaning activities (Goldberg & Berna 2010).
determined. Chemical sourcing methods were A micromorphological study of cave deposits in
applied to tin from several regions. The measured China with pottery dating to about 19,000 years
variations in isotope values made it possible to ago (the Last Glacial Maximum) demonstrated
distinguish between ores made in three different that mixing and redeposition was negligible,
regions. These kinds of techniques contribute to lending support to the stratigraphic integrity and
an understanding of ancient networks used for the dating of the site (Wu et al. 2012).
trade and exchange of raw materials used to make Geophysical techniques are used by
artifacts. geoarchaeologists in situations where they cannot
Petrography, the technique of using excavate or to study places they may not be able
a polarizing microscope to analyze the content to reach on the ground. The most common use of
of 30-micron-thick sections of rock, was invented geophysics in archaeology is in geophysical
Geoarchaeology 3011 G
prospecting, often referred to as remote sensing. (by biostratigraphic correlation), site formation,
These techniques have proved especially impor- and providing information on environmental
tant in broader-scale landscape studies. Parkyn change as reflected by biotic communities.
(2010) used high-resolution geophysical survey- Research on environmental change connected
ing as a precursor to field studies, as a way to with the archaeological record usually studies
guide excavation in addressing the 120-year either the general habitat associated with human
development of a late Victorian municipal park. presence at a particular locality or the specific
Remote-sensing techniques are used to distin- resources used by people (for instance, plants or
guish anomalies in the ground which may animals that are incorporated into an archaeologi-
indicate the presence of archaeological features. cal site because of human activities). Palynology,
In terms of dating, archaeologists usually are the study of fossil pollen, has played a crucial role
somewhat familiar with carbon 14 dating but in documenting changes in climate and in human
geoscientists have played only a minor role in land use. Changes in the types and abundances of
these methods. Chronometric dating methods pollen over time generally reflect changes in veg- G
such as the use of carbon 14 provide etation. The changes in vegetation may be the
a numerical estimate for the age of an archaeo- result of climate change, such as changes in tem-
logical site. This is in contrast to stratigraphic perature or precipitation. For example, a drought
dating which (in the absence of correlation with would be reflected in a change in vegetation and
other dating methods) provides only an under- could be related to a contemporaneous change in
standing of the relative age of an archaeological the archaeological record. As an alternative, the
deposit. Several dating techniques have been inferred changes in vegetation may reflect human
developed that can be used to analyze materials land use, such as deforestation connected with
associated with archaeological sites. Besides car- agriculture. Macrobotanical remains have proven
bon 14, the major dating techniques used by very useful for ethnobotanical studies and also are
geoarchaeologists are U-series and K-Ar dating. valuable materials for carbon 14 dating. Animal
While carbon dating has been extensively used to remains, including vertebrates and invertebrates,
date organic materials from archaeological sites also provide information on the ancient environ-
that are younger than 40,000 years, U-series tech- ments and resources available for human use.
niques have been commonly applied to carbon- Usually, invertebrate remains and fossils of small
ates, including shells, bones, and limestones mammals provide useful information on local
(such as travertines). K-Ar dating is used at environments, while the fossils of larger mammals
archaeological sites that can be stratigraphically provide regional-scale environmental information.
linked to lava flows and tephras. The age range Biotic remains are also important in correlations
for dating using U-series is on the order of several between sites; these types of comparisons have
hundred thousand years, while igneous materials been used to examine broader-scale environmen-
that are millions of years old can be dated using tal patterns or to help place a site within a time
the K-Ar technique. In recent years, newer tech- framework.
niques such as luminescence dating have become Climate and long-term environmental change
more reliable and are now being applied more are important topics in global archaeology, and
often to understand the chronologic context of geoarchaeologists play an important role in eval-
archaeological sites. uating the interplay between human societies and
The concepts of paleontology are especially natural systems. These studies have focused on
important in biostratigraphic correlation and the ways environmental change has impacted
taphonomy. These concepts have been applied in human biological and behavioral evolution as
paleoethnobotanical studies and in palynology, well as the ways humans have affected the
and zooarchaeology. Their usefulness for environment. The techniques applied by
geoarchaeologists is in relative dating geoarchaeologists to study the archaeological
G 3012 Geoarchaeology
record and its context are especially valuable in field research on archaeological sites in South
documenting patterns of climate variation at America and Mesoamerica. Characterized by an
different scales of space and time. Thus, empirical approach, Humboldt included descrip-
geoarchaeological techniques are useful for tions of the raw materials used in the archaeolog-
understanding the record of human response to ical monuments and, in one instance, documented
climate change at the scale of a single layer the internal structure of the pyramid. His studies
within a stratigraphic sequence at a site as well in Venezuela linked human activities such as
as evaluating patterns of human-environment deforestation and cultivation to environmental
interaction at regional, continental, and global change. The Principles of Geology published by
scales. Lyell from 1830 to 1832 included descriptions of
the geology associated with archaeological sites
like Vesuvius, Pompeii, and Herculaneum. Like
Historical Background the earlier work of von Humboldt, Lyell also
recognized the contribution of human activity to
The term geoarchaeology or its variations were environmental change. Lyell writes about how
rarely used in the scientific literature until the deforestation since the time of Caesar during the
1970s. The term is used to describe research Iron Age had transformed the landscapes of
that applies geoscience techniques to examine Europe. At the same time as Lyells Principles
and evaluate the archaeological record. While was first published, Boucher de Perthes used the
the first explicitly geoarchaeological text might principles of stratigraphy to evaluate the associa-
be considered Sir Charles Lyells Geological Evi- tion of artifacts and extinct animals in the terrace
dence for the Antiquity of Man published in the river gravels of the Somme Valley, France.
mid-nineteenth century, the history of using the Geoscience techniques were also being used
geosciences to examine archaeological questions to study archaeological sites in North America.
begins in the 1700s. Lyell likely would have Squier and Davis published Ancient Monuments
called his work archaeological geology, and of the Mississippi Valley in 1848 using strati-
this term is still in use today, for example, in graphic methods to evaluate whether human or
the Archaeological Geology Division of the geological processes had created mounds found
Geological Society of America (GSA). in the Mississippi Valley. In 1855, Lapham
One of the first and most important uses of published The Antiquities of Wisconsin demon-
geological concepts in archaeology is in stratig- strating the ways archaeological information
raphy. The use of stratigraphic principles to study could be incorporated into studies of landscape
the archaeological record is based on ideas pro- evolution and connected with human activities.
posed by Niels Stensen (also known as Nicolaus Laphams studies provided an example of long-
Steno) in the 1660s and James Hutton in the late term changes in the landscape associated with the
1700s. John Freres 1797 report of the discovery transformation from prehistoric hunting and
of stone hand axes within a stratified sedimentary gathering to agriculture and the construction of
sequence in England is a good early example of mounds. He concluded that land covered by for-
the application of stratigraphic principles to est at the time of European settlement had been
archaeological discoveries. cultivated during prehistoric times. This is a good
While the principles of stratigraphy were cru- historical example of a study that connected the
cial to understanding the archaeological record, study of present-day landforms to past human
the emergence of ecological perspectives land use.
connected with past human-environment interac- Archaeologists and geologists in Europe dur-
tions also has a long history of application to ing the middle of the nineteenth century began to
archaeological studies. From 1799 to 1803, develop an understanding of the ways the record
Alexander von Humboldt conducted pioneering of the human past reflected the long-term patterns
Geoarchaeology 3013 G
of human use of natural resources. A prominent that employed arbitrary levels and documentation
example of this was the realization that there of stratigraphy. Powell felt that the evidence for
were changes in the types of raw materials used a Paleolithic stage in North America had to be
by people to create tools over time. Geologist based on geological evidence. Likewise, Holmes,
Forchammer and archaeologist Worsaae an energetic critic of the American Paleolithic,
conducted studies of shell middens in Denmark wrote that the only reliable test for human antiq-
and Sweden and in 1848 collaborated with pale- uity in North America rested on geology. During
ontologist Steerup. This multidisciplinary the 1890s, researchers such as Haynes, Abbott,
research became the basis for verifying the and Salisbury believed the reliability of the geo-
Three-Age System (Stone, Bronze, Iron) used logical evidence was crucial to evaluating
in archaeology. Thus, in the mid-1800s, archaeological sites. Winchell used his 1902
geoarchaeological techniques were being applied presidential address to the Geological Society of
to both the contexts of artifacts (using strati- America to summarize the geological evidence
graphic principles) as well as the composition of for ancient humans in the New World. G
artifacts to document sequences through time. During the early part of the 1900s, techniques
Another important historic application of geo- from the geosciences were used to examine
science techniques to archaeology was connected archaeological sites in the context of landscape
with the then controversial question of human change. Von Post used pollen studies to docu-
antiquity. Excavations of Brixham Cave in ment vegetational change since the melting of
England by Pengelly in 1858 provided well- the glaciers. Relative dating techniques were
documented evidence for the presence of humans also employed. Varve dating was used by deGeer
with extinct Ice Age animals using systematic in Sweden, Sauramo in Finland, and Antevs in
excavation techniques. The geoarchaeological North America. Remote sensing in the form of
observations undertaken by Pengelly, as well as aerial photography was also used. Crawford
Falconer, Prestwich, and Lyell eventually led to mapped over 200 archaeological sites in southern
a breakthrough in our understanding of human Britain using aerial photography as part of a study
antiquity. There were other influential publica- of settlement patterns and ancient landscapes.
tions during the 1860s. Lubbock published Pre- The links between environmental and climatic
Historic Times in 1865 arguing that archaeology change and human activities were also of interest
formed the bridge connecting geology and history. after 1900. In 1905, Pumpelly, another president
Geoscience techniques were also an important of the Geological Society of America, applied
part of classical archaeology during the last half geological methods to study the archaeology of
of the 1800s, especially the use of stratigraphy. In the Anau in Turkestan.
1860, Fiorelli started stratigraphic excavations at In 1911, Gamio used a stratigraphic approach
Pompeii, and in 1873, Conze used stratigraphic in excavations at Azcapotzalco in Mexico City,
techniques during his excavations at Samothrace. Mexico, and similar methods were employed in
In 1882, Dorpfeld began careful stratigraphic 1914 by Nelson at Pueblo San Cristobal. Begin-
excavations at Hissarlik (Troy), following the ning in 1915, Alfred Kidder used more controlled
earlier studies of Schliemann. stratigraphic excavation techniques at Pecos
In America, Powell had one foot in geology Pueblo. Andersson, a Swedish economic geolo-
and the other in ethnology; he helped establish gist, pioneered geoarchaeology in China. He
the United States Geological Survey and the defined the Chinese Neolithic and excavated at
Bureau of American Ethnology in the late the famous Paleolithic cave site at Zhoukoudian
1800s. There were many connections between from 1921 to 1926.
the geosciences and archaeology during this By the 1920s and 1930s, Carl Sauer was devel-
time. Putnam worked for the survey and was oping his ideas about the landscape as a product
known for careful archaeological excavations of space, time, and natural and human processes.
G 3014 Geoarchaeology
Sauer uses the term archaeogeography to desig- plain of the southwestern Peloponnese. The
nate the study of archaeological sites in relation studies initiated by Kraft and Rapp in the
to their environmental setting (Sauer & Brand 1970s turned into a long-term investigation of
1932). From about 1924 to 1950, Kirk Bryan the ways coastal change has affected major
was the preeminent figure combining geoscience archaeological sites in Greece and Turkey such
techniques and archaeology. as Troy, Ephesus, Ancient Pylos, and the land-
Bryans student, Herbert Wright, served as scape of the famous battle at Thermopylae.
geologist for excavations at Ksar Akil, Lebanon, Historically, events and publications during the
and also participated with Robert Braidwoods 1970s and 1980s served to firmly establish the
multidisciplinary project in Kurdistan, northern discipline of geoarchaeology. The enhanced visi-
Iraq. bility of geological applications to archaeology led
During the 1950s, geological studies were part to a short note coauthored by Rapp, Albritton, and
of many archaeological studies in the Old World Bullard entitled Geoarchaeology Anyone? in
and in the New World. In Old World studies, a 1974 newsletter of the Geological Society of
Judson conducted a study of the geological and America (GSA). The Archaeological Geology
geographical setting of Abri Pataud. Sedimento- Division of the GSA was founded in the 1977,
logical studies of Abri Pataud were started by John providing a venue and structure for specialists in
Miller in 1958 and additional studies were com- the field. Several publications provided an under-
pleted by Bill Farrand in 1964. Karl Butzer began standing of the wide scope of geoscience tech-
his geoarchaeological research in the Nile Valley niques that could be applied to archaeological
of Egypt during 1956 and 1958. Cornwalls 1958 contexts and artifacts. For instance, in the late
Soils for the Archaeologist demonstrated the great 1970s, an edited volume was published by David-
potential sediments and soils offered in archaeo- son and Shackley entitled Geoarchaeology and
logical analysis and interpretation. In New World Vita-Finzi published Archaeological Sites in
studies, geology played a prominent role in Their Setting (Butzer 1982). These were soon
Paleoindian research in western North America. followed in the 1980s by Butzers Archaeology
For example, Evans conducted stratigraphic stud- as Human Ecology which emphasized the appli-
ies at the Clovis type-site in New Mexico and at cation of a geoarchaeological approach and
Lubbock Lake, Texas. Wendorf led a team which Archaeological Geology edited by Rapp and
included Albritton in the study of the Midland site Gifford which demonstrated the strong diversity
in west Texas. C. Vance Haynes began his impor- of techniques used to understand the human past.
tant geological studies of archaeological sites in The first volume of Geoarchaeology: An Interna-
the 1950s. tional Journal was published in 1986.
Pyddokes 1961 Stratification for the Archae- From the nineteenth century to the mid-
ologist emphasized the importance of strati- twentieth century, the application of geology in
graphic context. One of the most important archaeology was a specialty practiced by a few
contributions to geoarchaeology was Butzers geologists. Since the last third of the twentieth
landmark Environment and Archaeology first century, it has become an organized discipline
published in 1964. In East Africa in 1962, Hay with professional societies, journals, confer-
initiated his geological studies of Olduvai Gorge ences, and university programs. For the first 100
(Hay 1976). In Greece during the 1960s, Wil- years or so, geoarchaeology was the province of
liam McDonald included earth scientists in the geologists. But since the late twentieth cen-
a survey of Messenia, bringing in Wright (who tury, most geoarchaeologists have been educated
had previously collaborated in archaeological in archaeology or anthropology departments and/
projects in Lebanon and Iraq) then Rapp in or previously trained in geology, geography,
1966. Field studies conducted by Kraft, and/or soil science. At the same time, some
Aschenbrenner, and Rapp from 1971 to 1975 research traditions, especially those rooted in
focused on the paleogeography of the coastal continental Europe, continue to emphasize the
Geoarchaeology 3015 G
collaboration between archaeologists and earth to climate change. Many questions connected
scientists over and above the training of students with the ways humans use natural resources and
as geoarchaeologists. impact the environment can be examined using
geoarchaeology. Examples would include petro-
graphic or geochemical provenance studies
Key Issues/Current Debates designed to study the flow of raw materials or
studies of how resource exploitation is linked to
Because of the wide scope of geoarchaeology, it erosion and sediment deposition and landscape
addresses many key questions regarding the long- evolution. Geoarchaeology thus can provide
term connections between humans and the envi- important information on the use and manage-
ronment. Indeed, there is a debate about how ment/mismanagement of resources. Another
geoarchaeology is related to other disciplines focus of geoarchaeology is the use of records of
that also study people and nature. For example, the past to understand and predict environmental
some people see geoarchaeology and archaeolog- hazards. These include studying the patterns and G
ical geology as having the same goals, while effects of earthquakes and other geological catas-
others see them as using the same concepts trophes such as floods, volcanic eruptions, and
but having different objectives. Although there tsunamis. A broad look at the dramatic effects
does not seem to be too much controversy over of seismic events around the globe is given by
the concepts and techniques, there are different Nur (2008). This volume covers major earth-
perspectives on how these should be applied. quakes from ancient Israel to modern Japan.
For example, archaeological geology can be A volume on archaeoseismology that details
viewed as the use of the archaeological record other seismic impacts is focused on the eastern
to study geological questions in contrast to Mediterranean, especially Greece (Stiros & Jones
geoarchaeology which would apply geoscience 1996).
techniques to answer archaeological questions.
There is also a debate regarding the relationships
between geoarchaeology and archaeometry. International Perspectives and Future
One approach is to place studies of sediments, Directions
soils, stratigraphy, and landforms within the
realm of geoarchaeology and to distinguish One of the important aspects of geoarchaeology
it from archaeometry which would have a is that it is an empirical natural science approach
focus on geochronology, geophysics, and raw that can be applied to any archaeological record,
material analysis. Geoarchaeology has also regardless of its location on the globe. An
been considered as a subdiscipline (along with emphasis on process and product encourages
zooarchaeology and archaeobotany) of environ- an international perspective. This is reflected in
mental archaeology. Overall, geoarchaeology is the Developing International Geoarchaeology
a discipline that has as a primary goal the under- (DIG) conferences which bring together
standing of humans and past environmental a diversity of international researchers to share
systems. Three keys issues that can be addressed research and promote international studies in
using geoarchaeology are (1) human response to geoarchaeology. The application of geosciences
climate change, (2) human use of resources and techniques can be applied to any environmental
impact on the environment, and (3) natural haz- context. Any region of the world can be studied
ards and people. using the geoarchaeological approach. For
Geoarchaeology is a critical source of infor- example, since the last third of the twentieth
mation for examining human biological and century, coastal studies in the Aegean and else-
behavioral responses to climate change. This where have aided historians and archaeologists
includes biological adaptations to changes in cli- in discovering and understanding coastal sites.
mate as well as the response of ancient societies Kraft et al. (2007) provide an excellent example
G 3016 Geoarchaeology
of how core drilling and the geological analyses Radiocarbon Dating in Archaeology
of the sediment cores offer critical information Rapp, George R.
about ancient Ephesus otherwise unavailable to Rivers: Environmental Archaeology
archaeologists, historical geographers, and his- Site Formation Processes
torians. On the other side of the world, Jing et al. Taphonomy: Definition
(1995) show how sediment coring can discover Wilkinson, Tony James
deeply buried sites that would otherwise remain Zeuner, Frederick Everard
unknown, even after intensive surface survey.
The geoarchaeological community has benefited
from international cooperation and collabora- References
tion for both conducting field work and labora-
tory studies. Because geoarchaeology examines BUTZER, K. 1982. Archaeology as human ecology.
the way natural systems interact with humans, New York: Cambridge University Press.
DAS, A. & S. PANJO. 1999. Cultural history of Malda and
there is great value in the exchange of ideas and
South Dinajpur West Bengal: a geoarchaeological per-
techniques that can be used to understand spective. Gondwana Geological Magazine Special
how ecosystems work at various scales of time Volume 4: 347-59.
and space. FITZPATRICK, S., W. DICKINSON & G. CLARK. 2003. Ceramic
petrography and cultural interaction in Palau,
Micronesia. Journal of Archaeological Science 30:
1175-184.
Cross-References GOLDBERG, P. & F. BERNA. 2010. Micromorphology and
context. Quaternary International 214: 56-62.
HAUSTEIN, M., C. GILLIS & E. PERNICKA. 2010. Tin isotopy
Anthropogenic Sediments and Soils:
a new method for solving old questions. Archaeometry
Geoarchaeology 52(5): 816-32.
Archaeological Chemistry: Definition HAY, R. 1976. Geology of the Olduvai Gorge. Berkley:
Ash: Geoarchaeology University of California Press.
HOLLIDAY, V. & R. MANDEL. 2006. Geoarchaeology of the
Beach, Timothy
Plains, Southwest, and Great Lakes. Handbook of
Butzer, Karl W. North American Indians, Volume 3: environment,
Cornwall, Ian Wolfram origins, and population: 23-46. Washington:
Dating Techniques in Archaeological Science Smithsonian Institution.
HUSTON, S., A. MAGNONI, R. TERRY, T. BEACH, B. DAHLIN &
Deflation Archaeology
M. SCHABEL. 2009. Phosphate fractionation and spatial
Disaster Response Planning: Earthquakes patterning in ancient ruins: a case study from Yucatan.
Disaster Response Planning: Flood Catena 78: 260-69.
Disaster Response Planning: Tsunamis JING, Z., G. RAPP & T. GAO. 1995. Holocene landscape
evolution and its impact on the Neolithic and Bronze
Environmental Reconstruction in
Age sites in the Shangqiu Area, northern China.
Archaeological Science Geoarchaeology 10: 481-513.
Gamio Martnez, Manuel KRAFT, J., H. BRUCKNER, I. KAYAN & H. ENGELMANN. 2007.
Goldberg, Paul The geographies of ancient Ephesus and the
Artemision in Anatolia. Geoarchaeology 22: 121-49.
Haynes, Jr., C. Vance
NUR, A. 2008. Apocalypse: earthquakes, archaeology,
Historical Ecology and Environmental and the wrath of God. Princeton: Princeton University
Archaeology Press.
Karstic Landscapes: Geoarchaeology PARKYN, A. 2010. A survey in the park: methodological
and practical problems associated with geophysical
Landscape Archaeology
investigation in a late Victorian municipal park.
Lubbock, John Archaeological Prospection 17: 161-74.
Macphail, Richard I. SAUER, C. & D. BRAND. 1932. Aztatlan: prehistoric
Magnetic Susceptibility of Soils and Mexican frontier on the Pacific coast. Berkley:
University of California Press.
Sediments in Environmental Archaeology
SCHULDENREIN, J., R. WRIGHT, M. MUGHAL & M. KHAN.
Prospection Methods in Archaeology 2004. Landscapes, soils, and mound histories of the
Provenance Studies in Archaeology Upper Indus Valley, Pakistan: new insights on the
Geoglyphs 3017 G
Holocene environments near ancient Harappa. Journal Definition
of Archaeological Science 31: 777-97.
STIROS, S. & R. JONES. (ed.) 1996. Archaeoseismology.
Athens: Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration What defines a geoglyph? This question is
and The British School at Athens. particularly relevant when we observe this phe-
WU, X., C. ZHANG, P. GOLDBERG, D. COHEN, Y. PAN, T. nomenon on a global scale; a wide variety of
ARPIN & O. BAR-YOSEF. 2012. Early pottery at 20,000 geoglyphs exist, although within limited
years ago in Xianrendong Cave, China. Science 336:
1696-1700. parameters. Geoglyphs are intentional human-
made renderings of naturalistic/identifiable or
Further Reading abstract/unidentified forms. They frequently
FRENCH, C. 2003. Geoarchaeology in action: studies in soil include large-scale designs, i.e., either the
micromorphology and landscape evolution. London: individual figures are large or there are composi-
Routledge. tions of smaller figures that extend over a sizable
GOLDBERG, P. & R. MACPHAIL. 2006. Practical and theo-
retical geoarchaeology. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. area. The term geoglyph may also apply to
HOLLIDAY, V. 2004. Soils in archaeological research. culturally significant patterns or locations G
New York: Oxford University Press. resulting from ceremony, such as dance circles.
MANDEL, R. 2001. Geoarchaeology of the Great Plains. Its design a llama, for example fulfills
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
RAPP, G. 2009. Archaeominerology. Berlin: Springer. a function which could be religious, aesthetic,
RAPP, G. & J. GIFFORD. (ed.) 1985. Archaeological economic, etc. Geoglyphs can last over time as
geology. New Haven: Yale University Press. a testament or witness. Although we can identify
RAPP, G. & C. HILL. 2006. Geoarchaeology: the earth- its form, without additional information it is not
science approach to archaeological interpretation.
New Haven: Yale University Press. possible to know its functions.
WATERS, M. 1997. Principles of geoarchaeology: a North The term geoglyph was first used by the
American perspective. Tucson: The University of Venezuelan archaeologist Cruxent in 1949,
Arizona Press. although it was Mostny (1964), head of the
Anthropology section and subsequently the
director of the Chilean Museo Nacional de
Historia Natural, who explicitly defined this
Geoglyphs concept. Additional variants for the term include
pintados, earth art, earthworks, terraforms,
Daniela Valenzuela1 and Persis B. Clarkson2 ground drawings, intaglios, mounds, stone
1
Universidad de Tarapaca, Arica, Chile arrangements, and ring ditches.
2
Department of Anthropology, University of The creation of geoglyphs is accomplished
Winnipeg, Winnipeg, MN, Canada through two techniques, additive and subtractive,
either singly or in combination Fig. 1. Making
a geoglyph does not require a great deal of labor
Introduction investment. Generally, the materials are not large
or heavy, and the activity is not labor intensive,
Geoglyphs are handmade features created on the and thus, the task can be undertaken by the
surface of the earth. These have been made by very young through to the very old. Some
removing or clearing sand or stones or sometimes techniques require a greater degree of labor invest-
adding stones. This creates contrast between the ment, such as the geoglyphs from Venezuela and
figure and the ground, enhancing visiblity Colombia, where the figures are engraved on
(Fig. 1). The most famous geoglyphs are in rocky slopes, or the Amazonian mounds, the con-
Nazca, Peru. Geoglyphs, nevertheless, also struction of which required deforestation, and the
occur in a range of different forms worldwide. excavation of deep trenches to supply the suffi-
Despite the similarities that can be found between cient quantities of heaped earth for platforms.
regions, it is clear that geoglyphs have indepen- The specific location, size, style, and situation
dent origins and development in time and space. of geoglyphs on the ground have direct
G 3018 Geoglyphs
cognitive archaeological explanations that Reinhard 1996). The enigmatic geoglyphs of the
employ scientific methodologies within social Mojave Desert, in the southwestern United
science and humanities investigations (Lewis- States, were interpreted as rites of passage in
Williams 2010). the nineteenth and twentieth centuries through
In the Bolivian altiplano, it is thought that ethnographic accounts and ceremonies (Johnson
the so-called Sajama lines were originally 1985). In Nazca, Peru, a variety of reasons have
associated with sacred places and mountain been suggested: geoglyphs had astronomical
worship. This interpretation has been backed by purposes, served as pilgrimage sites, as well as
ethnographic documentation (Morrison 1978; to worship ancestors, mountains, water, and
G 3020 Geoglyphs
Geoglyphs,
Fig. 4 Additive geoglyph
composition of camelids
and running humans
situated on a gentle slope is
comprised of large stones.
Quebrada de Tiliviche,
Chile
fertility, among other functions. Cosmological contains hallucinogenic alkaloids which can
and astronomical functions have been proposed produce a sensation of flying. Ethnographic evi-
for Mound 72, as well as for other related mounds dence from southern California indicates that
in the plains of Cahokia (Illinois, USA), a major walking on and/or tracing the outline of
site of the Mississippian Culture, dated between geoglyphs was intended or practiced (Johnson
800 and 1350 CE. There are also rich ethnohisto- 1985). Nazca figural geoglyphs were consis-
rical sources dating to the seventeenth century or tently made with a single line that scribes the
later on Mississippian culture, including cosmo- entire figure, regardless of the complexity. The
logical rituals and activities (Demel & Hall width of the line is consistent with that of
1998). The geoglyphs of northern Chile are one a footpath, and thus, an individual can (de)scribe
of the few cases that seem also to have included a an entire figure, beginning and ending at the
utilitarian purpose: they served as logistical same location. The sensual and ritual effect is
markers to indicate routes for llama caravans on analogous to walking a prescribed route, such as
the western slope of the Andes. Similarly, the the effect attributed to the thirteenth century
colored stone structures found in the province of labyrinth in the floor of Chartres Cathedral,
La Rioja, Argentina, associated with water where the meandering line of the labyrinth is
sources and natural steps, could have been related said to have been intended to be experienced as
to trading routes of pre-Hispanic populations a ritual of devotion and contemplation or as
(Callegari & Ravina 2000). a simulation of pilgrimage to the Holy Land.
Some geoglyphs executed on horizontal Similarly, the wheel and pendant forms
surfaces, particularly large images, are visually reported in Arabia may have been used for the
best observed from an elevated location directly ritual circumambulation of sacred spaces, iden-
from above (Fig. 5). Such visual conceptualiza- tified in both Islamic and early Arabic contexts
tions popularly invoke an intention for deities, (Kennedy 2011).
supernaturals, or humans in altered states of
consciousness. San Pedro cactus (Trichocereus Distribution
pachanoi), portrayed on Nazca ceramics and Geoglyphs are known from every continent,
native to the Nazca and Andean regions, except Antarctica (Fig. 6).
Geoglyphs 3021 G
Geoglyphs, Fig. 5 A
large geoglyph of a spider
inscribed on a horizontal
surface is difficult to
discern from a static
location on the ground; the
entire figure is visible from
the air (approximate length
45 m/150 ft)
to the general lack of chronological markers embedded with the intensive training for healers.
within or associated with the geoglyphs (Whitley Thus, ethnographically documented purposes for
2000) (Fig. 7). the artistic expressions of geoglyphs are usefully
Researchers also extend the term geoglyph applied as hypothetical analogies elsewhere.
to refer to other culturally significant patterns or
locations resulting from rituals associated with South America
puberty rites, healing, harvest feasts, and origin The coastal deserts of western South America
myths, particularly in the American Southwest. comprise excellent conditions for the creation of
The information is derived from natives living in geoglyphs minimal vegetation, minimally
and historically associated with the areas where dissected terrain, and soils and stone suitable for
such geoglyphs occur (Johnson 1985). The cate- creation. In Peru, the most famous geoglyphs are
gories that distinguish these so-called patterns those in the region of Nazca, but geoglyphs have
from geoglyphs are often indistinguishable to the been found from the north coast to the southern
Western researcher. The patterns convey infor- tip of this country. Apart from the Nazca region,
mation to the traditional people of the region, a geoglyphs can also be found in the north coast
unique form of art. Comparisons have also been valleys of Santa, Jequetepeque, and Moche,
drawn to the similarity of subject matter, motif, Rimac and Casma on the central coast, and in
and execution technique between geoglyphs and the valleys of Majes, Sihuas, Moquegua, and
petroglyphs (Davis & Winslow 1965) and sand Tacna in the south coast (see Wilson 1988;
paintings, although there is no evidence that peo- Abanto 2009). The geoglyphs in Peru have been
ple who created geoglyphs also created sand made by using both extractive and additive
paintings (Harner 1953; Cohen 1987). Petro- techniques. In Nazca, most linear and biomorphic
glyphs are also known as rock art, and sand paint- geoglyphs are made through an extractive
ings are elaborate images of mythological beings technique, while the additive technique is limited
created during healing ceremonies and subse- to certain biomorphs from the Andean highlands
quently destroyed as part of the cure. Among (see the entry on Nasca and Pampa Jumana
the Navaho, the art of sand painting is deeply Lines and Geoglyphs in this encyclopedia).
G 3024 Geoglyphs
Geoglyphs, Fig. 8 A
principal north to south
caravan trail cuts across the
Quebrada de los Pintados
(Chile), flanked by
geoglyphs on both sloped
and horizontal surfaces.
Geoglyphs on slopes are
visible from the ground (a)
and aerial views of both
sloped (b is an aerial view
of a) and horizontal
surfaces easier to
conceptualize. The
different styles and themes
of the geoglyphs may
indicate different cultural
and/or chronological
factors
In the north, central, and south parts of the coun- camelids, and there are also a variety of anthro-
try, geoglyphs have been created using both addi- pomorphs (often with camelids) and geometric
tive and extractive techniques, and their forms motifs. In general, geoglyphs in northern Chile
vary from geometric to figurative. are located on slopes, but they can also be found
In northern Chile, geoglyphs were first noted on horizontal surfaces, all of them normally
by European travelers and geographers during associated with caravan trails (Fig. 8). This has
the eighteenth and nineteenth century. They are led to geoglyphs being interpreted as markers of
found mainly in lowland valleys and are the old caravan routes that connected the Andes
scattered in the slopes and plains of the western and the Pacific coast during pre-European times
side of the Andes and the coast. They can be also (Nunez 1976). Although most geoglyphs cur-
found in the Arica, Tarapaca, and Antofagasta rently are dated from the late pre-Hispanic
regions. Here, geoglyphs show significant differ- period (c. CE 9001535), it is thought geoglyphs
ences in terms of technique: additive, subtrac- began to be used from the Late Formative period
tive, and mixed, displaying an array of regional (c. 500 BCE600 CE), as evidenced by funerary
style, culture, and traditions (Briones 2006). The manifestations directly associated with them
majority of the motifs are zoomorphic, mainly (Briones 2006).
Geoglyphs 3025 G
Geoglyphs,
Fig. 9 Additive geoglyph
of colored stones in Piedras
de Afilar, Ischigualasto,
San Juan, Argentina (Photo
permission of Mercedes
Podesta and M. Pa Falchi)
Geoglyphs are also located in the highlands of deliberately selected to form geometric shapes
South America. In Chile, geoglyphs can be found like circles and stars; the structures range in size
in the Zapahuira region in the Sierra de Arica from approximately 10 to 30 m (Callegari &
(Briones 2006). The highland Bolivian Sajama Ravina 2000). Some of the geoglyphs are associ-
region in the province of Oruro is home to several ated with sites of the Aguada Culture
hundred-plus linear geoglyphs spread across (550900 CE), although the chronology is still
a wide area of the Andean uplands. The Sajama uncertain (Fig. 9).
lines were documented over a century ago by There have been recent isolated reports of
a variety of anthropologists and explorers geoglyphs in areas where they were previously
(Morrison 1978). Their age and purpose remain unknown, such as in the high valleys of the west-
enigmatic, although parallels have been drawn to ern state of Carabobo, north-central Venezuela
the appearance of Nazca line centers, ancient and (Urbani & Urbani 2001). The technique used in
modern Andean traditions related to ritual travel, this region to create geoglyphs is unique: these
and the Inca ceque system. Many of the Sajama occur as large circular and linear shapes (c. 35
lines coincide with community boundaries, and 42 m) and are located on rocky slopes. They are
lines often extend between communities and made by an engraving percussion technique
major peaks (Tierra Sajama n.d.). (Urbani & Urbani 2001). Given their large size
In Argentina, geoglyphs with particular and location on the hillsides, these petroglyphs
technical and stylistic features have been discov- have been termed geoglyphs.
ered in recent archaeological explorations. They Geoglyphs were first identified in the Amazon
are located mainly in La Rioja province, although region of Brazil and Bolivia in the late twentieth
isolated examples can be found in Salta, San Juan, century, and only recently have they been con-
San Luis, and Mendoza. So far, all known ceptualized and recognized as geoglyphs. There
geoglyphs in Argentina were made with an addi- are two main areas of distribution: the Baure
tive technique by heaping rocks and dirt on hor- region in the Bolivian Amazon and the Acre
izontal surfaces. Noteworthy are tall structures or region in the Brazilian Amazon (Parssinen et al.
structures of tamped earth covered with black, 2009; Erickson 2010). These are large structures
white, and red colored stones that were built by digging a deep trench and heaping the
G 3026 Geoglyphs
removed soil into desired forms. Their shapes are Arabia, and Yemen) has revealed hundreds of
largely geometric circles and ellipses; octagonal, thousands of structures that are analogous to
hexagonal, square, rectangular, U, groups of geoglyphs. Referred to as works of the Old
circles, and concentric circles have also been Men by Bedouin from a number of regions in
observed. The perfect geometric forms suggest Arabia, these forms can extend up to several
a symbolic significance (Parssinen et al. 2009: kilometers. The purposes ascribed to the variety
10934). A variety of other functions, such as of forms include hunting traps, funerary sites,
defense, settlements, residences of the elite, ritual feasting, and possible astronomical or
land and resource markers, animal traps, ceme- directional alignments. Chronological assess-
teries, water management features, and/or cere- ments via relative dating indicate these are up to
monial public spaces, have also been proposed 9,000 years old (Kennedy 2011).
(Erickson 2010).
Europe
Australia The Uffington White Horse (Oxfordshire) is the
Numerous examples of geoglyphs referred to as best reliably confirmed geoglyph in England. The
stone arrangements have been documented in 3,000-year-old Bronze Age figure was
Australia. Stone arrangement is a broad cate- constructed by digging a trench and filling it
gory that includes features consistent with those with chunks of locally available white chalk.
shared with geoglyphs. These earth features char- Other chalk figures are known in England,
acteristically appear in arid coastal regions of although their authenticity as ancient monuments
central, western, and northern Australia. Usually is discredited in many cases.
the geoglyphs take geometric, circular and linear
forms, as well as those of figurative effigies of Chronology
animals. They are made by laying stones on hor- Two methods have been used to date geoglyphs:
izontal surfaces on the ground or, in some cases, relative dating and absolute dating. Relative
in inter-tidal zones along the coast. The meanings dating relies on associating artifacts of known
of some of these features have been discerned age with the geoglyphs. It is usually difficult to
through rich ethnographic and ethnohistorical determine what the association is between the
data, plus recent archaeological research. These stone features and artifacts found nearby.
geoglyphs were integral to traditional Aboriginal Furthermore, geoglyphs were likely reused, and
ceremonies, marking totemic centers or locations therefore, the associated artifacts could relate to
associated with myth, in addition to places where the construction event or subsequent use of the
initiation ceremony and rites of passage occurred, geoglyphs. For example, in northern Chile,
among others (Mathews 1896; McNiven 2003; geoglyphs associated with caravan trails and
David et al. 2004). habitation sites between the oasis of Tamentica
and Quebrada de los Pintados were likely reused,
Africa and Asia reinterpreted, and redrawn, over a considerable
In Algeria, Libya, and Egypt, geometric shapes, time period. The reuse of geoglyphs is indicated
such as irregular and meandering lines, created by superimposed drawings, although it is difficult
by clearing dirt and rocks, are located on hori- to determine the chronological interval: it could
zontal desert surfaces (Gauthier 2007). In Israel, be 1 h or a millennium. When superimposed
geoglyphs have been described in the Negev drawings have distinct stylistic/iconographic
Desert, made by extractive and additive tech- features, reuse over time can be suggested.
niques (Anati 1999). The distribution, forms, Relative dates also can be established through
meanings, functions, and timing of these stylistic and iconographic comparisons with
geoglyphs are unknown. dated iconography, such as that found on
An extensive remote sensing study in Arabia ceramics, textiles, or gourds, thus providing
(including Syria, Jordan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi viable ages (Kennedy 2011). Lastly, patination
Geoglyphs 3027 G
Geoglyphs, Fig. 10 Geoglyphs inscribed on the slopes of Cerro Caramucho (Chile) were irreparably damaged by
recreational vehicles sometime between 1998 and 2000. The area was signed as an archaeological site
may indicate relative ages within the same Some circumstances make the protection and
ecological zone (Dorn 2009). conservation of geoglyphs an arduous task:
Absolute dates are provided by a variety of remote locations are difficult to police and
different chronometric analyses, such as cation protect, and funding is limited. In the north of
ratio, 14C, AMS 14C, pedogenic-carbonate Chile, a process of documentation, restoration,
inversion (PCI), varnish microlamination stratig- and conservation of geoglyphs was carried out
raphy (VML), 36Cl, backscattered electron during the 1970s and 1980s, supported by the
microscopy (BSE), and energy dispersive X-ray government and the University of Tarapaca.
analysis (EDS), with the appropriate technique One example of effective management is the
applied in different environments and contexts case of Cerros Pintados (northern Chile), where
(Dalton 1999; Dorn 2009). vehicle access is controlled, and there are
designated footpaths, guards, and an entrance
fee. Similarly, in Nazca (Peru), guards are sta-
Future Directions tioned at key locations, and aerial flights over the
geoglyphs are encouraged and popular. Never-
The fragile and ephemeral nature of geoglyphs theless, illegal incidents of modern creation of
has led to an increase in recent years in national geoglyphs within archaeologically protected
and international efforts to conserve, preserve, zones in Peru and Chile have been documented,
protect, and document geoglyphs. Geoglyphs usually after irreparable damage has been done.
situated in undeveloped regions had been Some of these modern creations have made their
shielded from all except natural factors (e.g., way into the literature as examples of the ancient
erosion and taphonomy). In more developed corpus, in spite of documentation to the contrary.
regions, geoglyphs have disappeared in the The well-known trident geoglyph prominently
wake of agricultural expansion, residential and inscribed on the slope facing the Paracas Bay
urban construction, resource exploration and in Peru has been documented as a creation of
exploitation, and through recreational activities, late Colonial times but continues to be featured
particularly those involving motorized vehicles in the corpus of ancient geoglyphs in the
(Fig. 10). Nazca tradition. Unfortunately, dangerous remote
G 3028 Geoglyphs
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology, Fig. 1 Adapted from Darcy Thompsons (1917)
original depiction, illustrating the transformation of Argyropelecus olfersi into Sternoptyx diaphana through a 20 shear
The field effectively underwent a revolution in Numerically, Cartesian coordinates along two or
the early 1990s (Rohlf & Marcus 1993) with the three axes univocally define each landmark.
development of robust statistical models for test- Although morphometric techniques have
ing variations in shape and size between organ- tended to favor the landmark approach with the
isms, and of sophisticated computerized tools for majority of applications in 2D, this is not always
the visualization of these differences. applicable, as on occasion, landmarks are not
available, practical, or replicable. The outline
Performing GMM Analysis: method was the first attempt to address this
Landmark Configuration, Digitization, issue by using the delineation around the curva-
Superimposition, and Visualization ture of an organism or its parts (Bookstein 1997:
As a broad simplification, morphometric tech- 44-45) discretized by a series of ordered points
niques can be two- or three-dimensional and use along its contour. Recent advances in morpho-
either landmarks on, or the outline/surface of, the metric research have led to the development of
organism (or its morphological part/s) being 3D quantitative imaging techniques that extend
studied. the outline approach to surfaces. In general, 3D
The landmark technique relies on the anatomy methods tend to be more accurate as most bio-
of the organism to provide distinct, nameable, logical structures are not flat objects, i.e., a fly
loci that have clear one-to-one correspondence wing, but are highly complex organs, i.e., the
from one specimen to the next (e.g., the apex of skull.
a leaf, the meeting point of frontal and parietal Once landmark coordinates have been cap-
bones in the skull, the intersections of homolo- tured, termed digitization and employing data
gous veins in a fly wing). The type of correspon- from a basic digital camera to sophisticated
dence of landmarks, or homology, varies MicroScribe digitizers or CT scans, the first step
depending on the specific context within in the process of analysis is to remove the infor-
a morphometric analysis. Biological homology mation that does not alter shape, that is, transla-
can be loosely derived: for example, the hind tion, rotation, and scale (Fig. 2).
limb of a lion can correspond to the hind limb One method that has been particularly favored
of a gazelle in terms of its development and for this function is the Procrustes superimposi-
evolutionary origin. The wing of a bat and that tion. This method scales the centroid (a mathe-
of a bird, in contrast, originated independently matically derived midpoint, hence centroid,
and differ in development but could still be ana- between all landmarks, Fig. 3) size of each spec-
lyzed in terms of correspondence in a study on imen, makes the centroid the new common origin
flight biomechanics. The choice of the landmarks of the Cartesian space, and minimizes differences
and the type of correspondence are, therefore, in rotation to produce shape data that can then be
functional to the specific hypothesis being tested. statistically analyzed (Fig. 4). Importantly, while
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology 3031 G
Geometric
Morphometrics and
Environmental
Archaeology,
Fig. 2 Shape independent
variables: translation,
rotation and scale (example
using bear cranium)
6
a 7 b
8
9
5
3
2 1
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental derived from the configuration used to capture data from
Archaeology, Fig. 3 Centroid and the set of distances horse upper permanent dentition (P2)
to the landmarks, used to computed size in GMM, as
G 3032 Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology
Geometric a
Morphometrics and
10 mm
Environmental
Archaeology,
Fig. 4 Generalized
raw data
Procrustes analysis (GPA)
showing how raw data are
scaled to account for size
variation, repositioned to
remove translation
b
differences and realigned to
minimize rotation (Image
courtesy of A. Cardini) size
standardized
c translation d rotational
differences differences
removed minimized
the size data are removed, they are not lost and proved to be a highly popular exploratory tech-
can be used for comparisons between groups. nique for this (Zelditch et al. 2004: 156), and
Visualization follows and, in one of its most more recently, the R language has increasingly
common forms, reverts to the basic tenet been employed for the statistical analysis of
described by Thompson (1917), albeit with GMM datasets (Claude 2008).
a greater degree of sophistication. Visualization
of shape changes relies on a principle derived Applications of GMM
from engineering whereby a thin sheet of metal, In terms of relevant applications, GMM has been
on which a grid may be superimposed, is widely employed within comparative zoology
deformed in order to illustrate the variations that and biological/physical anthropology. Further-
occur between the landmarks, when one shape is more, it is by no means restricted to studies of
warped until it overlaps with the points of vertebrate fauna and has been applied to arach-
a different shape. This method of visualization, nids (Crews & Hedin 2006), echinoderms (David
termed the thin plate spline (TPS), has been & Laurin 1996), crustaceans (Aguirre et al.
adopted by James Rohlf for his widely used and 2006), and hemiptera (Dujardin et al. 2007).
arguably one of the most important software Indeed, application of the technique is not limited
packages for GMM, the TPS Suite (http://life. to fauna and has been applied to plants (Viscosi &
bio.sunysb.edu/morph/). Whether using the TPS Cardini 2011). Given the ubiquity of plant,
software or other programs, the principle remains pollen, and insect remains on archaeological
the same: to intuitively illustrate shape variation sites and their significance for studying
between specimens using a deformation grid paleoenvironments, for the paleobotanists, paly-
(Fig. 5). Other more sophisticated diagrams and nologists, and palaeoentomologists, these latter
techniques include contour, surface, and volume examples will no doubt serve as increasingly
rendering. In tandem with visualization methods important for future research.
is the obvious need to interpret and understand While the above exemplifies the diversity of
shape space, distances, and directions of any application of GMM, and despite the variety of
observed variation (Klingenberg & Monteiro species and range of research themes that this
2005). Principal components analysis (PCA) has method has been employed to study, to date,
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology 3033 G
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Selected tooth and landmark configuration (left) and grids
Archaeology, Fig. 5 Deformation grid used to appraise for Romualdova and Vindja (right)
variation between two groups of cave bears from Croatia.
it has not been as widely applied in archaeology ultimately the importance of horse as a source
as one might expect. This is especially surprising of subsistence for humans in Western Europe,
where zooarchaeology is concerned, particularly was studied from Magdalenian sites within the
when one takes into account the long history of Paris Basin (Bignon et al. 2005) using GMM.
use in zoology. This should not be taken to sug-
gest that GMM has not been employed to study
the archaeological or fossil record. In the same Definition
way that the technique itself underwent dramatic
developments over the last two decades, it is now Geometric morphometrics is, in its most common
undergoing a revolution with regard to applica- implementation in evolutionary biology and
tion, which will ultimately have implications for related disciplines, the analysis of size and
its use in archaeology. shape derived numerically from landmarks (topo-
When the technique has been employed, it has graphically corresponding points) on biological/
proved to be highly effective. Cucchi et al. (2011) nonbiological organisms.
showed how trends in pig domestication could be
interpreted using morphological variation and
phenotypic divergence; research has also shown Key Issues/Future Directions/Examples
the potential of this method for identifying
discrete populations of a species within Arguably one of the main issues with regard to
a spatial-temporal framework (Seetah et al. using GMM is that, despite the considerable
2012). Questions of wider significance have also potential for application to a variety of fields
been investigated: Larson et al. (2007) addressed including archaeological research, developments
issues of human dispersal in Island SouthEast made in the mathematical theory of shape were
Asia, using domestic animals as a proxy and slow to be adopted into mainstream research due
employing GMM in combination with molecular to jargon and statistical complexity. These issues
techniques. The large-scale migration, and have now been addressed with notable
G 3034 Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology
developments in both textbooks (Zelditch et al. with modern counterparts used to infer past behav-
2004; Claude 2008) and software to facilitate ior (see Figueirido et al. 2009, using extant and
statistical analysis (MorphoJ/Morphologika/ extinct bears).
Morpheus, IMP series, PAST, etc. refer to One of the main strengths of GMM is its inher-
http://life.bio.sunysb.edu/morph/soft-compre- ent compatibility with complementary techniques
hensive.html). to explore a greater range of questions that are
Despite improvements, statistically analyzing pertinent to archaeological research. Though this
the complex datasets that GMM produces is very much underexploited, there is much poten-
requires some caution and may not be without tial in combining GMM with both molecular
pitfalls. The advent of advanced software with methods, such as DNA, and morphological tech-
easy-to-use interfaces, while circumventing niques, such as finite element modeling (FEM).
much of the complexity, has the negative out- DNA can provide evidence detailing evolutionary
come of detaching the analyst from a clearer history, the role of drift and selective pressures, as
understanding of the mechanics behind the anal- well as other processes that may leave a genetic
ysis, an issue most detrimental for the novice. signature. FEM uses stress modeling to interpret
Additionally, the more complex statistical load bearing and force capabilities of different
aspects of GMM data analysis and interpretation parts of an organisms body, which can be used,
can occasionally lead to a misrepresentation of for example to infer bite force and thus indirectly
what is possible (at present) with the outcomes of inform on diet, ecology, and behavior. GMM data
GMM analysis (see Adams et al. 2011 for not only provide quantitative phenotypic informa-
a discussion of the limitations of principle com- tion that can be mapped onto the genetic landscape
ponents (PC) for cladistics analysis). obtained from molecular analyses to explore the
Once these, often subtle, potential issues are tempo and mode of evolutionary change but also
clarified, and with step-by-step analytical exam- allow the multivariate comparison of deformations
ples available in the literature (Viscosi & Cardini from FEM-computerized experiments and the
2011), there should be few barriers to the wide- analysis of their covariation with predictors (envi-
spread application of GMM in environmental ronment, genetics, etc.) in an accurate statistical
archaeology. Although there is little doubt that biomechanical framework. Taking this approach
GMM can be applied to a very wide range of a step further, by combining the evidence from
biological systems, in archaeology it is the study phenotypic and genetic studies with those that
of bone, and in particular animal bone, that will detail environmental conditions in deep time, it
invariably benefit the most from this method. should be possible to position fauna into a more
GMM has two main applications in this regard: appropriate archaic ecological niche.
investigating phenotypic changes in populations Ultimately, GMM allows archaeologists to use
and understanding ecomorphology (divergence in modern biological approaches to investigate deep-
form as an adaptation to the environment). In the time phenomena. The consensus remains that
former case, as a first step, the landmark data may environmental samples from archaeological con-
simply be compared between groups in order to texts, and bone in particular, are often too
identify significant morphological variation. This fragmented or scarce to carry out the type of
can then be used as a means of classifying rigorous experimentation that details past ecolog-
unknown individuals using cross-validated models ical systems. However, while the physical num-
derived from well-known samples. In the latter, bers may not compare with those available to
a more complex understanding of the animals contemporary biologists, for the environmental
anatomy is achieved through cross-group compar- (and indeed biological) archaeologist, by using
isons (i.e., different species of bear) in relation to species that occur in considerable abundance, such
their ecology, often using modern populations to as the cave bear (Europe) or dire wolf (North
model variation in the past. Ancient specimens are America), it is possible to carry out the type of
then projected into the shape space and similarities studies that are being performed on modern faunal
Geometric Morphometrics and Environmental Archaeology 3035 G
populations (Cardini et al. 2007). Fragmentary (Bivalvia, Mytilidae) in the marine Quaternary of
material could still be fruitfully analyzed (Hublin Argentina (SW Atlantic). Palaeogeography,
Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 239: 10025.
et al. 2009) and incomplete fossils reconstructed BIGNON, O., M. BAYLAC, J.-D. VIGNE & V. EISENMANN.
(Gunz et al. 2009). The method could be instru- 2005. Geometric morphometrics and the population
mental in understanding the process of domestica- diversity of late glacial horses in western Europe
tion and its outcomes (such as paedomorphism), as (Equus caballus arcelini): phylogeographic and
anthropological implications. Journal of Archaeologi-
well as the mechanism promoting island dwarf- cal Science 32: 375-91.
ism/gigantism and the role of allometry (the BOOKSTEIN, F. L. 1997. Morphometric tools for landmark
covariation of shape and size) in creating pheno- data. Geometry and biology. New York: Cambridge
typic variation, and other recurrent phenomena University Press.
CARDINI, A., A. JANSSON & S. ELTON. 2007. A geometric
observed in species that underwent domestication. morphometric approach to the study of
GMM may well underpin a trend toward the ecogeographical and clinal variation in vervet mon-
type of interpretive studies that bridge a gap keys. Journal of Biogeography 34: 1663-78.
between contemporary biological and ecological CLAUDE, J. 2008. Morphometrics with R. New York: G
Springer.
studies and those concerned with adaptive changes CREWS, S.C. & M. HEDIN. 2006. Studies of morphological and
through time as a consequence of environmental molecular phylogenetic divergence in spiders (Araneae:
fluctuations and agency. Given its scientific rigor, Homalonychus) from the American southwest, including
the fact that it can be relatively inexpensive to divergence along the Baja California Peninsula. Molecu-
lar Phylogenetics & Evolution 38: 470-87.
perform and the range of questions it can poten- CUCCHI, T., A. HULME-BEAMAN & K. DOBNEY. 2011. Early
tially provide evidence to address, it would be Neolithic pig domestication at Jiahu, Henan Province,
a great surprise if this method does not enjoy the China: clues from molar shape analyses using geomet-
type of widespread application currently ric morphometric approaches. Journal of Archaeolog-
ical Science 38: 11-22.
witnessed for DNA and isotope analysis. DAVID, B. & B. LAURIN. 1996. Morphometrics and cladis-
tics: measuring phylogeny in the sea urchin
Echinocardium. Evolution 50: 348-59.
Cross-References DUJARDIN, J.-P., C.B. BEARD & R. RYCKMAN. 2007. The
relevance of wing geometry in entomological surveil-
lance of Triatominae, vectors of Chagas disease.
Archaeobotany Infection, Genetics and Evolution 7: 16167.
Bioarchaeology, Human Osteology, and FIGUEIRIDO, B. P., J.A. PALMQVIST & J. A. PEREZ-CLAROS.
Forensic Anthropology: Definitions and 2009. Ecomorphological correlates of craniodental
Developments variation in bears and paleobiological implications
for extinct taxa: an approach based on geometric mor-
Biometry in Zooarchaeology phometrics. Journal of Zoology 277: 70-80.
Historical Ecology and Environmental GUNZ, P., P. MITTEROECKER, S. NEUBAUER, G.W. WEBER &
Archaeology F. L. BOOKSTEIN. 2009. Principles for the virtual recon-
Zooarchaeology: Methods of Collecting Age struction of hominin crania. Journal of Human
Evolution 57: 4862.
and Sex Data HUBLIN, J.-J., D. WESTON, P. GUNZ, M. RICHARDS,
W. ROEBROEKS, J. GLIMMERVEEN & L. ANTHONIS. 2009.
Out of the North Sea: the Zeeland Ridges Neandertal.
References Journal of Human Evolution 57: 777-85.
KLINGENBERG, C.P. & L.R. MONTEIRO. 2005. Distances and
ADAMS, D.C., F.J. ROHLF & D.E. SLICE. 2004. Geometric directions in multidimensional shape spaces: implica-
morphometrics: ten years of progress following the tions for morphometric applications. Systematic
revolution. Italian Journal of Zoology 71: 5-16. Biology 54: 678-688.
ADAMS, D.C., A. CARDINI, L.R MONTEIRO, P.OHIGGINS & LARSON, G., T. CUCCHI, M. FUJITA, E. MATISOO-SMITH,
F.J. ROHLF. 2011. Morphometrics and phylogenetics: J. ROBINS, A. ANDERSON, B. ROLET, M. SPRIGGS,
principal components of shape from cranial modules G. DOLMAN, T.H. KIM, E. RANDI, D. DOHERTY, R. AWE
are neither appropriate nor effective cladistic charac- DUE, R. BOLT, T. DJIUBIANTONO, B. GRIFFIN, M. INTOH,
ters. Journal of Human Evolution 60: 24043. E. KEANE, P. KIRCH, K.-T., LI, M. MORWOOD, L.M.
AGUIRRE, M.L., S.I. PEREZ & Y. N. SIRCH. 2006. Morpho- PEDRINA, P.J. PIPER, R.J. RABETT, P. SHOOTER,
logical variability of Brachidontes Swainson G. VAN DEN BERGH, E. WEST, S. WICKLER, J. YUAN,
G 3036 Gero, Joan
A. COOPER & K. DOBNEY. 2007. Phylogeny and ancient English Literature. In 1970, she received a M.Ed.
DNA of Sus provides new insights into Neolithic from Boston College and then worked for
expansion in Island Southeast Asia and Oceania. Pro-
ceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 104: Teacher Corps, a domestic program that educated
48349. the socioeconomically disadvantaged. Enamored
ROHLF, F. J. & L. F. MARCUS. 1993. A revolution in mor- with the Corpss commitment to equality, the
phometrics. TREE 8: 129-32. experience offered an important anthropological
SEETAH, T.K., A. CARDINI, & P. MIRACLE. 2012. Can
morphospace shed light on cave bear spatial-temporal lesson about cultural differences in the classroom
variation? Population dynamics of Ursus spelaeus and community. After two years of teaching,
from Romualdova pecina and Vindija, (Croatia). Jour- Gero revisited the role of student. During
nal of Archeaological Science 39: 500-10. a summer exchange program at Oxford, she
THOMPSON, D. 1917. On growth and form. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. enrolled in an archaeology course that involved
VISCOSI, V. & A. CARDINI. 2011. Leaf morphology, taxon- excavation of an Iron Age site in Wiltshire.
omy and geometric morphometrics: a simplified pro- Gero returned to the USA in 1973. She attended
tocol for beginners. PLoS ONE 6: e25630. classes in archaeology at Harvard and excavated at
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0025630.
ZELDITCH, M., D. SWIDERSKI, H. D. SHEETS & W. L. FINK. Chan Chan, Peru, under Michael Moseleys aegis.
2004. Geometric morphometrics for biologists: This fieldwork served as a springboard for her
a primer. San Diego: Academic Press. ongoing investigations of Andean prehistory. In
1974, Gero commenced graduate studies at the
Further Reading University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Several
BOOKSTEIN, F. L. 1997. Morphometric tools for landmark personal experiences during this time shaped her
data. Geometry and biology. New York: Cambridge
University Press. theoretical approach to archaeology. Sexism, as
CLAUDE, J. 2008. Morphometrics with R. New York: Gero soon discovered, was the status quo.
Springer. Doctoral research in 1977 was initially hindered
THOMPSON, D. 1994. On growth and form. Cambridge: by a supervisor who questioned the appropriate-
Cambridge University Press.
ZELDITCH, M. D., SWIDERSKI, H. D. SHEETS & W. L. FINK. ness of a woman living in the project house, and
2004. Geometric morphometrics for biologists: many colleagues found research about ancient
a primer. San Diego: Academic Press. women implausible. Despite these obstacles,
Gero completed her dissertation, which examined
material cultures active social roles. In 1983,
she was granted a Ph.D. in Anthropology.
Gero, Joan Gero accepted a position in the University of
South Carolinas Department of Anthropology
Pamela Geller where she taught from 1983 to 1997. She was hired
Department of Anthropology, University of as Assistant Professor at American University in
Miami, Coral Gables, FL, USA 1998 and retired as Professor Emerita in December
2007 but remains active in archaeology. Gero has
also held several visiting appointments at
Basic Biographical Information Englands University of Cambridge, Swedens Uni-
versity of Umea and Uppsala, and Argentinas
Joan Gero is one of the leaders in the sociopolitics Universidad Nacional de Catamarca and
of archaeology, feminist archaeology, and Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de
Andean archaeology. She was born on 26 May Buenos Aires.
1944 in New York City and grew up in the citys Gero has been a Research Associate at
suburbs. The countercultural movement served as the Smithsonian Institutions Department of
historic backdrop for her undergraduate years at Anthropology since 1996. She has also received
the University of Pennsylvania. Social activism grants from the National Endowment for the
and the seeds of feminist thinking were planted at Humanities, National Science Foundation,
this time. Gero graduated in 1968 with a B.A. in Fulbright, Wenner-Gren Foundation, and Heinz
Gero, Joan 3037 G
Foundation. In 2007, Gero was awarded Paleoindian archaeologists studies of tool
the Squeaky Wheel by the American Anthropo- production. Building on her knowledge of lithics,
logical Associations Committee on the Status of Gero deconstructed Man the Toolmaker and
Women in Anthropology. the undue emphasis this notion places on
supposedly male-only activities (i.e., hunting,
butchering). She then argued for women as man-
Major Accomplishments ufacturers of stone tools. Affirmation of womens
roles and abilities, she concluded, laid important
Gero has long participated in the radical transfor- groundwork for more nuanced reconstructions of
mation of archaeology. To this end, her investi- gender systems and social transformations. With
gations of the past have incorporated feminist genders analytical validation, Geros feminist
perspectives and addressed contemporary poli- concerns have expanded. She has examined the
tics at global and local scales. Her earliest writ- complex gendered arrangements of ancient
ings reveal the crystallization of perduring households in Argentina, arguing that social G
research interests. Notably, the publication of relations often defy easy dichotomization as hier-
The Socio-Politics of Archaeology (Gero et al. archical or complementary (Gero & Scattolin
1983) called for sociological analysis of the 2002). Engagement with feminist perspectives
field and its epistemological production. For has also provided a basis for the querying of
her, critical consideration of North American taken-for-granted evidence. In her study of
archaeology ran parallel to, not in the wake of, Recuay pots from Peru, for instance, Gero
paradigmatic shifts in British postprocessual (2004) deliberates about the sociopolitical signif-
archaeology. Geros (1983) own chapter identi- icance of their graphic sexual couplings.
fied the gendered segregated nature of research; Geros engendering of and subsequent contri-
men predominated in the field, while women butions to feminist archaeology underscore her
labored largely at museum studies and concern not just for the theoretical and topical but
lab analysis. She continued to hone these argu- also for disciplinary politics and remediation of
ments about inequities and expectations in asymmetrical power relations. Her archaeologi-
the influential article Socio-Politics and the cal praxis promotes social justice. Dedicated
Woman-at-Home Ideology (Gero 1985). These involvement in the World Archaeological
writings were inspired by Geros early experi- Congress (WAC) represents one means to an equi-
ences conducting fieldwork in Peru. In making table end. The organization subverts traditional
the personal (and political) the professional, her archaeology born of colonialism, and it gives
feminist approach has exposed and challenged practitioners who have been historically
the disciplines pervasive androcentrism, as marginalized due to nationality, ethnicity, and
well as questioned normative ways of thinking economic disadvantage an opportunity to shape
about the past. practice and theory. Gero has worn many hats in
One of Geros major contributions is the WAC. She was elected the North American rep-
fomentation of feminist archaeology. In this resentative from 1999 until 2008 and has served on
regard, she is best known for Engendering the Standing Committee on Ethics since 2007. In
Archaeology (1991), which she co-edited with June 2003, Gero acted as Academic Secretary for
Margaret Conkey. The now-canonical volume, WAC-5 in Washington, DC, a congress of partic-
which began as a 1988 conference titled ular importance given its attendance and interna-
Women and Production in Prehistory, tional visibility. From 2003 to 2010, Gero was
destabilized assumptions about mens societal Head Series Editor for the One World Archaeol-
contributions, legitimated gender as an issue ogy book series. Geros own contribution to the
for investigation, and effected more holistic series, coauthored with Dolores Root, argued that
understanding of ancient societies. In her chapter, National Geographics portrayal of archaeology
Gero (1991) identified the implicit sexism in endorsed a nationalist ideology of American
G 3038 Gerstenblith, Patty
expansionism and capitalism (1990). In sum, Gero GERO, J. M. 1993. The social world of prehistoric facts:
has worked throughout the duration of her career gender and power in Paleoindian research, in H. du
Cros & L. Smith (ed.) Women in archaeology. A fem-
to realize an archaeology that is fully self-aware, inist critique (Occasional Papers in Prehistory series
less exploitative, and more collaborative. 23): 31-40. Canberra: Department of Prehistory,
Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian
National University.
Cross-References - 1996. Archaeological practice and gendered encounters
with field data, in R. Wright (ed.) Gender and archae-
ology: 251-80. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylva-
Andes: Prehistoric Period nia Press.
Conkey, Margaret Wright - 2007. Honoring ambiguity/problematizing certitude. Jour-
Gender, Feminist, and Queer Archaeologies: nal of Archaeological Method and Theory 14: 311-27.
USA Perspective
Post-Processual Archaeology
Gerstenblith, Patty
References
Patty Gerstenblith
GERO, J. M. 1983. Gender bias in archaeology: a cross- DePaul University College of Law, Chicago,
cultural perspective, in J. M. Gero, D. M. Lacy & M. L. IL, USA
Blakey (ed.) The socio-politics of archaeology: 51-57.
Amherst: Department of Anthropology, University of
Massachusetts.
- 1985. Socio-politics and the woman-at-home ideology. Basic Biographical Information
American Antiquity 50(2): 342-50.
- 1991. Genderlithics: womens roles in stone tool pro-
duction, in J. M. Gero & M. W. Conkey (ed.) Engen-
Dr. Gerstenblith earned her A.B. from Bryn
dering archaeology: women and prehistory: 163-93. Mawr College, her J.D. from Northwestern
Oxford: Blackwell. University, and her Ph.D. from Harvard. As well
- 2004. Sex pots of ancient Peru, in T. Oestigaard, N. as law, she studied anthropology and art history.
Anfinset & T. Saetersdal (ed.) Combining the past
and the present: archaeological perspectives on
She is a Distinguished Research Professor at
society (BAR International series 1210): 3-22. Oxford: DePaul University, where she also acts as Direc-
Archaeopress. tor of the Center for Art, Museum, and Cultural
GERO, J. M. & M. W. CONKEY. (ed.) 1991. Engendering Heritage Law.
archaeology: women and prehistory. Oxford: Blackwell.
GERO, J. M., D. M. LACEY & M. L. BLAKEY. (ed.) 1983. The
socio-politics of archaeology (Research Reports 23).
Amherst: Department of Anthropology, University of Major Accomplishments
Massachusetts.
GERO, J. M. & D. ROOT. 1990. Public presentations and
private concerns: archaeology in the pages of National
Gerstenblith is the Chair of the Presidents
Geographic, in P. Gathercole & D. Lowenthal (ed.) Cultural Property Advisory Committee of the
The politics of the past: 19-37. New York: Routledge. US Department of State (2011present). She
GERO, J. M. & M. C. SCATTOLIN. 2002. Beyond also currently serves as a Director of the US
complementarity and hierarchy: new definitions for
archaeological gender relations, in S. Nelson &
Committee of the Blue Shield and is Cochair of
M. Rosen-Ayalon (ed.) In pursuit of gender: the American Bar Associations Art and Cultural
worldwide archaeological perspectives: 155-71. Wal- Heritage Law Committee. Prior to these appoint-
nut Creek (CA): Altamira Press. ments, Dr. Gerstenblith was Editor in Chief of
the International Journal of Cultural Property,
Further Reading
CONKEY, M. W. & J. M. GERO. 1997. Programme to prac-
a position she held from 1995 to 2002. She is
tice: gender and feminism in archaeology. Annual the author of Art, Cultural Heritage, and the
Review of Anthropology 26: 411-37. Law (2012).
Getty Foundation 3039 G
Cross-References
Getty Foundation
Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and
Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Andrew Thomas Wilkinson
Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia
(1970)
UNESCO (1970) and UNIDROIT
(1995) Conventions Basic Information
30
30
L
0
12
90 60 30 0 30
References Introduction
BERGER, A. 1992. Astronomical theory of paleoclimates
and the last glacial-interglacial cycle. Quaternary Sci- Glacial landscapes are distributed all over the
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BERGER, W.H. 2002. Milankovitch theory supported. regions. Hominins were necessarily involved with
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at: http://earthguide.ucsd.edu/virtualmuseum/
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the Last Glacial Maximum. Quaternary Science
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surface at the Last Glacial Maximum, in Map series periglacial conditions. Indeed, most of the process
(Technical Report MC 36). Boulder: Geological Soci- of hominin dispersal took place under very cold
ety of America.
conditions. In most mountain areas, valley or
EPICA COMMUNITY MEMBERS. 2004. Eight glacial cycles
from an Antarctic ice core. Nature 429: 62328. cirque glaciers covered parts of regions that were
GROSSWALD, M.G. & T.J. HUGHES. 2002. The Russian eventually colonized by hominins. In many places,
component of an Arctic ice sheet during the Late especially in the high latitudes of the northern
Glacial Maximum. Quaternary Science Reviews 21:
hemisphere, periglacial environments were present
13.
MANGERUD, J., V. ASTAKHOV & J.I SVENDSEN. 2002. The even at sea level inhibiting or at least affecting the
extent of the Barents-Kara ice sheet during the Last feasibility or continuity of human occupation in
Glacial Maximum. Quaternary Science Reviews 21: many places (Hoomard 2011).
111-9.
MARSHAK, S. 2009. Essentials of geology, 3rd edn.
London: W.W Norton & Company.
MIX, A.C., E. BARD & R. SCHNEIDER. 2001. Environmental Historical Background
processes of the ice age: land, ocean, glaciers
(EPILOG). Quaternary Science Reviews 20: 62757.
The very first systematic accounts of the
RIAL, J.A 2004. Earths orbital eccentricity and the rhythm
of the Pleistocene ice ages: the concealed pacemaker. prehistory of humankind in Europe were orga-
Global and Planetary Change 41: 8193. nized by using a scheme of four Alpine glacia-
STRAND, K. 2012. Global and continental scale glacia- tions, which now is known to be much more
tions on the Precambrian earth. Marine and Petroleum
complicated, with a variable number of ice
Geology 33: 69-79.
advances punctuating the Pleistocene in different
parts of the world (Bradley 1999). These ice
Further Reading
BARNOLA, J. M., D. RAYNAUD, Y.S KAROTKEVICH & C. advances affected the distribution of hominin
LORIUS. 1987. Vostok ice core provides 160,000 populations mainly in Europe and Asia,
year record of atmospheric CO2. Nature 39 (6138): restricting their distribution to the southern por-
408-14.
tions of those continental masses during
GROSSMAN, E.L. 1987. Stable isotopes in modern Benthic
foraminifera: a study of vital effect. Journal of millenia. By the end of the Pleistocene, Homo
Foraminiferal Research 17: 148-61. sapiens were present at most of the continents
G 3044 Glacial Landscapes: Environmental Archaeology
but were rare or absent in the extreme north Specifically in Northeast Siberia, the hominin
(Straus 1996). During the Last Glacial Maximum range apparently never reached above 55 N dur-
(LGM) around 2420 ka BP, many portions ing the early Upper Paleolithic, and it was not
of the Northern Hemisphere were glaciated, until c. 25,00020,000 BP that they inhabited the
a time during which many European human extreme continental north (Goebel 2004: 195).
populations contracted to environmental refugia This panorama, of course, implicates that the
like the Iberian and Italian peninsulas. However, human entry to America took place under very
at a global scale the human response to cold cold conditions and relatively late in the Pleisto-
glacial conditions was varied, ranging from dis- cene. Even when most of the Beringian habitats
persal to concentration (Gamble & Soffer 1988). were not glaciated, the conditions were difficult
The last significant ice advance of the Pleisto- for humans. Palynological evaluations suggested
cene was the Younger Dryas, a cold period char- that at that time Beringia was a barren landscape
acterized by its very fast inception that occurred (Colinvaux 1986). However, the faunal vertebrate
in a matter of a few decades. It is dated around richness of Beringia that characterizes the so-
1110 ka BP 12,90011,600 cal BP and it is called Mammoth Steppe surely facilitated the
known that it produced no important effects on peopling process by providing an adequate subsis-
populations living in central Europe (Jochim tence base (Guthrie 1982). The subsequent history
2012) or North America (Meltzer 2009). How- of human expansion toward the south through an
ever, this is a time during which the northern ice-free corridor presents a classic example of
Netherlands, Scandinavia, and most of North interaction with periglacial environments. It is
America were not inhabited. In North America, clear that if this corridor was the main access to
human occupations were practically restricted to the Americas, then hunter-gatherers have to wait
Alaska, Yukon, or the Southern Plains. On the until significant biotic resources were available to
other hand, it is not clear what was the impor- live and circulate in order to reach the North
tance of the Younger Dryas in southern South American plains (Meltzer 2009). Alternative
America or in Australia and New Zealand. How- coastal routes were proposed to explain the
ever, late Pleistocene cold spells in synch with the human expansion to the south, but the northern
Antarctic Cold Reversal were identified in the coastal habitats potentially used by the first colo-
region of the Strait of Magellan, Southern Patago- nizers were also in part glacial or periglacial. More
nia (McCulloch et al. 2005). As a result it must be recent theories suggest an Atlantic crossing with
inferred that the process of human colonization of an origin in the European Solutrean (Stanford &
southern South America took place under very Bradley 2011). This scenario also involves
cold conditions (Borrero 2012). periglacial environments.
The colonization of Northern Europe or
Northern Siberia required the availability of
shelter, insulating clothing, and relatively Key Issues/Current Debates
sophisticated stone tool and bone technologies. It
took hominins millions of years to be able to The evidence related with the human colonization
colonize these north cold periglacial habitats, and of mountain environments is particularly relevant.
it was only with the advent of Homo sapiens that The Tibetan plateau was covered by ice c. 50,000
those regions were effectively reachable. In spite years ago, after which retreat of the ice facilitated
of claims for Neandertals occupations at the expansion of animal resources into the plateau.
Byzovaya, near the Ural Mountains at 65 It is postulated that c. 30,000 years ago, humans
N (Slimak et al. 2011), it must be kept in mind entered the plateau, but the evidence is not
that this attribution was solely based on character- abundant. At site Xiao Qaidam, 3,100 masl, there
istics of the stone tools. This evidence is not strong are simple core and flake quartzite tools probably
enough to move 1,000 km north the known limit in dating to c. 22,00018,000 BP. At site Chusang,
the distribution of Neandertals. at 4,200 masl, hand and footprints impressed on
Glacial Landscapes: Environmental Archaeology 3045 G
travertine are dated by OSL approximately was that entire sectors of that area were
21,70020,600 BP (Aldenderfer & Zhang 2004: abandoned. The availability of both terrestrial
16). Several sites with core and flake tools are and sea mammals was basic to select regions of
typologically assigned to Paleolithic times. human survival, which was possible even when it
Brantingham et al. (2003) proposed that the changed dramatically to the point of
plateau was populated from the north, with people unpredictability, especially in Arctic Canada
getting into eastern Qinghai lakes, at 3,0004,000 (Hoomard 2011). Hunter-gatherers living in the
masl, before the advent of the LGM. It is central Arctic were able to adapt to this
maintained that at that time, humans acquired the conditions, probably constituting the best
physiological adaptations required to live in the example of a human population living under
high country. Finally, displacement to the high glacial conditions. Of course, they were
plateau may have occurred at the onset of LGM continuously exposed to starvation and other
conditions, c. 23,000-22,000 B.P. (Aldenderfer & risks, especially during the Little Ice Age
Zhang 2004: 21). Basically, the timing of the (McGhee 1997). Except for the mountain habi- G
colonization necessarily was in synch with the tats, the importance for humans of periglacial
retreat of the ice. environments in the Southern Hemisphere is
In the Central Andes, there is evidence of early less notable. Ultima Esperanza, Chile, is one of
human populations occupying mountain the few places where early colonizers were
environments slightly before 10,000 BP regularly living relatively close to the ice near
(Aldenderfer 1997), while at Agua de la Cueva, a proglacial lake c. 10,500 years BP (Martin et al.
Mendoza, Argentina, mountain environments 2011). Moreover, in other Southern Hemisphere
begin to be used around 11,000 years ago (Garca places like Australia, there were very few areas
2003). In both cases, hunter-gatherer adaptations affected by glaciers, and it is possible that the
focused on the exploitation of wild camelids were distribution of ice played no role in the process
defined. For these and other high altitude sites, of exploration and colonization.
the default interpretation is that human occupa- As already mentioned, mountains offered
tions are seasonal. However, interpretations of some of the more characteristic human-inhabited
year-round occupations also exist, for example, periglacial landscapes. For example, the lands
at Pachamachay Cave, Peru, at c. 4,300 masl around the Andes or the Himalayas present
(Rick 1980). This cave was occupied since the large high altitude periglacial habitats that were
end of the Pleistocene by wild camelid hunters, inhabited by humans with difficulty. Humans are
and Rick suggested that the conditions were ade- not adapted to live in high altitude and required
quate for sedentary occupations. Alternative behavioral, cultural, and physiological adapta-
models can be offered for the evidence of tions to those habitats in order to survive
Pachamachay, but it is clear that some of the (Aldenderfer 1997: 1925). For that reason, the
high altitude environments of the Puna of process of human colonization of these and other
the South Central Andes witnessed the early mountain environments started near the end of
Holocene process of domestication of camelids the Pleistocene and only after the effective
(Yacobaccio 2007), a process that at some point colonization of lowlands nearby took place.
was inequivocally related with year-round
occupations.
Glacial and periglacial landscapes can be very Future Directions
prohibitive for humans, requiring complex sets of
adaptations (Binford 1978). One example is the One problem in understanding the archaeology of
Palaeo-eskimos that were living in the relatively periglacial landforms is that glacial erosion and
warm climate of the Arctic mid-Holocene, other dynamic processes associated with
a region whose climate at some point began to deglaciation probably erased any indications of
change toward very cold conditions. One result previous human occupation. This is especially
G 3046 Glacial Landscapes: Environmental Archaeology
important since many proglacial lakes and other BINFORD, L.R. 1978. Nunamiut ethnoarchaeology.
areas marginal to glaciers probably functioned as New York: Academic Press.
BORRERO, L.A. 2012. The human colonization of the High
magnets for earlier colonizers, and the catastrophic Andes and southern South America during the cold
draining of lakes completely destroyed any sites pulse of the late Pleistocene, in M. Eren (ed.)
located nearby. For this reason, formational and Hunter-gatherer behavior. Human response during
taphonomic studies will be crucial in appreciating the Younger Dryas: 57-78. Walnut Creek: Left Coast
Press.
the magnitude of these problems and in trying to BRADLEY, R. 1999. Paleoclimatology: reconstructing
reconstruct the history of human use of those climate of the Quaternary. San Diego:
environments. Harcourt/Academic Press.
Finally, the literature discussing the tactics BRANTINGHAM, P.J., H.Z. MA, J.W. OLSEN, X. GAO, D.B.
MADSEN & D.E. RHODE. 2003. Speculation on the
and strategies used by humans living under timing and nature of late Pleistocene huntergatherer
periglacial conditions emphasize the availability colonization of the Tibetan Plateau. China Science
of fire technologies and all kinds of shelter Bulletin 48:15106.
adaptations (Jochim 1981). Even more important COLINVAUX, P. 1986. Plain thinking on Bering land bridge
vegetation and mammoth population. Quarterly
is the existence of a full suite of secondary Review of Archaeology 7: 8-9.
adaptations, like the intensive use of the different GAMBLE, C. & O. SOFFER. 1988. Introduction, Pleistocene
products offered by hunted animals, the use of polyphony: the diversity of human adaptations at the
stone boiling, or the use of bones for fuel. Last Glacial Maximum, in O. Soffer & C. Gamble (ed.)
The world at 18,000 B.P., Volume 1: 1-23. London:
Examples of humans inhabiting periglacial Unwin Hyman.
habitats using these and many other tactics are GARCIA, A. 2003. Exploitation territory at Agua de la
well described in the literature (Jochim 1981; Cueva (Southern Area) Site (11,0009000 RCYBP),
Soffer 1985; Meltzer 2009) and constitute the in L. Miotti, M. Salemme & N. Flegenheimer (ed.)
Where the south winds blow: ancient evidence of Paleo
best proof of human adaptability. Bioanthro- South Americans: 8386. College Station: Center for
pological studies should play a more important the Study of the First Americans, Texas A&M.
role in discussing these adaptations in the past, GOEBEL, T. 2004. The early upper Paleolithic of Siberia, in
since it was only by conquering periglacial J. Brantingham, S.L. Kuhn & K.W. Kerry (ed.)
The early Upper Paleolithic beyond western Europe:
environments that Homo sapiens was able to 162-195. Berkeley: University of California Press.
successfully colonize the earth. GUTHRIE, D. 1982. Mammals of the Mammoth Steppe as
paleoenvironmental indicators, in D.M. Hopkins, J.V.
Matthews, C.E. Schweger & S.B. Young (ed.)
Paleoecology of Beringia: 307-29. New York:
Cross-References Academic Press.
HOOMARD, C. 2011. Lexploitation du morse au cours du
Fossil Records of Early Modern Humans Dorsetien dans lArctique canadien: apports de letude
Frozen Conditions: Preservation and du site de Tayara (KbFk-7, Nunavik, Canada), in
D. Vialou (ed.) Peuplements et prehistoire en Ame
Excavation riques: 166-79. Paris: Editions du Comite des travaux
Glacial Advances in Asia, Europe, and North historiques et scientifiques.
America JOCHIM, M. 1981. Strategies for survival: cultural behavior
in an ecological context. New York: Academic Press.
- 2012. Coping with the Younger Dryas in the heart of
Europe, in M.I. Eren (ed.) Hunter-gatherer behavior.
References Human response during the Younger Dryas: 165-78.
Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press.
ALDENDERFER, M. 1997. Montane foragers: Asana and the MARTIN, F.M., M. SAN ROMAN & F. MORELLO. 2011.
south-central Andean archaic. Iowa City: University Reevaluacion tafonomica de la interaccion entre
of Iowa Press. cazadores recolectores y fauna extinta a fines del
ALDENDERFER, M. & Y. ZHANG. 2004. The prehistory of Pleistoceno en Ultima Esperanza, Chile: modelos de
the Tibetan Plateau to the seventh century A.D.: insercion y poblamiento. Bosques, montanas
perspectives and research from China and the y cazadores, in L.A. Borrero & K.B. Borrazzo (ed.)
West since 1950. Journal of World Prehistory 18(1): Investigaciones arqueologicas en Patagonia
155. Meridional. Buenos Aires: CONICET-IMHICIHU.
Glass: Conservation and Preservation 3047 G
MCCULLOCH R.D., C.J. FOGWILL, D.E. SUGDEN, M.J. A successful preservation plan for glass incor-
BENTLEY & P.W. KUBIK. 2005. Chronology of the last porates both active and preventive conservation
glaciation in central Strait of Magellan and Bahia
Inutil, southernmost South America. Geografiska and begins before excavation. Because glass is
Annaler A 87: 289-312. fragile, careful handling, both at the time of exca-
MCGHEE, R. 1997. Ancient people of the Arctic. vation and subsequently, is important for its pres-
Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. ervation. Once a glass artifact has been
MELTZER, D.J., 2009. First peoples in a new world. Colo-
nizing Ice Age America. Berkeley: University of Cal- excavated, the level of deterioration, physical
ifornia Press. damage, and the stability of the glass itself must
RICK, J. 1980. Prehistoric hunters of the highlands. be evaluated, and steps to improve the artifacts
New York: Academic Press. condition should be taken if necessary. Wet or
SLIMAK, L, J.I. SVENDSEN, J. MANGERUD, H. PLISSON, H.P.
HEGGEN, A.BRUGERE & P.Y. PAVLOV. 2011. Late damp glass that may have absorbed soluble salts
Mousterian persistence near the Arctic Circle. Science must be treated to remove the salts and slowly
332: 841-5. dried. Reconstruction and/or consolidation are
STRAUS, L. 1996. The world at the end of the last Ice Age, sometimes necessary for the study, interpretation, G
in L. Straus, B. Eriksen, J. Erlandson & D. Yesner (ed.)
Humans at the end of the Ice Age: the archaeology of publication, and preservation of archaeological
the Pleistocene Holocene transition: 39. New York: glass, but conservation treatment should be as
Plenum Press. minimal as possible. Conservation treatment can
SOFFER, O. 1985. The Upper Paleolithic of the Central have unintended long-term consequences, even
Russian Plain. New York: Academic Press.
STANFORD, D.J. & B. BRADLEY. 2011. Across Atlantic ice. when the most current recommendations are
The origin of Americas Clovis culture. Berkeley: followed, and should only be undertaken by
University of California Press. a conservator experienced in the treatment of
YACOBACCIO, H. D. 2007. Andean camelid herding in archaeological glass. Finally, good storage con-
the South Andes: ethnoarchaeological models for
archaeozoological research. Anthropozoologica ditions are required to ensure long-term preser-
42 (2): 143-54. vation of glass and are best planned before
excavation begins.
Key Issues/Current Debates/Future be dried slowly, for example. For the same rea-
Directions/Examples son, damp glass should not be tightly sealed in
plastic bags or condensation may accumulate on
Basic knowledge of the properties of glass is nec- the surface.
essary to understand how it deteriorates in archae- The recovery and conservation of glass from
ological contexts and to plan adequately for its very wet or underwater environments, whether
conservation. An in-depth explanation of the marine or freshwater, can be especially challeng-
chemical composition and physical structure of ing. Glass from such environments can be severely
glass is outside the scope of this entry, but these compromised structurally, with a consistency like
topics are covered in detail in monographs on glass gelatin, and may be permeated with soluble salts.
conservation as well as in many other sources In these cases, a conservator with experience in the
(Davison 2003; Koob 2006). In short, glass is treatment of glass from wet environments should
composed of silica, an alkali like soda or potash, be consulted. A few books and multiple articles
and a stabilizer like lime. In wet or damp burial provide information on conservation of glass from
environments, water leaches the alkali from the such environments and can be consulted for fur-
surface of the glass, leaving behind an unstable ther information (Pearson 1987; Singley 1988;
layer of silica. This layer will reflect and transmit Hamilton 1996; Anastassiades & Ellis 2008;
light differently from the original glass. Mardikian & Girard 2010).
Depending on the level of deterioration, the glass The condition of glass artifacts should be thor-
surface may appear iridescent or opalescent but oughly documented after excavation, both in
still relatively intact, or it may appear as if it has writing and with photography. Professional con-
a thick, flaky weathering crust, a result of accumu- servators should be familiar with this type of
lated layers of thin, unstable silica. documentation, and archaeologists should expect
Other factors which affect the preservation of the conservator to provide a written report sum-
archaeological glass are the pH and temperature marizing the condition of the artifact(s) and any
of the burial environment. The preservation of conservation treatment undertaken. Books on
archaeological glass is dependent not only on glass conservation can provide more information
the burial conditions dry environments promote for those unfamiliar with documenting and
preservation while damp environments acceler- describing the condition of archaeological glass
ate deterioration but also on the composition of (Davison 2003; Koob 2006).
the glass. Glasses made with an organic alkali Conservation treatment of deteriorated
like potash are inherently less stable. Preserva- archaeological glass can be complex. In general,
tion of archaeological glass not only varies it is a good idea to remove soil and other surface
widely from site to site but can also vary across accretions which might attract and hold moisture
a site, and even on the same vessel. against the surface. Glass that is not weathered
Deteriorated archaeological glass can be very can be gently brushed or even rinsed with water.
fragile, and even well-preserved glass is easily But if, as is the case with most archaeological
subject to breakage. Careful handling is impor- glass, the surface is fragile, cleaning can be
tant at the time of excavation to ensure successful a dangerous operation and is best left to an expe-
recovery. Like other fragile materials, deterio- rienced conservator. The outer, fragile, weath-
rated glass artifacts can be block-lifted and ered layers of deteriorated glass should never be
micro-excavated. Block lifting can assist not removed during cleaning; they represent the orig-
only with preserving fragile glass but also with inal surface of the glass. Surface details and dec-
the retention and orientation of the fragments oration may be lost if these layers are removed,
and, therefore, the subsequent reconstruction of and the glass revealed beneath them is likely to be
complex broken vessels. As with most archaeo- dull, pitted, and unattractive.
logical materials, rapid changes in the ambient If the weathered surface of an archaeological
environment should be avoided. Wet glass should glass object is flaky, consolidation of the outer
Glass: Conservation and Preservation 3049 G
layers of glass may be necessary. The decision to bubbles which result from solvent evaporation in
consolidate should not be undertaken lightly; acrylic resin adhesives, if visible at all, are a small
consolidation of archaeological glass is rarely price to pay for an adhesive that will not cause
reversible, and the materials used can have further damage to the glass (Koob 2006: 4850).
long-term effects on the stability and appearance The previous paragraphs have discussed
of the object. If the artifact can be stored safely recovery and active conservation treatment for
and extensive handling is not required, consoli- archaeological glass, but preventive conservation
dation of the surface should be avoided. Consol- following excavation is the most important long-
idation should only be carried out by an term preservation factor for glass artifacts.
experienced conservator. Conservation science A good ambient storage environment is crucial
is a field which advances rapidly, and the most because unstable glass that is exposed to high
recent literature should be consulted before relative humidity can deteriorate quickly. In gen-
a consolidant and application method are chosen. eral, lower relative humidity is best for storage
Often, reconstruction is required before frag- of glass. Storage at 45 % relative humidity, G
mentary glass artifacts can be studied, +/ 5 %, is recommended for stable glass, and
photographed, or drawn for publication. Epoxy 40 % is suggested for unstable glass (Koob 2006:
resins have been used extensively as adhesives 141). Archaeological glass in storage should be
for glass, but they are not recommended for checked regularly for signs of deterioration,
archaeological glass; the epoxies commonly which might appear as clouding of the surface,
used in glass conservation are too strong for flaking or cracking, or moisture on the surface of
archaeological glass. Their use can create joins the glass.
which are stronger than the surrounding glass, Glass, although durable, is also easily broken
producing unintentional but problematic strains and chipped. It should always be handled and
in joined artifacts (Koob 2006: 48). Softer sol- packed carefully. Glass that has adhesive joins
vent-based acrylic resins are a better choice, and and/or fills should be handled with special care,
the use of such resins has been documented and especially if the adhesive is old. Use common
discussed extensively in conservation literature sense when packing glass for storage. Glass objects
(Koob 1986, 2000, 2006; Horie 2000). The should be well supported, should not be stacked on
same considerations are important when creating top of one another, and should not move when
infills for missing areas on archaeological glass drawers or cabinets are opened. Very fragile
vessels. Commonly cited drawbacks to using objects may require individual boxes or rigid con-
acrylic resins as adhesives and fill materials are tainers, but air should be able to circulate around
that they must be prepared for use and that they objects and they should not be tightly sealed inside
create visible joins in glass objects. There is some containers, as this can create a microclimate which
truth to both observations, but most archaeologi- may accelerate deterioration of unstable glass.
cal conservators find that acrylic resins are Acid-free storage materials are best (i.e., not
straightforward to prepare and apply, even in wood or acidic papers like newsprint). A good,
field conditions. Invisible joins, desirable in soft packing material is unbuffered acid-free tissue
some museum settings, are rarely a concern for paper. Place the heaviest part of any object towards
deteriorated archaeological glass. A desire to the bottom of the container and provide adequate
match the refractive index of the glass and padding. Inert foam, like Ethafoam, can be used
a desire to produce joins without small bubbles when sturdier support is required.
from solvent evaporation are two reasons that When packing glass for transport, follow the
museum conservators might choose an epoxy same general principles. Air circulation is less
adhesive over an acrylic resin for joining or important for temporary situations like transpor-
infilling non-archaeological glass. However, tation. For transport, glass can be completely
epoxies do not provide a good refractive index wrapped in acid-free tissue and even surrounded
match for most archaeological glass. The small by bubble wrap. The bottom and sides of the
G 3050 Glassie III, Henry H.
container should be well padded with several Washington (DC): U.S. Department of Defense Leg-
inches of foam, and all space between objects acy Resource Management Program.
HORIE, C.V. 2000. Materials for conservation: organic
should be padded with a material that will not consolidants, adhesives, and coatings. London:
shift when the container is moved. Styrofoam Butterworth-Heinemann.
pellets or other types of packing peanuts are not KOOB, S. P. 1986. The use of Paraloid B-72 as an adhesive:
recommended because they may shift during its application for archaeological ceramics and other
materials. Studies in Conservation 31(1): 7-14.
transport and thus fail to provide adequate sup- - 2000. New techniques for the repair and restoration of
port (Koob 2006: 14150). ancient glass, in A. Roy & P. Smith (ed.) Tradition and
In conclusion, the conservation and care of innovation: advances in conservation: 92-5. London:
archaeological glass is not always straightfor- The international Institute for Conservation of Historic
and Artistic Works.
ward. Glass is subject to damage and deterioration - 2006. Conservation and care of glass objects. London:
from many sources, and each artifact, collection, Archetype.
and site will present unique challenges. Collabo- MARDIKIAN, P. & P. GIRARD. 2010. 18 tons of Roman glass
rative planning that involves both archaeologists under the sea: a complex conservation puzzle, in H.
Roemich (ed.) Glass & ceramics conservation 2010,
and conservators will yield the best results when proceedings of the Interim Meeting of the ICOM-CC
designing conservation treatment and long-term Glass & Ceramics Working Group, October 3-6, 2010,
preservation plans for archaeological glass. Corning, NY, U.S.A.: 110-18. Corning (NY): The
Corning Museum of Glass.
PEARSON, C. 1987. Conservation of marine archaeological
objects. London: Butterworth-Heinemann.
Cross-References SINGLEY, K. 1988. The conservation of archaeological
artifacts from freshwater environments. South Haven
Anaerobic Conditions (Bogs, Waterlogged, (MI): Lake Michigan Maritime Museum.
Subaquatic): Preservation and Conservation
Ceramics: Conservation and Preservation Further Reading
CRONYN, J.M. 1990. The elements of archaeological
Conservation and Preservation in Archaeology conservation. London: Routledge.
in the Twenty-First Century PYE, E. 2001. Caring for the past: issues in conservation
Conservation, Restoration, and Preservation in for archaeology and museums. London: James and
Classical Archaeology James.
SEASE, C. 1987. A conservation manual for the field
Documentation of Treatment and Intervention archaeologist. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology,
in Archaeological Conservation and University of California.
Preservation WATKINSON, D. & V. NEAL. 1998. First aid for finds.
Dry/Desert Conditions: Preservation and London: RESCUE The British Archaeological
Trust and the United Kingdom Institute for
Conservation Conservation Archaeology Section.
Field Stabilization of Movable Heritage
Frozen Conditions: Preservation and
Excavation
Mosaics: Conservation and Preservation Glassie III, Henry H.
Underwater Sites in Archaeological
Conservation and Preservation Charles C. Kolb
Division of Preservation and Access, National
Endowment for the Humanities, Washington,
References
DC, USA
ANASTASSIADES, A. & L. ELLIS. 2008. The conservation of
glass ingots from the Bronze Age Uluburun shipwreck.
Studies in Conservation 53: 225-37. Basic Biographical Information
DAVISON, S. 2003. Conservation and restoration of glass,
2nd edn. Oxford and Boston: Butterworth-Heinemann.
HAMILTON, D. L. 1996. Basic methods of conserving Internationally known folklore scholar Henry
underwater archaeological material culture. H. Glassie III, born March 24, 1941, received
Glassie III, Henry H. 3051 G
his B.A. in English and Anthropology from Affairs of Bangladesh. In 2003, the Vernacular
Tulane University (1964), an M.A. in Folk Cul- Architecture Forum honored him by naming its
ture from the Cooperstown Graduate Program of outstanding achievement accolade the Henry
the State University of New York at Oneonta Glassie Award. With expertise in folk art, folklife,
(1965), and a doctorate in Folklore from the Uni- vernacular architecture, and material culture,
versity of Pennsylvania (1969). During the period Glassie has written 23 books and 102 articles on
of his doctoral work, he was the State Folklorist folklore and material culture from Ireland, Tur-
of Pennsylvania and Director of the Ethnic Cul- key, Bangladesh, and the United States (especially
ture Survey (19671969) for the Pennsylvania rural Virginia) (1999a, 1999b, 2000a). Most books
Historical and Museum Commission. He taught are illustrated with Glassies own photographs and
at Indiana Universitys Folklore Institute drawings; he also designed many of the Indiana
(19701976) before returning to Penn as Chair- University Presss volumes. His initial research
man of the Department of Folklore and Folklife resulted in major books on vernacular architecture
(19761988) and coming back to Indiana as Col- (1969, 1975), followed by five books about Irish G
lege Professor of Folklore (19882009). Glassie culture. In 1982 he began studies on the living arts
also served as Codirector of Turkish Studies and of modern Turkey which resulted in a major trav-
held adjunct appointments in Central Eurasian eling exhibition and book (1993), with additional
Studies, Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, research in South Asia (1997, 2000b), and a biog-
and American Studies, and is now Emeritus Pro- raphy of a Nigerian artist (2010). Recognized as a
fessor, Department of Folklore and Ethnomusi- master teacher at Indiana, he has received the
cology and Emeritus Adjunct Professor, Teaching Excellence Award from Indiana Univer-
Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cul- sity. In 2000 he was named by President Clinton to
tures. He also helped establish three museums in serve on the National Council on the Humanities.
the United States and Ireland, including Conner His book, Vernacular Architecture (2000a), was
Prairie, an outdoor living history museum in the winner of the 2001 Cummings Award for
Fishers, Indiana. He is married to Pravina Shukla, the best book on North American architecture.
a folklorist who specializes in clothing and adorn- Glassie is presently working on a monograph on
ment; they have four sons and four grandchildren. Japanese figurative ceramics.
Cross-References
Major Accomplishments
Ethnoarchaeology: Building Frames of
Glassie was a John Guggenheim Memorial Foun-
Reference for Research
dation Fellow (1972) and an Invited Fellow at
Ethnoarchaeology: Learning from Potters in
the National Humanities Institute (19751976).
Gilund
In addition, he was a Fellow of the American
Islamic Archaeology and Art History
Folklore Society (1976) and served as its president
(1988-1990); he was also president of the Vernac-
ular Architecture Forum (19831985) and Senior References
Research Associate at the Museum of Interna-
tional Folk Art (19861993 and 19932000). Dur- GLASSIE, H.H. 1969. Pattern in the material folk culture of
the eastern United States. Philadelphia: University of
ing the 1990s, Glassie was honored as a Folklore Pennsylvania Press.
Fellow of the Finnish Academy, and received an - 1975. Folk housing in middle Virginia: a structural
Award for Superior Service by the Turkish Min- analysis of historic artifacts. Knoxville: University of
istry of Culture and the Award for Outstanding Tennessee Press.
- 1993. Turkish traditional art today. Bloomington:
Achievement in the Arts by the Assembly of
Indiana University Press.
Turkish American Associations, as well as a Cer- - 1997. Art and life in Bangladesh. Bloomington: Indiana
tificate of Honour from the Ministry of Cultural University Press.
G 3052 Global Archaeology
- 1999a. Material culture. Bloomington: Indiana Univer- western humanity and consequently of the
sity Press. human sciences.
- 1999b. The potters art. Bloomington: Indiana Univer-
sity Press. The first of these is linked to the very concept
- 2000a. Vernacular architecture. Bloomington: Indiana of culture. If before the end of World War it were
University Press. possible to imagine a homogenous culture, pure
- 2000b. Contemporary traditional art of Bangladesh. or superior, after the experiences of the totalitar-
Dhaka: Bangladesh National Museum.
- 2010. Prince Twins Seven-Seven: his art, his life in ian states (Arendt 2004: 3-15), the danger of
Nigeria, his exile in America. Bloomington: Indiana thinking about culture in the singular became
University Press. evident. The effect of the tragedies caused by
Nazi-fascism, added to the later experiences of
Further Reading the different civil rights movements, was to intro-
GLASSIE, H.H. 1982a. Passing the time in Ballymenone: duce pluralist aspects into culture, including the
culture and history of an Ulster community. Philadel-
phia: University of Pennsylvania Press. humanistic and therefore the global. In this new
- 1982b. Irish folk history: texts from the north. Philadel- context, the Declaration of Human Rights, among
phia: University of Pennsylvania Press; reprinted other things, gathered strength and was adopted
1908. by the United Nations Organization on December
- 1985. Irish folktales. New York: Pantheon.
- 1989. The spirit of folk art: the Girard collection at the 10, 1948. Apart from the many criticisms that can
Museum of International Folk Art. New York: be made, this Declaration did consolidate the idea
Abrams. of the universality of basic human rights.
- 2006. The stars of Ballymenone. Bloomington: Indiana The second rupture, closely related to the for-
University Press.
GLASSIE, H.H. & F. MAHMUD. (ed.) 2007. Living traditions. mer, is centered on the human conception of the
Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. environment in which we live. The premise arose
GLASSIE, H.H. & T. TAKAHARA. In press. Lions of clay: the that all our actions have global consequences,
tradition of figurative ceramics in contemporary based on experiences with nuclear weapons and
Japan. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Curriculum vitae: http://www.indiana.edu/~nelc/people/ the uncontrolled use of agro-toxins, both of
documents/Glassie%20-%20CV.pdf. which saw the rise of epidemics and disease.
With the ecological movement was born the pre-
mise that it is imperative to think globally and act
locally.
Global Archaeology Finally, the third rupture was linked to the end
of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Pedro Paulo A. Funari1 and Aline Carvalho2 By the mid-1980s, capitalism was accepted as the
1
Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Campinas, choice for life; it seemed to have been victorious,
Sao Paulo, Brazil and in turn it became plausible to consider
2
Laboratorio de Arqueologia Publica (LAP), a history of mankind from the ideological bias
Nucleo de Estudos e Pesquisas Ambientais of capitalism.
(Nepam), University of Campinas, Campinas, Clearly one could have chosen other ruptures
Sao Paulo, Brazil to contextualize the birth of global archaeology,
but we consider that these three lines will help us
to understand the globalization process and the
Introduction expansion of thinking about humanity. The influ-
ence of this thinking about human beings in
The history of science cannot be dissociated from a global context can be seen in various fields of
its multiple contexts (Patterson 2001), whether knowledge, one of which is archaeology. It is
they be in the physical or the spiritual domain. quite common to find in the discussion agendas
To tackle the topic of the rise of global archaeol- of this discipline, such as in the World Archaeo-
ogy, we choose to reflect on three great ruptures logical Congress (WAC), proposed topics related
in the experiential context of the history of to the re-humanization of archaeology and
Global Archaeology 3053 G
global archaeology. Our aim is to understand The emergence of social actors women, blacks,
some of the ideas that support these proposals. and former colonized peoples and beyond led to
a challenge to the old global approach and fos-
tered a new, less imbalanced global archaeology.
Definition The World Archaeological Congress (Ucko
1987: 10), established in 1986, has proven
Archaeology as a discipline started in the nine- a turning point in this new direction, for two
teenth century in the wake of the main thrusts of different but related reasons (Funari 2006).
globalization, such as the spreading of capitalism In epistemological terms, diversity, pluralism,
worldwide and the imperial moves by colonial and conflict in interpretation were increasingly
powers. The main intellectual ambitions of the recognized as key concepts to interpret the
discipline were also global, such as understand- archaeological record, considering how impor-
ing the spread of material culture over large areas tant those same tenets are for contemporary life.
and later in the century the evolution of human This is directly related to a global approach to G
ancestors (Boast 2009). In the twentieth century, knowledge, considering that different people, in
this trend grew even larger, as witnesses the different historical and cultural contexts, offer
ambitious project of a global archaeological a diverse array of understandings of the world
understanding of the whole human past as pro- and of material culture, as a consequence. The
posed by Vere Gordon Childe (1951). However, African origin of all human beings is seen prob-
archaeology as a global interpretive move was ably from diverse perspectives in Africa and in
very much centered on a core of western scholars other continents, and the role of chinaware is
and institutions, so that even the most daring perceived also probably differently in China and
global perspectives, such as Childes, took in other parts of the world, to mention just two
a patronizing approach, leaving peoples and civ- subjects clearly related to global issues. Archae-
ilizations of the past as predecessors to the ology shifted from a potentially limited, western
enlightened western world. So, culture history narrative of the past to a chaotic, but pluralist,
(Webster 2008: 34) and a global discipline did study of past material culture, from a variety of
not escape the traps of being part of the array of conflicting standpoints. This is indeed a huge epis-
western domination of the world. temological shift from a normative, uniform, and
The situation changed dramatically though in totalizing narrative to a diversity of different inter-
the later part of the twentieth century due to pretations. As Nick Shepherd (2005: 26-30) put it,
several reasons, not least the emergence of this was a move from one world archaeology to one
a plethora of social agents: women established world and many archaeologies.
themselves in the workplace and public sphere; In social terms, all those concepts were related
former colonized peoples fought for their libera- to the inclusion of a variety of social actors in the
tion; ethnic, religious, and other minorities strug- scholarly field of archaeology, in a global scale.
gled to have their rights recognized; and sexual Archaeologists from non-western countries were
liberation also led to new social mores in both often sidelined or ignored and considered as part
western and non-western countries. Archaeology of the uncivilized scholarly world. This changed
would not remain for a long time isolated from all gradually and WAC was a major turning point. The
those social changes, for, as David Clarke pro- new scholarly association for the first time ever
posed as early as 1973, it lost the innocence was run by a worldwide body of scholars and
(Clarke 1973). The Paradise Lost echoing included also native representatives, traditionally
both Genesis, chapter 3, and Miltons opus mag- subjects, not actors in the scholarly world. Western
num was this land of joy but no awareness about scholars were for the first time in a minority and
the limits of knowledge itself. Processualism was global gained a new meaning, really implying the
a first response (Watson 2008: 2), soon to be participation of archaeologists from all over the
criticized from several quarters (Johnson 2009). world. Then, breaking with hierarchical tenets,
G 3054 Global Archaeology
WAC put together senior scholars and young genocides, the civil rights movements, and fem-
students, and also natives and other social actors, inism, which have all generated a new reflection
so that a major hierarchical principle of western on culture, memory and politics, and other topics
scholarship was put down (Smith 2005: 20). related to constructing a present that is more
This is also a new global approach, taking global democratic and diverse.
to mean comprehensive. So that epistemology and Specifically in the case of culture studies,
social aspects are interwoven in inextricable ways. which appear in the Humanitarian Sciences of
A global approach has also been related to Archaeology, Anthropology, and History,
capitalism, as pointed out by Michael Shanks among others, the aforementioned events had
(2008: 142): Some have discerned a latest cul- a wide impact in the 1950s. According to the
tural phase, belonging with postmodernity and cultural theorist Stuart Hall (1980), three publi-
termed globalism. It refers to the expansion, espe- cations were fundamental to the interior revolu-
cially after the fall of the eastern bloc in 1989 and tion of this investigative field: firstly, The Uses of
after, and with the opening up of communist Literacy: Aspects of Working Class Life,
China to market forces, of the capitalist market published in 1957 by British author Richard
across the globe. It is indeed impossible to set Hoggart; secondly, Culture and Society,
apart capitalism and globalization, so much so published in 1958 by the Welshman Raymond
that historical archaeologist Charles E. Orser Williams; and finally, The Making of the English
(1996) equated modernity, globalization, and Working Class, published in 1963, by E. P.
capitalism and established the starting point as Thompson.
early as 1415. It is also clear that globalization Despite marked epistemological differences
did not end local specificities and, to the contrary, between the works of Hoggart,Williams,and
contributed to a plethora of global and local inter- Thompson,which nonetheless came from each
actions, encouraging local identities and stand- of them reading Karl Marx, the three intellectuals
points, as stressed by Wallace (2008: 12-18): brought drastic changes to the way culture was
The internets ties to globalism are clear-cut. Yet treated. According to Hall, the change was linked
the goals of the Internet highways profiteers to to new ways of conceiving society, given that
promote a world culture (Bill Gates) conversely until this time culture had been viewed as the
contribute to the desire by many people do find anniversary calendar of social display, that is to
their own personal or groups identity within this
global world. In fact, globalization is just say, as demonstrations barely to be considered
a continuing process, which started much earlier a product of economic status; after the publica-
and archaeology is particularly apt to deal with the tion of these three works, culture came to be
subject (Kristiansen 2009: 36). Global archaeology viewed as the pillar of society. So culture became
in this sense is a catch word for archaeology in
contemporary context, and it is no longer possible the primary concern of the humanities and was no
to think specificities without references to overall longer seen as superfluous to economic and polit-
processes (and vice-versa). ical topics.
According to Hall, these intellectuals tried to
draw their readers attention to the idea that the
Key Issues/Current Debates concept of culture includes matters directly
related to the so-called great historical changes
Towards Global Thinking: Transformations of (Hall 2009: 127). However, it was Raymond
the Concept of Culture Williams from among the cited authors who
Through the twentieth century, it is easy to find chose to open dialogue with archaeology, thus
historical events that serve as models for under- moving towards building a global perspective.
standing the conceptualization of past, present, From among Williams many definitions of
and future (La Capra 2001). Undoubtedly, among culture, two caught the attention of Stuart Hall.
these examples, we can highlight the experiences The first related culture to the sum of possible
of two world wars and their accompanying descriptions by which societies bestow meaning
Global Archaeology 3055 G
on the world and reflect on their common expe- Selected Essays. Profoundly disturbed by the
riences (Hall 2009: 126). Thus intellectual his- so-called conceptual bog around culture
tory was not only concerned with those few which, according to the author, ended up creating
western traditions classified as worthy of an indefinition of the term Geertz applied him-
record, such as the great artists of the Renais- self to building his own redefinition of culture and
sance, the great monuments and construction of all the areas involved in cultural studies. For
works of Antiquity, or the writers of holy illumi- Geertz, culture would always be something
nated texts. On the contrary, it dealt with the idea essentially semiotic. In his own words: Believ-
of a democratized culture that encompasses ing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal
any human beings descriptions of the world. suspended in webs of significance he himself
While this first definition developed the con- has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and
cept of culture as an idea, the second definition the analysis of it to be not an experimental sci-
would take in the anthropological universe. On ence in search of law but an interpretative one in
this occasion, Williams emphasized culture as search of meaning (Geertz 1973: 5). From this G
related to social practices and characterized cul- point of view, all science dedicated to cultural
ture as a global way of life (Hall 2009: 126). analysis would be, therefore, interpretive science.
According to Hall, by integrating diverse life- Supported by his interpretation of the thick
styles, this definition became one of the central description of English philosopher Gilbert Ryle,
axes of humanities. Geertz championed the practice of ethnography
From this viewpoint, the theory of culture as a field that deciphers codes, and chooses and
became defined as the study of the relationships reads semantic structures, attributing to them
between typical elements of a global lifestyle. So specific meanings. This means that cultural inter-
culture would be neither a practice nor the pretation would become an incomplete and
descriptive sum of a societys popular customs. subjective operation, since it is characterized
On the contrary, it would overflow the confines of by the understanding of human behavior as
social practices to become the sum of the interre- a symbolic action. For the readers and
lations that exist between them. followers of Geertzs proposals, his description
The writings of Raymond Williams were of of the actions, possibilities, and limitations of
added importance to the birth of new fields of ethnography act as a window through which
action in the archaeological field. In the British human sciences can be understood as a whole,
case in particular, according to archaeologist Paul across the fields of anthropology and archaeology
Courtney (2007: 38), landscape studies and the and including historiography.
later foundations of industrial archaeology were Beyond this concept of culture, which is
profoundly influenced by Williams text, Culture related to the beginning of contextual archaeol-
and Society. In understanding the relationships ogy (Hodder 1982), we are also interested in
between human groups, having the starting understanding the limits Geertz imposes on the
point as an analysis of the cultural material was work of cultural reading. According to the
one contribution that would have made archaeol- anthropologist, there are three characteristics of
ogy a new point of reference. ethnographic description: it would always be
This new field, built from discussions of interpretative, it would interpret the flow of social
Hoggart, Williams, and Thompson, would be discourse, and it would aim to save the said
institutionalized in the 1970s as the Linguistic through speech in forms that are able to be inves-
Turn Movement. The Linguistic Turn, whose tigated. Finally, he adds one more: the reading is
roots lie, in part, within anthropology, immedi- microscopic. This is where we meet the problem
ately influenced the definition of culture as well of thinking on a global scale.
as its supposed global character. According to this theoretical model, culture is
In 1973, the US anthropologist Clifford Geertz understood contextually; in this way, it can only be
published The Interpretation of Cultures: read on a singular and small scale: the local
G 3056 Global Archaeology
dimension. For Geertz, the only global element of Strauss, the concept of culture should be the
the semiotic model for the interpretation of culture central paradigm for the conception of archaeol-
is that which allows us access to the conceptual ogy itself. Supported by the studies of Walter
world with which our subjects overlap, in such Taylor (1948: 50-64), culture was defined in this
a way that, with this wider scope of meaning, we context as mental constructs that cannot be
would be able to communicate (1973: 35). In this observed directly, but rather come to light in
way, the global nature of thought would respond different ways, such as ritual practices, social
better to our desire to establish general rules of structures, and even the physical world. Global
human behavior than would the possibility of scale thinking became part of archaeology, in the
understanding its local specificities. Not because beginning from discussions of the term culture
the global should be left aside; on the other hand, and consequently from debates about how each
for this author, whatever generalization we man- researcher perceives the world they are studying.
age to establish should come from the finesse of its Speculations in the theoretical area were closely
particularities and not from the scale of its abstrac- tied to archaeological practice.
tions. Thus, the local scale is shaped as a crucial
piece of any attempt to think in global terms. Global Thinking: The Ecological Movement
Geertzs proposals, which were explored and on a Global Scale
amplified through the studies of anthropologists Change to the concept of culture, as well as the
from the School of Chicago in the 1970s, had consequent value given to the global scale, was
a significant impact on anthropology and archae- intertwined with the gradual understanding of the
ology, upsetting the existing trend among behav- environmental crisis in the second half of the
iorists, linguistic formalists, and the like. The 1950s (Palacio 2002: 13). Concomitant with an
proposal of the symbolic interpretation of cul- increased value given to a new model of life
tures on a local scale, cultures which nonetheless based on consumption, a practice stimulated by
showed global interconnections, would gather the world of the Cold War was the beginning of
strength within the humanities area. doubts about the same model. During the decade
In the particular case of archaeology, one can- of the 1950s, pollution of European rivers, for
not deny the contribution to the forms of analysis example, the River Thames, reached alarming
on a global scale of North American anthropolo- levels, while air contamination produced
gist James Deetz and his work In Small Things a proliferation of severe respiratory problems in
Forgotten: The Archeology of Early American the population. Even the seemingly unquestion-
Life, dated 1977. For this author, archaeology able models of food production were put in
has a duty to approach anthropology with the check by the book Silent Spring (1962) by Rachel
aim of comprehending the diffusion of European Carson.
culture around the world, commencing in the In this book, the author denounces the chem-
fifteenth century, and from this perspective ical products used to improve agricultural pro-
understanding the impact and interactions duction. From the 1950s, then, people were
between those cultures that were expanding and casting doubt on the belief that technology and
the native cultures they affected. Understanding science were the saviors of humanity. The per-
of the so-called global transformations was ception that something had gone awry, something
modeled on an analysis of the small actions (and inherent in the development models being
objects!) of daily life, many of which were related practiced in the West, would bring about the
to food and housing in the North American colo- correction and redefinition of the concept of
nies. In this way, the global scale was built up environment and in the same way expand its
from the analysis of highly specific contexts. field of action to a global scale.
For Deetz, who dialogued with anthropolo- If the concept of the environment had previ-
gists Edward Burnett Tylor, Franz Boas, Alfred ously been relegated to the darkest corners of
L. Kroeber, Leslie White, and Claude Levi- scientific theory, by the 1960s, it became the
Global Archaeology 3057 G
banner of social movements, besides movements articulated with other small universes, would con-
for the defense of civil rights and feminism. From stitute the environment (Emidio 2006: 13-4).
then on, the definitions of what is environment In this way, the global scale is converted into
have multiplied. In 1969, for example, the British an imperative, above all for the biological sci-
researcher James E. Lovelock, with the North ences, which should come around to conceiving
American biologist Lynn Margulis, launched human actions as phenomena that cause an
the Theory of Gaia, which imagines the planet impact on the globe, this being conceived as
Earth as an enormous living entity capable of a whole (Kingsland 1985).
self-regulation. The Theory of Gaia, which won
sympathizers from members of mystic move- Global Capitalism and a New Historical
ments, environmentalists, and some researchers, Archaeology
facilitated the popularization of the concept of The archaeology of modernity and global capi-
environment as composed of not only natural talism has been particularly focused on
resources but also of human beings. Within this a comprehensive approach, but it took a time for G
conception, man forms part of a planetary whole this universal stand to develop. Historical archae-
that is able to self-regulate and respond to the ology started in the United States as the narrow
aggressions it suffers. The Earth, in this context, study of the Anglo-American material culture,
can be defined as the interaction between living excluding African-Americans, Natives, Latinos,
and nonliving beings. Jewish, Irish, Italian, and other components of the
In his search for a holistic theory of environ- American past. Critical understandings started in
ment, the geographer Yi-Fu Tuan defined envi- the 1970s and 1980s, mostly from a Marxist
ronment, in this same decade, as the set of background, with groundbreaking studies by
conditions under which any person or thing Orser, Leone, and MacGuire (Hicks & Baudry
lives or develops. The environment would be, 2006: 27-30). There has been since then
therefore, the sum total of the influences that a growing emphasis on global features of moder-
modify the development of life or character nity, taking capitalism as a force organizing a set
(Tuan 1974). of social relations, as put by Leone in 1999.
In a more pragmatic way, the environment Orser stressed that there is no global trend with-
could also be understood from the viewpoint of out local features, so that global and local are
natural resources, a trend that materialized in the interwoven and enmeshed in profound ways.
report The Limits to Growth, produced by the From the late 1980s, from a global perspec-
Club of Rome and published in 1972. In this tive, several archaeologists questioned the uni-
report, the sustainability of the planet was ana- versal role of capitalism and proposed instead
lyzed, in terms of the demand for raw materials a variety of specificities in different continents,
and natural resources, as well as eventual wastes. countries, and regions (Funari et al. 1999). Diver-
In this text, it was affirmed that the planet Earth sity and identities in the plural have also featured
could not support population growth, owing to a plethora of studies, from Shanks and Tilley
the pressure that this would produce on the natu- (1988: 5-10), and Voss (2008: 18-20), but also
ral and energy resources and the increase in pol- peripheral outlooks (Funari et al. 2005).
lution, when taking into account technological Global archaeology did not lose its strength, but
advances. recognized the relevance of concrete situations in
From the 1960s, therefore, the definitions of different historical and social contexts.
environment have become different from the
concepts of landscape. According to Brazilian
researcher Tereza Emidio, the landscape became Future Directions
an integral part of a wider universe, denominated
environment: this landscape could be conceived Archaeology has moved from a most conservative
then as a universe in miniature which, when and even reactionary endeavor to become a force
G 3058 Global Archaeology
for change in the contemporary world. It is a no FUNARI, P.P.A., M. HALL & S. JONES.1999. Historical
mean feat in itself. Within a few two or three archaeology, back from the edge. London: Routledge.
FUNARI, P.P.A., A. ZARANKIN & E. STOVEL. 2005. Global
generations, the discipline moved from defending archaeological theory. New York: Springer.
the status quo, hierarchical relations, and social GEERTZ, C. 1973. The interpretation of cultures.
imbalances to contributing to challenging all New York: Basic.
those features and to promoting diversity, freedom, HALL, S. 1980. Cultural studies: two paradigms. Media,
Culture and Society 2: 5772.
and the empowerment of people in general. There - 2009. Da diaspora. Belo Horizonte: Editora da UFMG.
is future for archaeology out of a global perspec- HICKS, D. & M.C. BEAUDRY. (ed.) 2006. The Cambridge
tive and the actual practice in concrete situations companion to historical archaeology. Cambridge:
(Jones 2009: 109). Archaeologists are now largely Cambridge University Press.
HODDER, I. 1982. Symbols in action. Ethnoarchaeological
from non-western countries, thousands of them studies of material culture. Cambridge: Cambridge
from China, India, Japan, and other Asian coun- University Press.
tries, a large number from the Middle East, Africa, JOHNSON, M. 2009. The theoretical scene, 1960-2000, in B.
Latin America, Central Asia, and beyond. The Cunliffe, C. Gosden & R.A. Joyce (ed.) The Oxford
handbook of archaeology: 71-88. Oxford: Oxford Uni-
USA, Canada, and Western Europe continue to versity Press.
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AltaMira. of a multidisciplinary team of noted archaeologists
WEBSTER, G.S. 2008. Culture history: a culture-historical
approach, in R.A. Bentley, H.D.G. Maschner & C. and architectural conservators provides guidance in
Chippindale (ed.) Handbook of archaeological theo- matters of conservation.
ries: 11-28. Lanham: AltaMira. Funding for GHF operations comes from
corporate and private donations and project-
Further Reading specific matching allocations from governmental
CARSON, R. 1962. Silent spring. Houghton Mifflin: and nongovernmental organizations. According to
Mariner Books.
DEETZ, J. 1977. In small things forgotten: the archaeology GHF, they had invested $25 million and garnered
of early American life. New York: Doubleday. $20 million in project co-funding as of 2011 (Jeff
HOGGAR, R. 1957. The uses of literacy: aspects of working Morgan, pers. comm. 2011).
class life. London: Chatto and Windus. GHF seeks to advance the goals of site
LACAPRA, D. 2001. Writing history, writing trauma. Bal-
timore: Johns Hopkins University Press. conservation, community development, and pres-
PATTERSON, T. 2001. A social history of anthropology in ervation advocacy through a program of field G
the United States. Oxford: Berg. projects, fellowships, the Global Heritage Net-
THOMPSON, E.P. 1963. The making of the English working work (GHN) initiative, and various workshops,
class. London: Penguin.
TUAN, Y.F. 1974. Topophilia: a study of environmental events, and publications.
perception, attitudes, and values. Englewood Cliffs
(NJ): Prentice-Hall.
WILLIAMS, R. 1958. Culture and society. London: Chatto Major Impact
and Windus.
Planning and protection refers to preparatory conservation and tourism; and assist the Turkish
research and investigation, the development of Ministry of Culture in the revision of a site man-
conservation and master management plans hav- agement plan and establishment of a regional
ing defined goals, responsibilities, milestones, Heritage Park.
and provisions for monitoring. Conservation sci- In 2011, GHF launched Global Heritage
ence refers to tailored research and direction by Network (GHN), an Internet-based preservation
leading international architectural conservators collaboration, advocacy, and threat-monitoring
in consultation with local experts. Community platform. Intended to facilitate international
development includes local-level promotion, information exchange among working profes-
training, and capacity building for conservation, sionals and students, GHN consists of
site management, heritage tourism, and craft a threatened site database, a member community,
production. Finally, GHF views partnerships and a documentation library. GHN Sites is
with in-country governmental, academic, and a Google Earth-supported dynamic repository of
special interest groups for conservation, funding, satellite imagery, spatial data, photos, videos,
and executive management to be tactically and news items, technical reports, GHF-sponsored
strategically critical. site assessments, and other resources relating to
Current and completed GHF projects include the preservation of select developing country
work at sites in East, South, and Southeast Asia; sites. The GHN Community is an online social
the Middle East; North Africa; South America; network featuring preservation news and
Central America; and Eastern Europe. These user-created discussion groups. The GHN
have entailed the conservation of historic struc- Library consists of preservation literature such
tures, at places like Izborsk (Russia) and Pingyao as management plans, studies, reports, articles,
(China); archaeological ruins, such as those of and bibliographies pertaining to heritage conser-
Hampi (India) and Banteay Chhmar (Cambodia); vation, tourism, economics, and related themes.
and in situ archaeological remains at locations In addition to its active member community,
including Chavin (Peru) and Catalhoyuk GHN is supported through the voluntary efforts
(Turkey). In ongoing efforts at the rapidly devel- of qualified Site Coordinators and Site Monitors.
oping World Heritage Site of Pingyao, China, Other GHF activities include an annual Pres-
GHF is working with regional governmental and ervation Fellowship program supporting interna-
academic institutions to stem the deterioration tional students and scholars in the preservation of
and loss of traditional Qing Dynasty courtyard developing country sites, workshops and public
houses and promote locally based heritage fora on conservation-related topics, and the
tourism through a program of survey, planning, production of occasional research reports, white
conservation, training, and the promotion of local papers, a blog, and a biannual newsletter.
craft production. At the heavily looted ancient To its advocates, GHFs brand of venture
Khmer complex of Banteay Chhmar, GHF has philanthropy is a model of grassroots preserva-
assembled an array of domestic and international tion engagement bridging developed and devel-
partner organizations to develop a site Master oping countries. The direct effects of GHFs work
Plan, stabilize and conserve key structures, facil- include the physical conservation, protection, and
itate the preparation of a World Heritage List improvement of a significant number of sites
nomination, and train local residents in conserva- and the enhancement of local-level knowledge
tion and tourism. At the Neolithic settlement of and skills regarding conservation and tourism.
Catalhoyuk, GHF has acted in concert with By bringing together networks of partner organi-
a range of sponsors and collaborators to enact zations, they have promoted intra- and interna-
improvements including a shelter, walkways, tional cooperation and raised the visibility of best
and signage; conserve murals; train locals in practices heritage management and planning.
Goat: Domestication 3061 G
Global Heritage Network provides unprece-
dented public access to information on develop- Goat: Domestication
ing country heritage site management and hosts
a sizable community of active participants. Francois Pompanon
Among the indirect impacts of GHFs efforts Laboratoire dEcologie Alpine, Universite
must be counted as yet unquantified economic Grenoble, Grenoble, France
effects of heritage tourism for households and
communities, enriched future personal and pro-
fessional opportunities for trainees and fellows, Basic Species Information
increased public awareness of the special vulner-
ability of developing country heritage, and The domestic goat Capra hircus (Linnaeus 1758)
strengthened appreciation among peer organiza- (Mammalia, Artiodactyla, Bovidae, Caprinae) is
tions of the importance of financial savvy for a small ruminant herbivore that browses on shrubs
NGO efficacy and long-term site sustainability. and weeds. Females reach puberty between 6 and G
By advertising their Preservation by Design 12 months and after a mean gestation time of 150
methodology, GHF arguably helps to raise the days give birth to a single or twins. On average, the
bar of international heritage management withers height is 60 cm and the weight 60 kg for
practice, accentuating the need for holistic plan- a female, but these characteristics strongly vary
ning, community commitment, and clear according to the breed (e.g., for females from
accountability. 27 kg for an African Pygmy to more than 100 kg
for a Boer). Both sexes have a beard and horns in
most breeds, and many breeds bear wattles. The
Cross-References 800 million goats distributed all over the world are
mainly present in Asia and in the Near East (70 %
Catalhoyuk Archaeological Site of the worldwide population) and are found in
Digital Archaeological Data: Ensuring Access, almost all kinds of environments. There are more
Use, and Preservation than 640 breeds, including about 560 traditional
Global Archaeology breeds/populations adapted to local conditions
Heritage and Public Policy (Fig. 1) and industrial breeds. The worldwide
Heritage Sites: Economic Incentives, Impacts, goat population show a high level of genetic diver-
and Commercialization sity distributed independently of the breeds
Local Communities and Archaeology: (Naderi et al. 2007).
A Caribbean Perspective
Local Populations and Global Heritage
Morgan, Jeff Timing and Tracking Domestication
Preservation Paradigm in Heritage
Management Archaeological (Harris 1961) and genetic
Sustainability and Cultural Heritage (Manceau et al. 1999; Pidancier et al. 2006) data
Tourism, Archaeology, and Ethics: A Case revealed that the goats wild ancestor is the
Study in the Rupununi Region of Guyana bezoar, Capra aegagrus (Fig. 2). Bezoars are
distributed in mountains of the Middle East,
from southwestern Turkey to central Afghanistan
Further Reading and southern Pakistan (Fig. 3), mainly in
relatively arid habitats such as mixtures of rock
GLOBAL HERITAGE FUND. n.d. Available at: http://globalher-
itagefund.org/and http://ghn.globalheritagefund.org/ outcrops and shrubby thickets or conifer forests
(accessed 3 September 2013). (Fig. 2). Goats were among the first farm animals
G 3062 Goat: Domestication
Goat: Domestication,
Fig. 1 Traditional goat
population locally adapted
to a semiarid mountainous
environment (Atlas
Mountains, Morocco)
(Photo credit:
F. Pompanon)
Goat: Domestication,
Fig. 2 Male bezoars
(Capra aegagrus) on
a rocky slope in a protected
area (Lashkar Dar Malayer,
Iran) (Photo credit:
H.R. Rezaei)
domesticated and rapidly had an important role in domestication, the control of livestock by people
the economies of human societies. This is due to released environmental pressures such as those
several characteristics inherited from its wild exerted by sexual selection or predation on horn
ancestor, including flexible feeding habits and morphology or coat color. Simultaneously, new
the ability to live and breed under coarse condi- selective pressures appeared since farmers instinc-
tions (Clutton-Brock 1999) and to be transported tively or deliberately favored some characteristics.
over long distances. Goats provide meat, milk, and A general trend differentiating domestics from
dung (for fuel) but also hair and skin for clothing, wilds is changes in skeletal conformation (i.e.,
or sinew (for glue or strings) and bones used for mainly a reduction in body size), but traditional
making tools and weapons. Since the beginning of breeding led to a diversity of locally adapted
Goat: Domestication 3063 G
Goat: Domestication, Fig. 3 Simplified scenario of herds were isolated, respectively. The stars give an exam-
initial goat domestication from the bezoar in the Middle ple of localities with bezoars sharing the same genotype
East. The light brown area represents the geographic range (for a mitochondrial DNA gene) supporting past trans-
of the bezoar (Capra aegagrus) that may not have locations by man (Naderi et al. 2008). In red: archaeolog-
changed since the beginning of domestication. The yellow ical sites giving evidence for local pre-Neolithic goat
and green areas represent the approximate areas where domestication (see text)
herd management took place and where true domestic
phenotypes. The intensity of artificial selection This is also consistent with young male-biased
strongly increased with the emergence of the culling patterns without body size reduction
breed concept 200 years ago, resulting in the stan- found in this region (Ganj Dareh, Iran) about
dardization of morphology (e.g., size, coat color) 10,000 Before Present (BP), although it has
and performance within well-defined industrial sometimes been interpreted as true domestication
breeds. (Zeder & Hesse 2000). However, the first domes-
The bezoar was among the wild ungulates tic herds may not have appeared from controlled
hunted by hunter-gatherers from the Neolithic in populations from Central Zagros, but in
Western Asia. Several tactics of animal use, more a region ranging from Eastern Anatolia to North-
or less successful, may have been developed to ern Zagros where the wild populations are
ensure the transition from hunting to domestica- genetically closer to the domestics and where
tion. The control and protection of wild flocks there is archaeological evidence for local
kept in a favored place may have existed besides goat domestication c. 10,500 BP (Neval Cori,
and/or before the taming and rearing of animals Turkey). However, the managed bezoars from
that led to the isolation of true domestic herds Central Zagros would have contributed to
(Clutton-Brock 1999). Such archaeological pre- a small part of the domestic gene pool captured
diction of herd management is coherent with the in Northern Zagros/Eastern Anatolia through an
genetic signature of a past demographic expan- early translocation of controlled animals
sion of the bezoars from Central Zagros (Fig. 3), (Fig. 3, Naderi et al. 2008).
which occurred before the isolation of domestic Human-mediated long-distance transfers dur-
herds (i.e., time of expansion of Iranian goat ing the phase of herd management or at the early
populations, Naderi et al. 2008). stages of true domestication are archaeologically
G 3064 Goat: Domestication
attested by the presence of wild or feralized goats Near East (Including Anatolia): Geographic
outside the geographical range of the species Description and General Chronology of the
(e.g., in Cyprus during the eleventh millennium, Paleolithic and Neolithic
Vigne et al. 2011). Such feralized populations are
still living in several Mediterranean islands.
Animal translocations are consistent with the References
weak phylogeographic structure of the bezoar
CLUTTONBROCK, J. 1999. A natural history of domesti-
over its whole range (Fig. 3), which is very
cated mammals. Cambridge: The Natural History
unusual in wild ungulates. The high level of Museum, Cambridge University Press.
genomic diversity currently observed in goats, HARRIS, D.R. 1961. The distribution and ancestry of the
similar to that of bezoars, cannot be explained domestic goat. Journal of the Linnean Society of
London 173: 79-91.
by the domestication of less than 1,3001,900
MANCEAU, V., L. DESPRES. J. BOUVET & P. TABERLET. 1999.
ancestral lineages (Naderi et al. 2008). Systematics of the genus Capra inferred from mito-
Thus, the domestication of goats has been chondrial DNA sequence data. Molecular Phyloge-
a long-term process which initial phase lasted at netics and Evolution 13: 504-10.
NADERI, S., H.R. REZAEI, P. TABERLET, S. ZUNDEL, S.A.
least several hundred years, over a large area
RAFAT, H.R. NAGASH, M.A.A. ELBARODY, O. ERTUGRUL,
(Western Anatolia/Northern Zagros), involving F. POMPANON & ECONOGENE CONSORTIUM. 2007. Large
several hundred to several thousand individuals. scale mitochondrial DNA analysis of the domestic goat
Independently, an earlier phase of wild herd man- reveals six haplogroups with high diversity. PLoS ONE
2: e1012. doi:1010.1371/journal.pone.0001012.
agement in the Central Zagros did not contribute
NADERI, S., H.R. REZAEI, F. POMPANON, M.G. BLUM,
to the modern goat gene pool except by the trans- R. NEGRINI, H. NAGHASH, O. Balkz, M. MASHKOUR,
fer of wilds and/or early domestics by people to O. GAGGIOTTI, P. AJMONEMARSAN, A. KENCE,
the area where domestication took place (Fig. 3). J.D. VIGNE & P. TABERLET. 2008. The goat
domestication process inferred from largescale mito-
After isolation of the first domestic herds, goats
chondrial DNA analysis of wild and domestic individ-
diffused from the domestication area to reach uals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
Western Europe (c. 7,600 BP in southern France), of the United States of America 105: 17659-64.
Eastern Asia (not well documented, probably c. PIDANCIER, N., S. JORDAN, G. LUIKART & P. TABERLET. 2006.
Evolutionary history of the genus Capra (Mammalia,
3,000 BP in China), and Africa (c. 7,400 BP in the
Artiodactyla): discordance between mitochondrial
Maghreb and later than 4,000 BP in more south- DNA and Ychromosome phylogenies. Molecular
ern parts). The current mix of genotypes in bezoar Phylogenetics and Evolution 40: 739-49.
populations from the domestication area suggest VIGNE, J.-D., I. CARRERE, F. BRIOIS & J. GUILAINE. 2011.
The early process of mammal domestication in the
that the weak genetic structure of modern goats at
Near East new evidence from the pre-Neolithic and
the worldwide level results more from the initial pre-pottery Neolithic in Cyprus. Current Anthropol-
capture of genotypes from already mixed wild ogy 52: S255-S271.
populations than from further transportations of ZEDER, M.A. & B. HESSE. 2000. The initial domestication
of goats (Capra hircus) in the Zagros Mountains
domestics for commercial trade (Naderi et al.
10,000 years ago. Science 287: 2254-7.
2008). The introgression of wild genomes into
the domestic gene pool through hybridization
Further Reading
may have also taken place, but its importance FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED
and timing are still unknown. NATIONS (FAO). 2007. The state of the worlds animal
genetic resources for food and agriculture. Rome:
Commission on Genetic Resources for Food and
Agriculture.
Cross-References VIGNE, J.D., J. PETERS & D. HELMER. 2005. The first steps
of animal domestication. New archaeological
Animal Domestication and Pastoralism: Socio- approaches. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
WEINBERG, P., T. JDEIDI, M. MASSETI, I. NADER, K. DE SMET &
Environmental Contexts
F. CUZIN. (2008.) Capra aegagrus, in IUCN 2011.
Cyprus, Archaeology of IUCN red list of threatened species (Version 2011.2.).
Genetic Bottlenecks in Archaeology Available at: www.iucnredlist.org.
Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication 3065 G
Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and
Domestication
G
Introduction
The Site
The Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) tell of Gobekli
Tepe (GT) lies 15 km NE of the modern city of
Sanlurfa in SE Anatolia. It is located at the
highest point of the Germus range overlooking
the Harran plain. Ongoing excavations since
1995 revealed a unique monumental architecture
rich in symbolism (Schmidt 2011, 2012).
Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication,
Fig. 1 Gobekli Tepe overview of the main excavation
area with the characteristic round enclosures. In the fore-
Key Issues ground Enclosure D, the one best preserved (# DAI,
Photo N. Becker)
Traces of domestic structures have not been
found yet. At least two occupation phases can enclosures all over the mound. Obviously, these
be distinguished. The monumental architecture were backfilled rapidly and intentionally after
(Fig. 1) with huge T-shaped pillars arranged in some time of use, ritually buried as it seems.
circle-like enclosures around two even taller cen- It is assumed that the T-shaped pillars repre-
tral pillars (>5 m) corresponds to Layer III and sent supra-natural beings (Schmidt 2011).
dates to the PPNA (Dietrich & Schmidt 2010). In addition, depictions of human arms and
The pillars are interconnected by walls and stone hands together with garments, such as decorated
benches. Layer II represents a later occupation belts or loincloths made of a fox pelt, indicate
phase dating to the Early and Middle PPNB. their anthropomorphic nature (Fig. 3). As such,
Its architecture consists of small rectangular the complex belief system visualized by the find-
buildings, usually with two pillars (<2 m) placed ings at GT illustrates considerable sociocultural
in their center. complexity in foraging communities inhabiting
The pillars of Layer III are richly decorated PPNA Upper Mesopotamia.
with figurations of animals as diverse as insects,
spiders, scorpions, snakes, birds, and mammals Subsistence
(Peters & Schmidt 2004; Fig. 2). These enclo- The carving of the monoliths and the building
sures also produced limestone sculptures of of the enclosures necessitated considerable
human beings and animals. A geophysical survey man power and a well-organized community.
revealed the presence of many more large Moreover, cult practices including feasting likely
G 3066 Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication
Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication, Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication,
Fig. 2 Pillar 43 in Enclosure D is covered entirely by Fig. 3 Pillar 31, one of the central pillars of Enclosure
depictions, mostly of animals (# GEO & DAI, Photo D, illustrates the anthropomorphic character of the pillars.
B. Steinhilber) It shows arms and hands as well as elements of clothing
a stola, a belt, and a loincloth made of a fox pelt (# DAI,
attracted large groups, implying that food Photo N. Becker)
procurement had to be organized. If the numerous
grinders, mortars, and pestles found in the (18 %) were a major supplier of meat too con-
backfill suggest large-scale plant processing sidering the species liveweight. However, its
at GT, other evidence for this activity is poor. economic importance declined markedly during
Storage facilities have not been found so far and later occupation when medium-sized ungulates
remains of edible plants are rare. Up to now, only (gazelle, wild sheep) provided most of the meat.
wild taxa including cereals such as einkorn,
wheat/rye, and barley could be identified Gobekli Tepe and the Neolithic Revolution
(Neef 2003). At this stage of research, however, Architecture and art at GT are indicative of
activities pointing at cereal cultivation can a complex belief system and a hierarchically
neither be evidenced nor excluded. structured universe. Of particular interest is the
Besides plant collecting, hunting was anthropomorphic nature of the T-shaped pillars
essential. The faunal assemblage illustrates that and the fact that insects, spiders, and vertebrates
throughout site occupation, people predomi- have been depicted on them. This could signify
nantly hunted Persian gazelle. Wild cattle, asiatic that the supra-natural beings exerted power over
wild ass, wild boar, wild sheep, deer, hare, fox, these animals and therefore in the figurative
and a variety of bird species contributed to the sense over the world of the living. The GT
diet as well. Faunal composition in Layer III findings might therefore suggest that within the
indicates that besides gazelle (58 %), wild cattle hierarchy of the PPN belief system,
Gobekli Tepe: Agriculture and Domestication 3067 G
anthropomorphic beings and hence humans broadly contemporaneous domestication events
considered themselves superior to other living throughout the (northern) Fertile Crescent, it
creatures. If this interpretation is correct, then would also help understanding why PPN ungu-
the symbolism displayed at PPNA GT could late domestication was not restricted to a single
indeed evidence a mind-set that was conducive taxon or to animals confined to a particular
for achieving cultural control over animals. It has ecogeographic setting (Peters et al. in press).
been argued that the Neolithic revolution could Interestingly, the fact that in SE and
not have taken place without this mental devel- E Anatolia livestock husbandry was already prac-
opment (Cauvin 1997). ticed a few centuries before reaching the early
A sedentary way of life and long-term Holocene climatic optimum c. 8000 BCE (Peters
acquaintance with wild forms were essential et al. 1999) suggests that ungulate domestication
prior to domesticating ungulates. At a certain occurred when climatic conditions were still
point in time domestication moreover necessi- improving and with it the carrying capacity of
tated the spatial isolation of individuals from the landscape. Thus, rather than taking place G
free-ranging herds and their raising and breeding under acute resource stress, we cannot exclude
in an anthropogenic environment. However, evi- that meat procurement was still quite secure
dence for human interference with the life cycle when efforts to appropriate animals started.
of ungulates during the initial stages of the Around c. 8200 cal BCE, GT was abandoned.
domestication process, when hunting activities It is perhaps telling that this coincided with
still provided the bulk of the meat (and hence of a major economic change in Upper Mesopota-
the osseous remains in the assemblage), is prob- mia, namely, the replacement of gazelle hunting
lematic based on the available zooarchaeological by small livestock husbandry as the main subsis-
methods. Thus, whether domesticates were kept tence activity to procure meat (Peters et al. in
at GT is difficult to ascertain, but it is not impos- press). Because cult centers with large catchment
sible that this was the case during the later occu- areas like GT may have served over the centuries
pation stage (Layer II). as places of exchange between communities of
Particularly noteworthy is the evidence for foragers inhabiting the northern Fertile Crescent,
feasting at GT (Dietrich et al. 2012). In combina- it is not unlikely that these gatherings played
tion with the wide geographic distribution of a catalytic role in the propagation of innovative
elements of its iconography in Upper Mesopota- techniques relative to food acquisition and ungu-
mia, this implies that groups of hunter-gatherers late domestication as well, causing the long-term
originating from different parts of Anatolia demise of the foraging lifestyle lying at the very
and northern Syria assembled here. On these origin of these unique megalithic ritual places.
occasions, hunters from different communities
had the possibility to share their knowledge and
experience relative to the exploitation of eco- Cross-References
nomically important species, e.g., gazelle, wild
cattle, wild sheep, and wild boar. This way, more Agriculture: Definition and Overview
efficient hunting techniques as well as innovative Plant Domestication and Cultivation in
methods for monitoring mobility in wild ungu- Archaeology
lates within the site catchment could have spread
quite quickly. The same is true for aspects
concerning the practicability, workload, and References
economic benefits of keeping and breeding ani-
mals within the boundaries of a settlement. Not CAUVIN, J. 1997. Naissance des divinites. Naissance de
lagriculture (Nouvelle edition). Paris: C.N.R.S.
only would this kind of dissemination scenario be
DIETRICH, O. & K. SCHMIDT. 2010. A radiocarbon date from
consistent with the available zooarchaeological the wall plaster of Enclosure D of Gobekli Tepe.
and genetic evidence indicating multiple and Neo-Lithics 2: 82-3.
G 3068 Goggin, John M.
DIETRICH, O., M. HEUN, J. NOTROFF, K. SCHMIDT & passion for the great outdoors and collecting nat-
M. ZARNKOW. 2012. The role of cult and feasting in ural specimens and artifacts, influenced the way
the emergence of Neolithic communities. New evi-
dence from Gobekli Tepe, south-eastern Turkey. in which he understood the relationship between
Antiquity 86(3): 674-95. humankind and the natural environment. This
NEEF, R. 2003. Overlooking the steppe-forest: made him increasingly aware of the problems
a preliminary report on the botanical remains from involved in sampling and the similarities and
early Neolithic Gobekli Tepe. Neo-Lithics 2: 13-16.
PETERS, J. & K. SCHMIDT. 2004. Animals in the symbolic variations within artifacts. These ideas were
world of pre-pottery Neolithic Gobekli Tepe, south- translated into the methodological tool known
eastern Turkey: a preliminary assessment. as cultural traditions, following the work of
Anthropozoologica 39(1): 179-218. Rouse in Connecticut and that by Willey in Peru
PETERS, J., D. HELMER, A. VON DEN DRIESCH & M. SANA
SEGUI. 1999. Early animal husbandry in the northern (Goggin 1964: 110). Moreover, this was applied
Levant. Paleorient 25(2): 27-48. in the St. Johns region, where he identified
PETERS, J., H. BUITENHUIS, G. GRUPE, K. SCHMIDT & a Spanish-Indian tradition that resulted from the
N. POLLATH. in press. The long and winding road. impact of Hispanic culture on Indian one
Ungulate exploitation and domestication in early
Neolithic Anatolia (10,000-7,000 BC), in S. (Goggin 1998: 71-2).
Colledge, J. Conolly, K. Dobney, K. Manning &
S. Shennan (ed.) The origins and spread of domestic
animals in Southwest Asia and Europe. Walnut Creek Major Accomplishments
(CA): Left Coast Press.
SCHMIDT, K. 2011. Gobekli Tepe: a Neolithic site in
southeastern Anatolia, in S. R. Steadman & Goggins main interest was the interaction
G. McMahon (ed.) Oxford handbook of ancient between colonists and indigenous groups in the
Anatolia. 10,000-323 B.C.E.: 918-33. Oxford: Oxford New World. His fascination for the pottery of
University Press.
- 2012. Gobekli Tepe. A Stone Age sanctuary in south- former Spanish colonies made him aware of the
eastern Anatolia. Berlin: ex Oriente. necessity to create a complete typology of
majolica pottery from the sixteenth to the eigh-
teenth centuries. This drew him into studying
materials from Mexico, Colombia, and the
Goggin, John M. Caribbean, which culminated in the posthumous
publication of Spanish Majolica in the New
Veronica Velasquez S. H. World (1968). This is a foundational study that
Department of Archaeology, University of set the basis for typological analysis of majolica
Sheffield, Sheffield, UK in the Spanish Empire and the Indies. Along
this one, The Spanish Olive Jar (1960) is
a comprehensive typological work that empha-
Basic Biographical Information sizes the relevance of studying these artifacts
from the former Spanish colonies. Unfortu-
John Mann Goggin (19161963) was a great nately, his untimely death in 1963 left much of
mind that led a life of expedition and discovery, his research in note and manuscript form
had vast interests and eccentric hobbies, and was (Goggin n.d.) (Fig. 1).
a devotee of natural history. Moreover, he was His legacy of scholarship and theoretical
an anthropologist and archaeologist committed developments continue inspiring students and
to the history of humanity (Sturtevant 1964: scholars alike to follow his steps in the archaeol-
386-9). ogy of the former Spanish Empire, and shaped the
Goggin was born in Chicago and undertook interests of scholars and students allocated in the
his graduate degree at Yale University. His expe- Department of Archaeology in the University of
riences growing up in Miami with the Seminole Florida.
Indians and his excursions to New Mexico and to His work on pottery from the Indies was trans-
Chihuahua with the Tarahumara, along with his lated into one of the most complete databases
Goggin, John M. 3069 G
intended for pottery identification by the Florida Hispanic South America: Historical
Museum of Natural History (http://www.flmnh. Archaeology
ufl.edu/histarch/gallery_types/). His emphasis on Mexico: Historical Archaeology
the value of combining surface collection, strati- North America (USA): Historical Archaeology
graphic tests, typology and the use of historical Willey, Gordon Randolph
sources, and examination of works of art and
artifacts in museums to study historical periods
is widely used today (Rouse 1964: 372). His
References
seminal studies of majolica, glass beads, and
Spanish olive jars are still relevant reference GOGGIN, J.M. 1960. The Spanish olive jar. An introductory
works, although subsequent researchers have study. New Haven: Yale University.
refined our understanding of these artifacts - 1964. Indian and Spanish: selected writings. Edited by
C.H. Fairbanks, I. Rouse & W.C. Sturtevant. Coral
(Weisman 2002).
Gables: University of Miami Press
His personality and bequest were unique and - 1968. Spanish majolica in the New World. New Haven:
his written works reveal his passion and profound Yale University.
respect for archaeological and ethnographic - 1998. Space and time perspective in Northern St. Johns
archaeology, Florida. Gainesville: University Press of
cultures.
Florida.
John Mann Goggin (1916-1963). n.d. The Goggin notecard
collection. Indexed boxes on file. Gainesville: P.K.
Cross-References Yonge Library of Florida History.
ROUSE, I. 1964. John Mann Goggin, 1916-1963. American
Antiquity 29: 369-75.
Caribbean Historical Archaeology STURTEVANT, W.C. 1964. John Mann Goggin, 1916-1963.
Deagan, Kathleen A. American Anthropologist 66: 385-94.
G 3070 Gold Museum (Museo del Oro)
1600. Unpublished MSc dissertation, University Col- undertake a Lady Davis Fellowship. He remained
lege London, Institute of Archaeology. there until 1991, reaching the level of Associate
URIBE, M. A. 2005. Mujeres, calabazos, brillo y tumbaga.
Smbolos de vida y transformacion en la orfebreria Professor. During this time he continued his
Quimbaya Temprana. Boletn de Antropologa 19 research on prehistoric cave sediments, such as
(36): 61-93. at Kebara Cave (Goldberg et al. 2007), but also
- 2007. From chemical analyses to meaning: a study of began to investigate the relationship between
materials and choices in Muisca metalwork from pre-
hispanic Colombia. Unpublished MA dissertation, Quaternary landscapes and environments associ-
University College London. ated with archaeological sites in the Negev and
Sinai Deserts (Goldberg 1984). Concomitantly,
Further Reading he began to develop the technique of micromor-
ARCHILA, S. 1996. La orfebrera de Malagana. Bogota: phology and its application to geoarchaeological
Museo del Oro, Banco de la Republica. problems (Goldberg 1980; Courty et al. 1989).
BOTERO, C. I. 2005. Los conceptos y las miradas a la
metalurgia prehispanica de Colombia, las exhibiciones From 1991to 1995 he became a Research Sci-
permanentes del Museo del Oro 1940-1968. Journal entist at the Texas Archaeological Research Labo-
de la Societe des Americanistes. ratory (TARL), The University of Texas at Austin,
BRAY, W. 1978. The gold of El Dorado. Exhibition cata- where he carried out geoarchaeological research,
logue. London: The Royal Academic of Arts.
LLERAS PEREZ, R. (ed.) 2007. Metalurgia en la America examining the micromorphology of burnt rock
Antigua. Teora, arqueologa y simbologa de los middens and the geoarchaeology of the
metales prehispanicos. Bogota: Fundacion de Paleoindian-Prehistoric site of Wilson-Leonard.
Investigaciones Arqueologicas Nacionales and Centro In 1995, he moved to the Department of Archaeol-
de Estudios Mexicanos y Centeroamericanos.
PLAZAS, C. 2007. Vuelo nocturno. El murcielago prehispa- ogy, Boston University, as Associate and, cur-
nico y su comparacion con el murcielago tairona. rently, Full Professor and is involved in teaching
Bogota: Fundacion de Investigaciones Arqueologicas courses in geoarchaeology, micromorphology, and
Nacionales e Instituto frances de Estudios Andinos. site formation processes, emphasizing the impor-
tance of documenting artifacts and their microstra-
tigraphic context (Goldberg & Berna 2010).
Around 2000 he and colleagues from Israel,
Goldberg, Paul China, and the USA employed micromorphology
and Fourier transform infrared spectrometry
Richard I. Macphail (FTIR) to demonstrate the lack of ashes and fire-
Institute of Archaeology, University College places at the Homo erectus site of Zhoukoudian in
London, London, UK China (Goldberg et al. 2001).
Paul Goldberg is a geologist by training and Goldbergs research interests focus on the
obtained his B.A. in Geology from the University application and development of micromorpho-
of Colorado (1965), Boulder. For his postgraduate logical techniques to Pleistocene caves in France
studies he moved to the University of Michigan, (Goldberg et al. 2012), Israel, Germany, and
Ann Arbor, where he studied under William R. South Africa and the use of micromorphology in
Farrand, one of the pioneers of Geoarchaeology; interpreting anthropogenic deposits ranging from
he earned M.S. (1968) and Ph.D. (1973) in Geol- Pleistocene sites in the Old World to sixteenth-
ogy. His doctoral dissertation was a sedimento- century Spanish settlements in Jamaica. He is
logical study of the Palaeolithic deposits in currently investigating the geoarchaeology,
Tabun, Mt. Carmel, Israel. microstratigraphy, and site formation processes
In 1973, he moved to the Institute of Archae- at Lower and Middle Palaeolithic cave deposits
ology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, to at La Ferrassie (France) and Wonderwerk Cave
Golmsten, Vera V. 3073 G
(South Africa) and understanding the contextual
framework of Upper Palaeolithic and Neolithic Golmsten, Vera V.
deposits in China. Much of this work and the
geoarchaeological approach is documented in Dmitry A. Stashenkov
the 2006 publication with R.I. Macphail (Gold- Samara Regional Historical Museum,
berg & Macphail 2006). He has collaborated Samara, Russia
on a number of projects with colleagues at the
Institut fur Naturwissenschaftliche Archaologie,
Universitat Tubingen (N. Conard, C.E. Miller Basic Biographical Information
and others), and is currently a member of the
Institute. Vera Vladimirovna Golmsten (18801942) was an
He has received a number of awards for his archaeologist and a doctor of historical sciences.
work in geoarchaeology and micromorphology, She was born in St. Petersburg into the family of
including the Rip Rapp Award (Archaeological a military doctor, Vladimir V. Golmsten. She G
Geology Division, Geological Society of graduated from the Gymnasium for Females at
America, 2002), the Roald Fryxell Award the Ministry of Public Education at the Interces-
(Society for American Archaeology, 2008), and sion community of nurses in St. Petersburg in 1898
the Pomerantz Award (Archaeological Institute of and took an additional eighth pedagogical class in
America, 2010). 1899. In 1910 she graduated from the Moscow
Institute of Archaeology. She was a student of
famous the Russian archaeologist V.A. Gorodtsov.
After graduating from the Institute in 1910,
Cross-References
Golmsten spent a few months living in Ufa
province. In 1911 she carried out excavations of
Archaeological Soil Micromorphology
the Chortovo (Devil) fortified site near Ufa.
After defending her dissertation in 19091912,
she conducted archaeological excavations in Slavic
References and prehistoric sites in the Pskov region and the
Urals. Her life was connected with the Historical
COURTY, M.A., P. GOLDBERG & R.I. MACPHAIL. 1989. Soils
Museum in Moscow from 1911 to 1919. In 1912
and micromorphology in archaeology. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. she became a corresponding member of the
GOLDBERG, P. 1980. Micromorphology in archaeology and Imperial Moscow Archaeological Society.
prehistory. Paleorient 6: 159-64. From 1919 to 1929, Golmsten worked in
- 1984. Late Quaternary history of Kadesh Barnea North-
Samara as a professor of Samara University. She
eastern Sinai. Zeitschrift fur Geomorphologie N.F. 28
(2): 193-217. was a teacher of higher ethnological and archaeo-
GOLDBERG, P. & F. BERNA. 2010. Micromorphology and logical courses and scientific secretary of the Soci-
context. Quaternary International 214(1-2): 56-62. ety of Archaeology, History, Ethnography and
GOLDBERG, P. & R.I. MACPHAIL. 2006. Practical and theo-
Natural History. From 1922 to 1929, she was the
retical geoarchaeology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
GOLDBERG, P., S. WEINER, O. BAR-YOSEF, Q. XU & J. LIU. director of the regional museum.
2001. Site formation processes at Zhoukoudian, China. Since 1929, after her departure to Leningrad,
Journal of Human Evolution 41: 483-530. Golmsten worked at the State Hermitage and the
GOLDBERG, P., H. LAVILLE, L. MEIGNEN & O. BAR- YOSEF.
2007. Stratigraphy and geoarchaeological history of
State Academy of the History of Material Culture
Kebara Cave, Mount Carmel, in O. Bar-Yosef & (IHMC). In 1935 she received a doctorate in
L. Meignen (ed.) Kebara Cave, Volume 2: 49-89. history. At the end of 1930, her field studies
Cambridge (MA): Peabody Museum. were conducted on the Lower Don.
GOLDBERG, P., H. DIBBLE, F. BERNA, D. SANDGATHE, S. J. P.
Vera Golmsten died of hunger on March 8,
MCPHERRON & A. TURQ. 2012. New evidence on Nean-
derthal use of fire: examples from Roc de Marsal and 1942, during the Leningrad blockade in the Sec-
Pech de lAze IV. Quaternary International 247: 325-40. ond World War.
G 3074 Golson, Jack
Major Accomplishments
Cross-References
Gorodtsov, Vasily A.
Golson, Jack, Fig. 1 Jack and Clare Golson receiving
the World Archaeological Congress Lifetime Achieve-
ment Award at the annual meeting of the Australian
Further Reading Archaeological Association, Adelaide, 2009
GOLMSTEN, V.V. 1925. Materials on archaeology of years and to join the student branch of the Com-
Samara region. Pottery of ancient settlement sites of munist Party at university. In 1943 he won
the Samara Bend. Bulletin of the Society of Archaeol-
a scholarship to study history at Cambridge
ogy, History, Ethnography and Natural History 3.
(in Russian). University but was called up for national service
- 1940. The emergence of pastoralism in Eastern Europe. at the end of his first year, 19431944. For his
Problems of the origin, evolution and the formation of national service, he was conscripted to work in
breed animals. Moscow-Leningrad (in Russian).
the coal mines as one of the Bevin Boys named
KUZMINYKH, S.V., I.E. SAFONOV & D.A. STASHENKOV. 2007.
Vera Vladimirovna Golmsten: materials for the after the Minister of Labour, Ernest Bevin
biography. Samara. (Stewart 1998). These experiences helped to
form Jack Golsons strong sense of social justice.
He resumed his history studies at Cambridge in
Golson, Jack October 1948 and almost immediately discovered
archaeology in the lectures on European medieval
Gary T. Jackson history, which brought the contribution of archae-
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, ology to an understanding of the non-literate
Adelaide, SA, Australia invaders who had overthrown the Roman Empire
and laid the foundations of the European Middle
Ages. Golson switched his major from history to
Basic Biographical Information archaeology, becoming a student of Grahame
Clark. He graduated with B.A. (Hons) in 1950
Jack Golson was born in 1926 and raised in (M.A. in 1952) and began doctoral research in
Rochdale in northern England (Fig. 1). As 1951, under the joint supervision of the archaeol-
a child of the Great Depression, growing up dur- ogist Clark and the historian Maurice Postan, com-
ing World War II, he was attracted to join the bining history and archaeology in the study of
Young Communist League in his late high school medieval settlement in an English county.
Golson, Jack 3075 G
The doctorate was never finished because in became the vehicle for these aims and for his
1953 he was persuaded to apply for a Lectureship own education in a proper relationship of his
in Prehistory in the recently established Depart- discipline with the Indigenous Polynesian popu-
ment of Anthropology at the then Auckland Uni- lation, whose history he, as an archaeologist in
versity College, New Zealand. The argument was New Zealand, was addressing (Golson 2004).
that a few years experience of this type would In 1957 he was invited to undertake archaeo-
justify his appointment back in England in the logical research in Tonga and Western Samoa for
minority field of medieval archaeology. In fact, the Tri-Institutional Pacific Program the Bishop
he had decided before the end of 1954, the first Museum (in Honolulu), the University of Hawaii,
year of his appointment, that he would prefer to and Yale University which was part of the post-
stay where he was. WWII story of the growth of serious archaeolog-
Nevertheless, in 1961, he left the University of ical involvement in the South Pacific field.
Auckland to take up the first position in archae- This entailed his own entry not only into the
ology at the Australian National University, Pacific field but also into the wider one of island G
a Fellowship in Prehistory in the Department and mainland Southeast Asia and the Pacific,
of Anthropology and Sociology in the Research which was looked after by the recently
School of Pacific Studies, being certain that the (1953) established Far Eastern Prehistory Asso-
ANU offered greater opportunity for a profes- ciation (FEPA), whose American branch had
sional career in the archaeology of the region. launched the first issue of the journal Asian Per-
Indeed, by 1969, the archaeological component spectives on its behalf in 1957. In 1971 FEPA
of the Department of Anthropology was strong held one of its 4-yearly congresses in Canberra, in
enough to form an independent department, with what is seen as a landmark meeting, in the course
Golson as the foundation Professor of Prehistory. of which it was decided to change its colonial era
He retired in 1991 and continues as Emeritus name to one more appropriate to current political
Professor at the Australian National University. reality the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association
The Jack Golson Lecture is held biennially at (IPPA) (Golson 1998), in which Australian
the Australian National University to honor his archaeologists have and continue to play an
work as a founding figure in developing modern important role. These developments came at
archaeology in several nations and as an impor- a time when the archaeological profession that
tant researcher in the evolution of horticultural had expanded so rapidly in the 1960s worked
economies in the Pacific. together to form the Australian Archaeological
Association. In this it was helped by the fact that,
from its establishment by the Commonwealth
Major Accomplishments government in the early 1960s, the Australian
Institute of Aboriginal Studies gave archaeology
Jack Golson is an individual of remarkable recognition as a separate discipline.
talents. His research, teaching, and professional The brief that Golson had been given for the
service have had a profound impact on archaeol- post to which he had been appointed in 1961 was
ogy globally. In his early career based in New to develop a program for archaeological research
Zealand, he led in some of the first productive in Australia and the nearer islands of the south-
collaborations between Indigenous peoples and west Pacific, with particular reference to the then
archaeologists. dependent territory of Papua and New Guinea.
In New Zealand, he saw his role as introducing Golson was joined in this task by John Mulvaney,
the archaeological practice of stratigraphic exca- who was recruited in 1965 to take over the direc-
vation and scientific collaboration that he had tion of Australian research, leaving the Pacific,
learned in his student years. In 1954 he was including New Guinea, to Golson. Meanwhile, to
instrumental in the establishment of the New help their planning, they organized seminars to
Zealand Archaeological Association, which which they recruited the talent of ANU and
G 3076 Golson, Jack
CSIRO staff active in field research in tropical Environment in Australia (Mulvaney & Golson
Australia and Papua New Guinea on climates, 1971). Today, the study of people and their
landscapes and land systems, soils, geology, environments is a thriving area of research in
botany, ethnobotany, and wildlife. Out of these Australian and Pacific archaeology.
came, not only, an edited book on Aboriginal Along with John Mulvaney, Rhys Jones, Betty
Man and Environment in Australia (Mulvaney Meehan, and others, Golson played a key role in
& Golson 1971), which now ranks as the professionalization of archaeology as
a landmark publication, but also information to a discipline in Australia, a process that started in
help planning archaeological survey in little the 1960s and included establishment of the
known Papua New Guinea. Australian Archaeological Association. Golson
His work of site survey and excavation for the was a prime mover in many other initiatives that
Tri-Institutional Pacific Program was done in were critical to the development of archaeology
1957 on the Tongan island of Tongatapu and the in Australia, including establishment of
Western Samoan one of Upolu. From the mid- a radiocarbon-dating facility at the Australian
1960s Golson was a pioneer and major player in National University in 1965.
the development of archaeological studies of Jack Golson was President of the World
Papua New Guinea (Denham & Ballard 2003). Archaeological Congress (WAC) from 1990 to
In March 1992 his contribution to academic 1994. He and his wife Clare were present at the
research in the region was recognized when the 1986 conference in Southampton out of which it
University of Papua New Guinea awarded him an grew. He was elected to the Steering Committee
honorary doctorate. that drafted the original WAC statutes and codes
In 1966, at an early stage of his work in PNG, of ethics for approval at the second WAC confer-
Golson discovered the potential of the Wahgi ence in Venezuela in 1990. In 2009, Jack and
Valley swamps of the central highlands to reveal Clare Golsons personal and professional contri-
agricultural history through collaboration of butions to the World Archaeological Congress
archaeologists with geomorphologists and were recognized in them being awarded its Inau-
palaeoecologists. Investigations of the 1970s at gural Lifetime Achievement Award.
Kuk Swamp, followed up by Tim Denham in the Jack Golsons contributions to Pacific archae-
1990s, produced evidence for the antiquity (at ology were honored by his departmental col-
least 7,000 years ago) and independence of the leagues following his retirement in 1991 in the
origins in the region of an agriculture based on edited volume A Community of Culture: the Peo-
yams, taros, and bananas that was characteristic ple and Prehistory of the Pacific, published in
of the South Pacific as a whole in later times. 1993.
In 2008 Kuk was given World Heritage status
by UNESCO.
This was the sort of contribution to national Cross-References
identity that Golson and colleagues inside and
outside PNG were confident that archaeology Agricultural Practices: A Case Study from
could make to a country that was moving towards Papua New Guinea
independence (Golson 1970) and achieved it in Australian Archaeological Association
1975. Inc. (AAA)
Jack Golson was one of a small group of Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres
scholars who initiated study of the interrelation- Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS): Its Role in
ships between environment, ecology, and people Australian Archaeology
in the Australasian region. Seminal publications Jones, Rhys Maengwyn
in this area include Sunda and Sahul: Prehistoric Meehan, Betty
Studies in Southeast Asia, Melanesia and Austra- Mulvaney, John
lia (Allen et al. 1977) and Aboriginal Man and World Archaeological Congress (WAC)
Gomes, Mario Varela 3077 G
References
of large stone slabs, groups of pits, various lithic stable and quasi permanent dwellings used for
and faunal materials, and areas stained by ocher long-term residence (Joris et al. 2012).
(Bosinski 1979). The largest, centrally located concentration
(K II) can be subdivided into two subunits,
Chronology and Environment a larger central area (K IIa) and a smaller area
The chronological position of Gonnersdorf is (K IIb) to the immediate northwest, each located
now quite well understood (Stevens et al. 2009), around a distinct group of pits (Sensburg 2007).
with the main Magdalenian occupation falling K IIb has now been interpreted as an open-air
toward the end of the cold and arid Greenland activity area possibly involving the use of
Stadial 2a (13,800 BCE in calibrated years, cooking pits (Sensburg & Moseler 2008).
with radiocarbon dates between 13,270 BP and K IV (at the northern edge of the excavated
12,990 BP). This contradicts the initial interpre- area) and SW (adjacent to and west of K I) have
tation of the site (Brunnacker 1978) as dating to no pits and were interpreted as the remains of
the end of an interstadial (Blling) phase but is possibly transportable dwelling structures used
consistent with the wider range of environmental/ only for shorter stays (Buschkamper 1993;
ecological information available today. Terberger 1997). GIS-supported analyses of
The species of the Gonnersdorf hunted lithic find densities and systematic refitting stud-
mammal fauna are those typical of the open, ies provide details of the inner organization of
continental to arctic mammoth steppe, and for K IV and its relationship to several external areas
Magdalenian subsistence activities (Poplin which probably had several different functions
1976; Brunnacker 1978). Small rodent remains (Sensburg & Moseler 2008).
associated with the archaeological horizons Taken together, the investment of time and
include numerous lemmings (Dicrostonyx) and effort represented by the great quantity and diver-
voles (Microtus gregalis) typical of arctic/ sity of accumulated material suggests that at least
continental conditions. By contrast, four abso- some of the Gonnersdorf structures were in use
lute dates for remains of woolly rhino and mam- over an extended period of time. Many of the
moth are older than those for the hunted rocks used as constructional material show com-
ungulates by 600/1,600 radiocarbon years plex patterns of modification, such as splitting
and potentially represent collected subfossil and notching of the edges of blocks and slabs,
material. Both species were however still part and this possibly represents ad hoc modification
of the fauna and known to the Magdalenian of these elements to accommodate now perished
hunters as demonstrated by their engraved objects such as wooden stakes or supports, per-
depictions. The few specimens of postcranial haps during multiple episodes involving reuse of
bone of two species more characteristic of the same elements. The features and material as
wooded conditions, red deer and elk, showed they were uncovered represent only the final,
a spatially limited distribution in area SW, abandoned stage of a complex development,
away from the main site structures which probably took place during repeated occu-
(Buschkamper 1993; Street & Turner 2012) pations, conceivably extending over several
and are certainly (in the case of a directly dated years.
elk bone) or probably several hundred years Gonnersdorf provides no evidence for a
younger than the main faunal assemblage. super-stratification of living floors which might
enable the recognition of distinct occupation
Settlement Features horizons, but other methods have been used to
The artificially dug pits in the Gonnersdorf struc- try and establish some degree of temporal
tures K IK III have been variously interpreted as differentiation. Long-distance refits of slate
posthole settings, hearths, or cooking pits, and slabs and quartzite blocks between K IV and
these three structures, also characterized by other concentrations produced a complex model
central zones of dense paving, are interpreted as of the relationships between these structures
Gonnersdorf (Magdalenian): Geography and Culture 3081 G
(Terberger 1997). In K III certain lithic raw mate- and many of them were transformed into various
rials occur in some pits, whereas others are never forms of artifacts. Fragments of geodes and con-
found in pits, suggesting that the dwelling was glomerate with naturally concave surfaces and
occupied on at least two and perhaps three occa- slate slabs with artificially hollowed depressions
sions during which the several pits were variously are believed to have served as lamps fueled with
open or already closed by infilling. animal fat, and it can be discussed whether light
In view of this complexity, Gonnersdorf has and heat within the dwellings were provided by
been interpreted as the remains of a group of these and not by open fires (see above). Some of
dwelling structures occupied intermittently over these objects probably served as mortars for
an extended period of time; several of them pos- grinding red hematite, a material found at the
sibly occupied contemporaneously, in effect site, sometimes in the form of clearly abraded or
forming a temporary village. Differential spatial facetted pieces.
patterning of lithic raw materials (Franken & Veil Different types of pebbles obtained from river
1983) brought the suggestion that this village was gravels were used as hammer stones for stone G
occupied by distinct groups of Magdalenian peo- working or for the secondary retouch of lithic
ple with various geographical origins who possi- artifacts in manufacturing tools. Larger cobbles
bly visited Gonnersdorf with perhaps only partly probably served for processing other inorganic or
overlapping phases of occupation, conforming to organic materials, by crushing, pounding, or
a model of an aggregation camp. grinding. More than 400 small perforated slate
Gonnersdorf provided some evidence for the disks and their fragments were found. Many of
use of fire. Burnt lithic artifacts are present in them are engraved with geometric patterns,
very small numbers and almost no bones show although it is sometimes clear that disks were
traces of burning. Small quantities of charcoal manufactured from fragments of slate that had
were identified and plotted during excavation. been engraved previously. These finds are not
Well-defined evident structures recognizable necessarily or principally symbolic items but
as hearths are rare. The clearest evidence comes may have had a practical function, perhaps as
from K IV, where complexes of fire-cracked and aids in fastening together hides which are pre-
reddened quartz and other rocks at the center of sumed to have covered the dwelling structures.
the dwelling structure and outside this are
interlinked by refitting. The presence of an inter- Lithic Artifacts and Group Mobility
nal hearth at the center of the large K I structure is The Gonnersdorf site produced a total of almost
suggested by a pit containing charcoal and burnt 82,000 lithic artifacts (Floss 1994). The majority
quartz. The use of fire at Gonnersdorf is also comprises exogenous flint (>50,000 artifacts)
shown by quantities of thermally reddened slate with regional to local materials (forms of limnic
and quartzite slabs and cobbles and fire-cracked quartzite (15,000) and lydite (12,000) making
quartz pebbles interpreted as cooking stones up the balance). Smaller groups of material
(Brunnacker 1978). Their location provides an include chalcedony (3,000) and indurated
indication of areas in which fires may have oolite (2,000), while a small number of artifacts
burned, but the absence of clear hearth structures are made of probably exotic semiprecious stones
suggests that thermally altered rocks were moved such as rock crystal, opal, or jasper.
after contact with fire, perhaps being used repeat- The flint was derived from various sources.
edly in different parts of the occupation area. Good quality Cretaceous flint (Western European
Such multiple use of hearth construction mate- Flint) was obtained from primary chalk forma-
rials during different occupations or phases of tions in the region of the Belgium-Dutch-German
activity would remove or blur traces of earlier border, some 120130 km to the northwest and in
activities. derived form from river terraces in the western
The non-cryptocrystalline rocks brought to the part of the Lower Rhineland. This material char-
site did not only serve as constructional material, acterizes K II in particular and is associated with
G 3082 Gonnersdorf (Magdalenian): Geography and Culture
a small quantity of probably Mesozoic quartzite, dispersed into different regions at certain times of
probably imported from the same region. the year and brought back specific materials from
A second variety of Cretaceous flint (Baltic these regions.
Flint) was obtained from moraines left by the
antepenultimate glaciation, the nearest of which Subsistence
are immediately north of the River Ruhr, some At Gonnersdorf the most important food species
100 km north of the Central Rhineland. in all investigated structural concentrations is the
The chalcedony and indurated oolite horse. In the largest assemblage, from K II, some
(Kieseloolith), which are quite important in struc- 2,100 postcranial specimens and 850 cranial and
tures at the north of the Gonnersdorf site (K III, tooth fragments must come from at least 28 ani-
K IV), were very probably obtained from the mals. K I produced more than 1,500 horse
Mainz Basin and lower Main valley some remains, representing at least 12 individuals,
80100 km to the southeast. while at least 7 individuals of horse are
The exogenous lithic raw materials are gener- represented in K III by c. 300 specimens. At
ally accepted as proxies for the mobility of Paleo- least five horses are represented by 150 speci-
lithic groups or individuals, and the sources of the mens in the SW structure, whereas at the north
flint suggest possible contacts from the Central of the site, 159 identified specimens in spatial
Rhineland to the Magdalenian of the Rhine- association with the K IV structure demonstrate
Meuse loess region (and possibly further west to only two horses. The total number of horses
the Netherlands or Belgium) on the one hand and represented at the site is thus 54, if the figures
to the eastern Lower Rhineland and perhaps established for the different concentrations are
further to the north and east on the other. The added together.
materials obtained from southern sources could Other large and small mammal species,
indicate contact to southern German Magdale- together with some birds (raven, ptarmigan,
nian groups. swan, goose, snowy owl, and seagull) and very
Fine-grained Tertiary limnic quartzite occurs few fish remains (trout, burbot, and a cyprinid),
in the region at numerous localities (outcrops, play a far less significant role in the diet; indeed
block fields) and was probably available within not all of the identified species represent a food
a range of some 30 km, perhaps being targeted by resource. Specimens of a rhinoceros maxilla and
middle-range expeditions during the occupations mammoth bone and ivory are shown by radiocar-
of the Gonnersdorf site or collected during the bon dating to be subfossil remains collected pos-
initial journeys to the sites. sibly as a curio or for use as raw material (ivory)
Intensive use of the local raw material lydite, or a constructional element (mammoth femur).
obtainable in the Rhine gravels, might reflect Much of the material identified as reindeer is in
a late phase of site occupation prior to leaving the form of antler tools or their waste, in some
the region, when expeditions to obtain raw mate- cases demonstrably collected shed antlers. Teeth
rial were not an option. Alternatively, it might and foot bones of wolf might represent pelts
simply represent ad hoc collecting of a poor qual- rather than animals hunted locally while bird
ity rock type during periods of low mobility. This remains, in particular wing and foot bones, may
material is predominantly found in structure K I. derive from ornamental feathers and claws.
The varied origin of the Gonnersdorf lithic A large bovine, chamois, and saga antelope are
raw materials has contributed to an interpretation represented by at most one or two animals and
of the site as a meeting point of distinct Magda- cannot always definitively be demonstrated to
lenian groups from different regions. It is possi- represent animals hunted for food.
ble that these groups met at Gonnersdorf, which Many other faunal remains clearly do repre-
would then have the character of an aggregation sent the animals hunted during human residence
camp or base camp. Alternatively, a single larger at Gonnersdorf. A number of cut-marked and
group occupying the Central Rhineland may have fractured bones reveal standardized stages of
Gonnersdorf (Magdalenian): Geography and Culture 3083 G
butchering. Skinning, disarticulation, and baguettes demi-rondes were made of reindeer ant-
filleting of meat can be identified, along with ler, and waste debitage shows the manufacture of
intensive bone fracturing for obtaining marrow such items at the site. K I, K II, and K III produced
and grease. a small number of mammoth ivory artifacts, such
The composition of the faunal assemblages of as projectile points or a perforated disk, and
the various structures shows clear differences. debitage mainly in the form of small fragments.
Arctic fox is the most common species in Various types of material modified to objects
K I (c. 2,500 specimens from at least 30 animals), of personal adornment were found. Red deer is
probably as a result of winter trapping for furs, mainly represented at the site by teeth or tooth
followed by horse and varying hare. By contrast fragments modified as personal adornments,
horse dominates the assemblage of K II and less among them a group of six perforated canine
than 200 remains of arctic fox were present. Hare teeth in K I and fragments of incisor teeth mod-
overtakes arctic fox in importance with more than ified by removal of the roots in K II. These prob-
400 specimens. Several other species present ably have nothing to do with subsistence and may G
here (large bovine, rhinoceros, chamois) are not have been imported over a large distance. This is
represented in K I. It was noted above that their certainly the case for perforated marine mollusk
role in the diet is sometimes unclear. Some 280 shells (Homalopoma sanguineum, Dentalium),
bones and teeth of reindeer from K I represent at which are ultimately derived from southwestern
least three hunted animals, whereas of the c. 170 Europe and provide evidence of contact between
pieces of antler, some were demonstrably the Mediterranean or the southern French Atlan-
brought to the site as shed specimens. Reindeer tic coast and the Central Rhineland. Whether
is represented in K II by some 350 specimens of their transport over a distance of some
bone, tooth, and antler, but no more than one 8001,000 km reflects the mobility of individual
individual can be demonstrated here. persons or human groups is unknown.
The presence in K III of bones of the large Reindeer incisors were cut or sawn as articu-
bovine, rhinoceros tooth fragments, and chamois lated series from the mandible, and the presence of
teeth suggest that it was somehow linked to the the removed roots shows that in some cases, these
adjacent K II. Apart from horse, described above, were certainly manufactured at the site. This also
K III also produced 71 finds identified as arctic applies to the canine, incisor, and premolar teeth of
fox (no more than one individual), c. 100 speci- arctic fox which were removed from the jaws and
mens of varying hare, and over 200 specimens of perforated for suspension. Some specimens of col-
reindeer from at least two animals. lected fossilized wood are equivalent to jet in their
Faunal remains are comparatively poorly density and appearance and were used for the
represented in the northern area of K IV and at production of beads. That this took place on site
the southwestern part of the site (SW). The is demonstrated by half-finished specimens.
smaller species fox and hare are absent or exceed- A small pit in K I contained several jet beads
ingly rare, and reindeer is absent from K IV and associated with perforated teeth.
represented by less than 20 finds in the SW area,
where it might be argued that some or all of this is Art
waste discarded from adjacent K I and K II. Among the most interesting finds from
Gonnersdorf are numerous slabs of slate
Organic Artifacts and Objects of Adornment engraved with figurative art, including depictions
The numerous artifacts of bone, antler, and ivory of women (Bosinski & Fischer 1974; Bosinski
found at Gonnersdorf are typical for the later et al. 2001) and many species of animals
Magdalenian. They include eyed needles of (Bosinski & Fischer 1980; Bosinski 2008),
bone and the cores from which they were together with abstract symbols.
manufactured, mainly horse metapodial bones. The highly schematic human female depic-
Spalls and projectile points, batons perces, and tions are shown with pronounced buttocks and
G 3084 Gonnersdorf (Magdalenian): Geography and Culture
sometimes with breasts, but without head and hare, and the probable seasonal presence of
feet, and are often arranged as pairs or in groups migratory birds provide support for a scenario
to form scenes interpreted as dancing. The of occupation over a longer period of time and
abstract style is typical of the period and is also through different seasons of the year. Altogether
known from neighboring regions. Female figu- it suggests that coexistence by the inhabitants
rines in the same style are normally carved of of K I, K II, and K III may have extended over
ivory, but specimens made of antler or stone are a large part of the year.
also present at Gonnersdorf. The season of occupation for K IV and SW
The most commonly depicted animal species remains unknown due to both their generally
represented are horse and mammoth (Bosinski & limited faunal evidence and absence of relevant
Fischer 1974), with representations of woolly information on the age at death of the horses.
rhinoceros, large bovines (bison and aurochs),
red deer, reindeer, saga-antelope, wolf, bear,
lion, and seal present in far lower numbers. Future Directions
There are few engravings of birds and rare exam-
ples of fish, reptiles, and amphibians. The realis- Gonnersdorf must be seen as only one location in
tic engravings clearly prove that these species an extensively oriented land-use occupation strat-
were well known to the artists, but they may egy of highly mobile Magdalenian groups. That
have encountered or observed some of them in these mobile groups were also in a position to
other regions and not in the Central Rhineland. occupy specific localities intensively is shown by
Very rarely the engraved figures appear to be the vast amount of material accumulated at
grouped together to form a narrative or symbolic favored locations in the landscape such as
scene. Gonnersdorf. The observed intensity of settle-
The Gonnersdorf art mirrors the wealth of ment is probably a palimpsest of several occupa-
artistic expression from Magdalenian caves in tions extending over several weeks to several
Western Europe and suggests the complex social months, representing repeated visits separated
activities which occurred at the site. by periods of desertion.
The winter half of the year with the shortest
Season and Duration of Occupation hours of daylight and coldest temperatures is the
Seasonality information from the analysis of the time of year when the temporary sedentism
faunal remains suggests that Gonnersdorf was reconstructed for Gonnersdorf would be the
occupied over an extended period of the year. most appropriate survival strategy. It is possible
The season of horse hunting was established by that northern Magdalenian groups generally
analysis of milk teeth to establish the age of the spent this time of the year in sheltered locations,
foals at death. For K I, K II, and K III, the season such as the Rhine valley. While we have no
of death and hence human presence at certain information on the frequency of Magda-
Gonnersdorf extended from December/January lenian peoples absence from the Central Rhine-
until the beginning of the summer. An apparent land, the available seasonal data strongly
cutoff here was perhaps when horses (and possi- suggests that the season of their absence would
bly reindeer) left the lowland Neuwied Basin for have been the summer, while exogenous lithic
upland foaling and calving grounds, which materials and other materials give some indica-
may suggest a possible abandonment of the tion of the distant regions visited at this time.
Gonnersdorf site during summer. Finally, any analysis of complex Magdalenian
Other evidences such as tooth eruption sites must recognize their adaptability and vari-
patterns of reindeer and wolf, the presence of ability. The sometimes very different structures
an otolith of a burbot (Lota lota), horse fetal at Gonnersdorf do not all represent the same
bone at various stages of development, argu- range or intensity of activities, and it is quite
ments for winter trapping of fox and possibly probable that the function of a specific
Gonzalez, Alberto Rex 3085 G
concentration changed dynamically through time FRANKEN, E. & S. VEIL. 1983. Die Steinartefakte von
according to several factors. Gonnersdorf (Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz
Gonnersdorf 7). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag.
The apparently younger occupation of JORIS, O., M. STREET & E. TURNER. 2012. Spatial analysis at
Gonnersdorf SW, with an associated fauna of the Magdalenian site of Gonnersdorf (central Rhine-
elk and red deer, probably took place under land, Germany). An introduction, in S. Gaudzinski-
quite different environmental factors than the Windheuser, O. Joris, M. Sensburg, M. Street &
E. Turner (ed.) Site-internal organization of hunter-
main settlement phases of K IK IV. The far gatherer societies: case studies from the European
more ephemeral evidence for human presence Palaeolithic and Mesolithic (RGZM Tagungen 12):
in SW possibly foreshadows the settlement pat- 5380. Mainz: Verlag des Romisch-Germanischen
terns of the Federmessergruppen that will Zentralmuseums.
POPLIN, F. 1976. Les grands vertebres de Gonnersdorf.
emerge during the younger wooded Allerd Fouilles 1968 (Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz
interstadial. Gonnersdorf 2). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag.
SENSBURG, M. 2007. Die raumliche Organisation der
Konzentration IIa von Gonnersdorf (Monographien G
des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz
Cross-References 69). Mainz: Verlag des Romisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums.
Andernach-Martinsberg (Magdalenian): SENSBURG, M. & F. MOSELER. 2008. Die Konzentrationen
IIb und IV des Magdalenien-Fundplatzes Gonnersdorf
Geography and Culture (Mittelrhein) (Monographien des Romisch-
Germanischen Zentralmuseums 73). Mainz: Verlag
des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums.
STEVENS, R.E., T.C. OCONNELL, R.E.M. HEDGES &
References M. STREET. 2009. Radiocarbon and stable isotope
investigations at the central Rhineland sites of
BOSINSKI, G. 1979. Die Ausgrabungen in Gonnersdorf Gonnersdorf and Andernach-Martinsberg, Germany.
19681976 und die Siedlungsbefunde der Grabung Journal of Human Evolution 57: 13148.
1968 (Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 3). STREET, M. & E. TURNER. 2012. The faunal remains from
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. Gonnersdorf (Monographien des Romisch-
- 2008. Tierdarstellungen von Gonnersdorf. Nachtrage zu Germanischen Zentralmuseums). Mainz: Verlag des
Mammut und Pferd sowie die ubrigen Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums.
Tierdarstellungen (Monographien des Romisch- TERBERGER, T. 1997. Die Siedlungsbefunde des Magdalenien-
Germanischen Zentralmuseums Band 72/Der Fundplatzes Gonnersdorf. Konzentrationen III und IV
Magdalenien-Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 9). Mainz: (Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 6). Stuttgart:
Verlag des Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums. Franz Steiner Verlag.
BOSINSKI, G., F. DERRICO & P. SCHILLER. 2001. Die
gravierten Frauendarstellungen von Gonnersdorf
(Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 8). Stutt-
gart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
BOSINSKI, G. & G. FISCHER. 1974. Die Menschendar-
stellungen von Gonnersdorf der Ausgrabung 1968 Gonzalez, Alberto Rex
(Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 1). Wiesba-
den: Franz Steiner Verlag. Javier Nastri
- 1980. Mammut- und Pferdedarstellungen von
CONICET Universidad Maimonides/
Gonnersdorf (Der Magdalenien-Fundplatz
Gonnersdorf 5). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires,
BRUNNACKER, K. (ed.) 1978. Geowissenschaftliche Argentina
Untersuchungen in Gonnersdorf (Der Magdalenien-
Fundplatz Gonnersdorf 4). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner
Verlag.
BUSCHKAMPER, T. 1993. Die Befunde im Sudwestteil der Basic Biographical Information
Gonnersdorfer Grabungsflache. Unpublished MA dis-
sertation, Cologne University. Alberto Rex Gonzalez (19182012) was
FLOSS, H. 1994. Rohmaterialversorgung im Palaolithikum
a charismatic figure with the most profound influ-
des Mittelrheingebietes (Monographien des Romisch-
Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 21). Mainz; ence on Argentine archaeology through the twen-
Bonn: Dr. R. Habelt. tieth century. Born in the Pergamino locality of
G 3086 Gonzalez, Alberto Rex
Buenos Aires, his introduction to archaeology fostered the creation of CONICET, the Argentine
came through an early reading of the work of National Council for Scientific and Technical
Argentine naturalist Florentino Ameghino. Research; this is the countrys principal research
This drove him from a young age to carry out institution which gathers a large proportion of
excavations at different sites around the country. Argentinas professional archaeologists.
After gaining his medical qualifications at the His reformulation of the prehistory of
University of Cordoba, he took archaeology northwestern Argentina, in the 1950s and 1960s,
courses at Columbia University. In 1948, he was based on analysis of the mortuary contexts of
began to work at the La Plata Museum the Muniz Barreto Collection held at the Museum
(Argentina), and in 1953, he started to lecture at of La Plata, which boasts an itemized record of its
the University of Rosario. Three years later, he documents. Calling on his detailed stylistic
settled in Cordoba, where he was the Director of knowledge of the materials, and carrying out
the universitys Institute of Anthropology. In further excavations and radiocarbon dating, he
1962, he returned to La Plata, now an established proposed a master sequence of cultural develop-
figure of Argentine archaeology, as a researcher ment of the agricultural ceramicist stage of
at CONICET (the Argentine National Council for Hualfn Valley, which he extrapolated to the
Scientific and Technical Research). In spite of all whole region denominated valliserrana (moun-
this, in 1976, he was fired from his academic tain valley), greatly stimulating archaeological
position at the university, in the context of the investigation.
terrorist military dictatorship which razed the His summary work, in collaboration with
country. Once democracy returned in 1983, he Perez Gollan Indigenous Argentina. Eve of
took up the role of lecturer at the University of Conquest (1972) became a fundamental
Buenos Aires, where he was the Director of the reference work about the prehistory of the
Ethnographic Museum. Through his long career, Argentine territory.
he carried out numerous excavations, formed With his 1974 book, Art, Structure, Archaeol-
a considerable group of disciples, and published ogy (2007), he ventured into the terrain of the
around 150 scientific and dissemination works. symbolic interpretation of aboriginal art,
After retirement, he spent his last years organiz- a subject that monopolized his interest during
ing his archives in the city of La Plata. the latter years of his investigative career.
In this work, influenced by the structuralism of
Levi-Strauss, he recognized the diverse mecha-
Major Accomplishments nisms of physical and visual expression of
Andean dualism in the cultural material of the
From the University of La Plata, at the end of the agricultural ceramic societies of northeastern
1940s, he started a tenacious campaign to revive Argentine:
the practice of field work and promote a deeper 1. Mixed features, feline-human, (Fig. 1)
temporal conception of the native occupation of 2. Multiple hybrid features
Argentine territory. After obtaining the countrys 3. Mixed feline-human, posterior view
first radiocarbon dating, of the deepest deposits of 4. Dual realistic images in the same piece
the cave of Inti Huasi (San Luis Province), he 5. Duality of binary opposition as expression
could reliably determine a minimum antiquity of of other concepts
8,000 BP for the occupation of present Argentine 6. Duality in the same image (anatropical
territory, which constituted a true milestone in the figures)
history of archaeological investigations in 7. Duality by split representation (Fig. 2)
Argentina. 8. Duality by opposition of antipodean figures
Due to his initiatives, the first Argentine His masterpiece is Pre-Columbian Art of
radiocarbon dating laboratory was set up, installed Argentina (1977) in which he described and
in the University of La Plata (Latyr). He also analyzed the plastic expressions of all the native
Gonzalez, Alberto Rex 3087 G
examples in context. In this work, Gonzalez BIANCIOTTI, A. 2005. Alberto Rex Gonzalez: la imagen y el
provided a first chronology based on elements espejo. Arqueologa Suramericana 1(2): 155-184.
PEREZ GOLLAN, J.A. 1995. Cuando las piedras florecen.
of stylistic judgment and unfolded an original Artinf 91: 10-15.
hermeneutic approach supported by historical
and ethnographic sources.
At nearly 80 years old, at the end of the 1990s,
he returned to field work on the archaeological Google Earth Afghan Surveys
site La Choya, in the Province of Catamarca,
revealing a new ceremonial center of the La David C. Thomas
Aguada culture. It is to the latter that he dedicated Archaeology Program, La Trobe University,
his last great work: La Aguada Culture, Archae- Melbourne, VIC, Australia
ology and Designs (1998). Here, he provided the
most complete image of cultural context that he
himself would have defined in the 1960s, and Introduction and Definition
which would have constituted, from Max Uhles
synthesis in 1910, a fundamental watershed in the The development of virtual globes, such as
agro-ceramic cultural sequence of northeastern Google Earth and NASAs World Wind, repre-
Argentina. sents the most important development in aerial
archaeology for 35 years (Irwin Scollar, cited in
Scollar & Palmer 2008: 15). Virtual globes
provide a user-friendly means of accessing
Cross-References
geo-referenced (i.e., accurately located) satellite
images of the world there are no Google Earth
Archaeology of Art: Theoretical Frameworks
or World Wind images per se, merely satellite
Art Studies: Normative Approaches
Structural Archaeology images and aerial photographs available through
these digital portals. Virtual globes are much
Style: Its Role in the Archaeology of Art
more dynamic and interactive than more tradi-
tional, static photographic and cartographic
representations of Earth, enabling viewers to
References move around, and zoom in and out, to determine
what they want to investigate (Parcak 2009a: 3,
GONZALEZ, A.R. 1977. Arte precolombino de la Argentina.
48). The costs involved are also low compared to
Introduccion a su historia cultural. Buenos Aires:
Filmediciones Valero. purchasing commercially available satellite
- 1992. Las placas metalicas de los Andes del Sur. images and acquiring the geographical informa-
Contribucion al estudio de las religiones tion systems (GIS) software and skills necessary
precolombinas. Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern.
- 1998. Cultura La Aguada. Arqueologa y disenos.
to utilize these images standard versions of
Buenos Aires: Filmediciones Valero. Google Earth and World Wind are freely
- 2007 [1974]. Arte, estructura y arqueologa. 2da. available to anyone with a high-speed internet
edicion. Buenos Aires: La marca editora. connection, while the annual license for Google
GONZALEZ, A.R. & A. PEREZ. 1972. Argentina indgena.
Vsperas de la conquista. Buenos Aires: Paidos.
Earth Pro, which has some useful additional fea-
tures but does not offer higher resolution or dif-
Further Reading ferent images, currently costs $400.
BONNIN, M. & G. SOPRANO. 2011. Antropologos World Wind consists of the Blue Marble,
y antropologa entre las universidades nacionales de a true-color image of the entire Earth. When
La Plata, Litoral y Cordoba. Circulacion de personas, you zoom in closer, the virtual globe trans-
saberes y practicas antropologicas en torno del
liderazgo academico de Alberto Rex Gonzalez
forms into a seamless mosaic of Landsat 7
(1949-1976). Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de images, collected from 1999 to 2003. These
Antropologa 36: 37-60. images have been draped over a digital terrain
Google Earth Afghan Surveys 3089 G
Google Earth Afghan Surveys, Fig. 1 Satellite images are highlighted in green and ASAGE study areas outlined
of Afghanistan, available through Google Earth prior to in yellow
the 2009 upgrade to SPOT imagery; high-resolution strips
model (DTM) derived from Shuttle Radar Wind. The different image sources and resolu-
Topography Mission (SRTM) data to generate tions, however, currently result in an unnatural,
a relatively accurate three-dimensional model of mosaic-like appearance in some regions such as
the Earths surface. World Wind also includes the northern Indian subcontinent and much of
images with other color bands such as the infrared China and Southeast Asia.
spectrum, which can be useful in identifying The patchy nature of the high-resolution
archaeological features (Parcak 2009a: 61), satellite coverage available through Google
although the 15 m per pixel resolution of the Earth presents one of the major constraints to its
Landsat images limits the value of World Wind use by archaeologists. While densely populated
to archaeologists interested in small sites areas, particularly in Western countries, tend to
and features. have higher resolution coverage, due to user
Unlike World Wind, Google Earth consists demand and the commercial synergies inherent
of thousands of geo-referenced high- and in such projects, the coverage of sparsely
mid-resolution satellite images and aerial photo- populated, less developed countries such as
graphs, displayed on a flat-surfaced sphere rather Afghanistan is poorer. Only 7 % of Afghanistan
than one which is topographically accurate. The was covered by the relatively narrow strips of
highest-resolution images range from 0.1 to 1.0 m high-resolution images prior to an upgrade to
per pixel and thus are much clearer and more 2.5 m spatial resolution SPOT imagery in June
detailed than those available through World 2009 (Fig. 1). These high-resolution images,
G 3090 Google Earth Afghan Surveys
however, still amounted to a total area of the medium among armchair archaeologists
47,000 km2 and formed the basis for detailed and the plethora of unusual features which excite
studies of known archaeological sites and human curiosity (Fig. 3). The opportunities
under-explored areas by the Archaeological generated by this democratization of satellite
Sites of Afghanistan in Google Earth (ASAGE) imagery, to use Stefan Geens term, were soon
project (Thomas et al. 2008; see below). recognized by several archaeologists, who saw
Unfortunately, although the upgrade to SPOT the potential to increase the spatial area that can
imagery, which was not announced in advance, be studied and to engage with, and even enlist the
resulted in a general improvement in the cover- help of, the general public (Beck 2006; Ur 2006;
age of the country, many of the highest-resolution inter alia). Archaeologists, however, have largely
image strips are no longer available. This lack of failed to maximize the potential of Google Earth,
transparency in the policies and timetabling of primarily because most use Google Earth as
imagery upgrades is a major deficiency in a precursor to conducting fieldwork, rather
Google Earths program of updating satellite than as a source of data for desk-based studies
image coverage. in its own right.
Despite its variable image resolutions, Google This oversight is starting to be addressed,
Earth has largely superseded World Wind due to as several recent innovative studies have
the higher resolution of many of the images it demonstrated the value of Google Earth to
uses. It has become an integral part of news archaeologists wishing to investigate regions
broadcasts, television dramas, academic presen- which are difficult or impossible to reach for
tations, and virtual travel over 600 million political, security, or logistical reasons. Archae-
copies of Google Earth software have been ologists are in particular using Google Earth to
downloaded since its launch in 2005. Users can revisit semiarid parts of North Africa, the Near
visit specific places by searching Google Earths East, and Central Asia, regions which were the
database or simply explore whichever part of the foci of many of the pioneers of aerial archaeology
globe interests them, unrestricted by national such as Theodor Wiegand, Ft Lt Maitland, Father
boundaries, topography, and no-fly zones. Poidebard, and Sir Aurel Stein (Kennedy &
The coordinates of sites can be uploaded from Bewley 2004: 51-2). The environmental
a spreadsheet using Google Earth Pro to create conditions which facilitated previous aerial
placemarks. Placemarks can in turn be archaeology studies of these regions remain
enriched with images, video clips, links to other essentially the same relatively low levels of
internet resources, and additional information natural vegetation and cloud cover, and the
via .kmz files posted on on-line bulletin boards inhospitable terrain, result in optimum site
such as History Illustrated (Ur 2006: 37). The preservation and visibility. The primary reason
extra measuring tools available in Google Earth that these new studies using Google Earth are
Pro enable archaeologists to calculate the area of proving so productive is that much more of the
sites and their components, while existing maps landscape can now be studied systematically
and plans can be laid over the satellite images (Contreras & Brodie 2010: 101).
available through Google Earth to verify and Reconnaissance of southern Libya as part of
improve site descriptions and integrate additional the Desert Migrations Project, for example, has
information such as geological data in the revealed numerous lost cities built by the
interpretative process (Fig. 2). Sketch plans of Garamantian civilization c. CE 1500 (Sterry &
standing structures can also easily be generated Mattingly forthcoming). Visible structures
over saved images using drawing software include the mud-brick remains of fortified farms
packages such as Adobe Illustrator. and village complexes, along with traces of cairn
The thousands of postings on the History Illus- cemeteries, associated field systems, wells, and
trated bulletin board highlight the popularity of sophisticated irrigation systems. Over the border
Google Earth Afghan Surveys 3091 G
Google Earth Afghan Surveys, Fig. 2 US Geological Survey map of northern Afghanistan laid over ASAGE study
area 10 in Google Earth
in Egypt, Sarah Parcak has used images available Afghanistan, where the volatile security situation
through Google Earth to gain virtual access to and unexploded ordnance render fieldwork
industrial compounds in the Markha Plain. This impractical in many areas. Although the country
has enabled Parcak to identify a string of circular was systematically photographed from the air dur-
fortresses to the south of Tell Ras Budran, which ing the 1960s, as part of a photogrammetric map-
are out of view of the main fortress but within ping initiative, these valuable archival images
fire-/smoke-signalling distance. These sites have since been lost. Satellite images, therefore,
would probably have remained undiscovered represent the major, largely untapped source of
and thus prone to unwitting destruction without data for archaeological sites in the country and
the images available through Google Earth, form the basis of two research projects: Cameron
because fieldwork is impossible in these Petrie (2007) has used Google Earth to explore the
restricted areas (Parcak 2009b: 363). archaeological sites positioned along ancient trade
Further east in the Levant and Arabian Penin- routes between Afghanistan and Pakistan, while
sula, David Kennedys team has revealed much the ASAGE project has sought to document
older and more extensive archaeological remains a spatially and diachronically broader range of
(Kennedy & Bishop 2011). The surviving desert sites across the country.
kites (hunting traps), funerary/religious sites, and
seasonal camps, many of which are virtually
impossible to recognize at ground level without Key Issues/Current Debates
the benefit of an aerial perspective, indicate
a prehistoric cultural continuum stretching across Only 10 % of the sites listed in the archaeological
thousands of kilometers. The identification of gazetteer of Afghanistan (Ball 1982) have even
nearly 2,000 sites in the 1,240 km2 pilot study rudimentary plans, so at the most basic level, Goo-
area illustrates both the potential of the technique gle Earth is being used to generate detailed sketch
and the rich pre-Islamic archaeological heritage plans of numerous unplanned sites (Fig. 4;
of the region which has largely been ignored in Thomas et al. 2008). Google Earth also provides
the past previous survey work has recorded just valuable data on the relatively few sites which
c. 1,800 sites throughout the whole of Saudi Ara- have been planned, such as the early Islamic
bia (Kennedy & Bishop 2011: 1292). (twelfth- to thirteenth-century CE) capital of
Elsewhere, the contemporary relevance of this Bust/Lashkar-i Bazar. A French team led by
form of archaeological research and the value of Daniel Schlumberger conducted pioneering exca-
Google Earths Historical Imagery View tool are vations and surveys at this sprawling site from
evident in the documentation of the looting of 1949 to 1952. Despite their best efforts under
archaeological sites in Jordan (Contreras & Brodie difficult working conditions and with few
2010) and Adrian Myers study of Camp Delta resources, the art historian Terry Allen estimates
(Guantanamo Bay, Cuba). The Historical Imagery that nearly 100 Ghaznawid/Ghurid buildings,
View tool enables users to study successive some standing two storeys high, survive at Bust,
images of the same place. By overlaying these most of which have never been documented. The
images in a geographical information system and external walls of many of these structures, which
mapping changes in the site over time, Myers has are not marked on the French expeditions plans of
been able to demonstrate both the rapid expansion the site, are clearly identifiable in Google Earth,
and increasingly permanent nature of the prison while additional details can be collated for several
facilities. As a result, Myers has been able to of the other structures which were merely outlined
juxtapose the expansion of the USAs top security (Thomas & Zipfel 2008). The archived satellite
goal with official policy announcements relating images also create benchmarks against which the
to the site (Myers 2010: 464). impact of threats to archaeological sites, such as
Few countries illustrate the vital importance of the encroachment of agriculture and urbanism, can
Google Earth to archaeologists better than be monitored over time.
Google Earth Afghan Surveys 3093 G
Google Earth Afghan
Surveys, Fig. 4 Sketch
plan of the hitherto
unplanned Ghaznawid site
of Qala-i Hauz, derived
from the imagery available
through Google Earth
In addition to providing valuable data on (Thomas et al. 2008). The most experienced
known sites in Afghanistan, Google Earth also field archaeologist on the project was assigned
provides a means of investigating unsurveyed the task of cataloguing all the placemarked sites,
areas. Given the limited opportunities for in an effort to standardize site recognition and
ground truthing (i.e., checking results by site descriptions. This review process resulted in
visits), this form of remote archaeological three quarters of the placemarks being dismissed
exploration benefits from the process of as natural or too uncertain to document. Once
visiting and verifying known sites mentioned catalogued, the images and data for the remaining
above by exploring the known sites, placemarked sites were cross-checked by another
researchers eyes can become attuned to how archaeologist with first-hand knowledge of
archaeological features appear in Google Earth. the region, so as to minimize errors, reduce
This virtual experience, as well as years of subjectivity, and maximize standardization.
fieldwork experience in the region, and A degree of subjectivity is inherent in
a detailed appreciation of both landforms and the process of cataloguing a placemark as an
archaeological site formation processes, is essen- archaeological site, particularly when it is not
tial if previously undocumented sites are to be possible to ground truth the site and when the
identified (and natural or modern features are not sites date and contemporaneity with other sites
to be mistaken for archaeological sites). are difficult to determine. Subjectivity can be
A systematic approach to the study of images reduced by defining site types explicitly at the
available through Google Earth, which by its very start of the project. Chronological parameters
nature is highly time-consuming, wearying, and can be set by adopting the rolling 50-year date
often tedious, is essential when they are being used by numerous heritage agencies around
used for reconnaissance purposes. ASAGE the world as the arbitrary division between
researchers zoomed in to the 100200 m archaeological sites and modern sites and
scale, beyond which even high-resolution comparing the satellite images in Google Earth
satellite images start to pixelate, and spent dozens with declassified CORONA images from
of hours methodically scrolling up and the 1960s and 1970s. These images provide an
down selected high-resolution study effective terminus ante quem (date before which
areas, placemarking ambiguous features the sites must have formed) for most of the larger
G 3094 Google Earth Afghan Surveys
Google Earth Afghan Surveys, Table 1 Details of the ten ASAGE study areas in Afghanistan
Study Area
area (km2) Placemarks Sites Site density Location Date of image
SA1 312.5 163 55 0.18 N5 south central desert around Qala-i Hauz 6/12/2004
SA2 273.5 579 118 0.43 N1 primarily N of Arghandab 6/12/2004
SA3 240.5 599 171 0.71 N2 south of Arghandab 6/12/2004
SA4 267.5 382 91 0.34 N3 north central desert 6/12/2004
SA5 273.0 107 16 0.06 N4 central desert 6/12/2004
SA6 225.0 123 20 0.09 Ghur province, north of Hari Rud 25/07/2004
SA7 263.7 41 17 0.06 Ghur province, south of Hari Rud 25/07/2004
SA8 265.5 143 24 0.09 Ghur province, south of Hari Rud 25/07/2004
SA9 299.0 285 81 0.27 Afghan/Turkmen border 20/09/2006
SA10 260.0 257 86 0.33 Afghan/Turkmen border 30/08/2002
Total 2,680.2 2,679.0 679.0 0.25
sites visible in both images and thus increase reservoirs, and karz (underground water
confidence that many of the other smaller sites channels; Fig. 5). Prior to the study, only three
identified in Google Earth are also premodern. archaeological sites were listed in the study areas.
This relatively recent cutoff point differs from The wealth of sites found in the Arghandab
that adopted by Warwick Ball, who argues that if river valley and Rgistan desert contrasts with the
post-Tmurid (c. CE 1526) remains were much smaller numbers identified in the three
included in his gazetteer virtually every modern study areas in the mountains of Ghur province
town and even many villages would qualify as (SA6-8) and the two on the steppe in the north of
a site (Ball 1982 I: 14). While Balls reasoning Harat province (SA9-10). The most obvious
is understandable given the practicalities of explanation is the differing intensities of use in
producing a gazetteer which already has over the different environmental zones. Other factors,
2,000 sites in it, the relatively recent cultural however, may have contributed to the reduced
heritage of Afghanistan is just as worthy of site numbers in these areas summer campsites
recognition, preservation, and protection as its in the mountains are likely to be more dispersed
older sites, as is the case elsewhere in the world. and ephemeral than winter ones, while the harsh
The ten ASAGE study areas were selected in winters, which are accompanied by heavy snow
different environmental zones close to major falls and violent spring floods, may also have
early Islamic urban centers to investigate the impacted on site preservation and visibility in
use of different marginal landscapes by the mountains of Ghur.
nomads and to test whether the methodology The value of adopting a systematic approach to
ASAGE has devised is applicable across the studying archaeological landscapes in Google
Afghan landscape and beyond. Only one of Earth, therefore, extends beyond the numbers of
the ten study areas yielded more than 0.5 sites sites identified. It permits an assessment of the
per km2 (Table 1). Despite this apparently low significance of the distribution of sites in quantita-
success rate, 679 definite or probable archaeolog- tive terms, relative to the types of sites found,
ical sites were identified over an area of different landforms covered, topographic features,
2,680 km2. These include isolated nomad camp- and varying levels of preservation and visibility.
sites and corrals, fortified dwellings and tepes The conclusions derived from such analyses have
(occupation mounds, probably dating back obvious implications for cultural heritage manage-
several millennia), deserted villages, dams and ment and archaeological impact assessments.
Google Earth Afghan Surveys 3095 G
Google Earth Afghan
Surveys,
Fig. 5 SA2_101: tepe with
towers guarding the
entrance in the west; note
the overlapping karz spoil
heaps running to the north
and south of the tepe
Future Directions and Examples even raise the possibility of developing tourist
itineraries and context-rich on-line resources at
The large number of sites in Afghanistan sites such as Ghazni, which has been nominated
(and elsewhere) identified using Google Earth as Cultural City of the Islamic Civilization for
should not come as a surprise, despite the dearth 2013.
of sites previously recorded in the study areas. The archaeological potential of Google Earth
Survey work in the 1960s and 1970s in the nearby is so vast that it cannot be exploited fully by
deserts of Sstan, the anecdotal reports from a few academics alone. Much can be achieved
travelers in the region and fieldwork in other by engaging with the sizable armchair archaeol-
semiarid regions of the Near East and Central ogist community and enlisting their assistance in
Asia have demonstrated that deserts have been exploring study areas and identifying sites.
utilized by nomads for millennia, and that their Engagement, however, is a two-way process and
sites survive, despite often being ephemeral and requires considerable commitment of time
difficult to date. The blanks on distribution maps (in training, cross-checking, and providing
are frequently due to a lack of investigation feedback) and a willingness to communicate
arising from Western preconceptions about and share knowledge on the part of academics.
uninhabitable semiarid regions rather than Similarly, while much of Afghanistan remains
a lack of archaeological sites. a no-go zone for Westerners, it is imperative to
The primary value of the ASAGE research is share data with the National Afghan Institute
as a basis for future fieldwork. The newly discov- of Archaeology and other relevant Afghan
ered sites need to be ground truthed, both to authorities, foreign archaeologists, NGOs and
establish the veracity of their identification and individuals, and sections of the military who are
to collect datable ceramics from the surface. The interested in discovering and protecting cultural
detailed sketch plans can be used by the relevant heritage. The ease with which Google Earth data
authorities and other archaeologists to develop can be generated, exported, and exchanged
site management plans, particularly where provides a further example of how central this
farmers are encroaching upon sites. The latest versatile medium will be to archaeological
3G mobile phone and iPad/tablet technology research for the foreseeable future.
G 3096 Goose: Domestication
carry the increased weight, and the wing bones SHI, X.-W., J.W. WANG, F.-T. XENG & X.-P. QIU. 2006.
are shorter and broader (Reichstein & Pieper Mitochondrial DNA cleavage patterns distinguish
independent origin of Chinese domestic geese
1986; Boessneck & Von den Driesch 1979). and Western domestic geese. Biochemical Genetics
The plumage color changed from gray to het- 44 (5-6): 237-45.
erogeneous and finally to white in some domestic SIRELIUS, U.T. 1919. Suomen kansanomaista kulttuuria:
breeds. In about CE 27, Pliny the Elder writes esineellisen kansatieteen tuloksia I. Helsinki: Otava.
(Translation in Swedish 1932 Stockholm: Finlands
about the value of down and meat from white folkliga kultur I.).
geese, evidently pointing to the domestic form. ZEUNER, F.E. 1963. A history of domesticated animals.
The Romans knew several breeds of geese such London: Hutchinson & Co.
as the small white German and the large white YALDEN, D.W. & U. ALBARELLA. 2009. The history of
British birds. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
(Albarella 2005).
Cross-References
Gould, Richard A.
David L. Conlin
National Park Service Submerged Resources
Center, Lakewood, CO, USA
physical environment and also the larger - (ed.) 1984. Toward an ethnoarchaeology of modern
socioeconomic forces that shaped human deci- America (Research Papers in Anthropology 4).
Providence: Brown University.
sions in the past. He is a strong proponent of - 1985. The empiricist strikes back: reply to Binford.
a stepwise approach to the study of cultural adap- American Antiquity 50(3): 638- 44.
tation that encompasses multiple feedback loops - 1988. Life among the ruins: the ethnoarchaeology of
combining a systemic relationship of both the abandonment in a Finnish farming community, in
T. Ingold (ed.) The social implications of Agrarian
ideational and biological aspects of human expe- change in northern and eastern Finland: 99-120.
rience. In this Gould advocates for the use of both Helsinki: Suomen Antropologinen.
emic (i.e., internal, socially constructed cate- - 1990. Recovering the past. Albuquerque: University of
gories of thought and meaning such as local reli- New Mexico Press.
- 2000. Archaeology and the social history of ships.
gion) and etic (i.e., external categories of New York: Cambridge University Press.
thought and meaning such as the application of - 2004. Disaster archaeology at the West Warwick, RI,
the Western scientific method). nightclub fire scene. The SAA Archaeological Record
3: 1-7.
- 2007. Disaster archaeology. Salt Lake City: University
of Utah Press.
Cross-References GOULD, R.A. & M.B. SCHIFFER. (ed.) 1981: Modern
material culture: the archaeology of us. New York:
Academic Press.
Adaptation in Archaeology
Archaeology and the Emergence of Fields:
Maritime
Australian Deserts: Extreme Environments in
Archaeology Graffiti Archaeology
Ethnoarchaeology
Jordan Ralph
Underwater Archaeology
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University,
Adelaide, SA, Australia
Further Reading
Introduction
GOULD, R.A. 1966. Archaeology of the Point St. George
Site and Tolowa prehistory (Publications in Anthro-
pology 4). University of California. Graffiti is an important source of material
- 1968. Living archaeology: the Ngatatjara of Western evidence through which archaeologists can learn
Australia. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology about cultural identities and ideas. The tradition
24(2): 101-22.
- 1969. Yiwara: foragers of the Australian Desert. New
of graffiti goes back to ancient Greece and Rome,
York: Charles Scribners Sons; London and Sydney: if not earlier (Baird & Taylor 2010). One of the
William Collins, Ltd. renowned characteristics of Pompeii and
- (ed.) 1973. Mans many ways: a natural history reader Herculaneum is the wealth of political slogans
in anthropology. New York: Harper and Row.
and bawdy statements that are inscribed on the
(Rev edn. published in 1977).
- 1977. Puntutjarpa Rockshelter and the Australian walls of buildings, both inside and outside
Desert culture, part 1 (Anthropological Papers of the (Benefiel 2010; UNESCO 2013). In contempo-
American Museum of Natural History 54). rary societies, graffiti is widely perceived as
- 1978. Tolowa, in R.F. Heizer (ed.) Handbook of North
American Indians, Volume 8: 128-36. Washington
undesirable and labeled as vandalism and
(DC): Smithsonian Institution. often connected with feelings of adrenaline
- (ed.) 1978. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology. Albu- (ODoherty 2012).
querque: University of New Mexico Press. Archaeologists investigate the nexus of tech-
- 1980. Living archaeology. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
nique, form, and content of this visual culture to
- (ed.) 1983. Shipwreck anthropology. Albuquerque: extract uncensored, uninstitutionalized informa-
University of New Mexico Press. tion about attitudes toward social, political,
Graffiti Archaeology 3103 G
religious, and ideological issues. Graffiti is Graffiti can be defined as a form of visual
a continuation of the landscape-marking and communication and intended human-made
mark-making communication practices that marking that occurs publicly on any fixed
have been used by humans for at least 40,000 surface in natural and built landscapes. Put
years. While rock art receives much academic simply, graffiti is communication through
interest owing to its ability to reveal a myriad of landscape-marking, and is inclusive of a wide
information about past societies, economies, range of forms, such as regulated traffic signs,
material culture, and ideologies (McDonald public murals, advertising, and street art. This
2012), the same can be said of classical, definition maintains a degree of fluidity and flex-
medieval, and historical colonial, military, and ibility and is consistent with archaeological
convict graffiti. Though this entry focuses on approaches to rock art style as a means of com-
contemporary graffiti, the issues discussed munication (Wobst 1977; McDonald 2012).
are relevant to classical, medieval, and historical From this viewpoint, graffiti encompasses all
graffiti. public visual communication, regardless of G
authorship, form, material, technique, message,
legality, and social and cultural acceptances.
Definition
Graffiti, the plural of graffito, comes from the Key Issues and Current Debates
Italian word graffiare, meaning to scratch and
is used to refer to human-made markings in the One key issue under current debate concerns
public domain. The term is widely used to what actually constitutes graffiti. Daniell
describe markings that are unauthorized or illegal (2011: 455) explains that graffiti comprised
and can include expressions in both two- and essentially handwriting or hand-drawn
three-dimensions. Certainly, graffiti is generally designs until the late 1960s and early 1970s,
conceived as illegal behavior (e.g., Fig. 1); when tagging became popular and urban graf-
however, not all types of graffiti are illegal. fiti became larger and more colourful and
Graffiti becomes illegal and/or vandalism when included designs, writing and pictures; this
the author does not have a legal right to be making change came about due to the availability of
their mark on the surface they are marking. new techniques and implements, such as aerosol
Graffiti Archaeology,
Fig. 1 Sign describing
graffiti as vandalism, New
York, USA, 2011
G 3104 Graffiti Archaeology
spray cans. Macdonald (2001: 2-3) argued that more generally, and were criticized in main-
the contemporary practice of graffiti is far from stream media for suggesting this site should
mindless or senseless and that there is always attract the same level of significance and
a purpose behind [its] production. Frederick attention as a site from the distant past. One
(2009: 212) agreed, stating that graffiti is a of the major messages to come out of Graves-
mode of expression and communication which Brown and Schofields (2011) article, and one
comprises a vast array of media, technique, sub- that was missed in the media, is the issue of
ject matter, form and meanings and that cultural heritage management, preservation, and
a common feature of most graffiti is that conservation in light of intersecting and even
comprises text and/or images that [are] made counteracting cultural needs:
in shared spaces where it is viewed publicly, be
In case readers are wondering whether this paper is
that a privately owned building, public trans- written tongue in cheek or with tongue sticking
port, or an alleyway (Frederick 2009: 212). out it is worth recalling that modern archaeol-
David and Wilson (2002: 43) say that graffiti: ogy includes recent periods in its remit, and uses
recent materiality to help understand more ancient
. . . has a more pointed definition, referring to times as well as a critique on modernity itself.
unsolicited inscriptions in public spaces. As
a form of inscription usually practiced outside the Oliver and Neal (2010: 15) focused on tree
censoring arm of the power elite, graffiti confronts carvings throughout their study of contemporary
and contradicts the ordered and ordering space of graffiti in the UK, and argue that archaeologists
institutionalised life. Thus by definition, graffiti is
imbued with a polluting and vandalistic quality and others have begun to turn their attention away
irrespective of its decorative potential. It threatens from symbols of authority and towards the daubed,
the status quo not just because of the words or painted and scratched writings of the disadvan-
images written, but by the fact that its execution taged, the excluded or the subversive in society
in public spaces lies outside the control of existing
social forces. because these are the stories that are not likely to
be discovered in other media. Such an approach
Daniell (2011) argues that our understanding allows people to understand the ways in which
of contemporary graffiti should be informed by visitors and inhabitants actively use the space
contemporary issues, such as legality, regulation, and landscapes available to them, and helps people
control, and resistance; however, using a similar to acknowledge that these places are not ageless,
approach toward non-contemporary graffiti is static or just plain dull (Oliver & Neal 2010: 20).
problematic because those markings were created In continental Europe, Merrill and Hack
under different legal, political, and social circum- (2013) investigated Soviet graffiti at a former
stances (Daniell 2011: 458, 462). military base in Germany. Merrill and Hack
Several archaeological studies of graffiti (2013: 101) argued that it is archaeologically
have been undertaken across the globe and the important for graffiti and other forms of what
following paragraphs are examples of some of the is traditionally considered vandalism to contrib-
recent graffiti archaeology projects that have ute to the cultural significance and interpretation
been undertaken around the world. In the United of heritage sites. This study includes an
Kingdom, Graves-Brown and Schofield (2011) argument similar to that of Oliver and Neal
studied graffiti found on the interior walls of an (2010) that graffiti can highlight and reveal infor-
apartment at 6, Denmark Street, London. This mation about people, places, and events that
location was once occupied by members of the would otherwise remain unknown or lost. It is
punk band, Sex Pistols, and the study mainly suggested that the Soviet graffiti adds to, rather
focused on caricatures of band members drawn than reduces, the cultural significance of the
by Sex Pistols lead singer, John Lydon. Graves- heritage site, and can be used as a system of
Brown and Schofield (2011: 1398) questioned interpretation (Merrill & Hack 2013).
whether heritage conservation of this location South African archaeologist Sven Ouzman
might betray the spirit of punk and rock music (2010: 1) examined the implications of
Graffiti Archaeology 3105 G
approaching historic and contemporary graffiti as relations within which they are located
a multi-sensorial artifact comprising blends of (Law 2007: 2). Accordingly, communication
crime, art, corporate co-option, and historic wit- through landscape-marking is interpreted as
ness to understand post-Apartheid South Africa. existing in a web of interdependent relationships
Our understanding of what constitutes rock art which are embedded in empirical, materially
and what constitutes graffiti is questioned by grounded practices (Callon 2006). Actors in this
Ouzman (2010: 17) upon his discussion about web include governments, communities, and
attitudes toward inscriptions made by soldiers individuals who communicate their own
from the Boer War, because, he argues, some experiences and agendas through the action of
people do not like these inscriptions being landscape-marking. As Couldry (2004: 1) points
referred to as rock art, despite having striking out, both human and nonhuman entities within
similarities; Ouzman (2010: 18) asks:is this these webs acquire power through the number,
because rock art is perceived to reside extensiveness and stability of the connections
unthreateningly in the past and graffiti is an routed through them. In Aboriginal communi- G
easy to ignore pollutant? ties in Northern Australia, Ralph (2012) found
In Australia, Frederick (2009) considered the that graffiti serves the intra-group purpose of
link between ancient Aboriginal Australian rock communication between community members,
art and contemporary urban graffiti in Perth. rather than the intergroup purpose of propagating
Frederick (2009: 210) used an archaeological political and social commentary (e.g., Fig. 2). He
approach to contemporary graffiti to identify the argued that the graffiti was more closely aligned
significance of contemporary graffiti as an arti- to the ongoing cultural tradition of rock art
fact. This study (2009: 229) has implications that production and landscape-marking, than to the
may lead to a more informed approach to rock art contemporary graffiti expressions often found in
research, in particular, the suppositions that rock urban settings (e.g., Fig. 3).
art researchers make about the images depicted in Each of the above studies has three common
rock art. For example, images and slogans themes. Firstly, the authors acknowledge that
depicted in contemporary graffiti can be graffiti in contemporary societies is often seen
sanctioned by some from the community, while as vandalism, and they each attempt to redress
at the same time be unsanctioned by others. that point of view, for example, Oliver and Neal
Interpretations of contemporary graffiti data are (2010) and Merrill and Hack (2013) who claim
marred by our separation from insight into the that graffiti archaeology has the potential to
graffiti writers intention and motivation; this is uncover information about people whose stories
equally so for rock art data. Frederick (2009: 231) may not be found elsewhere. The archaeology of
argues that there is no single conclusion that can graffiti, while by no means a new area of archae-
be drawn from contemporary graffiti data, and ological inquiry, is growing at a rapid rate. Prior
rock art researchers should not be aiming for to the early twenty-first century, very little
a conclusive interpretation of rock art data. archaeological research was conducted on con-
Ralph (2012) conducted research into temporary, or even historical, graffiti. During the
contemporary Indigenous graffiti in the Jawoyn early twenty-first century, graffiti archaeology
Aboriginal communities in the Northern has become a considerably sized stream of the
Territory, Australia. He developed a theoretical archaeological discipline, which involves
model to underpin a more nuanced under- a number of researchers from across the globe,
standing of contemporary landscape-markings, particularly in the United Kingdom, continental
drawing upon actor-network theory, in which Europe, Africa, and Australia. In saying this, and
a disparate family of material-semiotic tools, coupled with contemporary viewpoints toward
sensibilities and methods for analysis that treat graffiti, the second common theme of the above
everything in the social and natural worlds as studies is that graffiti archaeologists tend to argue
a continuously generated effect of the webs of for the legitimacy of their work; for example,
G 3106 Graffiti Archaeology
Graffiti Archaeology,
Fig. 2 High-density
minuscule graffiti on a road
sign, community meeting
area, Barunga region,
Northern Territory,
Australia, 2012. The
location, size, and density
of graffiti demonstrate that
this is a form of intra-group
communication
Graffiti Archaeology,
Fig. 3 Tag graffiti,
inscribed over public
mural, Venice Beach,
California, USA, 2011
Graves-Brown and Schofield (2011) and Oliver In 2013, the state of graffiti archaeology
and Neal (2010). Finally, many archaeologies of intimates that this stream of archaeology will
graffiti attempt to situate the contemporary continue to grow in both scholarship and
practice of graffiti as part of an ancient, interest. This is due, in part, to the capacity for
continuing visual culture that consists of vital up-and-coming archaeologists to explore
social meaning and information, rather than new ground in these relatively under-examined
a clandestine, unsavory, and meaningless act, contemporary, historical, medieval, and ancient
for example (Frederick 2009; Ouzman 2010; material practices, but more so because the
Graves-Brown & Schofield 2011; Ralph 2012). purpose of archaeology and archaeological
Grapes: Origins and Development 3107 G
research is to learn about past human behavior. art (Blackwell Companions to Anthropology series):
As with other archaeological materials, graffiti 214-36. Oxford, Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
MERRIL, S.O.C. & H. HACK. 2013. Exploring hidden nar-
allows archaeologists to understand the cultural ratives: conscript graffiti at the former military base
identities and behaviors of humans in the past. Kummersdorf. Journal of Social Archaeology
13(1): 101-21.
OLIVER, J. & T. NEAL. 2010. Elbow grease and time to
spare: the place of tree carving, in J. Oliver & T. Neal
Cross-References (ed.) Wild signs: graffiti in archaeology and history:
15-22. Oxford: Archaeopress.
ODOHERTY, S. 2012. Under siege? Exploring the hidden
Landscape Archaeology world of Irish graffiti artists. Socheolas. Limerick
Pompeii Student Journal of Sociology 4(2): 104-21.
Style: Its Role in the Archaeology of Art OUZMAN, S. 2010. Graffiti as art(e)fact: a contemporary
Urban Heritage archaeology. Paper presented at University of Johan-
nesburg Sociology, Anthropology & Development
Seminar, Johannesburg, 10 March, 2010. G
RALPH, J. 2012. Convenient canvasses: an archaeology of
social identity and contemporary graffiti in Jawoyn
References country, Northern Territory, Australia. Unpublished
Honours dissertation, Department of Archaeology,
BAIRD, J.A. & C. TAYLOR. (ed.) 2010. Ancient graffiti in Flinders University, Adelaide.
context. London: Routledge. UNESCO. 2013. Archaeological areas of Pompei,
BENEFIEL, R. 2010. Dialogues of graffiti in the House of Herculaneum and Torre Annunziata. Available at: http://
the Four Styles at Pompeii (Casa Dei Quattro Stili, whc.unesco.org/en/list/829 (accessed 2 June 2013).
I. 8.17, 11), in J.A. Baird & C. Taylor (ed.) Ancient WOBST, H.M. 1977. Stylistic behaviour and information
graffiti in context: 20-48. London: Routledge. exchange, in C.E. Cleland (ed.) Papers for the
CALLON, M. 2006. What does it mean to say that director: research papers in honour of James
economics is performative?, in D. MacKenzie, B. Griffin: 317-42. Michigan: University of Michigan.
F. Muniesa & L. Siu (ed.) Do economists make
markets? On the performativity of economics: 1-58.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
COULDRY, N. 2004. Actor network theory and media: do
they connect and on what terms?, in A. Hepp et al. (ed.) Grapes: Origins and Development
Connectivity, networks and flows: 93-108. New York:
Hampton Press. Charlene Murphy
DANIELL, C. 2011. Graffiti, calliglyphs and markers in the
UK. Archaeologies 7(2): 454-76.
Institute of Archaeology, University College
DAVID, B. & M. WILSON. 2002. Spaces of resistance: London, London, UK
graffiti and Indigenous place markings in the early
European contact period of northern Australia, in
B. David & M. Wilson (ed.) Inscribed landscapes:
marking and making place: 42-60. Honolulu:
Basic Species Information
University of Hawaii Press.
FREDERICK, U.K. 2009. Revolution is the new black: It is difficult to discern the true wild ancestor of
graffiti/art and mark-making practices. Archaeologies cultivated grape (Vitis vinifera L.) because
5(2): 210-227.
GRAVES-BROWN, P. & J. SCHOFIELD. 2011. The filth and the
the Mediterranean Basin has a wide variety of
fury: 6 Denmark Street (London) and the Sex Pistols. wild forms. These include escapees and
Antiquity 85(330): 1385-1401. seed-propagated weedy types growing in natural
LAW, J. 2007. Actor network theory and material habitat, occurring mainly in disturbed surround-
semiotics. Available at: http://www.heterogeneities.
net/publications/Law2007ANTandMaterialSemiotics.
ings and cultivated clones of the grapevine
pdf (accessed 16 March 2012). (Zohary & Hopf 2001: 152). Recent genetic
MACDONALD, N. 2001. The graffiti subculture: youth, studies have proven that cultivated grapevines
masculinity and identity in London and New York. growing in different regions have genetic diver-
New York: Palgrave.
MCDONALD, J.J. 2012. Pictures of women: the social con-
sity and heterozygosity which can only have
text of Australian rock art production, in J.J. been established through an influx of genes
McDonald & P.M. Veth (ed.) A companion to rock from nearby wild V. sylvestris populations
G 3108 Grapes: Origins and Development
Grapes: Origins and Development, Fig. 2 (a) and (b) Carbonized Vitis vinifera (grape) pips and (c) mineralized
Vitis vinifera (grape) pip (all ventral views) from Insula VI.I, Pompeii, Italy (Photo by author)
(Imazio et al. 2006: 1009). Vitis sylvestris Timing and Tracking Domestication
C. C. Gmelin is now considered to be the
wild race of the cultivated grape and is indige- Using genetic studies, Imazio et al. (2006: 1003)
nous to southern Europe, the Near East, and have claimed to have found a unique domestica-
the southern Caspian belt (Zohary & Hopf tion center for all the European cultivars of Vitis
2001: 152). vinifera located in the Caucasian and Middle East
Vitis vinifera (L.) (grape) is the sole Mediter- regions, which was present around 6,0007,000
ranean representative of the genus Vitis (Zohary years ago and is supported by historical sources.
& Hopf 2001: 155). The plants are monosexual Molecular genetics has shown the existence of
with the female flowers only ripening into grapes. varietal exchange and propagation throughout
Vitis vinifera is hermaphroditic and occasionally, Europe (Imazio et al. 2006: 1010). However, the
with the escape of cultivated vines into the process of domestication of the grapevine is still
wild, reverts back to Vitis sylvestris (wild largely unknown.
variety) in all characteristics except for being Within the palynological record, Vitis is noted
a hermaphrodite, and the seeds of these escapees in several locations in northern Greece with
remain much closer to those of the cultivated an increasing presence, albeit patchy, both
form. In terms of elevation, the plant can spatially and temporally, since the beginning of
establish itself at a height of 400 m above sea the Holocene. Around 3500 BP (1550 BCE)
level and is rarely found as high as 800 m. The onwards, there is a rise in the pollen record that
cultivated Vitis vinifera has a more restricted is believed to reflect human manipulation and
distribution than its wild variety (Renfrew 1973: cultivation of the grapevine (Bottema 1982
125; Olmo 1995). cited in Valamoti et al. 2007: 56). Recent
Grapes: Origins and Development 3109 G
archaeobotanical analysis has confirmed this recovered from the Southern Balkans, and during
complex interaction and spread of the grapevine the second half of the second millennium BCE,
through Europe and the Mediterranean region they first appeared in southern Italy. Subse-
by humans with carbonized seeds of both Vitis quently, during the second part of the first
sylvestris (Vitis vinifera ssp. sylvestris) and millennium BCE, the distribution extended to
V. vinifera recovered from prehistoric sites Northern Italy, Southern France, Spain, and Por-
throughout Europe (Renfrew 1973: 125; Zohary tugal (Riviera-Nunez & Walker 1989 in Imazio
& Hopf 2001: 156; Terral et al. 2010: 443). et al. 2006: 1004).
The earliest archaeological evidence of the The fresh fruits of grapes are rich in sugar,
domesticated grape comes from Egypt and containing 1525 % sugar content. Practically,
Syria during the fourth millennium BCE. In grapes can be easily stored as dried raisins in
Palestine seeds of grapes date from 3000 BCE winter storerooms, and the juice can be fermented
to Bronze Age sites in Jericho (Jashemski 2002: and made into wine. Viticulture is considered
174). Based upon archaeobotanical and historical a risky agricultural enterprise compared with G
information, it is known that domesticated other non-staple crops that are suited to the
grapevines appeared during the first half of the Mediterranean climate. Fermented grapes were
third millennium BCE in Minor Asia, Southern the commonest source of alcohol in the ancient
Greece, Crete, and Cyprus. At the start of the world and probably the cheapest intoxicant
second millennium BCE, they have been available, as well as an extremely important
trade item around the Mediterranean Basin
(Brothwell & Brothwell 1998: 147; Zohary &
Hopf 2001: 151).
The secure identification of cultivated
versus wild grapes has proven problematic and
has been a topic of heated debate among
archaeobotanists for the last half century.
Stummer (1911) initially pointed out that pips
from Vitis sylvestris were small, short, and
broad, whereas pips of cultivated grapes had lon-
ger stalks and were narrower in relation to their
length (Renfrew 1973: 127-9; Runnels & Hansen
1986; Smith & Jones 1990: 317). Traditionally,
Grapes: Origins and Development, Fig. 3 SEM of
the established distinction between archaeo-
carbonized Vitis vinifera (grape) pip from Insula VI.I, logical specimens of wild (Vitis vinifera ssp.
Pompeii, Italy (SEM by author) sylvestris) and domesticated (Vitis vinifera ssp.
References
cooler and wetter phases, it remains the case that Historical Background
adequate rainfall in the winter period (typically
October to March) dictated whether crops would Greater Syria was one of the first regions to be
succeed. Periods of severe drought are recorded incorporated into the nascent Islamic state in the
in written sources, though the archaeological years following the death of the Prophet Muham-
evidence suggests that rural communities were mad in 632. Muhammad sent troops north in 629,
usually able to recover from these and other but they were defeated near Muta by a force led
types of short-term catastrophe (Johns 1995). by a Ghassanid phylarch of the Byzantine empire.
Cisterns and other simple forms of water catch- The decisive engagements in the conquest of
ment are commonly employed in rural areas, Greater Syria were at Ajnadayn in 634 and at
often for sustaining flocks or sheep. Sophisti- Yarmouk in 636; as a result of these victories,
cated systems of dams and canalization are rel- the Arabs were able to occupy the administrative
atively rare in Greater Syria, and some of those capital of Damascus (634) and the symbolically
utilized during the Islamic period were actually significant city of Jerusalem (probably 637). In
constructed in earlier centuries. 638 the region of Jazira (i.e., between the Euphra-
The economy of Islamic Greater Syria was tes and Tigris rivers) was conquered. The Arab
also reliant upon manufacturing and trade. The armies continued to fight against the Byzantines
region was famed in Medieval Europe as in northern Syria during the caliphate of Uthman
a source for the finest crafts. The most lucrative (r. 644656). In the early Islamic period, Greater
crafts particularly high-quality textiles, glass, Syria was subdivided into administrative
decorated glazed ceramics, inlaid woodwork, regions (jund, pl. ajnad) comprising Dimashq
and inlaid metalwork tended to be located (Damascus), Hims, Urdunn (Jordan), Filastin
within or on the peripheries of urban centers. (Palestine), and Qinnasrin.
Less expensive objects were produced in towns Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan, the founder of the
and villages all over Greater Syria. Pastoralists Umayyad dynasty (661750), served as governor
also made items for sale including woolen rugs, of Syria under Uthman and used the resources of
leather, and food items such as dried yoghurt. the region in his struggle with caliph Ali
The region contains some of the necessary (r. 656661). When Muawiya assumed the
resources for these activities, including plant caliphate (661680), it was a natural move for
and animal products, deposits of high-quality him to transfer the capital of the empire to
clay and sand, and limited reserves of copper Damascus. Papyri excavated at Nessana in the
and iron ore. Other raw materials had to be Negev provides evidence for the operation of
imported from neighboring areas. For instance, a bilingual (Greek and Arabic) bureaucracy dur-
Greater Syria contains few forests, and wood ing the reign of Muawiya (Hoyland 2006). With
needed for building, manufacturing, and as fuel the exception of Marwan II (r. 744750) who
for industrial activities might sometimes be favored Harran in southern Anatolia, the
brought from more densely wooded areas such Umayyad caliphs all employed Damascus as
as the Taurus mountains in southern Anatolia. their seat of government. Due to the patronage
Throughout the Islamic period Greater Syria of al-Walid I (r. 705715), the city was equipped
benefited from a vibrant mercantile sector. The with a magnificent Congregational Mosque occu-
location of the region must in part account for pying the ancient temenos. The caliphal palace
this: Greater Syria connects to both the Mediter- was located immediately south of the mosque.
ranean and Red Seas (the latter principally Damascus is also important as the mint for gold
through the port of Ayla in southern Jordan), (dinars) and silver (dirhams) coins, other provin-
and land routes lead north to Anatolia, east to cial mints in Greater Syria only being permitted
Iraq, south to the Arabian Peninsula, and south- to strike copper (fals, pl. fulus) (Walmsley 2007:
west via the Sinai to Egypt. 59-64). Jerusalem too was the subject of
Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology 3113 G
extensive Umayyad patronage, particularly under fully independent dynasties in various parts of the
Abd al-Malik (r. 685705) and al-Walid I. The Islamic world. The political map of Greater Syria
remodelling of the Temple Mount (Haram in the tenth and eleventh centuries is complex
al-Sharif) included the rebuilding of the Aqsa with a combination of major empires most
Mosque and the construction of the Dome of the importantly the Fatimids (9091171) and the
Rock, the Dome of the Chain, and a complex of Great Saljuqs (10341057) and local dynas-
palatial/administrative structures to the south and ties controlling the region. The First Crusade
southwest of the enclosure walls (Creswell 1989: (10961099) created an entirely new dynamic
18-42, 73-82, 94-6; Prag 2008: 101-241). with the establishment of a series of Frankish
The Umayyads were toppled in 749750 and states in Greater Syria and southern Anatolia.
the caliphate passed to a new dynasty, the These comprised the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the
Abbasids (7491258). The eastward focus of the County of Tripoli, the Principality of Antioch,
Abbasids led them, under the caliphate of and the County of Edessa. The Franks brought
al-Mansur (r. 754775), to establish a new capi- with them a militant Christianity and a fierce G
tal, Baghdad, on the banks of the Tigris in Iraq determination to capture and hold territory in
(constructed between 762 and 766). This crucial the Holy Land. Analysis of surveys and exca-
shift in the center of power into the heartlands of vations in Israel has also brought forward intrigu-
the former Sassanian Empire (c. 224651) was to ing information about the Frankish (European)
have far-reaching consequences for the develop- occupation of the countryside of the Kingdom
ment of Islamic culture; for Greater Syria the of Jerusalem (Ellenblum 1998: 213-87).
effect was rather negative with the removal of The capture of Edessa in 1144 by Zangi, the
the caliph and his court diminishing the political atabak of Mosul (r. 11271146), marks a turning
importance of Damascus and reducing economic point in the political life of Islamic Greater Syria.
activity throughout the region. The south of This is the beginning of the Muslim counter-
Greater Syria was also hit by a massive earthquake Crusade or Holy War (jihad) which was prose-
in 749, and evidence for the destruction of urban cuted with varying degrees of commitment by his
architecture is abundant in the archaeological son, Nur al-Din (r. 11461174), and the sultans of
record. It is important not to overemphasize the the Ayyubid (11711250 in Egypt and
extent of the decline after c. 750, however; 11741260 in Syria) and Mamluk dynasties
Abbasid caliphs continued to build new struc- (12501517). Features of this period are
tures most notably the cistern at Ramla (dated a greater centralization of power, increased mil-
789) and renovate others, such as the Aqsa itary expenditure, and a closer relationship
Mosque and Dome of the Rock. The Umayyad between Egypt and Syria (with Cairo usually as
buildings south of the Temple Mount evidently the most important center of power). Nur al-Din
remained in use through the early Abbasid period unified most of Syria, while Salah al-Din
(Prag 2008: 157-8, 195-207). Even more impor- (Saladin, r. 11711193) brought together Egypt
tant is the foundation of a new city, al-Rafiqa (the and Greater Syria into one empire. This unity was
companion), about 600 m to the west of the town broken during the Ayyubid confederacy that
of Raqqa (known as Kallinikos prior to the Islamic followed his death, but the Mamluk sultans, par-
conquest). This urban development also com- ticularly Baybars (r. 12601277) and al-Nasir
prised a series of palaces and related structures to Muhammad (r. 12941295, 12991309,
the north, and between 796 and 808 it served as the 13101341), sought to create an empire that
capital of the caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786809) would dominate the Levant. Salah al-Din scored
(Daiber & Becker 2004). a decisive victory over the forces of the Crusader
The authority of the Abbasid caliphs eroded in states at Hattin in 1187 and went on to liberate
the latter part of the ninth century. This process Jerusalem from the Franks. The Mamluks ended
led to the establishment of semiautonomous or the Crusader occupation of mainland Syria with
G 3114 Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology
the capture of Akko in 1291. Even more impor- (Milwright 2000: 192). Judging from anecdotal
tant was the Mamluk defeat over the Mongol evidence in contemporary written sources, the
army at Ayn Jalut in Palestine in 1260. This Mamluk authorities of fifteenth- and early
battle halted the westward expansion of the Mon- sixteenth-century Greater Syria struggled to
gols through the Islamic world and established maintain security.
the Mamluks as defenders of Sunni Islam. While The Ottomans controlled Greater Syria
Mongol military activity doubtlessly brought between 1516 and 1918. Greater Syria was not
short-term suffering for the inhabitants of Greater one of the most profitable areas of the Ottoman
Syria, it is only among the urban communities Empire, and there is evidence for gradual decline
along the Euphrates that the damage was more in many aspects of the economy, particularly
lasting; for instance, the pottery and glass indus- between the later seventeenth and the early nine-
tries of Raqqa and Balis cease around this time, teenth century. Ottoman authority in southern
and the towns themselves are abandoned. Greater Syria was also challenged in the first
In contrast to the instability of the later half of the nineteenth century by the expansionist
Ayyubid period, the Mamluk period from policies of Muhammad Ali (d. 1849), ruler of
Baybars to the death of al-Nasir Muhammad in Egypt. One area of significant Ottoman state
1341 was one of considerable prosperity for investment from the sixteenth to the eighteenth
Greater Syria. There was extensive investment century was in the route of the annual hajj
in military architecture and in the transport and through Greater Syria and northwestern Arabia.
communications infrastructure of the region. The The major investment by the state was in the
relative security offered by the Mamluk sultanate erection of a line of forts each garrisoned with
facilitated trade, industrial activity, and invest- troops and the construction of related features
ment in agriculture, especially valuable crops such as cisterns and bridges (Petersen in
such as sugar cane (see below). Surveys MacDonald et al. 2001: 685-91).
conducted in Jordan and Israel provide plausible The Ottoman authorities demonstrated their
evidence that settlement numbers reached a peak continued commitment to the patronage of the
in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. While hajj with the construction of the Hijaz railway
locally produced handmade pottery predominates from Istanbul to Medina (19001908). The mili-
(Johns 1998), this phase is also characterized by tary value of the Hijaz railway was recognized by
the presence of glass and high-quality ceramics in all sides during World War I, and the southern
many villages. A similar picture can be drawn section of this vital route was the subject of
from excavations in urban sites and ports in repeated attacks during the Arab Revolt
Greater Syria; in addition to Syrian luxury (19161918). Following the expulsion of the
items, one sometimes also encounters exotic Ottoman army in 1918, Greater Syria was placed
imports from Italy, Spain, or China. under mandate by the League of Nations, with
The arrival of the Black Death in Syria in 1348 Britain controlling the southern part (Palestine
certainly had a huge impact upon the urban and and Transjordan) and France the northern part
rural communities of the region. Depopulation (Syria and Lebanon). The modern nation states
combined with a failure to invest in new technol- of Syria, Jordan, Israel, and Lebanon emerged
ogy affected the economic health of Greater after the end of World War II.
Syria. Damascus also suffered during the
occupation by Timur Lenk (Tamerlane,
r. 13701405), probably losing many of its Key Issues/Current Debates
skilled artisans at this time. Evidence of destruc-
tion by Timur is also apparent in the excavations A particularly fertile area of study is the period of
of the citadel in Hama, though the ceramic record transition from Byzantine rule to Islam. Broadly,
indicates that the site was partially reoccupied in the issues revolve around the degree to which the
the late Mamluk and early Ottoman periods material record of the first phase of Islamic rule
Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology 3115 G
(from the conquests of the 630s to the mid-eighth Recent archaeological research has provided
century) manifests continuity with earlier centu- a nuanced picture of these changes in the urban
ries. If there were radical changes during this fabric of Greater Syria during the transition from
period, what were they and how did they affect Byzantine to early Islamic rule (Magness 2003:
the future development of Islamic culture in 193-214; Walmsley 2007: 71-112; Avni 2011).
Greater Syria and elsewhere in the Middle East? Change was far from uniform across the region;
These questions call for a comparative evaluation for instance, there is evidence for the mainte-
of Late Antique and early Islamic Greater Syria nance of colonnaded streets and other aspects of
that takes into account the material culture of Classical urban planning in some towns in Pales-
both urban and rural areas. Starting with the tine and Jordan through the sixth and early
towns and cities, there has been considerable seventh centuries. Furthermore, the arrival of
debate concerning the timing and nature of the Islam did not result in a wholesale abandonment
evolution from the Classical city (Greek: polis) of these principles. The early eighth-century set-
to the archetypal Islamic city (Arabic: madina). tlement of Anjar is striking for its orthogonally G
Consistent features of this evolution are the arranged streets and orderly arrangement of
encroachment upon public spaces such as the space, and it seems likely that Ramla and other
forum and the wide colonnaded street as well as new Muslim cities (misr pl. amsar) of this time
the disappearance of key institutions such as the- adopted similar principles. Within existing towns
aters, temples, and nymphaea (Kennedy 1985). In one encounters numerous examples of interven-
addition, most Late Antique/early Islamic towns tions by caliphs and other members of the Umay-
occupy a smaller area than their Classical yad elite, ranging from new markets to mosques
predecessors (indicating a reduction in the and administrative structures. Good examples of
population), and previously extramural activities, Umayyad architectural patronage have been
most importantly industries such as ceramic identified at Beth Shean/Baysan (Scythopolis),
manufacture, start to be located within urban Arsuf, Palmyra, and Jarash. The mosque at Jarash
areas. In some cases pottery workshops were set is notable for the way in which it is integrated into
up within abandoned theaters in the Late Antique the street plan, despite its orientation being dif-
and early Islamic periods. ferent from that of the main street (Walmsley
It is now well understood that these processes 2007: 84-7). Archaeology is increasingly demon-
predate the arrival of Islam and that in the early strating that trade and industry continued to
seventh century only remnants of Classical urban thrive in Greater Syria after the fall of the
planning remained within most towns and cities Umayyad caliphate; even in towns affected by
of Greater Syria. The Christianization of the the 749 earthquake, one encounters evidence for
region from the fourth century eradicated the relatively ambitious phases of rebuilding.
pagan temples and theaters (this was mirrored While scholars in the early twentieth century
by a massive expansion in church building with had posited a reduction in the rural population in
single towns such as Jarash/Gerasa in Jordan Greater Syria during the sixth and seventh centu-
boasting over 20 places of worship). Private ries and virtual abandonment of some regions
building can also be detected in the colonnaded (most famously the Dead Cities of northern
streets and other public areas, particularly from Syria), this picture is now subject to considerable
the sixth century onward. It has been persuasively revision. Reevaluation of occupation phases evi-
argued that these adaptations reflect both dences continuous settlement into the eighth or
a reduction in the power of local officials to ninth centuries. In the case of the Negev, this
control the public spaces and the expansion of picture of rural prosperity under early Islamic
mercantile activity within urban areas. The rule is confirmed both by settlement patterns
replacement of wheeled transport with pack ani- and the archive of papyri recovered from the
mals (particularly camels) also made the wide, town of Nessana (Magness 2003: 130-94).
straight urban streets rather irrelevant. Umayyad patrons also invested in the countryside
G 3116 Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology
through the creation of country estates (qasr, pl. agent), probably in response to difficulties in
qusur), particularly in the more marginal lands of obtaining imported materials (Henderson 1999).
Jordan and Syria. While the qusur (sometimes Pottery production in the late eighth and early
known rather misleadingly as desert castles) ninth century was more conservative, with pot-
clearly had a role as sites of private entertainment ters concentrating upon the manufacture of utili-
for the Umayyad elite, more recent investigations tarian unglazed vessels and other items such as
have focused upon their placement along the drainage pipes and roof tiles. Glazed ceramics
major arteries of trade and communication and were produced in very limited numbers in the
the promotion of agriculture in the surrounding early Abbasid phase, with luxury pottery (such
areas. Links to the architectural patronage of the as blue and white and luster-painted wares) being
Ghassanid dynasty in the fifth and sixth centuries imported from Basra and other production
are suggested in the locations chosen for many of centers in Iraq (Miglus 1999; Mason 2004: 92-4).
the Umayyad qusur. Dams, canalization, and Raqqa was just one of the production centers
extensive retaining walls have been found around for luster-painted and underglaze-painted
several of the qusur; existing hydraulic structures stonepaste (fritware) wares in Greater Syria
were obviously brought into use, but some of between the late eleventh and the fifteenth cen-
what remains can probably be attributed to tury. Excavations have identified evidence of
Umayyad patrons (Genequand 2006). production at sites including Damascus, Aleppo,
The most significant phase of activity in the Balis, Qalat Jabar, and Raqqa, while others such
Euphrates region dates from the last quarter of the as the Tell Minis (located near Maarrat al-
eighth into the ninth century. The largest urban Numan) group have less secure provenance.
project was the walled city of Rafiqa (from 771). The understanding of the evolution of these cen-
The construction techniques (principally mud ters of production has been further refined
brick and baked brick), the use of carved stucco through petrographic analysis of thin sections of
decoration, and the plans of the fortifications, ceramic bodies and other forms of scientific anal-
palatial complexes, and mosques all suggest ysis of glazes. It is now possible to establish
comparisons with the Iraqi cities of Baghdad a reasonably secure chronology with Tell
(from 762) and Samarra (from 836) (Daiber & Minis forming the transition between the tech-
Becker 2004: 59-134). The presence of under- niques and styles of Fatimid period Cairo and the
ground canals (qanat) in the vicinity of Raqqa- products of Syrian centers such as Raqqa (Mason
Rafiqa is a further indication of the eastward 2004: 91-120).
orientation of this Abbasid enterprise in Syria. Jordan and Israel have been the subject of
Surveys of the irrigation systems of the Middle extensive survey work, and these data allow
Euphrates and the Balikh and Khabur Rivers have researchers to plot the spatial variations and tem-
demonstrated an upsurge in canal construction in poral fluctuations in rural settlement patterns. In
this phase; presumably the expansion of irrigated many areas the ceramic record indicates an
agriculture was a response to the demands created upsurge in sedentary occupation in the twelfth
by the huge urban populations of Raqqa-Rafiqa to fourteenth centuries (i.e., associated with the
and Baghdad (Berthier 2001). Crusader, Ayyubid, and early Mamluk periods).
Considerable attention has been paid to the According to this evidence, settlement levels
industrial sectors of the region, particularly the reduce during the latter part of the fourteenth
establishment of pottery- and glass-making facil- century, and a process of decline continues
ities to the north and northeast of the existing unabated in areas such as Jordan until the end of
settlement of Raqqa (Heidemann 2006). Analysis the nineteenth century. One aspect of this process
of the broken glass and glass waste indicates that is perhaps a move from sedentary to pastoralist
artisans adapted their techniques (particularly the modes of occupation. While the relative prosper-
replacement of Egyptian natron with ashes made ity of the twelfth- to fourteenth-century phase
from locally abundant plants as the major fluxing remains secure, the extent and nature of the later
Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology 3117 G
decline has been questioned. Much of the onward, tea). The former is evident principally
ceramic evidence in regions such as Jordan com- in the ceramic pipe bowls of the traditional chi-
prises handmade pottery, which has proven very bouk pipe; the ubiquity of these artifacts is
difficult to date with accuracy. Furthermore, allowing for the formation of increasingly accu-
Ottoman cadastral records (daftars) of the rate typologies. A vital component of coffee
sixteenth century suggest continued productivity drinking was the small glazed ceramic cup. Syr-
and sedentary occupation in rural areas (Johns ian manufacturers satisfied some of the demand
1995; Walker 2004). for these decorative items, but it is also clear that
The production of sugar and molasses was one they were also imported from Turkey, Europe,
of the most economically significant activities in and Southeast Asia (Milwright 2000; Walker
Greater Syria between the twelfth and the fif- 2009). The issues of diet and disease in the
teenth century, and numerous processing sites Ottoman period have been investigated in paleo-
have been identified in the Jordan valley, around pathological studies (e.g., Smith & Horwitz
the banks of the Dead Sea, and in the region of 2009). G
Akko. The processing of sugar was expensive
requiring the construction and maintenance of the
installations themselves, the manufacture of cop- International Perspectives
per boiling vats and ceramic vessels (molasses
jars and conical sugar pots), and the provision of The study of the material culture of Greater Syria
labor, fuel, and water. Most of the sugar mills of requires a constant awareness of the integration
Greater Syria probably ceased to operate during of the region into international networks of mer-
the fifteenth century largely because they were cantile exchange and cultural interaction. Exca-
unable to compete with cheaper sugar imported vations of major ports such as Ayla on the Red
from Cyprus. Wadi Faynan, located south of the Sea and Beirut and Akko on the Mediterranean
Dead Sea on the eastern side of the Wadi Araba, provide excellent evidence of changing patterns
has provided evidence for the revival of copper of long-distance trade. Chinese ceramics first
smelting in the thirteenth century (Kind et al. make their appearance on sites of the early
2005). Abbasid period, such as Raqqa-Rafiqa, and by
The Ottoman period in Greater Syria has the thirteenth century enjoy a relatively wide-
often been characterized as one of economic spread distribution across Greater Syria. The
and cultural decline. This picture can now be Ayyubid and Mamluk periods are particularly
revised in many respects; while it is true that notable for the diversity of the imported
the traditional crafts found it difficult to compete ceramics, particularly on urban sites. These
against industrially manufactured products from imports include slip-incised (sgraffito) wares
Europe (particularly after the late eighteenth from Italy, Cyprus, and the Aegean region, tin-
century), the archaeological record suggests glazed maiolica from Italy, luster wares from
considerable economic activity with the inhabi- Spain, blue and white porcelain and celadon
tants of Greater Syria consuming a wide range of (green ware) from Southeast Asia, and glazed
locally made and imported goods. Notably suc- stonepaste from Iran. During the Ottoman period
cessful in the confrontation with foreign imports one also encounters imported glazed pottery from
were the ceramic producers of Gaza and Turkey (particularly from Iznik, Kutahya, and
Rashaya al-Fukhkhar. Examples of the gray- Canakkale) and a range of decorated porcelains
bodied (reduction-fired) Gaza wares are from China, Japan, Korea, Germany, France, and
encountered on numerous sites in the south of Britain.
Greater Syria. Pottery can also be used to track There is evidence of international contact in
the emergence and spread of popular pastimes of many other aspects of the material culture of
the Ottoman period, tobacco smoking and drink- Greater Syria between the seventh and the
ing of coffee (and, from the nineteenth century twentieth century. In architecture there are
G 3118 Greater Syria: Islamic Archaeology
numerous examples of building plans, decorative equivalent phases in other regions of the Medi-
styles, or modes of construction entering from terranean (cf. Hodges & Whitehouse 1983) and
other regions. For instance, minarets in locations elsewhere. The impact of the Crusades upon the
such as Raqqa, Balis, and Qalat Jabar draw Middle East invites comparison with Crusades in
upon Persian prototypes. Greater Syria formed other regions as well as with later phases of
part of larger polities during the Ayyubid, colonial occupation. The Ottoman period offers
Mamluk, and Ottoman periods, and this facili- rich potential for comparative research, with
tated further cross-pollination of architectural recent research in areas such as Greece and the
forms and decorative features. The presence of Balkans providing an opportunity to evaluate the
these forms of artistic exchange in architecture divergent experiences of being a province within
also opens the possibility of identifying similar a larger Muslim empire.
phenomena in many aspects of the archaeological
record from portable arts to urban planning and
agricultural practices. Cross-References
of them. The objects are inventoried and monuments. Monitoring takes place in every type
photographed, their provenance is checked, and of activity that could directly or even indirectly
a permit of legal possession is issued. This way affect the archaeological sites, monuments, and
a very important data base is accumulated with places of historical interest. Most often, there is
important antiquities, which benefit scholarship a demarcation of a broader area of protection,
considerably. On the other hand, the individual is buffer zones, and specific land use. Excavations,
sensitized concerning the protection of cultural conservation, restoration, rehabilitation of monu-
heritage. There is also strict control of the use of ments, and their protection through shelters and
metal detectors. other means, educational programs, and cultural
The Archaeological Service includes two events are controlled by the Archaeological Ser-
general directorates, one for antiquities and vice, which examines the feasibility and extent of
cultural heritage in general, including the intervention, quality of the work, scientific
conservation and folklore, and a second for res- documentation and reversibility of the interven-
toration of monuments of all periods, photogram- tions, and guaranty of proper publication. The
metry, conservation of museums, and technical sensitization of the broader public is also impor-
infrastructure in general. There are individual tant, and there is a lot of effort put in combining the
directorates and departments, as well, which needs of modern society with the benefits of
coordinate regional services. These are the a monument or site. There is always communica-
ephorates and institutes for antiquities on the tion between the Archaeological Service and the
one hand side and for modern monuments on competent authorities and social actors, especially
the other. The Archaeological Service also concerning expropriations or compensation of the
includes a series of special regional services: individual for the deprivation of use of immovable
for antique shops and private archaeological property for archaeological reasons. Expropriation
collections, caves, underwater antiquities, and takes place in recent years only when a group of
individual museums. monuments needs to be promoted and there is no
In addition, there are councils either regional other alternative for their preservation and
or central, which examine issues of importance, enhancement or in case an extraordinary site is
before which the citizens can present their revealed. In the case of major public works, there
requests and support their cases. Furthermore, is allocation of important funds for salvage exca-
there are special committees for the monitoring vations, conservation, preservation, storage, land-
of the restoration of specific monuments or scape design and promotion, and finally
task forces, which are appointed for a specific publication of the finds.
project. There are 17 foreign archaeological schools
The Archaeological Receipts Fund for Sites functioning in Greece, which carry out excava-
and Expropriations, which is supervised by tions and survey projects, either in collaboration
the ministry, is in charge of publishing archaeo- with the Greek Service or on their own.
logical guide books, special editions, and They receive their permits under specific
annual periodicals and producing exact replicas preconditions. They offer know-how; advanced
of antiquities. The revenues from this fund support technology; funds for expropriation of the land,
the work of the regional archaeological services. on which they excavate; periodicals with annual
The central services form the executive body, publications and specialized libraries; as well as
which plans, directs, approves, and monitors the other benefits (Korka 2007).
work of the ephorates and other services and Greek university professors and other
secures their funding. A large part of the work of researchers also conduct excavations under the
the ephorates includes the control of modern works supervision of the service, which must control
carried out in the environs (built or natural) of that all Greek and foreign excavators abide
Greece: Cultural Heritage Management 3123 G
by the law and keep proper inventories in their Tourism wishes to enhance its heritage, strengthen
storerooms along with digital photographs. its collaboration with cultural actors, and promote
Surveys and other nondestructive methods are cultural and educational activities.
encouraged, while excavation is conducted only The scientific personnel of the ministry is open
when proven necessary. to exchanging expertise and collaborating with
foreign colleagues. There is great concern about
modern management problems such as cultural
Current Debates tourism, climate change, natural and human-
provoked hazards, and sustainable development.
In recent years, the ministry has focused At the time of writing, however, an economic
on reorganizing and upgrading its museums. crisis risks diminishing personnel, services,
Most museums were site museums or in any projects, and cultural benefits, which had occurred
case were continuously supplied with new due to great effort and years of dedication.
material from the ongoing systematic or rescue G
excavations. A new tendency prevailed, however,
and many museums became independent from Cross-References
the local ephorate. The most advanced
framework today is that of the New Acropolis Conservation, Restoration, and Preservation in
Museum, which has an independent governing Classical Archaeology
board appointed by the Minister of Culture Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and
(www.newacropolismuseum.gr). Management of Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and
museums has become more user-friendly to the Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property
public, and info-kiosks; educational programs; (1970)
visitor facilities, especially for handicapped International Council of Museums (ICOM)
people; audio systems; and electronic entry International Council of Museums (ICOM):
machines are now available. Code of Ethics
Many periodic exhibitions take place along with International Council on Monuments and Sites
cultural events and educational programs, which (ICOMOS) (Ethics)
bring the public closer to antiquities. Funding, in International Council on Monuments and Sites
general, comes from the state and is boosted a lot (ICOMOS) (Museums)
with European development programs. There is International Council on Monuments and Sites
a new law also encouraging sponsors. (ICOMOS): Scientific Committees and
Relationship to UNESCO
Parthenon (Elgin) Marbles: Case Study
Future Directions Repatriation: Overview
UNESCO (1970) and UNIDROIT
Greece participates in the UN, UNESCO, (1995) Conventions
the Council of Europe, the UN Economic and UNESCOs World Heritage List Process
Social Council, the EU instruments, and other Uses of Heritage
international governmental and nongovernmental World Heritage List: Criteria, Inscription, and
organizations with the goal to promote the Representation
protection of cultural heritage. Many exhibitions World Heritage Objectives and Outcomes
of Greek antiquities are circulated abroad in collab- World Heritage Sites and Education:
oration with major museums and cultural institu- UNESCOs World Heritage Education
tions all over the world. Through various initiatives Programme
and programs, the Greek Ministry of Culture and World Monuments Fund (WMF)
G 3124 Greece: Cultural Heritage Management
Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of, Fig. 1 Greek colonial settlement in the Western Mediterranean
G
G
G 3128 Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of
Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of, Fig. 2 Greek colonial settlement in North Africa, Asia Minor and the Black
Sea area
The answer may lie in the fact that the eighth which Greeks moved to exploit a range of
to seventh centuries BCE were periods of great new social and economic opportunities
personal mobility, driven by a variety of factors. (Purcell 2005). The colonialism of the period
It has been described as an era of exploration, in may have been driven by a mixture of
Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of 3129 G
commercial motives, opportunism, and curiosity investment in civic infrastructure. Unlike cities
about the wider Mediterranean world, rather than in Greece, which had grown up piecemeal, devel-
by demographic pressure and lack of land. opments on new sites could develop more
Between c. 720 and 600 BCE colonial settle- systematically, and also a need to create strong
ments show a high degree of local variation in civic organization and a strong civic identity to
their development. Some were ethnically mixed integrate the inhabitants into a functioning
communities and many others may not have been citizen body.
fully urban in their early stages. By the end of the Ancient sources describe ethnic conflict
seventh century, most had established themselves between Greeks and their non-Greek neighbors,
as fully urban and fully Greek settlements. Many but archaeological evidence presents a more
developed organized urban plans to a much nuanced picture. Some settlements started out as
greater extent that cities in Greece, and did so mixed communities before adopting a fully Greek
from an early date. This so-called Hippodamian identity during the seventh century. Graves at
town plan was based around two main thorough- Pithekoussai have yielded Italic and Phoenician G
fares crossing at the centre of town and a grid of grave goods, suggesting an ethnically mixed rather
streets dividing the area into long rectangular than purely Greek community (Ridgway 1992:
blocks, which were subdivided into regular plots 109-19). At Metapontion and Siris, Greek and
for housing. The agora was usually placed near Italic burial customs co-existed in earliest phases
the centre of the urban area. Temples and sanctu- of the cemeteries, and both Greek and non-Greek
aries could be grouped together on an acropolis pottery has been found, although buildings are
(as at Akragas), placed at the edges of the urban mainly of Greek type (Carter 1998; Di Siena
area (as at Poseidonia), or a mixture of both. 2001: 17-26). This persists until the late seventh
However, there were many local variations in century, after which these sites become more
the ways sites developed. At Megara Hyblaia, clearly Greek in character. This is accompanied
the regular layout seems to have been in place by changes in the territories of these communities
from the earliest date of settlement, with desig- which may suggest a phase of more aggressive
nated areas for cemeteries and sanctuaries and for expansion (Di Siena 2001: 24-31). One hypothesis
public business. The uniformity of the early is that many Greeks arrived in all-male groups
houses in size and form suggests a high degree rather than as families, and intermarried with the
of central organization in allocating space. local populations, although studies of this in the
At Thasos, in contrast, pottery deposits demon- western Mediterranean have shown mixed results
strate that sanctuaries were established early, but (Shepherd 1999). At Pithekoussai, Metapontion,
the seventh century city was haphazard and the and a number of other sites, some female burials
first signs of communal planning and organiza- contained Italic fibula brooches rather than the
tion date to the early sixth century (Osborne straight dress-pins used by Greeks, suggesting
1996: 233-42). that these may have been local women. As there
Greeks overseas were early adopters of many was no spatial distinction between these and
aspects of Greek urban life. Colonies built mon- graves with Greek grave goods, they have been
umental stone buildings earlier and more prolifi- taken as evidence for women intermarrying with
cally than the cities of Greece; in particular many Greek colonists. At other Greek sites, however,
monumental temples were constructed. Coinage there is little evidence of ethnic intermingling,
was adopted early, as were writing and codified and patterns of interaction with local populations
laws. Territories were also carefully organized. varied from colony to colony.
During the sixth century, the territory of Whatever the specific nature of social rela-
Metapontion was systematically reorganized tions, there were significant levels of economic
and a regular grid of land divisions imposed and cultural contact and exchange of goods and
(Di Siena 2001: 24-9). The fact that these were ideas between Greeks and non-Greeks, even dur-
new communities may have prompted this ing periods of conflict. Religious sanctuaries
G 3130 Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of
seem to have acted as important points of contact to use the same weight standard for their coinage.
for such exchanges. Greek inscriptions are found Although these relationships were largely based
in non-Greek contexts; the Greek alphabet was on fictive rather than real kinship, they became
adopted for writing non-Greek languages and more prominent, and more politicized, from
coinage based on Greek designs and weights the sixth century onwards. The colonies
was minted by some non-Greeks. Greek pottery founded by Phokaian refugees after the Persian
styles were also widely adopted, and adapted by sack of Phokaia - Alalia, Elea, Massilia and
non-Greeks, often from an early date. In Italy, for Emporion - shared a strong sense of common
example, Apulia, Lucania, and Campania all Ionian identity, maintaining their Ionic scripts
developed local red-figure pottery, closely based and dialect, and many aspects of architecture
on Greek techniques and designs but with their and material culture derived from Phokaia
own distinctive shapes and decorative styles. In (Dominguez Monedero 2004), while Korinth
extreme cases, it can be difficult to distinguish maintained active links with states which claimed
between Greek and non-Greek settlements. Korinthian origin during the fifth century. Greeks
The Sicilian city of Segesta constructed a fine outside Greece were embedded in a complex web
Doric temple, despite being an indigenous com- of connections to both their non-Greek neighbors
munity. At Morgantina in southeast Sicily, and the wider Greek world.
a settlement of the indigenous Sikels, the centre
of the city had Greek-style buildings and looked
very similar to the agora of a Greek city, despite Key Issues/Current Debates
its non-Greek population (Antonaccio 2005:
98-101). The social and cultural interactions There are currently several key issues in the
between Greeks and their non-Greek neighbors archaeology of Greek colonialism. These
were both highly complex and central to the include: the nature of the process by which new
development of areas of Greek settlement. communities were created; the reasons for the
The Greeks of the colonial world were not migrations of the eighth and seventh centuries,
a cohesive group and is evidence of tension, the interpretation of relations between Greeks
sometimes on ethnic lines between those of and local populations, and the impact of colonial-
Dorian and Ionian origin. Despite this, they ism on Greek conceptions of their own ethnicity.
maintained a strong Greek identity. Greeks over- They touch on important problems such as how
seas participated in events symbolizing shared (or if) archaeological evidence can be integrated
ethnicity, such as the Olympic games and other with ancient sources, whether we can identify
Panhellenic festivals. The victory lists at ethnic origins from material evidence, and what
Olympia and other sanctuaries include victors sort of analytical frameworks can be used to
from the colonial world. Colonies built treasuries clarify cultural interactions between Greeks and
at Delphi, and made victory dedications at Delphi their neighbors.
and Olympia. Although founding mother-cities
are likely to have been largely fictive, social, and Trade and Colonialism
political links between a colony and its putative Discussions of mass migration in the eighth and
founder were important. Cults associated with the seventh centuries BCE historically assumed that
foundation formed a vital part of civic religion in trade was of relatively little importance and the
the colonial world, whether they were cults of main motivation was desire for land (Boardman
deities associated with colonialism, cults of 1999; Dunbabin 1999). This was, in part, based on
a heroized founder, or cults associated with the a tendency to privilege the ancient sources over
nominal mother city. It was also common for material evidence. Accounts which mentioned
colonies to adopt the linguistic dialect and form desire for land as a motive (Strabo, Geography,
of script used by their assumed mother city, and 5.4.9) or drew distinctions between mercantile
Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of 3131 G
Phoenicians who founded trading posts and established. In addition, ancient sources and
Greeks who founded cities (Thucydides 6.2) archaeological evidence address fundamentally
were largely accepted. It also relies on different questions (Owen 2005: 6-8). Archaeol-
a primitivist view of ancient Greek economies in ogy reveals long-term trends and patterns but
which trade is assumed to be of little importance. dating is too imprecise to pinpoint short-term
Recent critiques demonstrate that this approach factors. Ancient sources, in contrast, focus on
was shaped by eighteenth and nineteenth century immediate events and motivations. Both yield
colonialisms, in which trading relationships were valuable information, but from radically different
rapidly followed by territorial expansion. New perspectives. Recently, the debate about the
research on the economy of the archaic Mediter- nature of Greek settlement overseas has swung
ranean suggests that economic behavior was much strongly against the model of colonization as an
more sophisticated and diverse than this model organized political project. Many scholars now
suggests, and that nineteenth century concepts of regard it as a fluid process, in which Greek
trade before the flag distorts both the nature of settlements formed by piecemeal migration by G
ancient trade and that of the settlement process individuals and small groups, some of whom
(Shepherd 2005: 24-30). The excavations at initially lived in mixed communities alongside
Pithekoussai show that it was a community with indigenous populations. Many did not develop
a vibrant economy based on trade in mineral a fully Greek identity and city-state organization,
resources as well as agriculture. The archaic Med- either by assimilating or ejecting these local
iterranean was a region of high mobility, in which populations, until the late seventh century.
long-distance travel motivated by commercial This view is strongest in Anglo-American
opportunities and curiosity about an expanding scholarship, where the use of the term
world, was not unusual (Purcell 2005). colonization to described Greek settlement
overseas has become problematized, but it is not
The Nature of Settlement universally accepted. One of the key arguments
The process by which settlements were against the organized foundation of colonies is
established has generated much debate. Until that the city-state was at an early stage of devel-
the 1990s, ancient accounts of how to found opment in Greece in the eighth century and that
a new settlement were largely accepted (Graham the polis was not yet established as the main form
1982). These present colonization as an of political and social organization, so the
well-defined and organized process, whether car- creation of new settlements which replicated
ried out by a state or an individual. An oracle was this emergent form of organization seems
consulted to gain divine approval for the mission, unlikely (Osborne 1998). However, counter-
leaders were appointed, and the colonists set off arguments have been made, that the development
to find the place indicated by the oracle. Once of the polis was assisted precisely by colonization
located, the leaders laid out the boundary of the and the need to create new forms of community
new city, instituted the main cults, and divided from scratch, and that there is nothing implausi-
the land within the new city and its territory to ble about a new society inventing new forms of
ensure that settlers received a fair share. The community and new ways of setting them out
foundation process was presented as setting up (Malkin 1994, 2002). Although the balance has
a community to a recognized pattern, replicating tipped in favor of Greek settlement overseas as
the organization of a Greek polis. a process of migration rather than organized col-
There are many problems with this model. The onization, there are still ambiguities to resolve.
texts on which it relies were written long after the
foundation of the early colonies, reflecting later Modelling Cultural Interactions
practices and attitudes, and cannot be accepted as The concept of Hellenization the adoption,
an accurate account of how colonies were either voluntary or enforced, of Greek
G 3132 Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of
customs, language and material culture by Greek and Sikeliote elements mix to produce
non-Greeks has long been the dominant model new cultural forms. One strength of this model
for understanding Greek relations with local is that it allows for changes in the ways in which
populations. It is an analytical framework shaped artifacts are used. For example, Greek drinking
by eighteenth and nineteenth century colonial- vessels are frequently found in elite burials in
isms, in which a mission to civilize non-European many areas of Italy, but they do not prove the
cultures was an important part of colonial ideol- adoption of the Greek symposion. Most Italian
ogy (Shepherd 2005). However, it is no longer societies had their own traditions of elite
tenable to view the archaeology of areas of Greek banqueting, which were very different from that
settlement as shaped by a one-way transmission of the all-male symposion, and it is far more
of advanced Greek customs and culture to more likely that Greek drinking sets were used for
backward locals. Instead, various analytical these local celebrations. Although Middle
models have been put forward to interpret Ground theory and hybridization escape from
relations between ethnic groups. the overtly top-down and colonialist aspects of
A core-periphery model, in which the Hellenization and core-periphery analysis, they
Greek core obtained natural resources such as are still problematic as a framework for studying
mineral ores from the non-Greek periphery in Greek-local interactions. Recent critiques note
exchange for Greek manufactured goods, is one that they potentially underplay aspects of conflict
possible approach. This argues that Greek goods or imbalances of power between the parties
were circulated to non-Greek elites, by either involved. They can also make it difficult to dif-
trade or gift-exchange, in return for resources ferentiate between the various cultural elements
such as mineral ores. These goods were regarded under discussion, and can obscure important
as prestige items, the ownership of which factors such as gender or social class, which
enhanced the status of the non-Greek owner have an important role in determining which
and also his/her social and political power cultural features are transmitted and how they
(Dietler 1995). This opens up alternative ways are used.
to look at trade and exchange of goods, and also Another influential approach has been exami-
gives the local population a more dynamic role nation of Greek and non-Greek cultures in terms
in the relationship but it also implies the same of localism versus globalization (Hodos 2009).
basic level of inequality between non-Greeks The spread of Greek culture over such a wide area
and Greeks which characterized the Helleniza- of the Mediterranean meant that Greek customs
tion model. and artifacts could be used as a form of cultural
Post-colonial theories of hybridization and lingua franca, just as the Greek language could
Middle Ground theory offer a possible alterna- be used as a common language to communicate
tive. These argue that interaction between Greeks across ethnic and cultural boundaries. Greek
and non-Greeks resulted in the emergence of red-figure pottery, for example, could be custom-
hybrid (or creole) culture which contained ele- ized with local scenes and therefore used to pre-
ments of both cultures and which facilitated the sent local identities in a visual idiom which was
development of local and regional identities familiar throughout the Greek world. South
which were not Greek or non-Greek but Sicilian, Italian red-figure vases frequently depicted
or Italiote, or Graeco-African, etc. (Antonaccio scenes of warriors in local costume and with
2005). A site such as Morgantina, where there is Italic armor and weapons, using it to present
evidence of the adoption of at least some Greek local elite culture. Greek culture could be seen
customs (e.g., Greek civic architecture) but not as a form of globalised cultural language which
others (Greek religious architecture, Greek sculp- could be customized to reflect local cultures but
ture) is not an example of Hellenization but of an also used as a form of communication across
expression of local Sicilian identity in which cultural boundaries.
Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of 3133 G
Ethnicity and Colonization colony, and Greek identity became more sharply
The role of colonialism in the development of defined from the fifth century, but it was never
Greek ethnicity, and how reliably we can identify a simple matter of Greeks versus barbarians.
ethnicity in the archaeological record, is an
important issue. Distance from ones own culture
or proximity to other cultures is frequently International Perspectives
a factor in the emergence of a stronger and more
assertive sense of ethnic identity. Ethnicity is Greek colonialism is hugely varied, with many
often more in evidence in frontier areas where local variations in the development of Greek set-
cultures are in contact, and for this reason, it has tlements outside Greece. Some regional patterns
been suggested that Greeks living in colonies can be discerned: settlement in Spain and the
may have had a stronger sense of Greek identity. islands of the western Mediterranean seems to
This oppositional Greek identity, and the polarity be less polisbased and more integrated with
between Greeks and barbarians is, however, more local populations than elsewhere, and the emer- G
developed in the fifth century, when Greek gence of regional styles in material culture can be
identity was tested by the Persian invasion, than identified, but there is also intense variability of
it was in the archaic period. It has been argued development even between settlements in the
that Greeks of the eighth and seventh centuries same areas of the Mediterranean. This has been
may have been more aware of the differences exacerbated by some trends in modern scholar-
between settlers from different parts of Greece ship. There has been a tendency for researchers to
as between themselves and neighboring focus on specific regions and sites, and dialogue
non-Greeks (Hall 2002). between these has sometimes been limited. One
There is evidence for both points of view. of the key challenges in the archaeology of Greek
Greeks outside Greece were not a cohesive colonialism is to identify overarching themes and
group. Evidence of regionalization is apparent patterns in colonial settlements without losing
in their use of different alphabets and dialects sight of these local factors.
and they seem to have maintained sub-group
identities as either Dorians or Ionians. The
mixed communities found in some early settle- Future Directions
ments, and evidence for commercial, social and
even familial contacts with non-Greeks suggests There are many important issues which remain to
that ethnic boundaries were flexible. However, be explored in relation to Greek colonialism.
there are methodological problems. The hypoth- 1. Better methodologies for integrating archaeo-
esis that Greeks and non-Greeks intermarried is logical and textual evidence are badly needed.
based on presence of certain artifact types in Historians frequently privilege texts over
funerary assemblages, but possession of local material evidence, while some archaeologists
objects may be a matter of taste, patterns of adopt the extreme position that textual evi-
trade or gift-exchange, or simply what was avail- dence should be rejected entirely. Dialogue
able, rather than an indication of ethnicity between archaeologists and historians is
(Shepherd 1999). The presence of other evidence essential for the resolution of this problem.
such as the use of non-Greek burial customs in 2. Further research on cultural identities and the
a Greek city strengthens the case for mixed com- interactions between Greeks and other ethnic
munities, but inferring a mixed population on the groups is needed. This is a complex area, and
basis of grave goods alone is unwise. As with none of the models review above are without
most aspects of Greek colonialism, patterns their problems. A single interpretative frame-
were geographically and chronologically varied. work which will address cultural interaction
Relations with locals differed from colony to without any bias or distortion maybe difficult
G 3134 Greek Colonialism, Archaeology of
to achieve. In particular, more investigation is DOMINGUEZ MONEDERO, A. 2002. The Greeks in Iberia:
needed on how factors such as gender, or colonialism without colonisation, in C.L. Lyons &
J.K. Papadopoulos (ed.) The archaeology of colonial-
social class may shape cultural interactions. ism: 65-95. Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute.
There is much scope for the development of - 2004. Greek identity in the Phocaean colonies, in
new models of cultural interaction which K. Lomas (ed.) Greek identity in the western Mediter-
place Greeks and non-Greeks on a more ranean: 429-56. Leiden: Brill.
DUNBABIN, T.J. 1999. The western Greeks: the history of
equal footing. Sicily and south Italy from the foundation of the Greek
3. Better integration between researchers working colonies to 480 B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
on different areas of the Greek colonial world is GRAHAM, A.J. 1982. The colonial expansion of Greece.
required. As noted above, Greek experiences of Cambridge ancient history, 2nd edn., Volume III: 83-
162. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
colonialism were often locally-specific, but HALL, J.H. 2002. Hellenicity: between ethnicity and
more dialogue between researchers working culture. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
on different areas of the Greek world may HODOS, T. 2009. Colonial engagements in the global
help to illuminate aspects of colonialism. Mediterranean Iron Age. Cambridge Archaeological
Journal 19: 221-41.
Recent research applying network analysis to LOMAS, K. 2006. Beyond Magna Graecia: Greeks and
the ancient Mediterranean has opened up valu- non-Greeks in France, Spain and northern Italy,
able new approaches to aspects of colonialism 500-300 BCE, in K.H. Kinzl (ed.) The Blackwell com-
and connectivity between different areas of the panion to the classical Greek world, 478-323 BCE:
174-96. Oxford: Blackwell.
Greek world. MALKIN, I. 1994. Inside and outside: colonization and the
formation of the mother city, in B. DAgostino &
D. Ridgway (ed.) Apoikia: i piu antichi insediamenti
greci in occidente: funzioni e modi dellorga-
Cross-References nizzazione politica e sociale: 1-10. Naples: Istituto
Universitario Orientale.
Cross-Cultural Interaction Theories in - 2002. Exploring the validity of the concept of founda-
Classical Archaeology tion: a visit to Megara Hyblaia. in V. Gorman &
E.W. Robinson (ed.) Oikistes: studies in constitutions,
Ethnicity and Identity in the Ancient
colonies, and military power in the ancient world,
Mediterranean World offered in honor of A. J. Graham: 195-225. Leiden:
Brill.
OSBORNE, R. 1996. Greece in the making, 1200-479 BCE.
London: Routledge.
References - 1998. Early Greek colonization? The nature of Greek
settlement in the west, in N. Fisher & H. Van Wees
ANTONACCIO, C. 2005. Excavating colonization, in (ed.) Archaic Greece. New approaches and new
S. Owen & H. Hurst (ed.) Ancient colonizations: anal- evidence: 251-70. London: Duckworth.
ogy, similarity and difference: 97-114. London: OWEN, S. 2005. Analogy, archaeology and archaic Greek
Duckworth. colonization, in H. Hurst & S. Owen (ed.) Ancient
BOARDMAN, J. 1999. The Greeks overseas: their early colonizations: analogy, similarity and difference:
colonies and trade, 4th edn. London: Thames and 5-22. London: Duckworth.
Hudson. PURCELL, N. 2005. Colonization and Mediterranean
CARTER, J.C. 1998. The chora of Metaponto: the history, in H. Hurst & S. Owen (ed.) Ancient coloni-
necropoleis. Austin: University of Texas Press. zations: analogy, similarity and difference: 115-39.
DE ANGELIS, F. 1994. The foundation of Selinous: over- London: Duckworth.
population or opportunities? in F. De Angelis & RIDGWAY, D. 1992. The first western Greeks. Cambridge:
G. Tsetskhladze (ed.) The archaeology of Greek colo- Cambridge University Press.
nisation: 87-110. Oxford: Oxford University Commit- SHEPHERD, G. 1999. Fibulae and females: intermarriage in
tee for Archaeology. the western Greek colonies and the evidence from
DIETLER, M. 1995. The cup of Gyptis: rethinking the cemeteries, in G. Tsetskhladze (ed.) Ancient Greeks:
colonial encounter in early Iron Age western Europe west and east: 267-300. Leiden: Brill.
and the relevance of world systems models. Journal of - 2005. The advance of the Greek: Greece, Great Britain
European Archeology 3: 89-111. and archaeological empires, in H. Hurst & S. Owen
DI SIENA, A. (ed.) 2001. Metaponto. Archeologia di una (ed.) Ancient colonizations: analogy, similarity and
colonia greca. Taranto: Scorpione Editrice. difference: 2344. London: Duckworth.
Greek Houses, Archaeology of 3135 G
reveal the human use of space within, including
Greek Houses, Archaeology of food storage, preparation and consumption, as
well as sleeping, household production such as
Barbara Tsakirgis textile work, and the entertainment of guests. The
Department of Classical Studies, Vanderbilt answer to the question of Greek identity is depen-
University, Nashville, TN, USA dent in part on chronology. From the Early Iron
Age until the late fourth century BCE, it is fair to
say that a Greek house is a residence constructed
Introduction in territories established and occupied by Greeks,
who identified themselves as such by virtue of
Most visitors to Greek archaeological sites can be their common language and the gods they
excused if they never visit the residential districts worshiped. This definition follows Greek ideas
or even realize that houses have been excavated of self-identification which were based on lan-
there. Greek domestic architecture is often poorly guage and religion (see, e.g., Herodotus 8.1.44). G
preserved and consequently neglected by coun-
tries that have more cultural property to protect
than their budgets will cover. This situation Historical Background
is regrettable, as houses and their contents can
reveal much about the cultural and social life The houses considered in this entry date over the
of the Greeks, providing an insight on the course of a single millennium, from c. 1,000 BCE
economy, religion, relationships between men until the first century BCE. While Greek speakers
and women, and the interactions between were resident in the Balkan Peninsula, the home-
freemen and slaves. Careful examination of the land of Greece, from before 1,500 BCE, the
archaeological remains, informed by a judicious governing political and economic structure of
reading of ancient literary and epigraphical the Greek Bronze Age was such that the house
testimonia, and cautious use of ancient visual types of that period were shaped by factors very
depictions of domestic scenes can help bring different from those in the succeeding Iron
Greek houses to life. Age when social changes fundamentally altered
the forms of domestic architecture. The study of
the Greek house is inextricably bound to the study
Definition of urbanism in the Greek world, as domestic
architecture responds to the organization of
What are the determinants for identifying a house the city in its adherence to the street system;
and for labeling that house as Greek? The first the interior arrangements of the house also
question can be difficult to answer, as many exca- recognize the interplay between the interior,
vated buildings were both residences and the with any attendant notions of privacy or segrega-
locations for industrial or commercial activity. tion, and public life in the city.
It is probably most accurate to say that a house Throughout the Greek world, Early Iron Age
was a building where the primary function was houses were limited in both size and elaboration.
residence but where there could be attendant Houses of one, two, or at most three rooms were
workshop production and/or commercial sales. the norm whether the houses were built on the
A number of Greek houses accommodating such Greek mainland or in the colonies that multiplied,
multiple uses have been recognized in rural set- especially in the western Mediterranean, from the
tings and almost by definition include agricultural late eighth century BCE. The techniques of con-
or pastoral production. The identifying character- struction that prevailed throughout history seem
istics for a domestic use of space are as much the to have originated at an early date mud brick
artifactual assemblages as the architectural struc- walls were built on a low stone socle in order that
ture. The collections of household impedimenta the easily fashioned mud brick could provide
G 3136 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
insulation and so that the stone underpinnings space was no longer through the yard but rather
could prevent moisture from destroying the mud through a door in the facade and often into
brick. Early Iron Age houses usually had fixed a vestibule, creating what has been called
hearths to serve as a heating element and probably the single-entrance courtyard house. Unlike the
also as a source of light, a space for cooking, and foyer of a modern home, the vestibule of the Late
a focus of family life and ritual (Tsakirgis 2007). Archaic and Classical houses was a buffer, sepa-
Another characteristic feature of Greek houses rating the public world of the street from
also emerges early, that is, their southern orien- the domestic world, and there was neither easy
tation. Doors and windows were often placed to physical nor direct visual access to the innermost
open to the south so that the rays of the winter sun parts of the house because the interior doorway of
shining low would penetrate the rooms and warm the vestibule was not placed directly in line with
them and so that the summer sun, high overhead, the street entrance (Fig. 1). These architectural
would beat on the roof, thus providing much changes have been recognized as reflecting
needed shade in the hot season. This environmen- changing social practice in Greek cities and
tally conscious architectural arrangement is seen houses, a subject that will be discussed in more
equally in the early colonial houses at Megara detail below (Nevett 1999: 103).
Hyblaea in Sicily, in Classical houses in Athens In many houses of the fifth and fourth centuries
(Fig. 1), in the Late Classical houses at Olynthos BCE, the unroofed courtyard was located fairly
(Fig. 2), and in the Late Hellenistic House on the centrally (Figs. 14). Judging from the materials
Hill on Delos (Hoepfner & Schwandner 1994: 4; found in Greek domestic courtyards, many and
Trumper 1998: 211-12; Cahill 2002: 75). The varied activities took place there over the course
archaeological evidence for the practice of of a familys life, including food preparation, ritual
southern orientation predates by several centuries events, and probably activities that leave no
the testimony of the fourth century authors archaeological record, including childrens play.
Xenophon (Mem. 3.8.8-9) and Pseudo-Aristotle Since the courtyard was unroofed, light and air
(Oec. 1345a), both of whom prescribe that houses would penetrate into the surrounding rooms
should be built facing south. through both doorways and windows, as can be
In front of, generally south of the earliest seen in better preserved Hellenistic houses at Iaitas
Greek houses, there is evidence of an open yard. and Delos (Dalcher 1994: 29-32; Trumper 1998).
Given the usually limited size of these houses, the The courtyard was the major node of access to all
unroofed area greatly increased the households of the surrounding rooms. Suites exist in Greek
living area. At sites such as Zagora, the yard was domestic architecture, but passage through several
shared, suggesting familial or social relationships rooms was not common, and almost all parts of the
among the families who resided in the surround- house opened directly onto the courtyard. Because
ing homes (Hoepfner 1999: 163-69). No of this arrangement, it has been argued that the
architectural embellishment of the early yards courtyard also enforced social control, as any
exists, although the overhanging eaves or shaded inhabitant would have to pass through the court-
porches in front may have anticipated or given yard on the way to any other room or to the street
rise to the roofed porticoes of later houses. door of the house (Nevett 2010: 49).
Greek houses increased in both size and archi- The courtyard served the crucial purpose of
tectural complexity in the sixth and early fifth housing the domestic water source. While running
centuries BCE, as cities expanded in economic water from springs was preferred for drinking and
and political complexity. The open yard, formerly was collected from fountains close to residential
in front of the house, was in many cities at this districts, wells were dug in or near Greek houses
time enclosed within the architectural structure, from a very early date. In the Late Classical
creating an unroofed courtyard surrounded by period, the Greeks came to prefer cisterns to
rooms. The plans of Late Archaic houses at wells as domestic water sources, and one or
Athens reflect this change. Entrance to the living more of these storage tanks were dug under the
Greek Houses, Archaeology of 3137 G
Greek Houses,
Archaeology of,
Fig. 1 Athens, industrial
district, houses C and D,
plans (permission:
Athenian Agora
excavations)
courtyard. The cisterns were usually bottle shaped and maximized the water collection, and gardens
but larger scale tanks were excavated under the were not planted in courtyards until the Hellenis-
houses on the dry Cycladic island of Delos and at tic period and then only rarely (see, e.g., the House
Soluntum in Sicily (Wolf 2003: 93). The of the Arched Cistern, Tsakirgis forthcoming).
terracotta roofs of the houses were sloped to Beginning in the Classical period, there is
shed the rainwater into the courtyard, where the increasing evidence for a shed roof built on one
runoff would fill the cisterns (Fig. 4). The paving or more sides of the domestic courtyard. The
of Greek domestic courtyards further facilitated roofs were supported on a row of pilasters or
G 3138 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
a b c d
e f
g h i j
k l m
Greek Houses, Archaeology of, Fig. 2 Olynthos, House of Many Colors, plan with distribution of finds (permission:
Nicholas D. Cahill)
columns, but peristyles running around all four What we learn from the domestic assemblages
sides of the court were not common until the recorded at Olynthos, Halieis, Halos, and else-
fourth century BCE. The covered porticoes pro- where is that the Greek house was characterized
vided shelter for the inhabitants to sit or work out by a considerable flexibility in the use of space
of the elements while still enjoying the light and (Cahill 2002; Ault 2005; Reinders & Prummel
air. Depending on the time of day and the season 2003: 284-94). The rigid identifications and spe-
of the year, the porticoes also provided shade to cific functions of rooms in modern houses were
the surrounding rooms. The shade could keep the not a feature of ancient domestic space. This
inhabitants cool in the summer and the contrast flexibility was enhanced both by the furnishings
between the bright exterior and the darker interior in Greek houses, which were fewer than those we
could increase the privacy of those within. are accustomed to today, and also by the
Greek Houses, Archaeology of 3139 G
Greek Houses, Archaeology of, Fig. 3 Athens, block of classical houses on the north slope of Areopagus, plan
(permission: Athenian Agora excavations)
G 3140 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
Greek Houses,
Archaeology of,
Fig. 4 Athens, House of
the Greek Mosaic,
reconstruction drawing
(permission: Athenian
Agora excavations)
portability of many of the household objects, in both this extensive plan and highly embellished
including the charcoal brazier and beds. interiors may have been influenced indirectly by
In the later fourth century BCE, houses the palaces built by the Macedonian kings and
increased significantly in size and in interior dec- their successors and the importation of ideas of
oration. It has been theorized that the breakdown private luxury from the newly Hellenized east.
of the traditional Greek polis turned the Greeks to
the home as a location for the types of social
interaction that had previously taken place in Key Issues/Current Debates
public settings (Walter-Karydi 1994). From this
date, many houses throughout the Greek world There are many aspects of Greek houses that have
were built with two courtyards, one of which led to scholarly studies; the following section
served as the hub of a nexus of rooms devoted to highlights several that have garnered the most
private domestic activities, while the other was attention and others which have attracted
the centerpiece of large and well-decorated rooms recent attention: typology, gender, economy,
intended to be seen and used by guests. As will be and regional variation.
discussed below, not all could afford such expan-
sive living space, but those who could would Typology
decorate their homes with mosaic floors and Early studies of Greek houses focused on
painted wall plaster (Fig. 5). Hellenistic houses establishing typologies, emphasizing one feature
Greek Houses, Archaeology of 3141 G
Greek Houses,
Archaeology of,
Fig. 5 Morgantina, House
of Ganymede, mosaic of
Ganymede (permission:
Princeton University,
Department of Art and
Archaeology)
over another as important in the layout of the than any of the other three and can be seen as
house. Many of these early works are barren, as a survival of the earlier pastas form.
they focus solely on establishing typologies of These earlier studies in terminology and typol-
house form. Of particular note in these typologi- ogy have recently been supplanted by more
cal studies was the distinction made between the nuanced considerations which have attempted to
pastas and the prostas house. Both terms derive understand the use of space in the Greek house.
from the same passage of the Roman architec- These later studies stem ultimately from an atten-
tural historian Vitruvius (VI.7.1), who wrote in tion to research on domestic architecture
the first century BCE that the porch-like area conducted by anthropologists and prehistorians
mediating the transition between the courtyard who have not relied solely on literary sources
of the house and its main rooms was called by for their interpretation of the use of space in the
some Greeks the pastas and by others the prostas. dwellings. Ultimately the more recent analyses
The excavators of the 102 houses at Olynthos have been of greater value in explicating life in
adopted the first term for the wider northern por- the Greek house as scholars have based their
tico of the central courtyard (Fig. 2), while the ideas more on the humble objects of the domestic
excavators of the nearly contemporaneous houses assemblages than on the textual sources (e.g.,
at Priene adopted the second term for the Xenophon. Oec. or Lysias 1), some of which are
columned porch serving a similar but limited highly idealized accounts of Greek private life.
function in front of the main room of the house.
The arrangement of porch and rooms at Priene Gender
was limited to some houses in the eastern A critical area to be understood is how Greek
Mediterranean and possibly derived from the houses were used by women and men in the
megaron form common in Bronze Age architec- course of their daily lives. In the past it was held
ture. The typical megaron includes a main living to be true that women were secluded in quarters
room with a front porch, often facing south, and separate from those of the men, and because
an overall axial approach, that is, direct line of physical proof of this separation is difficult if
access from the porch to the main room. In many not impossible to recognize in the remains of
Late Classical and Hellenistic houses the portico houses, the womens quarters were conveniently
on the northern side of the courtyard was wider assumed to have occupied the upper, now
G 3142 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
on the Aegean island of Delos (Dalcher 1994; andrones appear in Classical houses at Priene,
Trumper 1998: 90-106). In contrast to the Athens, and Olynthos (Fig. 2, rm. d), but many
assumptions about the use of the upper rooms as houses do not contain a room intended solely for
womens quarters, domestic assemblages show hosting the symposium. Men could lie on couches
that they could serve a variety of functions, or mattresses around any room and eat or drink
including the mens office, as in the House of wine, so a house without an andron is not neces-
the Seals in Delos (Siebert 2001: 91). Many sarily a house where the symposium did not take
rooms on the upper floors of Hellenistic houses place. Rooms built to function primarily as
were no less well decorated than those on the andrones were usually square, with an off-center
lower story indicating that they were to be seen doorway, so that the maximum number of dining
by guests. One upper room in Peristyle House I at couches could be placed against the walls; a
Iaitas was a dining room, paved with mosaic raised platform for the couches was common in
rosettes and an inscription set in opus signinum the Classical house. Andrones accommodating
(Brem 2000: 98-100, 116). three, seven, or even eleven couches were com-
A characteristic room in many Classical Greek mon in domestic buildings (Fig. 4; Fig. 2, room d).
houses is the andron, used primarily as a setting The andron was the room displaying the
for entertaining male guests. Purpose-built highest quality decoration; mosaic floors were
G 3144 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
first placed here and only later were used to pave a visitor. The street entrance to the Classical
other rooms of houses and public buildings Greek house was rarely distinguished by any
(Westgate 1997-1998). The mosaics were pri- architectural embellishments, although some
marily decorative with the designs aligned to be were favored in the Hellenistic period when pilas-
seen best by diners entering the andron (Fig. 5). ters were fashioned on either side of the main
The pavements were conceived of as carpets in door, as in the House of the Official at Morgantina
stone and some rooms also had a small panel laid (Tsakirgis forthcoming). The upper rooms in sev-
in the doorway to mimic a doormat. The stone eral Delian houses, such as the House of the
floors had a practical aspect. Many dinner and Pediments, were provided with large windows,
drinking parties ended with spilled food and drink framed with impressive pilasters.
mixed with the remains of vessels that had slipped In the Late Classical and Hellenistic period
from the grasp of drunken guests and the stomach when larger houses were built, the rooms were
contents of those who had over-imbibed. Slaves more commodious than their predecessors, but
charged with cleaning the andron could simply more specialized rooms were also constructed.
sluice out the mess without damaging a floor laid As noted above, purpose-built kitchens first
in stone. Some andrones were preceded by an appear in fourth century houses. Personal cleans-
anteroom, a buffer between the noise of the all- ing, which was earlier accomplished with water
male party, and the privacy of the household poured into lekanai (basins) or louters (shallow
residents, and many anterooms were furnished basins on stands), took place instead in the bath-
as nicely as the dining room itself, with mosaic rooms of elite houses. The bathrooms were often
pavements and painted walls. The quality of constructed next to rooms with hearths, either the
much of the decor was intended to declare the kitchen, as at Eretria, or the hearth room, as at
wealth and taste of the householder to his guests. Olynthos (Reber 1998: 56-7; Cahill 2002: 250).
The proximity of the two rooms allowed water to
Economy be heated before it was used by the bather. Bath-
Status Display ing culture developed considerably in the Helle-
Throughout Greek history, the householder had nistic period when heated domestic baths were
many ways to demonstrate his wealth. Some sta- built in Hellenistic houses, for example, the
tus displays were on the house facade and were House of the Arched Cistern at Morgantina
intended for both the passerby and the invited (Tsakirgis forthcoming; Trumper 2010).
guest. Storage jars were often prominently placed Early Greek houses lacked any permanent
in early Greek houses on Crete and the Cycladic decoration; textiles used as curtains or rugs may
islands, declaring that the owner had the neces- have provided some interior embellishment. The
sary resources to supply his dependents in times second half of the fifth century BCE was
of need. Doorways and some windows were a watershed for domestic decor as it was for
inserted into the exterior walls of Classical and house size. At this time mosaic pavements and
Hellenistic houses and were further means for painted wall plaster first appeared in domestic
demonstrating wealth (Tsakirgis 2010). Because settings and both were intended to impress
the regions that border the Mediterranean are guests, as is evident from their placement first in
extremely dry, wood was rare and extremely the andron where men were entertained. As did
costly, so much so that evidence from inscriptions the doors and fittings of the street entrance, the
(e.g., sales contracts and leases for houses as well formal flooring and the painted plaster declared
as auctions of property) often stipulated that the the wealth and taste of the householder to those
doors and shutters were movable property, rather outside of the family. The earliest domestic
than part of the real estate (e.g., IG I3 422, ll. 13-6; mosaics were created with black and white peb-
IG I3 l. 3, l. 6). The metal nails and bronze bosses bles laid in designs including the geometric and
attached to the doors made the wooden doors floral forms known from vase painting, architec-
impregnable and even more impressive to ture, and probably also no longer extant textiles.
Greek Houses, Archaeology of 3145 G
Central scenes were largely mythological and Socioeconomic Considerations
Dionysos was favored in the andron where drink- Distinguishing between elite and non-elite hous-
ing was the preferred activity. In the third century ing can be difficult in the absence of both
BCE, the stones were cut into cubic tesserae so prosopographic information and complete arti-
that they could be set more closely together and factual assemblages. A further complication
the palette was broadened to include as full results from anachronistic assumptions about
a spectrum of colors as the available materials elite residences. While it might be assumed that
allowed (Dunbabin 1999: 18-37) (Fig. 5). the wealthy or politically powerful lived in large
The painted wall plaster was quite simple in its and elaborately furnished homes, testimony from
arrangement in Classical houses, with one color Demosthenes (Olynthiac 3.25) suggests that at
used for the dado and another for the wall above. least in the fifth century BCE men of power
On the walls of Hellenistic houses, fictive archi- lived in houses indistinguishable from those of
tecture was produced in painted and sometimes other Athenians. In cities such as Athens, with
molded stucco; rows of blocks with drafted edges a large population of metics (resident aliens) in G
were rendered in a variety of hues, often the Classical period, it is also difficult to distin-
reflecting the wider array of colors used in the guish between houses occupied by citizens and
floor mosaics. Some blocks were painted with those lived in by the metics who could not
imitation veining to resemble expensive marble, own a property before the fourth century BCE
the ultimate inspiration for all of the colorful and thus rented living space from a citizen land-
display. Doorframes and cornices were created lord (Thur 1989).
in stucco in imitation of the forms used in public The homes of the poor are especially challeng-
architecture. Figural painting was very rare in the ing to identify. Literacy among this group was
domestic setting until the late Hellenistic period, virtually nonexistent, so there are no firsthand
when it is found in some Delian houses. As accounts of their houses. Some two- or three-
houses became larger in the Hellenistic period, room residences, identified as such from the
rooms that would be seen by guests were favored domestic wares recovered there, have been
with expensive decoration, but increasingly more recognized in a block of Classical houses on the
of the house was decorated in some way slope of the Areopagus in Athens (Fig. 3). A few
(Westgate 1997-1998). of the original housing lots at Olynthos were later
The evidence for other forms of decoration in divided into smaller units, perhaps for families
domestic contexts is scant, largely due to the of lesser means. Some Delian houses of the
vagaries of archaeological preservation. Greek Hellenistic period, for example, the House of the
houses possessed some sculpture, although most Masks, had staircases located in the street,
if not all must have been dedicated to household suggesting that the upper story was independent
ritual; however, a secondary function of the of the house below and may have been a rented or
images would have been their aesthetic effect. separately owned apartment (Trumper 2005: 136).
Sculptures in the houses at Eretria and Delos
were displayed so that they could be seen from Commercial Activity and Houses
many parts of the home and especially by those In many Greek cities the divide between residen-
entering the front door. Terracotta figurines are tial areas and those dedicated to industry and
abundant in domestic assemblages and also func- commerce was not as pronounced as it is in mod-
tioned as both ritual equipment and decoration of ern urban areas. In some Athenian houses living
the interior space. Written sources (IG I3 423, ll. and workspace was little distinguished, and both
59, 60-1, 62; Pritchett 1956: 250-3) attest that tools and worked materials suggest that industrial
painted panels (pinakes) were displayed in some activity was conducted in the same building
Classical houses, but none is preserved to give where whole families resided (Tsakirgis 2005).
any information as to common subjects or set- Spacious houses allowed for the segregation of
tings for the pictures. industrial activity from the domestic, the
G 3146 Greek Houses, Archaeology of
assemblages indicating that household activities While the Greeks can be recognized in general
were relegated to one part of the building and the terms as a cultural group, their social organiza-
manufacturing and sales to another. Several such tion, whether familial or political, was based on
houses stand on the periphery of the Athenian varied practices throughout the Mediterranean.
Agora (Fig. 1) and because of their location take As the layout of houses has been deemed to be
advantage of the commercial activities that were a direct response to the organization of social life,
one focus of the civic center. we can observe the social variations in the plan
Some Greek houses have single rooms or of the city in macrocosm and the house in
two-room suites which open directly onto the microcosm. Thus, while the single-entrance
street and do not communicate with the living courtyard house prevailed in democratic cities,
quarters within (Fig. 1, rm. 12). While these communities with different social practice built
rooms were likely shops, many do not contain their houses to a different model. Houses on
evidence of what was manufactured or sold Crete, for example, continued to have direct
within. Such shops lined major thoroughfares or access from the exterior and a linear layout of
clustered at the intersections. The shopkeepers of rooms in later periods, indicating that the social
antiquity were well aware of the advantage of norms and practices there differed from those in
location for attracting passersby to purchase cities such as Athens (Westgate 2007).
their wares.
conditions, the high degree of intervisibility in the (c. 1050700 BCE), the Archaic (c. 700479
island-studded seas of Greece. Thus, the islands BCE), the Classical (c. 479323 BCE), the
became enmeshed in interaction networks and, Hellenistic (c. 32331 BCE), and the Roman
thanks to their key role in communication routes, period (c. 31 BCE324 CE).
occupied diachronically a particularly favorable The collapse of Mycenaean palatial centers
position in these networks. The dialectical rela- in the late thirteenth century BCE and the
tionship with non-insular communities signifi- consequent gradual disintegration of the Myce-
cantly influenced the Greek islands from their naean civilization during the twelfth and early
early history. The insularity, however, enabled eleventh centuries BCE marked the beginning
islands to assimilate selectively continental ele- of a long period of social upheaval and
ments and develop their own cultural diversity. political ferment that significantly affected
Nevertheless, the escalating incorporation by the the Greek islands (Dickinson 2006). In the early
great powers of each historical period led to the 1970s, the term Dark Ages was adopted for
gradual loss of the islands cultural identity. the period c. 1050900 BCE in order to denote
Explicitly, the flourishing islands of the Early its culture, which seemed to be in a state of
Iron Age (EIA) and the Archaic period gradually decline and isolation, as well as the low level of
lost their autonomy and were controlled by the our knowledge of this period (Lemos 2002: 1).
emergent poleis (city-states) of mainland Greece Recent archaeological research, however, is
and the Hellenistic kingdoms, until they were gradually changing this picture, particularly
reduced to a minor part of the Roman provinces. regarding the alleged poverty and isolation.
An alternative term for the period c. 1050900
BCE is Protogeometric, after its characteristic
Definition pottery style (Lemos 2002: 27-100).
The ensuing Geometric period (c. 900700
Archaeology of the Greek islands may be BCE), named after its main style of pottery, was
defined as the study of every element of their a time of dramatic transformation that led to the
material culture, in order to provide an expanded establishment of primary Greek institutions
understanding of island history. The available (Coldstream 2003). The small Protogeometric
archaeological information results from the settlements developed into well-organized
numerous systematic or rescue excavations and towns, population increased, overseas contacts
field surveys that have been undertaken in the were intensified, trade was expanded, and iron
Greek islands since the end of nineteenth metallurgy developed significantly. Moreover,
century by many organizations: the Greek Archae- the Greeks adopted the Phoenician alphabet
ological Service, the Archaeological Society at during the first half of the eighth century BCE.
Athens, and other Greek institutions (such as uni- It is not possible to determine the birthplace of
versities and institutes), as well as several foreign the Greek alphabet, but there is no doubt that
archaeological schools (e.g., the British, the Euboea and the Aegean islands played a pivotal
French, and the Italian) and institutes (including role (Mazarakis Ainian & Leventi 2009: 214-
the German, the Austrian, the Swedish, the Dan- 215). All these advances were interdependent
ish, the Norwegian, the Irish, the Netherland, the and resulted in the general improvement of living
Australian, and the Canadian). conditions. The major rise in population, how-
ever, created a land hunger, which eventually led
to the foundation of colonies overseas, and
Historical Background wars in the homeland (Coldstream 2003: 368).
Moreover, maritime trade rivalries aroused the
The time span from the end of the Bronze hostility between certain islands, and archaeolog-
Age to Byzantine times is conventionally ical research may reveal some events related to
divided into five periods: the Early Iron Age these conflicts (e.g., the two massed graves at
Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of 3149 G
Paroikia on Paros; Coldstream 2003: 398-399; domination (c. 404-378 BCE). After the
Mazarakis Ainian & Leventi 2009: 215). victory of Phillip II over the combined Greek
The Archaic period (c. 700479 BCE) was forces at Chaeronea (338 BCE), the islands
the heyday of the islands. They enjoyed great became subject states of the Macedonian
prosperity, thanks to the exploitation of raw kingdom. Nevertheless, thanks to their strategic
materials (e.g., marble quarries of Naxos and position and the exploitation of their natural
Paros, gold and silver mines of Siphnos), their resources (e.g., marble from Paros and Thasos;
strategic position for control of sea routes, and wine from Thasos, Chios, and Kos; ruddle from
their political autonomy. Many flourishing Kea; mastic from Chios), several islands
islands, such as Naxos, Paros, Andros, Thera, achieved economic prosperity which is clearly
Samos, Chios, Thasos, and Rhodes, took manifested in their material culture (see below).
a leading role in the colonization of Sicily, south- During the early Hellenistic period (late fourth
ern Italy, Thrace, the Black Sea, the west coast of early third centuries BCE), the rivalries between
Asia Minor, and the north coast of Africa, while the rulers of the Successor kingdoms involved the G
several offshore islands (e.g., Thasos, Lesbos, Greek islands, as the Antigonids and the Ptolemies
and Rhodes) controlled extensive lands on the were trying hard to assume the leadership of the
mainland opposite (Constantakopoulou 2007: League of Islanders. Rhodes was the only island
231-253). On the other hand, trade rivalries led able to maintain her political independence and
to clashes between island and mainland cities developed into a naval power until Delos was
(e.g., Mytilene-Athens and Samos-Megara) or declared a free port (167/6 BCE), delivering
between islands (e.g., Naxos-Paros and Samos- a severe blow to the Rhodian economy and pro-
Aegina). Meanwhile, political ferments and moting the explosive growth of Delos during the
social upheavals took place in the island poleis, second half of the second century BCE (Bruneau
as a result of the economic success of more & Ducat 2005: 41). Meanwhile, trade and, to
middling citizens (e.g., seafarers and merchants) a lesser extent, religious festivals (for instance, in
or the disaffection of excluded aristocrats. This honor of Hera on Samos, Asklepios on Kos, and
allowed the emergence of tyrannical regimes in the Kabeiroi on Samothrace) gave island commu-
a few islands, such as Naxos (Lygdamis) and nities a cosmopolitan character, reflected in the
Samos (Polycrates). In order to maintain and temples which served non-Greek deities on
stabilize their own positions of power, the tyrants Delos, as well as in the Jewish synagogues on the
embarked on major building projects, whose islands of Samos, Delos, Kos, and Rhodes.
distinguishing feature is monumentality. Throughout the Hellenistic period, piracy was
Herodotus (3.60) considers the Samian buildings a constant threat to the islanders but at the same
as the greatest of all Greece and admires particu- time yielded substantial profits for several islands,
larly the temple of Hera, the aqueduct, and the such as Delos, Rhodes, and Aegina, where there
great harbor mole, ordered by Polycrates (Rolley were thriving slave markets (de Souza 1999: 43-
1994: 157). 96). Moreover, the islands suffered many hard-
From the Persian wars onwards (the Classical ships as a result of the Mithradatic wars and
period, c. 479323 BCE), the islands lost their Romes civil strife during the first century BCE,
political independence and stayed in the shadow as, for example, Delos, which was sacked twice
of the great powers of each historical period. (88 and 69 BCE) and never fully recovered
At the beginning of the fifth century BCE, most (Bruneau & Ducat 2005: 42-43).
of the islands were under Persian rule. After the Rome first established trade contacts with
Greek success against the Persian Empire, the the Greek world in the sixth century BCE, while
islands fell under the direct control of Athens, her political and military involvement started
first in the Delian (or First Athenian) League with the 1st Illyrian war (229228 BCE) and
and then in the Second Athenian League, grew steadily, resulting in the complete submis-
interrupted only by an interval under Spartan sion of Greece (Alcock 1993: 8-24). It was not
G 3150 Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of
until the battle of Actium (31 BCE), however, Greek islands provides enough material for a
that Greece was finally reconciled to Roman satisfactory understanding of what living on
rule in a unified empire. The islands were the islands might have been like.
included in the Roman provinces of Achaea,
Macedonia, Epirus, and Asia, until the end of Settlement and Settlements
the third century CE when a separate island prov- The limited data available about the
ince (Insulae) was formed including most of the Protogeometric settlements do not permit safe
Aegean islands. Trade routes were extended conclusions about their layout. However, it can
throughout the Mediterranean due to the vast be stated that in most islands, habitation was
size of the Roman Empire. As a result, the islands scattered in villages, hamlets, and isolated
lost the key role they had played over the preced- farmsteads (Dickinson 2006: 84-93). Dramatic
ing centuries. A clear indication of their marginal changes during the Geometric period resulted in
importance is illustrated by the fact that many the gradual development of well-organized towns
islands (e.g., Amorgos, Donousa, and Gyaros) towards the end of the eighth century BCE. Most
served as places of exile. Nevertheless, negotia- of these towns (e.g., Zagora and Hypsele on
tors or pragmateuomenoi (businessmen; Alcock Andros, Emborio on Chios) were founded on
1993: 75-77, 101) settled in many islands rather inaccessible and naturally defensible
(e.g., Kerkyra, Zakynthos, Tenos, Delos, Naxos, positions, indicating a feeling of insecurity
Melos, and Thera), and as archaeological evi- (perhaps because of piratical raids), and were
dence indicates, several island communities or usually densely built but with no precise plan
certain islanders enjoyed economic prosperity. (Coldstream 2003: 305-311, 399). The houses
were rectangular and stone built, while flat roofs
must have been the general rule (Mazarakis
Key Issues/Current Debates Ainian & Leventi 2009: 216-218).
During the Archaic period, some of the EIA
Archaeological research of the Greek islands is settlements grew into poleis (e.g., Naxos,
very important, as it can inform us about the Xobourgo on Tenos, and Minoa on Amorgos),
history of the islands themselves, as well as while others did not (e.g., Ayios Andreas on
about the history of the Greek world and, more Siphnos, Hypsele on Andros). Island poleis also
generally, of the Mediterranean. There are nota- were created by the unification of communities
ble idiosyncrasies related to island culture as which peacefully abandoned their previous
islanders can be temporarily linked in or cut off settlements to found a new city. For example,
from the Aegean/Mediterranean as networks Palaiopolis on Andros probably received an
shift. Thus, one of the greatest challenges for influx of population from Zagora and Hypsele,
scholars is to explore the indigenous island ele- and on Paros, the inhabitants of Koukounaries
ments and how they factored into the formation apparently moved to Paroikia (Mazarakis Ainian
of island culture. Another challenge is to & Leventi 2009: 219). It is noteworthy that
understand which aspects of island culture several large islands, such as Andros, Tenos,
resulted from the influence of other regions, as Naxos, and Paros, had only one single polis,
well as in what way the islands affected the while smaller and less prosperous islands (e.g.,
non-island world. Thanks to fieldwork and Kea, Mykonos, and Amorgos) had more than one
study conducted by several generations of polis from the Archaic period onwards. There is
Greek and non-Greek archaeologists, our no universal explanation for this phenomenon, as
knowledge about the archaeology of the Greek it seems that each case was affected by local
islands has increased significantly. There is cer- factors. For instance, the division of Kea into
tainly a lot that remains unknown or which four territories reflects either different periods of
requires further examination, but the current settling or intervention by neighboring and
state of archaeological knowledge about the powerful Athens (Cherry et al. 1991: 5, 8).
Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of 3151 G
During the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman better-preserved island settlements (Emborio on
periods, the poleis of Archaic times continued to Chios and Zagora on Andros), an open space
be inhabited, but the available information is between the sanctuary and the chief residence has
rather restricted since most of these cities lie been interpreted as a space for assembly, where the
under the modern towns. Regarding settlement elite group was entitled to take the decisions on
patterns of the islands, archaeological research the public life (Coldstream 2003: 314-315).
indicates a three-tier hierarchy: towns, villages Due to the lack of architectural evidence with
and/or hamlets, and farmsteads. The Archaic undisputed religious purposes, it is assumed that
and Classical houses were simple structures and almost all worship took place in the open air
served the needs of a family. However, from late during the Protogeometric period. The focal
Classical times and during the Hellenistic period, point of the cultic activity was usually an altar
houses became a medium for the rich and power- or a large rectangular hearth (eschara). During
ful to demonstrate their wealth and social status. the Geometric period, these open-air sanctuaries
As a result, luxurious edifices of two or even three gradually evolved into temples, and worship G
stories, with peristyle courts, elaborate banquet habits were standardized. In addition to the
halls (andrones), sumptuously decorated rooms, urban temples (e.g., at Emborio on Chios, Zagora
and a large number of service rooms, were on Andros, and Koukounaries on Paros), there
constructed (Winter 2006: 157-182). were sanctuaries and temples located outside the
During the Roman period, the island cities settlements. These are divided into rural and
gradually acquired a pronounced Roman flavor, peri-urban, such as at Ayia Irini on Kea and
but they retained their Greek character (see Iria on Naxos. The Heraion on Samos is
below). Both in the cities and in the countryside a characteristic case of an open-air sanctuary
of islands like Lesbos, Samos, Kos, Naxos, which subsequently evolved into a major
Melos, Kerkyra, and Kephallenia, luxurious peri-urban temple.
buildings (usually referred to as villas, Alcock During the Archaic period, the prosperity of
1993: 64-68) decorated with mosaic pavements, the islands and intense competition between
wall paintings, and statuary were constructed. citizens, tyrants, and poleis for wealth, power,
These buildings, the most distinguished of and prestige is evidenced by the public and
which are the so-called Menandross House religious architecture. Until the end of sixth
on Lesbos and the Casa Romana on Kos, century BCE, many island poleis had
usually served as residences of wealthy families constructed impressive fortifications (e.g.,
or were intended for certain public services, Thasos, Samos, Aegina, Karthaia on Kea;
such as the Hall of the Mystae in the city of Xobourgo on Tenos; Vryokastro on Kythnos;
Melos, a religious meeting place for worshipping Kastro on Siphnos; Paroikia on Paros; Minoa on
Dionysos (Karvonis & Mikedaki 2012: 38, 92-93, Amorgos; Melos) and aqueducts, such as the
174, respectively). famous aqueduct by the architect Eupalinos for
the city of Samos and the aqueduct on Naxos.
Public and Religious Architecture Moreover, public buildings with different
Strong fortification walls reinforced the natural functions appeared mainly in major sanctuaries,
defensibility of many EIA settlements, including such as Delos (e.g., Oikos of the Naxians,
Zagora and Hypsele on Andros, Xobourgo on Treasury 5, Bouleuterion or Building D,
Tenos, Vathy Limenari on Donousa, Minoa on Stoa of the Naxians, Oikos of Andros;
Amorgos, and Emborio on Chios. The construc- Bruneau & Ducat 2005: 171-176, 188, 189, 199-
tion of fortifications was a corporate enterprise, 200, 205, respectively) and the Samian Heraion
indicating a remarkable degree of political (South Stoa; Gruben 1966: 319-320). Display
cohesion among the people who dwelt inside of wealth is also observed in impressive architec-
them, as well as of political organization of tural offerings, such as the treasury of the
island communities. Moreover, in some of the Siphnians dedicated at Delphi and the Naxian
G 3152 Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of
dedications at Delos (Gruben 1966: 81-82, 144; Thera, Kos, and Thasos) are attested archaeolog-
Bruneau & Ducat 2005: 199-200). ically. Moreover, theaters (e.g., Delos,
Several of the most prosperous islands Methymna on Lesbos, Ialysos and Lindos on
contributed significantly to the process that led Rhodes) and stadia (e.g., Aegina, Rhodes) started
to the canonical form of the monumental Greek to be constructed in the islands probably before
temple (Gruben 1966: 32-42, 309-315). At the end of the Classical period (Hansen & Nielsen
Samos, three successive temples dedicated to 2004: 1379-1381).
Hera were built during the Archaic period: the Freestanding towers, round or square in shape,
Hekatompedon II (c. 675625 BCE; Gruben are one of the most common features of
1966: 318-319), the Rhoikos temple (the first the islands in the late Classical and Hellenistic
monumental Ionic temple, c. 570560 BCE; periods (Morris & Papadopoulos 2005). Particu-
Gruben 1966: 321-325), and the Great Temple larly numerous on some islands (33 on Thasos,
(erected by Polycrates before the end of sixth over 70 on Kea, 76 on Siphnos), they have
century BCE; Gruben 1966: 325-329). Naxos been detected on the Cyclades (Andros, Tenos,
undoubtedly played a leading role in the shaping Naxos, Kythnos, Seriphos, Ios, Amorgos), the
and development of the Ionic order, as evidenced Northern Sporades (Skopelos, Alonnesos), the
by the temple of Yria, the unfinished temple of northeastern Aegean (Lesbos), and the Ionian
Apollo Delios in the city of Naxos, the temple of islands (Leukada), as well as on tiny islands
Gyroulas (Mazarakis Ainian & Leventi 2009: (e.g., Seriphopoula, Herakleia, Arkioi, and
220-222), and the Oikos of the Naxians on Pharmakonisi). Various interpretations have
Delos (Gruben 1966: 144; Bruneau & Ducat been proposed, such as that they served as agri-
2005: 199-200). Paros rivaled Naxos with the cultural storehouses, slave quarters, lookout, and
temple of Athena at Koukounaries, the temple signaling posts and that they protected mines and
of Artemis on the Delion, and the Apollo sanctu- quarries and/or were used as places of temporary
ary on the islet of Despotiko near Antiparos refuge in cases of emergency; their precise
(Mazarakis Ainian & Leventi 2009: 219, 222- function, however, remains disputed.
223). Lesbos contributed to the formation of the The most characteristic feature of the
so-called Aeolic (or Proto-Ionic) order, Hellenistic architecture is the theatrical mental-
whose main feature was the Aeolic column cap- ity, which is expressed mainly in planning and
ital (Betancourt 1977: 87). The Doric order was organization of sanctuaries (Pollitt 1986:
formed in mainland Greece, yet important Doric 230-242). Stoas, stairways, ramps, colonnades,
temples are found on several Greek islands, as, and gates were used in a calculated, coordinated
for instance, the two successive temples of way in order to slowly lead potential visitors to
Athena Aphaia on Aegina (Gruben 1966: a dramatic climax before the temple was
110-115) and the temple of Artemis on Kerkyra revealed. Perhaps the most impressive of such
(Gruben 1966: 103-107). arrangements are the temple of Athena at Lindos
During the Classical period, the majority of on Rhodes and the sanctuary of Asclepios on
cities had massive fortifications, which were Kos (Winter 2006: 216-218). It is worth mention-
both a military advantage and a vivid symbol of ing that the initiative in the architectural forma-
the sovereignty of the polis. Some of them (e.g., tion of the great sanctuaries (e.g., on Samothrace,
Thasos in 463 BCE, Aegina in 457 BCE, Kos, and Rhodes) was being seized by rulers
Samos in 439 BCE, and Mytilene in 427 BCE; (such as Ptolemy II Philadelphus, Arsinoe II,
Hansen & Nielsen 2004: 779, 622, 10951097, and Eumenes II), who flaunted their power,
and 1027, respectively) were compelled to wealth, and hegemonic ambitions.
demolish their walls for political reasons. Numer- In Roman times, the temples, public buildings,
ous temples, political structures (e.g., prytaneion and urban infrastructure resulted from the
and bouleuterion on Delos and Paros), and other beneficence of local patrons and, sometimes, the
public buildings (e.g., stoas on Delos, Andros, emperor himself, who donated the construction
Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of 3153 G
costs and materials or underwrote repairs. During the Geometric period, the dominant
The traditional forms of urban architecture practice was inhumation in cist or pit graves
could easily absorb Roman structures. As (e.g., at Tenos and Kos) and urn cremation (e.g.,
a result, certain typical building structures, such at Lemnos, Naxos, Paros, Kimolos, Thera, and
as fora and basilicas, did not exist in most island Rhodes). Grave goods (mainly pottery, jewelry,
cities. Arenas, the main feature of Roman public and weapons) reflect the growth of prosperity in
leisure, are also not found on the islands, since the period. Also worth mentioning are the ceme-
preexisting theaters and stadia could be adapted, teries at Tsikalario in central Naxos and at
as is the case of the theater on Thasos. Odea Kylindra on Astypalaia, as they are unique in
(music halls) were built on several islands (e.g., the islands. At Tsikalario, a cemetery of tumuli
Ikaria, Kos, Rhodes; Karvonis & Mikedaki 2012: that contained varying numbers of cremation
58, 94, 124) in order to host music competitions, pyres was used during the Middle Geometric
oratorical speeches, and philosophical lectures. period (c. 850750 BCE). In the recently
Despite their strong Greek character, however, excavated Kylindras cemetery on Astypalaia, G
the islands adopted numerous typical Roman over 2,000 children younger than three years old
features, such as temples constructed on were buried in pots from the second half of the
podiums, paved streets (e.g., Samos, Kos; eighth century BCE through Roman times.
Karvonis & Mikedaki 2012: 68-69, 94), drains Finally, during this period, a new form of
(e.g., Samos; Karvonis & Mikedaki 2012: 69-70), cult developed in the Greek world; the veneration
aqueducts (e.g., Lesbos, Samos, Melos; Karvonis of heroic forebears first appeared during the ninth
& Mikedaki 2012: 32-33, 65-66, 174), and cis- century BCE and became firmly established at
terns (e.g., Karpathos, Amorgos; Karvonis & the end of the eighth century BCE. Excavations
Mikedaki 2012: 81, 143). Moreover, bathhouses at the Metropolis square site on Naxos revealed
have been found on many islands, such as Lesbos, that rituals in honor of the dead gradually
Ikaria, Kalymnos, Kos, Nisyros, Telendos, took the form of an abstract ancestor cult
Amorgos, and Skiathos (Karvonis & Mikedaki (nintheighth centuries BCE) and finally evolved
2012: 27, 59, 79-80, 95-97, 105-106, 136, 141, into hero worship (second half of the eighth cen-
242), proving that the islanders had adopted tury BCE). Other examples of this new form of
the habit of public bathing, a salient characteristic cult come from several islands, such as Amorgos
of Roman daily life. The scale and the quality and Paros (Dickinson 2006: 191, 234; Mazarakis
of the baths varied enormously, from small, less Ainian & Leventi 2009: 219, 237 n. 29).
sumptuous structures to large, luxurious In the seventh century BCE, diversity of burial
facilities. customs continued, since the dominant practice
in some islands was inhumation, while in others
Burial Customs was cremation. During the sixth century BCE,
Graves and grave goods provide the greater part of however, inhumation became the more popular
the available archaeological data for the method of burial, although still not exclusively,
Protogeometric period in the islands. The and only Thera retained a preference for crema-
presence of numerous small, separate, and close tion burials (Kurtz & Boardman 1971: 177-179).
clusters of graves (e.g., at Naxos or Skyros) indi- In Aegina, an important series of chamber
cates a dispersed settlement pattern on most of the tombs began to appear in the early sixth century
islands, on the assumption that each cemetery was BCE. A remarkable innovation of the Archaic
attached to a settled area. Although the universal burial customs was the use of the plain or deco-
rite was inhumation in cist tombs and in vessels, rated stone sarcophagus, which was used from
some cremated burials have been dated to the the seventh century BCE in many islands, includ-
same period (Dickinson 2006: 183-195). Offerings ing Rhodes, Samos, Chios, and Aegina. The dec-
from the graves consisted of pottery, dress-orna- orated clay sarcophagi, which were used in
ments, jewelry, and weapons. Kameiros on Rhodes, Samos, Chios, and Lesbos,
G 3154 Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of
with the achievements of Attic sculpture (Rolley (such as the well-known Hermes of Andros),
1999: 185). During the fourth century BCE, portraits, funeral or votive steles, sarcophagi, and
works (mainly grave stelae in relief or with altars (Henig 1983: 66-96).
anthemion) of Attic origin or inspiration appear
on most islands (mainly grave stelae in relief or Mosaics
with anthemion; Rolley 1999: 220). The first mosaics, made of natural pebbles,
The Hellenistic sculpture covered a wide appeared in the Greek world c. 400 BCE, but it
range of types, such as freestanding statues of was only during the Hellenistic period that the
eminent men and distinguished women, eques- technique of mosaic making underwent
trian statues of rulers, narrative groups, and a striking development and remarkable innova-
athlete or hero figures. The typical feature of tions as a result of the prosperity of individuals
these works is a theatrical manner of representa- and the desire to demonstrate their wealth
tion, which emphasizes emotional intensity and (Pollitt 1986: 210-229). The house was
a dramatic crisis. This theatrical temperament is a tangible symbol of the owners status and
obvious in the famous Winged Nike of Samo- helped to establish and enhance his position in
thrace, one of the masterpieces of Hellenistic the social order. Decorated pebble mosaics were
sculpture (Ridgway 2000: 150-157). The god- produced in Greece probably from the late fifth
dess is shown in the form of a winged woman century BCE and continued into the Hellenistic
standing on the prow of a ship, braced against period. However, from the late third century
the strong wind blowing through her garments. BCE onwards, regular cubes (tesserae) of
This colossal work was placed in a pool filled stone, glass, and terracotta replaced pebbles as
with water in which the ship appeared to float. It the principal material for mosaics. Mosaics of
has been suggested that this monument was ded- very high quality were made in a technique
icated to the sanctuary of the great gods by the known as opus vermiculatum, in which
Rhodians in commemoration of a specific naval extremely tiny tesserae were used (Pollitt
victory in the early second century BCE. Natu- 1986: 212). Some of the finest Hellenistic
rally, sculpture flourished on prosperous islands, mosaics are found on Delos, where the great
such as Rhodes, Kos, and Delos. During the majority were produced between 166 and 100
Hellenistic period, Rhodes became a great center BCE (Pollitt 1986: 215-218; Bruneau & Decat
of sculpture in the Aegean, and some of the most 2005: 125-130). Geometric designs are the most
important Hellenistic sculptures, for instance, common, including bands of guilloche, complex
the Aphrodite and the Poseidon of Melos, have meanders, groups of lozenges, or bead and reel;
been attributed to Rhodian sculptors (Ridgway also popular are pictorial themes derived from
2000: 167-171). Kos has also yielded a rich col- the world of the sea (e.g., dolphins, tritons, and
lection of statues in a distinct style (Ridgway anchors) or the theater (e.g., masks). During the
2000: 164). The most renowned sculptors of Roman period, mosaic art continued to flourish
the period worked on Delos, and a few work- using geometric or abstract patterns and
shops were established on the island, even depicting mythological scenes. Masterpieces of
though they cannot be considered a school in Roman mosaics are found at Menandross
the sense of a unified style (Bruneau & Ducat House on Lesbos and at Casa Romana on
2005: 101-111). Kos (Karvonis & Mikedaki 2012: 38, 92-93).
Finally, during the Roman period, all the pub-
lic places of the cities were adorned with honor- Numismatics
ific statuary of prominent citizens, local The first Greek coins seem to have been struck on
benefactors, governors, and emperors. Although Aegina around the middle of the sixth century
sculpture did not flourish as formerly, a large BCE, and until the end of that century, many island
number of plastic works have come to light: poleis (e.g., Kerkyra, Siphnos, Naxos, Paros,
copies of great Classical or Hellenistic originals Thasos, Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and Rhodes)
Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of 3157 G
minted their own coinage evidence of their pros- projects should be intensified. The systematic
perity in Archaic times. During the Classical involvement of palynologists, archaeobotanists,
period, the majority of the islands issued their zooarchaeologists, osteoarchaeologists, geolo-
own coins, although Athens suppressed the civic gists, mineralogists, etc. in fieldwork and
coinage of several islands for a substantial part of material analysis will contribute to the fuller
the fifth century BCE (Hansen & Nielsen 2004: exploration of the islands.
144-149, 1382-1389). The coins were normally Some islands have been investigated for many
minted in silver or bronze, although some gold decades, and as a result, much information about
(Thasos) or electrum (Lesbos) issues were also their archaeology and history is available.
produced. In most cases, they carry legends However, there are still several islands that are
referring to polis-ethnics, regional ethnics, or less well explored, while others have had little or
place-names, as well as pictorial and other devices no exploration. Therefore, in some cases,
(e.g., the principal deity of each island, subsidiary scholars have based their work on incomplete
or local divinities, heroes, animal, and plants). data, and as the flow of information increases, G
Coinage was an essential feature of Greek econo- these interpretations are proved to be not valid.
mies and the different standards and issues did not For example, until quite recently, Zagora was
prevent commerce. Nevertheless, the domestic considered to be the only major settlement on
coinage of many islands, including Lemnos, Geometric Andros. In the last decades, however,
Tenos, Syros, Amorgos, and the Northern Spora- another important settlement was excavated at
des, enjoyed circulation only at a local level. Hypsele, completely changing the picture of the
Finally, numismatics reveals the loss of the settlement pattern of Andros during the Geomet-
islands autonomy during the Hellenistic and ric period. Excavation is a very time-consuming
Roman periods. In the Hellenistic period, there and expensive process, but intensive surveys may
were few civic issues of independent types, as provide a fuller picture of the archaeology of
civic coin types were replaced by the mass- the Greek islands and assess the risks and impact
produced coinage of the Successor kingdoms that development projects will have on archaeo-
(Hoover 2010: esp. lix-lxiv). During the Roman logical heritage.
period, several islands (e.g., Chios, Samos, Finally, it is important to note that archaeol-
Lesbos, Cos, Rhodes, and Ios) enjoyed the right ogy is not just for scholars but for all society.
to mint their own coins in order to be used locally, Unfortunately, there are several sites where the
but it was the Roman currency that dominated excavation was completed many years ago, but
exchange (Heuchert 2005: 29-40, Maps 3.1, the final publication has not yet been produced;
3.2.1, 3.2.2). thus our information comes mainly from prelim-
inary reports. Excavators should publish the
results of their studies as soon as possible and
Future Directions inform both the scientific community and the
general public (especially the local communi-
The Greek islands are an ideal theater for ties) about their work. Also, the enhancement
exploring the ideas, agendas and methods of the archaeological sites is very important in
employed in island archaeology. The first major order to make them accessible to everyone.
steps in this direction have been made by several
recent publications (e.g., Broodbank 2000; Berg
2007), but these studies so far focus mainly on the Cross-References
prehistoric periods. More efforts should be made
to analyze the Early Iron Age and later periods, as Agora in the Greek World
island archaeology is vital in order to enhance our Andron
understanding of past communities in the Greek Baths and Bathing, Greek
islands. Moreover, interdisciplinary research Baths and Bathing, Roman
G 3158 Greek Islands (Excluding Crete), Archaeology of
Hall, Edward T.
Indian Ocean: Maritime Archaeology Greenland: Approaches to Historical
Maritime Archaeological Organizations Norse Archaeology
Underwater Archaeology
Underwater Cultural Heritage: International Jette Arneborg
Law Regime Danish Middle Ages and Renaissance, National
Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark
Norse settlement in Greenland was the last step in topographical accounts; the latter are often only
the colonization of the North Atlantic Islands known from much later copies.
which began with the settlement of the Faroe Archaeology and the study of material culture
Islands and Iceland in the later part of the ninth was introduced in Norse Greenlandic research
century. Around CE 1124, the first Greenlandic early in the nineteenth century, often with closely
bishop was appointed and in 1261, Greenlanders defined problems originating from a reading of
became subjects of the Norwegian king. The last the written sources and, as was the common atti-
bishop residing in Greenland died in 1378, and in tude to archaeology at the time (Andren 1997),
the same period, the Western Settlement is the archaeological record was interpreted from
reported as being abandoned. Thirty years later, the perspective of the written sources. Discus-
in 1408, an Icelandic couple married in the sions of the chronology of the settlements
Hvalseyfjord church in the Eastern Settlement depended entirely on written accounts, for
and the attestation of their marriage is the last instance, and archaeology only served to illus-
written testimony of life in the Norse settlements trate and verify what was already understood
in Greenland (GHM III 1845). from the written sources. The medieval topo-
The history of the early years of Norse settle- graphical accounts were used to identify the
ment in Greenland is based on Icelandic and ruins of farms and churches in the landscape,
Norwegian historical accounts and Icelandic several of which were subsequently excavated.
sagas written down in the thirteenth century Among others, key sites investigated during this
from much older oral tradition. Later periods are phase included Erik the Reds farm Brattahlid
based on contemporary Icelandic annals, contem- (now the present-day settlement of Qassiarsuk);
porary ecclesiastical correspondences, and Gardar, where the bishops lived (present-day
G 3164 Greenland: Approaches to Historical Norse Archaeology
Igaliku), and Herjolfsnes (present-day Ikigaat), Most research is also interdisciplinary includ-
which comprise the southernmost of Norse ing both natural sciences and humanistic
farms mentioned in the accounts. social-science approaches, i.e., history, human
In the late twentieth century, processual bioarchaeology, zooarchaeology, archaeobotany,
archaeology began to have more influence on geoarchaeology, stable isotopic analysis, histori-
approaches to the archaeology of Norse Green- cal ecology, environmental modeling, and arti-
land, encouraging a focus on the kind of social fact studies.
and economic questions that only archaeology
can answer. For a period, archaeologists ignored
churches, dwellings, and the stables and barns of Key Issues
the manor farms and turned instead to excavation
of middens so as to recover data that could pro- Although there are other topics of research, the
vide insights into the economy of the farms. This following three broad themes capture many of the
produced fresh insights. In particular, while the current concerns in the historical archaeology of
written sources and the settlement pattern gave Norse Greenland. These are the enigma of Norse
the impression of an economy based on pastures settlement, Norse Greenland ecodynamics, and
and animal husbandry, the animal bone record the causes of depopulation.
indicated that marine resources played a much
larger role than formerly recognized. In addition, The Enigma of the Norse Settlements
careful, stratigraphically controlled excavations One of the key concepts to the New Archaeology
and the introduction of radiocarbon dating pro- was to seek explanations rather than just provid-
vided new insights into changes over time. These ing descriptions of events, and this has been
showed that the dependence on the marine a recurrent feature of Norse Greenlandic archae-
resources increased over time. The animal bone ology. Above all, the human story about Norse
record also revealed social differences between Greenland has been a story about colonization of
the cattle-based manor farms compared to the virgin land, survival for half a millennium, and
smaller farms, where sheep and goats dominated then disappearance. The enigma of the depopula-
(McGovern 1985). tion of the settlements has always attracted
Today, midden excavations and the application archaeological attention and many explanations
of the methods and approaches of historical ecol- have been put forward.
ogy, environmental archaeology, and the natural Written accounts indicate hostile encounters
sciences still play a fundamental role in Norse between the Norse and the Thule Inuit who
Greenland archaeology. However, research has moved very rapidly from North Greenland
been expanded so as to get a broader perspective southward toward the Norse settlements, and
on questions such as the nature of social organiza- the explanation that the Thule Inuit wiped
tion, systems of governance, variations in econ- out the Norse population has for a long time
omy and subsistence, religious practices, and been the most persistent explanation of Norse
evidence for human well-being/suffering. This disappearance.
has prompted new surveys and excavations of With the growing recognition of the damaging
farm buildings and churches, and a revival of consequences of modern utilization of Earths
interest in artifact studies. Instead of single site limited natural resources, the Thule Inuit theory
studies, whole regions and the interaction of the has been overshadowed by ecological explana-
many cultural elements of the landscape are now tions, and from the 1980s, the prevailing
standard, and the results are interpreted from explanation of the depopulation of the Norse
a broader perspective, that include theoretical Greenland settlements has been one of maladap-
frameworks derived from social anthropology tation and ruthless exploitation of the very fragile
and Annales-oriented research, with special natural resources. The impacts of climate changes
emphasis on human-environment interaction. have added yet another facet to the discussion.
Greenland: Approaches to Historical Norse Archaeology 3165 G
In his famous book Collapse How Societies it is stated that the Greenlanders had good pastures
Choose to Fail or Succeed, Jared Diamond (2005) and large and good farms and that they held many
summarized the state of play and argued that the heads of cattle and sheep for butter, cheese, and
Norse Greenland society collapsed for three meat (Fig. 2). Yet, the author also mentions that the
related reasons. First, they depleted the environ- Greenlanders in addition subsisted on meat from
mental resources on which they depended by cut- reindeer, whale, seal, and bear, and both the animal
ting down trees, stripping turf, and overgrazing bone record (McGovern 1985) and the dC13 and
their pastures, all of which resulted in heavy soil dN15 values measured on Norse human bones
erosion. Second, they did not utilize additional and show that the marine component of the diet
available food sources such as fish, ringed seal, increased over time (Arneborg et al. 2012). From
and stranded whales, and thirdly because they had the middle of the thirteenth century, the subsis-
established a rigid social system, that could not tence economy shifted from a predominantly
adapt to the changing world. All these arguments terrestrial diet to a more marine diet with seal as
can be challenged on archaeological grounds. the prime meat producer. G
The climate deteriorated in the settlement
Norse Greenland Ecodynamics period (Masson-Delmotte et al. 2012), and cli-
In 2007, a new large scale research project, the mate changes could be part of the explanation of
Vatnahverfi project, was launched as one of the the increased dependence on marine resources
many International Polar Year projects either because of easier access to seals or because
(Vatnahverfi project n.d.). Vatnahverfi is a c. of a decline in the pasture economy.
500 km2 large peninsula situated in the Eastern In the first period, settlement was concentrated
Settlement south of the elite farm Gardar, where in the inner and mid-fjord regions where pasture
the Greenlandic bishops lived. In the Middle Ages, farming was possible. The large and most
Vatnahverfi was relatively densely populated, and wealthy farms were situated in the inner fjords
the aim of the project was to study a larger region, where conditions were by far the best. Large
for the first time ever, with the focus on the inter- houses, festal halls, byres for cattle, warehouses,
action between the individual farms and between and connected churches were clear marks of sta-
settlement and environment. At the time of writing tus (Fig. 3). There are indications that a smaller
(Dec. 2011), post-excavation work is still in number of manors owned all the land and the
progress. However, preliminary results from the farms sitting there, and the reduction in the num-
Vatnahverfi project and other research projects ber of farms with a connected church at the same
indicate that the theories of maladaptation and time as a limited number of much larger stone
unsustainable farming practices are contradicted churches were constructed in a few core manors
by the material evidence. suggests a consolidation of power around a few
Norse landnam did impact the environment. great families from the thirteenth century and
The introduction of animal husbandry and strip- onward. In the same period, marginal farms on
ping off large areas of turf for house construction less favorable locations were abandoned.
caused increased erosion, but in the long run, During the period of climatic deterioration,
Norse interaction with the environment seems to the elite consolidated their farms in the inner
have been sustainable (Massa et al. 2012; Schofield fjords, pasture farming declined, the scale of ani-
& Edwards 2011; Dugmore et al. 2012). mal husbandry decreased, and the subsistence
Vatnahverfi, for instance, does not show erosion economy became more and more dependent on
disasters of consequence many farms established the marine resources that were only available on
artificial irrigation systems and they fertilized their the outer coast. Moving inland to the more rural
grass fields, perhaps in the hope to increase yields, region at the same time as subsistence became
or at least to preserve status quo (Buckland et al. more dependent on outer coast resources appears
2009). In the Norwegian text The Kings Mirror to be inconsistent and could be interpreted as
written around CE 1250 (Jonsson trans. 1920), cultural rigidity but may in fact have been the
G 3166 Greenland: Approaches to Historical Norse Archaeology
Greenland: Approaches
to Historical Norse
Archaeology, Fig. 2 The
ruins of the Norse farm
Gardar in present-day
Igaliku (After Krogh 1982).
Gardar represent one of the
largest farms in the Eastern
Settlement. The
Greenlandic bishops lived
here and ruin no. 1 is the
cathedral. Ruin no. 8 is the
main dwelling, and ruins
nos. 9 and 14 are large
byres with connected barns.
The main buildings were
placed centrally in the
infield. The infield was used
for growing grass for winter
fodder for the animals kept
in the byes and stables
during winter. A fence
surrounding the infield kept
the grazing animals out of
the infield. Water from
dams in the mountains was
led to the infield through
the channels 49, 50, 51,
and 52
opposite. Compared to the animal husbandry seal depended on both local subsistence and trade
kept people alive, and as long as the elite was able with Europe. Necessities such as iron had to be
to control the resources and maintain the percep- imported, and the Greenlanders most important
tion of Norse Greenland as a society based on trade item was tusk ivory from walruses caught in
farming and landownership sealing would only the Disko Bay and northward (see Fig. 1).
support the prevailing social order. The walrus hunt was elite driven and it was the
elite who controlled the foreign trade linking
Depopulation Greenland with North Atlantic/Scandinavian net-
Although most focus has been on the subsistence works that provided the North European markets
economy, one should however not ignore the fact with Arctic exotics first and foremost walrus
that the survival of the Norse in Greenland tusk. At home, redistribution of imported items
Greenland: Approaches to Historical Norse Archaeology 3167 G
Greenland: Approaches
to Historical Norse
Archaeology, Fig. 3 The
ruin of the church at the
elite farm in the Hvalsey
fjord in n the Eatsern
Settlement seen through the
door of the festal hall. The
remains of the dwellling
can be seen between the
festal hall and the church
(Photo: J. Arneborg 2004)
Guinea Pig:
Domestication, Fig. 2
Guinea pigs kept in a
kitchen, Ayacucho, Peru
G 3174 Guinea Pig: Domestication
and recent molecular analysis of cytochrome could have been crucial as an additional source to
b (Spotorno et al. 2004) suggests that the wild that of camelids, particularly during certain times
species C. tschudii from western South America, of the year and especially to the most needy
and not C. aperea, is the ancestor of the domes- segment of the human population (infants, preg-
ticated species, C. porcellus. nant, and nursing women). When carbohydrates
Wild cuys were surely attracted to human are not abundant, humans must switch to animal
refuse in caves or other early settlements. People fat as an energy source and/or synthesize energy
realized they were a good source of meat and from protein. Therefore, when carbohydrates
probably encouraged wild cuys to stay around were in short supply during the wet season of
the house by giving them food scrapes. They the Andes, guinea pigs could have provided the
were eventually brought into the kitchen areas fat needed to help metabolize animal protein in
where they received warmth, food, and protection order to have a balanced diet (Rosenfeld 2008).
until when, finally accustomed, they started
reproducing in captivity (Gade 1967).
Cross-References
Given their small size, the domestication of
guinea pigs does not seem to be related to
Animal Domestication and Pastoralism:
increases in their meat productivity. They do not
Socio-Environmental Contexts
provide secondary products such as milk, leather,
Domestication: Definition and Overview
or wool. Yet cuy manure is a rich fertilizer. It is
Genetics of Animal Domestication: Recent
collected to nourish orchards, and cornfields in
Advances
the Andes. Manure may have also been used as
fuel, although it would have been needed in large
quantities. References
A cultural ecological analysis has been used to
explain the successful introduction of guinea pigs BOLTON, R. 1979. Guinea pigs, protein, and ritual. Ethnol-
ogy XVIII: 229- 52.
in the Andean diet as environmentally deter-
GADE, D.W. 1967. The guinea pig in Andean folk culture.
mined. Data recorded in Cuzco (Peru) shows The Geographical Review 57: 213- 24.
that cuys are primarily eaten during Christmas, RODRIGUEZ-LOREDO, C. 1997-1998. Estudio
Carnival, Easter, and Corpus Christi (Bolton arqueozoologico del sitio inca Potrero-Chaquiago,
barrios La Solana y Retambay, Andalgala, pcia de
1979). It has been claimed that major communal
Catamarca (Argentina). Relaciones de la Sociedad
fiestas in rural Andean Peru serve guinea pigs to Argentina de Antropologia XXII-XXIII: 203-45.
distribute proteins during the wet season, Novem- ROSENFELD, S.A. 2008. Delicious guinea pigs: seasonality
ber through April, the time of greatest protein studies and the use of fat in the pre-Columbian Andean
diet. Quaternary International 180: 127-34.
need in Southern Peru (Bolton 1979). However,
SPOTORNO, A.E., J. P. VALLADARES, J.C. MARIN & H.
this explanation does not take into account other ZEBALLOS. 2004. Molecular diversity among domestic
sources of protein common in rural Peru today, guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) and their close phyloge-
namely, the introduced chicken and pigs, and the netic relationship with the Andean wild species
Caviatschudii. Revista Chilena de Historia Natural
native camelids. Furthermore, this explanation
77: 243-50.
does not consider the need for fat and carbohy- SPORTORNO, A., G. MANRIQUEZ, A. FERNANDEZ, J. C.
drates in the Andean human diet. MARIN, F. GONZALES & J. WHELEER. 2007. Domestica-
Another explanation for the domestication and tion of guinea pigs from a southern Peru- northern
Chile wild species and their middle pre-Columbian
incorporation of guinea pigs in the Andean diet is mummies, in D. Kelt, E. Lessa, J. Salazar-Bravo & J.
the fact that they represented an additional source Patton (ed.) The quintessential naturalist: honoring
of fat, especially during the wet season when the life and legacy of Oliver Pearson (UC Publications
carbohydrates and grain proteins were short in in Zoology): 367-88. Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia Press.
supply (Rosenfeld 2008). Guinea pig meat is
STAHL, P. 2003. Pre-Columbian Andean animal domesti-
7.8 % fat, as a weight-based proportion of the cates at the edge of empire. World Archaeology
edible meat. This is not a high fat value but it 34: 470- 83.
Gwion Gwion 3175 G
WING, E. S. 1977. Animal domestication in the Andes, in extensive coastal plain of northwestern and
C. A. Reed (ed.) Origins of agriculture: 827-59. The northern Australia that is now a shallow sea.
Hague: Mouton Publishers.
The region includes the traditional lands of the
Ngarinyin; adjacent languages groups are the
Further Reading
ARCHETTI, E. 1997. Guinea pigs. Food, symbol and conflict Wunambul and the Worora. The Ngarinyin term
of knowledge in Ecuador. Oxford: Berg. for the figures is Gwion Gwion, sometimes writ-
MORALES, E. 1995. The guinea pig. Healing, food, and ten Guyon or Kwion; the Wunambul and
ritual in the Andes. Tucson: The University of Arizona Worora use linguistically similar descriptors
Press.
(Ngarinyin are the largest language group).
Some commentators have seen the Gwion as
mysterious and even as having been produced
by non-Aboriginal cultures or even alien beings.
Gwion Gwion Such a mystery if it ever existed has been
solved by research conducted in collaboration G
Graeme K. Ward with four senior Ngarinyin traditional owners,
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres munnumburra (initiated men, lawmen). The
Strait Islander Studies, Canberra, ACT, Australia verbal testimony of the Pathway Project was
recorded on-site in painted shelters and published
in an illustrated book entitled Gwion Gwion:
Introduction and Definition Dulwan Mamaa. Secret and Sacred Pathways of
the Ngarinyin Aboriginal People of Australia
Gwion as Ancestors and Images (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 14).
The term Gwion refers to a type of figurative Essentially, Gwion are (depictions of) ances-
pictogram found in northwestern Australia, espe- tral beings and are treated with great respect;
cially the sandstone of the Kimberley Plateau. they are not spoken of lightly. It needs to be
Typically, but not exclusively, the form of the recalled that people were frightened of ances-
paintings appears to be elegant humans; they tors, who were powerful enough to hurt or to kill
are depicted in various poses, and appear to be them (e.g., Ngarjno et al. 2000: 27, 83); they
wearing wigs and carrying items in their exercised great caution in approaching the
hands or attached to their bodies (Fig. 1). painted images (e.g., Ngarjno et al. 2000: 38).
Often the figures are grouped in apparent scenes; They were secretive about them, to the extent
both as single figures and in groups, the stance that some commentators thought and regrettably
and orientation of many is suggestive of dance or still publish that the local people knew nothing
ceremonial activity. Typically, the depiction is of of them. It is evident, however, that the Gwion
small, slender figures, outlined and in-filled pro- are an integral part of the cosmology and social
files, whose finely executed painting was history of the Ngarinyin and others, and that they
achieved by delicate brush-work. Gwion figures are part of their continuing cultural heritage has
are usually a wine red, a hue that has been been recognized formally by granting of native
described as cherry or mulberry-colored. title rights.
Their subject matter and method of execution Gwion is both the term for the original
may be contrasted with those of the much larger, humans born from the Great Mother Jillinya
more boldly wrought Wanjina figures; the distri- and who inhabited a land without boundaries
butions of the two overlap. Not dissimilar figures (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 36), and, secondly, the cor-
are found to the northeast in the Keep River and pus of painted images created by the ancestors.
Fitzmaurice River regions, and it has been The subject of the Gwion paintings is law.
suggested that they are related to the Mimi figures Gwion were inventors of hunting technology
of Arnhem Land, and that in the ancient past, of stone tools, spears, and woomera (Ngarjno
there was a shared cultural area joined by the et al. 2000: 85, 93, 209, 232); Munga.nunga is a
G 3176 Gwion Gwion
Gwion Gwion, Fig. 1 Inventors: Yandama site. The waist height, his spear is depicted horizontally to the right;
named Gwion personage, Yandama, the inventor of the it is shown having pieced the upper body of the kangaroo
spear-thrower, is depicted at left; his body is delineated depicted on the right of the panel; the spear is shown with
with stripes and his feet end in three digits a reference to multiple, sharpened wooden barbs used before hide-
his avian clan. He is depicted wearing a feathered head- penetrating gimbu points were manufactured. Scale: cen-
dress, and in his right hand (as seen from the viewers tral figure c. 150 mm (Photograph: Pathway Project 1994
perspective) he holds the hooked throwing-stick PP1309*08 [130908])
(nyarndu) of which he is the historic inventor. About his
term for the same artists as visionaries the actions of two Gwion heroes named Wodoi
law-makers and story-tellers (Ngarjno et al. and Jungun, seekers of wisdom and knowledge
2000: 128); and Jenagi Jenagi for them as mes- (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 192-204). They inform the
sengers (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 176), who are senior members of the community, especially the
depicted carrying messages relating to the laws munnumburra, and might serve for instruction of
of the Wunan council across the extensive younger generations (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 310-6)
dambun regions and further afield, to the (Fig. 3).
Dampier Archipelago and Arnhem Land Gwion images are painted with skill and often
(Ngarjno et al. 2000: 174) (Fig. 2). While with some anatomical realism but also with bird
Gwion are the first skilled painters of the human characteristics including pairs of wings (Ngarjno
form, it is important not to consider Gwion et al. 2000: 126-7). Frequently, images appear to
images as an art form, as entertainment, but as depict persons wearing or holding unfamiliar
legal documents. Depictions of Gwion express objects; but these items are extensions of the
the complex Wunan system of law and exchange persons depicted, as if they are growths from the
that the Gwion invented and that originated with knee, elbow, hand, or shoulder they are
Gwion Gwion 3177 G
entrances, like painters palettes (Ngarjno et al.
2000: 99-100, 123). (The Ngarinyin say that the
original Gwion artists were clever because this
sap gave them a fixative as well as red color!)
Some images, despite being exposed to sun and
rain, are vivid, contrasting with the surrounding
rock face. Unlike the Wanjina, they were not
regularly over-painted, although if damaged,
might be repaired, restored to maintain the integ-
rity of the image (for example, in the case of
exfoliation of a painted surface: the ring dance
imagery: Ngarjno et al. 2000: 209, 232), and many
painted areas show a great complexity of super-
imposition. Researchers have observed that there G
is no residual pigment in Gwion paintings, but the
images remain visible. Pettigrew et al. (2010)
have written that the original paint . . . has been
replaced by a biofilm of living, pigmented micro-
organisms whose natural replenishment may
account for [their] longevity and vividness . . ..
The cherry to dark purple colors of the image was
determined by the proportions of black pigmented
Gwion Gwion, Fig. 2 Visionaries: Galeru.ngarri fungus and red Cyanobacteria. It is likely that the
North site. The Gwion figure on the left is depicted passing
a sacred object to the first of a series of other figures; the organic character of the original paint provided
image depicts the distribution of the Wunan Law through the basis for the development of the biofilm.
cultural exchange. Note dense silica skin covering part of
imagery at lower left. Scale: central figure c. 110 mm
(Photograph: Pathway Project 1999 PP0059*02 [005902])
Key Issues/Current Debates/Future
Directions/Examples
extensions of the personage, making emblematic
connections with the landscape of the clan ances- Origins and Ownerships
tors (Fig. 4). In these conceptualizations, every A colonial settler, Joseph Bradshaw, exploring
painted place has its own specific body and the Prince Regents River region of the Kimberley
mudurra (headdress) extensions (Figs. 5 and 6), in 1891 provided the first known European
and refers to the various totems, to plants, ani- recordings of the distinctive Gwion imagery;
mals, and especially to birds. while he recognized them as native paintings,
The term Gwion invokes the story of the he wrote that standing in front of them was like
cave-dwelling Gwion Gwion bird, which used viewing ancient Egyptian temple walls. Later, in
his beak to wipe blood across the surface of stone ignorance of the significance of these images to
and thus was responsible for the first paintings indigenous peoples, his name was used for these
copied by humans (Ngarjno et al. 2000: 118- figures, and his casual comparison of the
20). The color of the Gwion paintings derives rockshelter to a southwest Asian locus appears
from the wine-red sap of the mamandu, a to have supported ideas of alien origins for the
mulberry-like bush that is commonly found near motifs.
painted shelters. The liquid sap was extracted into Since then, there has been some debate about
shallow cup-shaped depressions in the stone the source of the Gwion images. Ignorance of
cupules (norgun in Ngarinyin) (Fig. 7) that their cultural significance encouraged specula-
usually are found on the floor near shelter tion contextualized by the history of nineteenth
G 3178 Gwion Gwion
Gwion Gwion, Fig. 3 Visionaries: Guringe site, back for dancing; cf. jalgun). Guringe is an important
a womens place within the Anaut.ngarri territorial divi- womens site of the Great Mother, a sanctuary established
sion of the Wunan. This scene depicts a public meeting- prior to the Wunan laws that were developed by males.
dance (birrina); here a distinction is made between male The panel is many-layered and of considerable complex-
and female Gwion figures. The central (dark) Gwion fig- ity. Scale: central figure c. 180 mm; note that the figures
ure depicts a female dancing as a praying mantis among are small, and necessarily very finely painted, perhaps
women who are depicted to each side; the scene signifies with feather brushes and probably by women (Photo-
acceptance of the male figure depicted at left. Females graph: Pathway Project 1997 PP1711*23 [171123])
wear mambi (a triangular skirt not in daily use; turned to
and twentieth century colonial settlement of the nave explanation of the Gwion images. Few com-
continent and concomitant racism in which the mentators apparently had read in Bradshaws
autochthonous occupation was seen in terms of account in the paragraphs immediately preceding
hyper-diffusionism, primitive peoples, and his descriptions of the paintings of a large group
advanced civilizations. The non-Aboriginal of men encountered by his party in the same area;
origin argument sat within a pervading colonial many were painted and some wore large head-
discourse; if the elegant and sophisticated Gwion dresses which description sounds not too dissim-
figures were aesthetically superior to other ilar to the painted images that he had recorded.
Aboriginal paintings, how could they have been The debate regarding the origins of the
made by uninventive savages, by a primitive Gwion images became one of ownership con-
culture? They must have been painted by textualized again by the concerns of the late
another race. twentieth century. The claims of a mystery
There had been nineteenth century speculations race had implications for indigenous land rights,
about earlier, non-Aboriginal, occupants of Austra- and attempts to deny indigenous peoples, authen-
lia some prompted by apparent denials by tradi- ticity and legitimacy were pursued by various
tional owners of knowledge of the origin and elements of the popular media. Despite informed
meaning of rock art images; indeed, some similar comments from and rebuttals by researchers, the
suggestions were made by twentieth century popular misconceptions about the Gwion con-
anthropologists so it was perhaps not surprising tinue; a researcher who has been following the
that an exotic origin became a convenient if debate considers that informed responses have
Gwion Gwion 3179 G
Gwion Gwion, Fig. 4 Messengers: King Edward wife; so he hit him with a mandi. After that they all turned
River site. This scene depicts a ceremonial dance with into different types of birds. Munnumburra Paddy
walbud (marsupial hide aprons) removed and holding Neowarra 28 August 2012. Scale 100 mm; these figures
mandi (crescent-shaped ceremonial boomerangs). In the are small and finely depicted (Photograph: GK Ward 1999
early days, there were three nations. When they came (AW09-24) [AW09-24 24Jun99 KEdwardR site2 7 val
together to dance, one brother stole another brothers Gwion Bcc])
Gwion Gwion,
Fig. 5 Messengers:
King Edward River site.
This scene depicts a group
of women wearing
conspicuous mudurra
(sculptured headdresses).
This is a painting of
a special womens dance.
The women would go to
a sacred place where they
would teach the young
women how to dance. It
was a sacred womens
place and men could not go
there. Munnumburra
Paddy Neowarra 28 August
2012. Scale 100 mm; these
figures are among the
largest depictions of Gwion
figures (Photograph: GK
Ward 1999 (AW09-18)
[AW09-18 24Jun99
KEdwardR site2 Gwion x4
Bcc])
G 3180 Gwion Gwion