Victor M.

Ponte People of The Andes Today

Conopas & Illas, Callejn de Huaylas, Per Anthro. 327

Conopas & Illas, Idols of Llama Herding in the

Callejn de Huaylas, Peru

Conopas & illas are stone miniatures of llamas and alpacas used frequently as
offerings in religious rituals to seek the growth or success of camelid herds. They can be
either natural stones or sculpted. Colonial manuscripts sometimes refer to conopas as
synonymous with llama illas although the former term is an ample definition that
generally refers to any stone object that contains supernatural power. Conopas were
constantly venerated and transmitted from fathers to sons, from one generation to another.
They can have different shapes (potatoes, corn, crystal rocks, etc) and could give
protection to the person who owns it. They were kept in a special place in the house as
very valuable and sacred objects and were used and adored only during cyclical rituals
(Arriaga 1968 [1621]:20-30; Duviols 2003:112). Conopas were associated with Inka rites
for the fertility of the herd. Some of these carved stones have containers that were filled
with a mixture of llama fat and blood and placed at high elevations with pastures (Morris
& Von Hagen 1993:172).

In the sophisticated Andean pastoral supernatural world, many times illas replaced
physically the figure of alpacas and llamas during fertility celebrations. They were
elaborately carved with great detail in the shape of the animal and were used as a portable
object. Different fertility ceremonies existed along the Andes with the use of illas for
specific rituals. A ceremony reported in Condesuyos included the rubbing on the trunk of
the llama with illas (Millones 1975:51). This information might suggest that illas might
have had healing properties. Healers and shamans from northern Peru usually perform
curing therapy on patients by means of rubs with guinea pigs (cuy) and wooden staffs
(Joralemon & Sharon 1993:23). Some illas have small urns that could be used as vessels
too. In Canchis they were used to pour chicha beer on alpacas during a ceremony called
tinka (Nachtigall 1975:135). Illas form part of offering packets that are known in
Quechua as inqaychus and can still be found in the markets of Cuzco, utilized as amulets
in rites of herd multiplication and also as offerings to the apus to get the protection of the
animals (Gow 1974:67). Flores Ochoa (1975:16-17), describes a prolonged ceremony

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during the wet season called haywarisqa where its pinnacle includes a fertility offering
consisting of illas, inqaychu (fecundity power), qocha (marine bivalves), and coca leaves.
He recalls that to protect the herds and ensure wealth to the herdsman, inqaychu needs to
be found in remote areas at high altitude. This is made of special natural stones that may
have the shape of alpacas or llamas. Inqaychu is the only way to obtain luck and herd
reproduction (Flores Ochoa 1977:221).

The three llama miniatures that Pierina Archaeological Project found at the site of
Mareniyoc, Callejn de Huaylas, Per, were manufactured using ceramic and
cobblestones. Their dimensions are 38 to 51 mm in height and 53 to 90 mm in length.
Sandstone and basalt were
the stone material utilized
(figs.1,4). The ceramic
figurine constitutes the
best artistic representation
of a llama showing a
1. Stone miniature, Mareniyoc sitting or resting position
(fig.3). This one was found
associated with Inka
depositional levels.
However, the other two stone figurines were found in non-contextual archaeological
associations. They were given to me by Mareniyoc locals who found them during the
excavation of house foundations. Rural comuneros affirmed that during the wet season
magical rites for herd multiplication occurs in the puna alta of Mareniyoc on a cyclical or
annual basis using conopas or illas as representation of animals. This tradition has been
maintained in the region since pre-Inka times in spite of the rapid replacement of llamas
and alpacas by European cattle.

The Area of Study

Callejn de Huaylas is a highland intermontane valley formed by the Santa River.

It is separated by two groups of mountains: the Cordillera Negra to the west and the

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Cordillera Blanca to the east. The latter is the highest range of snow peaks and glacial
lakes in the Central Andes. Within its boundaries are thirty mountains above 6000 meters
(19,686 ft) above sea level. The town of Mareniyoc is located on the western mountains
of Callejn de Huaylas. This is a modern village settled over a large artificial mound
which contains cultural archaeological deposits that evidence a prolonged prehispanic
occupation. The study area discussed in this paper is in the eastern foothills of the
Cordillera Negra, in the Jangas district of Huaraz province, near the Pierina
Gold Mine.

The study area includes four

ecological zones:

(1) The floor of the Callejn de

Huaylas (averaging 2,800 msnm)
is heavily cultivated, especially to
the north of Jangas and Tarica.
Currently, fruits and flowers are
grown for export. Pacay, avocado
and lucuma may have been
gathered there by early societies.
The existence of a modern
community of potters in the small
town of Tarica has some
implications for past practices.
2. Area of study

(2)The Quebrada Llancash/Cuncashca system is a natural pass to the puna, and to the
occidental slopes of the Cordillera Negra and beyond towards the coast. It has
perennial water and includes the best agricultural land.

(3) The Quechua ecozone (with elevations averaging about 3,500 m) is where maize,
tubers (oca, olluco [Ullucus tuberosus], potatoes) and some trees are grown. There

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is evidence of agricultural terraces and irrigation canals. However, the area does not
offer much space for cultivation and the soil is not rich in nutrients.

(4) Puna pastureland (with elevations of about 4,000 meters), consists of relatively flat
grasslands used today, as in the past, for maintaining herds.

These ecological zones are integrated by an ancient road that connects

archaeological sites belonging to several periods. The road extends from Jangas (2,800
m) on the Santa Valley floor, to Cuncashca on the puna (4,000 m). Control of the
resources of these various ecological zones may have been maintained in the past, as first
postulated for the Andes by John V. Murra (1975). The major center was the site of
Mareniyoc. Its position in the middle of the vertical ecological zones permitted economic
control by the local elite and the consumption of the products of all four zones.

The Inka occupation in the area of Mareniyoc, Callejn de Huaylas, Per

Inka materials have been found consistently in two sites: Mareniyoc located on
the Quechua floor (3,440 mASL); and Llaca Am Caca located on the Puna floor (4,043
mASL). Both have different settlement patterns and might have functioned distinctly
although they were established by the Inka political system of control and reciprocity
with the local chiefdom. They were set in terms of ideology and ritual planning as
evidenced by the space utilized on both sites. Furthermore, the preexistence of a local
society that exploited collaterally puna grassland resources for llama herding and
quechua terraces for farming with its center or permanent habitation at Mareniyoc, could
be maintained by the Inka polity in this region. This agro-pastoral economy still was in
use by local peasants of Mareniyoc in 1997 before construction of the Pierina mine in the
region.

The modern town of Mareniyoc stands on an artificial mound consisting of deep

cultural deposits. The site measures 1200 x 800 meters approximately. The mound
consists of stepped platforms and large habitation areas where people carried out
domestic activities, as indicated by the thick black midden deposits shown in profiles. A

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test unit excavation was placed on the west side of the mound and this uncovered
evidence of successive superposition of at least three levels utilizing stone walls and
artificial fills. From the first two platforms, Inka artifacts were recuperated consisting
mostly of fine ceramic jars and cantaros decorated with the Cuzco imperial style. The soil
accompanying the stone rough platforms had midden features with dispersed charcoal
and llama bones. Faunal analysis indicates a minimum of 6 artiodactyls (3 adults, 3
young) buried. One of the adults was an alpaca and the rest were llamas. Along with these
findings a ceramic llama figurine (illa) and a stone bead were also found. This
architectural and cultural Inka assemblage can be interpreted as a public event associated
with the consumption of chicha beer and meals possibly consisting of llama meat.
Judging from the mouth diameters (46 to 16 cm) and neck length (26 cm) I can estimate
that the aribalos were at least 1 m tall. The contextual association of Inka materials in
Mareniyoc leads to believe that non-domestic activities sporadically occurred here and
this place may have had importance for the Inka government based in Cuzco. Llamas and
alpacas were sacrificed and consumed during ritual acts and it is possible that the illa also
played an important role here.

Llaca Ama Caca is

another site located up on the
puna floor. It consists of a
huge natural outcrop
formation in prominent
position facing the snow
capped mountains of the
3. Llama ceramic figurine. Mareniyoc, Per. Cordillera Blanca. Maybe
this is one of the reasons why
the Inkas decided to dedicate offerings to this waca or ancient shrine. The volcanic
outcrop forms a rock shelter that was used as a repository for human offerings. Irregular
rectangular stone structures contained disarticulated human bones but only one individual
was preserved. This burial consisted of a child in flexed position with a ceramic vase and
olive seashell mollusks as offerings. An incomplete llama fetus also was deposited on the

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lower limbs of the child. From the rest of the human bones, bioarchaeologist of the
Pierina project identified six infants (0 5 years old), two children (10 years old +/- 30
months) and seven adults (20 29 years old). These were associated with fine Inka
arybalos Cuzco style possibly imported. Local vessels incorporated Inka designs and
shapes but never had the quality of arybalos. Remains of vegetables such as maize and
frijol and several disarticulated llama bones, most of them with signs of burning, were
also found. Although this context has been highly disturbed by rodent activity and
contemporary herdsmen, it is very important because confirms the ceremonial nature of
this site with evidence of human occupation for thousands of years.

So, what is nature of the Inka occupation in this area of the Callejn de Huaylas
apparently populated by local rural communities without any substantial social
organization? This specific region lacked Inka monumental infrastructure like agricultural
terraces, administrative buildings or storage facilities. Only a secondary Inka road went
along the Callejn de Huaylas connecting tampus, or way stations, built at Huaylas or
Atun-Huaylas and Huaraz (Varon 1980:42). A minor administrative center called Pueblo
Viejo is located near the actual town of Recuay but this was established for the control of
the principal road system that leads to Huanuco Pampa and further to Cuzco. I believe
that the Inka had a marked presence in the Callejn de Huaylas. From the current state of
knowledge, it is unknown how the Inka impact was over local establishments, but Father
Gridilla suggests a more intensive presence of the Inka state on the eastern side at the
base of the Cordillera Blanca (Gridilla 1933:40). However, Inka related artifacts are
frequently found on both sides always occupying previous sites along the Callejn de
Huaylas.

The Inkas established in Mareniyoc because of their polity to respect previous

religious entities such as Llaca Ama Caca. This was a local religious center or shrine that
the Inkas venerated with human sacrifices and rites that could be organized from Cuzco
through the capacocha system. The chosen victims could be seen as an honor to be
buried there because after death they acquired supernatural fecundity powers, a

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characteristic of the mallquis. Consequently, in the after life they enjoyed privileges and
were adored as a waca and oracle (Duviols 1976:38).

Corrals for Llamas, and Alpacas in the puna of Mareniyoc Callejn de Huaylas

Nowadays, llamas and alpacas herds have almost disappeared completely from
this part of the Andes and have been replaced by sheep, donkeys and cattle introduced by
the Spaniards during the Colonial period. However, remnants of corrals are seen
distributed around puna marshes and rolling hills. The Pierina archaeological project
revealed deep deposits of camelid bones associated with hilltop villages. These findings
assert the great importance of llama herding as a valuable economic resource for the past
rural populations in the Callejn de Huaylas. Preceramic societies practiced vicuna
hunting and this region was one of the first centers of their domestication. Since the Early
Intermediate Period (ca. AD 200 700) conclusive evidence exists of camelid herding by
the Recuay, a chiefdom level society characterized by agro-pastoral hinterland villages
accompanied by a strong ideology dedicated to ancestor veneration and community
leaders. Llama herds constituted a very valuable resource utilized as a pack animals,
protein source (dry meat), wool for weaving clothes, and for feasting and ceremonial
sacrifices as is seen on the Recuays pottery iconography. Archaeological data from the
subsequent Middle Horizon Period (ca. AD 700 1000) supports an increased utilization
of the puna ecozone indicated by the presence of corrals and temporary households
associated with a surge in camelid exploitation and management. Successive local
societies and the Inka roughly followed this model. Consequently, camelid herding had
an important role for the economy of these north-highlands groups.

For the puna zone of Mareniyoc, a series of corral structures were built on the soft
slope hills and the pampa flat terrain. The zone next to the Llaca Ama Caca site had
permanent water and grasslands because of a subterranean spring. This was very
beneficial for the herds, especially during the dry season when the extension of marshes
could permitted feed large number of llama herds. No artificial hydraulic system was
required in this zone, and there are no indicators of dams or irrigation ditches to increase

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pasture as recently suggested for the Cordillera Negra (Lane 2006:28). Although this
area sustained seasonal hunting groups for millennia, the habitation sites found in
association with the corrals indicate an emphasis on managing the herd (Aldenderfer
2001:20). This has been well documented in the site of Ancosh Punta, located a half a
mile from Llaca Ama Caca. This is a Middle Horizon period pastoral site where a semi-
permanent colony was established there for a period of only 300 years (Ponte 2009).
However, during the Inka and Late Intermediate period the agro-pastoral community of
Mareniyoc could have had access and exploited the puna ecosystem with the same
intensity as the previous Middle Horizon period.

Actual Ethnography accounts for the Area of Mareniyoc, Pierina Mine

Before Barrick Gold Mining Corporation started drilling for gold in the puna, the
communities of Antahuran, Tinyash and Cuncashca (Mareniyoc is part of Cuncashca) had
access rights to this land. These are mid-high altitude villages located in the Quechua
ecozone (3,500 mASL) with the right of entry to the puna ecozone (above 4,000 mASL).
They divided this land and demarked their limits by pirca stone walls. Members of these
communities herded sheep flocks and cattle to their respective puna sectors because of
the good grasslands and the abundance of corrals that were rearranged from the fallen
stone walls that originally belonged to the pre existing archaeological sites. Most of
herdsmen were kids. At the conjunction of these three sectors, on a pampa, and next to
the archaeological site Ancosh Punta, a celebration was performed there every year in the
month of February during the wet season. The organization of the gathering was
rotational; each community hosts the party annually. The community had to make a large
cross profusely adorned with flowers and leaves and this had to be brought to the puna
and installed just at the limits of the three pircas. People congregated and celebrated a
mass, then danced with banda musicians, enjoyed a meal, and drank chicha beer until late
night. This celebration that seems to be a catholic peregrination has similarity to pre-
Hispanic practices in honor of the local deity (Illapa the Thunder God of the Llacuaces),
to seek protection and multiplication of animal herds.

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One informant from Cuncashca, Marcelino Vergara told to me a story about

magically increasing herd size through the use of conopas and illas. This account is more
related to European livestock (bulls, cows, donkey, and sheep). These figurines need to be
placed in the temporary herdsmans hut during the wet season. It must be put in a safe
place in the house, wrapped with textiles and accompanied by food and drinks. The next
day, the pastors count the
new livestock.

When the mining

company bought this land
(approximately 1,700
hectares) in 1998, for the
first time in their lives
many landowners had cash

4. Stone miniature, Colonial Illa?

in their pockets. They did
not understand the concept of property ownership and even when the community sold
their land; they still wanted to put their animals to feed there. The same happened with
the lower territories in the quechua ecozone that were impacted by the construction
access road to the mine. I have seen deplorable situations of elderly people trying to stop
heavy machines from the destruction of their homes. There were also complaints of
reduced water availability and possible water contamination from the cyanide spills. The
ancestral relationship between these people and the land cannot be severed by dollars. A
lot of conflicts, marches, and strikes were caused by the construction and installation of
the mine. Modernization and the free market are taking their toll in the Andes. Members
of these communities are commuting to Huaraz by car; they acquired used automobiles
that in most cases have rapidly broken. Nowadays, they own cement houses and they
always are look for work at the mine site as temporary laborers.

Ethnohistoric Colonial Accounts, Conopas and Illas in the Callejn de Huaylas

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I have not found Colonial accounts that specifically refer to the region of
Mareniyoc, district of Jangas, Callejn de Huaylas. However, there is a reference to
Huaraz, located 15 km south from the study area and capital of the Department of
Ancash. The document includes one of the most important Colonial descriptions of ayllus
located in the southern part of the Callejn de Huaylas. This document is an essay called
Mitologa Andina, based on the visits of the author, Rodrigo Hernndez Prncipe, in 1622.
He discovered that local populations participated in ancestral non-Christian religious
ceremonies and attempted to eliminate any sign of idolatrous cults. Principe amassed a
great number of idolatry objects, which were burned in the numerous villages of the
region of Recuay. The manuscript relates the social behavior of the indigenous
communities, named Llacuaces, and specific their religious practices. The original place
where llamas were born and wander for the first time is constantly pointed out as the
glacial lakes and springs of the Cordillera Blanca. And also, Recuays ayllus claim to be
descendents of the Thunder God, a major deity tied with high altitude and mountains,
which is the name of the ethnic group called Llacuaces. The manuscript contains
information about the possible function the conopas and illas had. It describes the
tradition of adoring special stones or piedras besares (Hernndez Prncipe 1923:27) for
llama multiplication. The stone illas were kept and adored at the household and were
treated as minor wacas or gods. They always are related to llama reproduction and were
offered to the major god: Thunder God. An interesting account describes a house or a
building dedicated exclusively to the veneration of illas called illahuasi (op.cit. 27).
There is no precise information about the form of the stone conopas; sometimes it had an
eggs shape but other references describe its shape as the figure of a llama and/or alpaca.
Another type of illa was the gallstones that sometimes formed in the stomachs of llamas
and deer. These were considered sacred and were sometimes adored by spiting guinea pig
blood onto them (Castro 1992:40). Conopas is the meaning for a generalized minor God
possessed by each nuclear family. The concept behind conopas and illas dealt with
protection, wealth, success, and men and llama reproduction. They were venerated with
llama and guinea pig sacrifices, and a special maize meal called sancu. It seems that
certain conopas idols had parcels or chacaras dedicated to them (Duviols 2003:180).

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Discussion and Conclusions

Considerable ethnographic information exists about conopas and illas, but this
comes from the south-central Andes where Aymara and Quechua groups raise large
numbers of llamas and alpacas. They still practice fecundity rites with illas and enqas and
also worship wacas during festivities. Their origins can be traced to the Middle Horizon
States of Wari and Tiwanaku and beyond given the millenary coexistence of men and
llamas in the Andes. So, it is not surprising that regional variations in rites related to the
reproduction of alpacas and llamas stem from simple ceremonies that take place at the
household level. It seems that the tradition of stone miniatures was present in the northern
highland region before Inka times. During the construction of the road to the Pierina mine
site, archaeologists uncovered several tombs under big boulders. Because of the
unprepared feature of the chamber, these graves probably belonged to commoners.
However funerary offerings in the tombs consisted of ceramic miniatures that were
stylized representations of jars, cooking pots, vases, and human figurines. This means
that the miniatures do not represent the object per se but their function. They were
cataloged to Late Recuay society and to the Middle Horizon period (700 900 AD).
Multiple kinds of stone miniature idols were venerated in the northern highlands and
from the Colonial documents only by the contextual cited reference can its relationship
with fecundity rites of llamas be deduced.

The celebration of rites for llama multiplication was performed in the village, in
the ceremonial center, and at the work center that for pastoral communities can be the
corral. In the region of Cajatambo and Huanuco Viejo underground structures or cists
were built in the corner of the corral with the purpose to venerate conopas and their
offerings consisted on sea shells (Duviols 2003:506). Similar kind of subterranean
structures has been found in the Callejn de Huaylas, but they contained human offerings
(Ponte 2006). The ceramic miniature illa found in the excavations at Mareniyoc is more
likely to be related with llama sacrifices and perhaps to the capacocha ceremony
celebrated in the rock shelter of Llaca Ama Caca.

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The longevity of conopas and illas goes beyond Inka times since the epoch of
gentiles that can be translated as immemorial times. The place of the origin of llamas is
the glacial lakes and the mountain snow capped is the protector of the herds. Both mark
the natural theater of life for the Andean communities. Powerful gods like Thunder for
the Recuay Llacuaces and Ataguchu for Huamachuco were considered the supreme
creators of men and llamas in this part of the Andes.

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