Rock Art California

Society for American Archaeology
LAND USE, LAND IDEOLOGY: AN INTEGRATED GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMS

ANALYSIS OF ROCK ART WITHIN SOUTH-CENTRAL CALIFORNIA
Author(s): David W. Robinson
Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 75, No. 4 (October 2010), pp. 792-818
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25766232
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LAND USE, LAND IDEOLOGY:
AN INTEGRATED GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMS
ANALYSIS OF ROCK ART WITHIN SOUTH-CENTRAL CALIFORNIA
David W. Robinson
While rock art is global in distribution, it remains a media fix in placed within particular physical environments. Because
of this, it can be examined using various spatial approaches and technologies. By integrating a variety of Geographic Infor
mation Systems (GIS) applications to examine the location and position of rock art in relation to both natural features and
other archaeological deposits, a detailed understanding of the positioning of rock art can be advanced. In this case, I employ
this methodology to address the presence that rock art exerted within the EmgidianoAiulkuhku Chumash landscape of South
Central California. In so doing, I demonstrate that specific research questions concerning rock art in public or private con
texts can be addressed, and that in this example, the pictographs of the Hulkuhku were visibly integrated within the intimate
confines of the most important economic places in the landscape, showing that subsistence and symbolic practices were
conjoined through ideological media.
Mientras que el arte rupestre es global en su distribucion es, al mismo tiempo, un medio inscrito en espacios fisicos particu
lares. Por esto, es posible examinarlo usando varios tipos de andlisis espaciales y otras tecnologias. La integracion de una
variedad de aplicaciones de los sistemas de informacion geogrdfica (GIS) para examinar la localizacion y posicion del arte
rupestre en relacion al entorno natural y a otros depdsitos arqueologicos nos permite avanzar hacia un entendimiento detal
lado de la localizacion de este arte. En este caso, se ha empleado esta metodologia para analizar la influencia ejercida por
la presencia de arte rupestre dentro del paisaje EmgidianoAiulkuhku Chumash de la California sur-central. Con esto, queda
demostrado que se pueden testar hipotesis especificas sobre el arte rupestre en contextos publicos y privados, y que en este
ejemplo, los pictogramas de los Hulkuhku estaban visiblemente integrados dentro de los confines intimos de los lugares con
adscripcion economica mas importantes en el paisaje, mostrando que las prdcticas simbolicas y de subsistencia estaban unidas
mediante el medio ideologico.
s a worldwide phenomenon, rock art is ity, territoriality, or ideology, many researchers con
increasingly analyzed through its geo sider location as one of the most important factors
X JLgraphical location (for instance, for when investigating rock art. In their discussion of
Atlantic Europe see Bradley 1997, Nash 2000; for landscape and rock art, Chippindale and Nash
China see Dematte 2004; for Egypt see Darnell (2004b:21) argue that the positioning of rock art is
2002:104-121; for western North America see fundamentally important as demonstrated through
Hartley and Vawser 1998:185-211, Munson 2003, the "large number of studies world-wide that report
or more recently Quinlan 2007; for the Amazon see strategic orientation and siting of the rock art."
Pereira 2001:222-225; for India see Neumayer Importantly, they state that rock art can be formally
1993; for Kazakhstan see Sala and Deom 2005; for analyzed at both micro and macro scales from that
the Pacific Islands see Lee 2002:79-92 and Wilson of the panel, to the rock formation itself on out to
1998:163-182; for Australia see Rosenfeld the landscape (Chippindale and Nash 2004b:22).
2002:61-78; see also Chippindale and Nash 2004a, Bradley (2000) points out that rock art can be inves
2004b). Whether concerned with regional synthe tigated by carefully examining the natural places
ses, landscape archaeology, cultural history, they occupy; however, these places are often far
archaeo-astronomy, totemism, shamanism, ethnic more than simply natural backdrops, they may be
David W. Robinson Lecturer in Archaeology, School of Forensic and Investigative Sciences, University of Central
Lancashire, Preston, PR1 2HE (email: DWRobinson@uclan.ac.uk)
American Antiquity 75(4), 2010, pp. 792-818

Copyright ?2010 by the Society for American Archaeology
792
LAND USE, LAND IDEOLOGY 793
complex physical and cultural arenas. David Correlating Rock Art and Habitation:
(2002:179) broadens this point, stressing that mak Public versus Private?
ing rock art "involves a marking of the land by peo
Archaeology and rock art in Chumash contexts, first
ple who do more than wander around a politically
briefly touched upon in the 1970s (by Garvin 1978,
neutral, open landscape," an issue central to this
paper. As Bernard and Woodman (1988:16) put it Gibson and Singer 1970, and Home 1976), was sys
specifically regarding hunter-gatherers, "land tematically analyzed by Hyder's (1989) study of the
serves as a template on which individuals and presence or absence of archaeological material at
28 rock art sites in two separate inland areas. His
groups map out their social relationships to each
results showed that while Chumash rock art exists
other in terms of ritual ties." Looking at where rock
within a variety of contexts, it typically is found near
art is positioned in relation to both its immediate
"camps, gathering areas, or other [areas with] evi
environs and the wider landscape will help towards
understanding social relationships. But, it has been
dence of day-to-day human activities" (Hyder
1989:34). This led Hyder to postulate a variety of
recognized that this relationship between the "prac
functions for Chumash pictographs. At about the
tical, or routine use of the landscape, and the ritual
same time, Whitley (1987) similarly examined the
use of the landscape, is a complex one, and in a
sense it would be wrong to separate the two when geographical distribution of rock art in neighboring
East-Central California. In this study, Whitley
trying to comprehend [nonwestern] societies..."
(Zvelebil 2003:66). We therefore should look argued that the Coso pictographs were in inacces
sible locations and therefore had restricted audi
closely at how past hunter-gatherers used the land
while considering their land-use in terms of its rela
ences, made by a restricted segment of the
population (Whitley 1987:183); however, he found
tionship to the rock art. Methodologically, Bradley
the association between the pictographs and habi
(2000) has put forward that we should take account
tation sites for the Tiibatulabal in the Tehachapi's
of the accessibility of the designs within society,
meant that rock art was "witnessed" by the entire
and their possible integration and relationship with
wider settlement patterns seen in archaeological population even if direct participation may have
been limited (Whitley 1987:184). Since that time,
features and deposits. Considering the proximal
Whitley's research has focused more on cognitive
relationship between rock art, its natural environ
and shamanistic interpretations (see Whitley 1988,
ment, and associated archaeological material is key
1992,1998,1999,2000a, among others). Even so,
to approaching a social understanding of rock art.
location is important to Whitley's later analyses in
It follows that sophisticated methodological
arguments that Indigenous beliefs of certain "geo
approaches to rock art location are needed if archae
ologists are to make inferences about rock art and morphological attributes" of rock surfaces and shel
ters were "portals" to a supernatural realm beneath
the role it played in past societies (see Hyder 2004).
the surface (Whitley 1999:16).1 Drawing inferences
Fortunately, as the relationship between image, set
from the vast body of Californian ethnographic
ting, and space is physical, it can be examined using
sources, Whitley's research underlines the impor
spatial approaches. In this paper, I use a case study
from South-Central California to show the value tance of ethnographic information, and provides an
explanatory framework for the specific use of rock
of integrating a variety of spatial analyses to directly
surfaces and shelters in South-Central California.2
assess the visible role rock art played in past soci
When considering associations between rock art
eties. In this instance, I focus on the spectacular pic
and archaeological deposits in South-Central Cali
tographs of the interior Chumash in considering to
fornia, Whitley argued that most rock art sites were
what degree rock art exerted a presence within
associated with "villages because they may be at
Indigenous society and to move towards consider
the edge or within a few hundred meters of a habi
ing the ideological implications of that degree. To
tation site" (2000a:54). However, in light of his
do this, I will demonstrate how integrating survey
ethnographically derived inferences, he did not
data with Geographic Information Systems analy
maintain that this proximity implied public involve
ses can offer an innovative and rigorous method
ment either in the making of rock art or its visual
ology towards explicating rock art within its
experience: "The positioning of the paintings would
geographical and social settings.
794 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 75, No. 4,2010
not usually promote ready viewing, or suggest a usethe other, rock art is made by shaman specialists as
in public rituals" (Whitley 2000a:54| Essentially,an activity designed not for public consumption, but
this ethnographic view does not accommodate his rather for "private" acquisition of supernatural
previous archaeologically derived view that the power at private places (i.e. Whitley 2000a:74,
Tiibatalabal art was publicly "witnessed" (Whitley77-83). Each position is consistent with data as pre
1987:183). Whitley cites further ethnographic refsented; yet the presentation of this data does not
erences, oftentimes interpreting complex Indige resolve this rather murky issue.
nous metaphors particularly concerning "shamans Crucially, these arguments hinge on the visual
presence of rock art in relation to the presence or
cache sites" (see Whitley 2000a:81-85) as rock art
sites that were "owned by individual shamans" and absence of other archaeological deposits. It is for
avoided "by the local populace" since "even look this reason that the archaeological record is an ideal
ing at them would result in 'sore eyes'" (Whitleymedium to explore the visual presence of art within
2000a:82). Thus, Whitley concludes that Southpublic or private realms. Correlative modeling?the
Central Californian rock art locations were placeslisting of rock art and its association with or with
out other archaeological components?is a good
the public was wary to visit and were privately used
only by shamans. starting point; however, correlation by its own is not
Researchers in other regions in the Far Westenough. Whitley argues that rock art found near
have looked more closely at the association deposits actually only occurs at the margins of vil
between rock art and habitation deposits. Quinlanlages, therefore negating a public function for the
and Woody (2003) have come to view that some art. This highlights the inadequacy of only noting a
rock art in the Far West played a role in "socialcorrelation between rock art and archaeological
reproduction." From 1037 Nevada rock art sites,deposits since there may still remain a significant
they found 344 reports of correlations between theseparation between the art and the inhabited areas.
art and other archaeological deposits, but statedWe need to know more precisely how close and how
that this correlation is likely to be greater due to
visible rock art is to other archaeological deposits.
ambiguous site reports. In identifying this domes It therefore is necessary to examine the physi
tic context, they put forward the "possibility thatcal dynamics of rock art sites to study experiential
[rock art] was encountered by a broad cross-sectionrelationships between people, the tasks they under
of society in the course of their daily routines"took, rock-formations, and the art those formations
(Quinlan and Woody 2003:374). While sites not contain. When sites have been classified as "pub
encountered in daily activities were "more in keeplic" or "private," the corroborative evidence has
ing with what is known of vision-quest locales"been based primarily upon the field observation of
(Quinlan and Woody 2003:376), they saw domes the researcher: excepting Heizer and Baumhoff's
tic rock art as a factor within social relationships,(1962) site plans, data has not been presented in
and ultimately involved the reproduction of sociany substantial visual format to support these field
ety (Quinlan and Woody 2003:386). observations. To ascertain what role rock art played
Each of these interpretations?Hyder's, Whit within individual and/or group dynamics, it is nec
ley's, Quinlan and Woody's?correlates rock artessary to demonstrate those spatial relationships.
location to natural and/or cultural features. These
A methodology addressing the visual presence of
correlations are then used to consider if the artrock art in relation to individuals and their activi
played a public or private role. Each employed difties is needed, moving beyond general concepts of
ferent data through field, ethnographic, or literaturecorrelation into specific spatial dynamics, worked
survey, while using different methodologies? out at varying scales in order to understand past
hypotheses tests or ethnographic syntheses. Howhuman experience.
ever, divergent conclusions are made: In one, rock
art correlates closely with archaeological deposits,
Spatial Ideology and the
consistent with its being seen by a "public" audi
Presencing of Rock Art
ence and therefore serving the reproduction of the
society or group ideology3 (Home 1976; Hyder
Hudson and Lee (1984) first saw visual consump
1989; Quinlan and Woody 2003; Whitley 1987). In
tion as important to their contention that Chumash
Robinson] LAND USE, LAND IDEOLOGY 795
dependence; social contradiction; transmitting

rock art performed an ideological role, integrating
both individuals and groups into the social andthought
tural cos and practice, etc.) within society ne
mological order through the making and deeper
display consideration.
of To move beyond simple c
rock art. There may have been many waysrelative
rock artmodels and to advance analyses of the
played ideological roles within Indigenous com
tial dynamics of rock art sites, one must take i
munities, but certainly the more peopleaccount
had thethe way in which people inhabited their
ritory in lived terms. This means employing a f
opportunity to see it, the more overt an ideological
grained examination of land-use patterns with
role it may have obtained within societal dynamics.
Bradley (1997:194, 205-209) interpreted
contiguous territory while also examining on-s
spatial
changes in the rock art of Atlantic Europe characteristics and visual relationships
as evi
thiswhile
dence for chronological changes in ideology sense, a landscape scale combined wit
Rosenfeld (2002:61) similarly argues that Aus scale allows for a robust contextuali
taskscape
tralian aboriginal transformations over
tiontime
of rock art within multiple spheres of c
munityide
required "reformulations of the legitimatizing and individual experiences.
Atand
ologies that underly social praxis." Barnard the scale of landscape, an ideological med
mayreturn
Woodburn (1988:28) point out that delayed be used to communicate to external and/
internal
hunter-gatherer groups often had a developed idepopulations. If rock art signaled infor
ology "with economic and political tion control
to external groups?neighboring village p
restricted to a few limited contexts." Importantly,
ulations, rival polities, or those entering the territo
those limited contexts are often concernedaswith the
trespassers or for amicable purposes such
trade?then
control of resources "usually in the form of delayed it should have been positioned at t
points marking
yields on labour" or in the realm of "ideologies of territorial boundaries, at entrep
mystical dependence" where the health or (i.e. trade centers), or at places where neighbor
welfare
of individuals may be affected through populations
supernat gathered for entertainment, cere
nial, or ritual purposes. If the art is instead me
ural power (Barnard and Woodburn 1988:28-290).
Rock art, as a visual media, may be one to
means to to internal groups, it should be positio
signify
at sites
project ideologies of the control of resources within the normal orbit of ordinary patte
and/or
mystical dependence. of landscape usage. Here, I use the term "la
Rock art is increasingly being considered
scape"byto include both peoples' conceptions of t
landmedia
some researchers as an important ideological with its natural, physiographic, and cultu
characteristics, and the way in which they inh
in long term change and within the development
ited the
of complex societies particularly for studies thatland. Landscape is simultaneously the ph
ical world
incorporate land-use and settlement patterns (see of dwelling and the human percepti
of it: the
different views on Iberian rock art, complexity, and use of ideological media such as rock
should
ideology in Cruz Berrocal and Vincent Garcia reflect these shared aspects of landsca
2007
versus McClure et al. 2008; see Robinson Likewise,
2007 for the employment of ideological m
South-Central California; see also Robinson et al.
should indicate those places that held importan
in economic,
2008 for a diachronic case study from India). Cruz political, and social spheres. The a
Berrocal and Vincent Garcia (2007:694)lyzing
analysis
of the placement of rock art and the care
of Iberian rock art posits an ideology that consideration
rock art, of the human actors and their ac
ities How
in part, materialized "social contradictions." that took place on site, should give clues to
ever, Hudson and Lee (1984:33) suggested social spheres within which ideology does or d
a more
positive view of ideology, arguing that not engage. However, if rock art does not art
Chumash
pictographs served an indispensable sociallate significantly with the social sphere?pla
function
"as a strong, positive force for societal andaway from habitation areas, away from expec
personal
well utilized trails or pathways, or in difficult
adjustment and to the maintenance, transmission,
and communication of Chumash thought reach and
locales?then it would be hard to see that
action." WTiile Hudson and Lee's definition is a an ideological role in any public sen
performed
To put it simply, by analyzing the presencing
good generalization, the specific way rock art actu
alized ideology (control of resources; rock art within scales of experience, we can addr
mystical
796 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 75, No. 4, 2010
Figure 1. Linguistic divisions of South-Central California. This study focuses upon the Emigdiano Chumash region.
specific circumstances of societal engagementsPreserve landform and biotic communities. Of key

with potential ideological media. concern was identifying patterns of land use and
rock art placement (see Robinson 2004a; 2006). To
do this, I undertook an extensive pedestrian survey
San Emigdio Hills:
Landscape of the Emigdiano/Hulkuhku. targeting the valley floor immediately to the north
of the hills, canyon apertures, creek terraces, grass
The interior group known linguistically as the
land potreros, oak woodlands, and upper elevation
Emigdiano (Figure 1) were documented as beingarea piny on zones.5 Rock formations were partic
called the hulkuhku or HooV-koo-koo by Merriamularly targeted, including difficult access high
elevation formations to ensure coverage. All
(1967). The term kuhku (or koo-koo) in some Chu
mash dialects simply means "people." Hulkuhku ispreviously known sites were visited and confirmed
(see Robinson 2006 for detailed survey results;
probably an external designation meaning the "over
there people" (Applegate, personal communica 2007 for summary of survey; see also Bury et al.
tion 2008). Since "Emigdiano" is a Spanish appel2004 and Hampson et al. 2005 for rock art survey
lation, I here use the word Hulkuhku4 as a
methodologies). At completion, 106 sites were
designation since it is an Indigenous term ratheridentified (see Figure 2). The survey provides clear
than one ascribed by colonialists, but this should
evidence that Hulkuhku land-use practice was heav
not be misconstrued as a term that the inhabitants
ily oriented toward bedrock mortar (BRM) based
of the landscape used to identify themselves. This
food preparation: I found that 70 sites (66 percent)
group occupied the San Emigdio Hills which rise had bedrock mortars, while surface lithics or mid
from the southwestern extent of the San Joaquin den materials are seen at only 16 (15 percent).
Valley. This an area of unique geological interface
Undoubtedly more lithic scatters and midden mate
"due to the convergence of the Transverse Ranges,
rial are buried under hill-wash or obscured by dense
the Coast Ranges, the Sierra Mountains, and the introduced grasses; nevertheless, the number of
Western Mohave" (Bury et al. 2003:2-1). Co
BRMs and the prevalence of oak woodland in
terminus with this landscape is the contiguous mod
Hulkuhku lands show acorns formed an integral part
ern 100,000-acre Wind Wolves Preserve. of the prehistoric food supply. As discussed else
To address the presencing of rock art in thewhere (Basgall 1987:22; Baumhoff 1963:221; Gif
ford 1936:87) acorns were a major staple of the
Hulkuhku landscape, I survey sampled a variety of
Figure 2. Distribution of archaeological sites in Emigdiano/Hool territory (source map USGS). 'K-locales' denote loca
tions with 18 or more bedrock mortar stations.
majority of later prehistoric Californian

representation for past pictograph distributions.
populations?that this is also the case for theWith the San Emigdio hills forming a border
Hulkuhku is not unusual in any sense. land between Chumash and Valley Yokuts, the
It is equally clear that the geomorphology of the
larger of the drainages provided conduits both into
terrain?incised by north-flowing arroyos
and through the landscape. Ethnohistoric sources
show these conduits facilitated travel between
drainages emptying into the southern San Joaquin
Valley?was a factor in how people chose to move coastal and interior geographies, playing a role in
about and inhabit the land. Within the hills, sand
amity and enmity relations between neighboring
populations (see Johnson 1984, 2007; Robinson
stone formations predominate, with occasional con
glomerates. Pictographs are found mostly on 2004a). Following, I show how a Digital Elevation
sandstone, in rock-shelters and on open-air surModel (DEM) of the San Emigdio Hills makes it
faces. Preservation of pictographs varies from site
possible to test if rock art sites occupy a significant
to site but there is no reason to suppose that rock
presence along these conduits and therefore address
whether or not rock art may have played a role
formations in one part of the hills would preserve
externally. And this same technique allows us to
differentially from others. It therefore is inferred
examine internal dynamics of the landscape
that where pictographs are found is an accurate
To the immediate north of the canyon mouths, the

through exploring patterns of land-use, placement
of rock art, and patterns of movement between vilSan Joaquin plain gives way to major Yokuts pop
lages, pictograph sites, and other locations. ulations who lived on the shores of Buena Vista and
Kern Lakes. Certainly, according to ethnographic
sources, there were definable territories that indi
Pictographs and Villages of the
vidual villages and multi-village polities considered
Emigdiano///w/??Mw
their own (Gayton 1929:365; Kroeber 1925:474,
Survey identified the probable locations of three 831; 1962: 36; Osborne 1992:36) and that travel
ethnohistorically known Hulkuhku villages, Mataing into another groups' territory without permis
puan, Tashlipun, and Tecuya, each found at or nearsion risked confrontation (Gayton 1936:75;
a major canyon mouth. Symbolic media in the form Johnson 2007). If rock art functioned as a bound
of ceremonial enclosures, painted poles, and mor ary marker to demarcate Chumash and Yokuts
tuary markers were often displayed within or nearterritory?in other words, as a threshold sign?the
Chumash village sites (see Hudson and Blackburncanyon mouths would be the first available land
1986). Indeed, the employment of visual media forms with any rock sufficient for the making of
pictographs. The lack of pictograph sites at these
within or near villages?the largest aggregation cen
ters in Chumash lived experience?could serve tolocations would suggest that rock art did not func
reach the largest audience possible. Whitley alsotion as a boundary marker between the Hulkuhku
and the Yokuts. In other words, even though the
suggests rock art sites are associated with "villages
because they may be at the edge or within a few canyon mouths with their attendant villages effec
hundred meters of a habitation site" (2000a:54). tively formed the boundary between two entirely
Yet, Whitley does not distinguish between habitadifferent linguistic groups, pictographs did not
mark those apertures and cannot be seen as an ide
tion sites as villages opposed to other forms of occu
pation sites. Since the ethnographic record
ological tool for "threshold" maintenance directed
documents named village locales, the first question
toward these northerly peoples.
to be addressed by the survey data is what presence However, neighboring Chumash communities
do pictographs have at known villages? lived toward the south of the San Emigdio Hills in
While cupules are found at Matapuan and
the Santa Barbara backcountry. As shown in John
Tecuya, and near Tashlipun, no pictographs wereson's (1984; 2005) ethnographic work, the Emigdi
ano/Hulkuhku were linked to these southerly
found at these three sites, the closest pictograph site
being almost .5 kms from Matapuan (see FigureChumash through marriages, alliances, and trade.
2). This same pictograph site is the only one near
To facilitate these links, people traveled to meet and
the mouth of any canyon despite the fact that rock
negotiate: while some meetings could?and likely
formations can be found at most canyon apertures.did?take place in villages, there is good evidence
These canyon mouths are the likely wintering
that places other than village sites were often used
as entrepots. For instance, the Yokuts Tachi site of
places for the majority of the local population. Fresh
runoff water flowing down these perennial streams
We-kit Le-wis northwest of the San Emigdio Hills
and the presence of springs would usually sustainin the Temblor Range was positioned along major
the village population during winter. While sometrails away from villages (Latta 1977:316, 728,
South-Central Californian pictographs sites such as731). Like this Yokuts example, intermediate points
Painted Rock and Porterville Rocky Hill may have along trails connecting neighboring villages could
been very near a village site, Hulkuhku pictographshave been used as entrepots: using media such as
cannot be seen as occupying any significant prespictographs, these would have been good places to
ence at known villages. signify ideological messages to external visiting
populations. It follows then to ask what presence
External Landscape Movement: do pictographs have along trails to or at sites that
Pictographs as Boundary Markers may be considered entrepots?
If pictograph sites played a role in trade activi
The second question asks, did pictographs function
ties at entrepots, it can be expected that they would
as threshold markers directed toward the Yokutsl be positioned along conduits linking the three main
Figure 3. Combined cost-surface analyses from each southern approach to each village (source map USGS).
Emigdiano/'Hulkuhku villages to the southerly

art in relation to these approaches, I ran a series of
cost-surface analyses with ArcGIS software using
neighboring regions. We might also expect that the
a 30-meter USGS Digital Elevation Model (DEM)
easiest travel routes would have been preferable,
especially if individuals traversing the rugged of
terthe Preserve and surrounding country6 (see
rain of the Transverse Range were burdened withRobinson 2006 for complete description of proce
trade goods. dures). A DEM is a "regular matrix of elevation val
To explore this, three major landform ues, from which altitude functions such as slope
approaches to the landscape were tested, each and
of aspect can be calculated" (Gillings and Wise
which are known to contain the closest Chumash 2000:24). Cost-surface functions calculate the
cumulative travel effort of moving through a ter
villages and are likely to be landforms connecting
coastal and inland Chumash areas to the San rain model, thus predicting the routes most likely
Emigdio region (see Home 1981:296-330; John taken (see Wheatley and Gillings 2002:151-156).
son 1978; 2000; Johnson and Earle 1990; see
While this technique is underlain by certain nor
Robinson 2006:185-187 for discussion). These
mative assumptions of human movement (Llobera
approaches are: 2000:77), I view its application as a helpful heuris
tic toward thinking about how the landscape was
1. The southwest approach from Quatal Canyon.
2. The southern approach from Lockwood Val experienced in terms of human movement. Indeed,
ley. GIS cost-surface analyses have become a world
3. The southeast approach from Grapevine wide standard method of investigating trails, site
Canyon. location, and movement within a given terrain in
To analyze the positioning of HooV-koo-koo rock archaeological studies (see Harris 2000 for recent
AO Pictograph bites Other sites ^ =z= ?bb Kilometers

@ Southerly pictograph sites Villages 0 2.5 5 10
Figure 4. Line demarcating the southerly extent of rock-art sites in Hool territory (source map USGS).
discussion GIS and movement; Bell and Lock The location of most pictograph sites away from
2000; Bellavia 2002; Llobera 2000; Verhagen et al. these major conduits is not consistent with their
1995:199-200; Whitley and Hicks 2001). Morefunctioning as places where neighboring ethnic or
importantly, a cost-surface approach can help us linguistically differentiated populations gathered
"trace the threads of movement and the temporalfor trade, entertainment, or ceremonial purposes.
What is instead apparent from their distribution is
rhythms played out as people traversed the land"
(e.g., Barrett 1999:24). that many pictograph sites are among the most
The results of the cost-surface analyses revealedsoutherly of sites on the Preserve (Figure 4). These
nine hypothetical primary routes into Hulkuhku termatch the southern extent of the most archaeolog
ritory from external southerly approaches to eachically visible land-use practices, which may sug
village. These nine routes all converge into threegest that pictographs acted as boundary markers
major canyons (Figure 3): Santiago, San Emigdio, signifying not to northerly Yokuts groups, but
and Grapevine, the easier travel routes through the instead to their southerly Chumash counterparts.
landscape. These three canyons provided the majorHowever, I think caution should be taken when
conduits between village sites and regions to thethinking of these sites as specific boundary mark
southwest, south, and southeast. In ethnohistoricalers. More survey is needed further up canyons and
and ethnographic literature, these three canyons into the higher elevations. In addition, these
are each mentioned as route-ways into and throughsoutherly locations are positioned in more difficult
this landscape (see Robinson 2006, Chapter 3),terrain, separated by the formidable ridgelines of
strongly suggesting that the cost surface analysisBlue Ridge, San Emigdio Mountain, and Tecuya
reflects actual traditional travel routes. While two
Ridge: An intimate, local knowledge of the land
pictograph sites are located along these routes, 15 scape would probably be needed to find these route
other pictograph sites are not on the conduits, sucways. From this and all of the above, it appears that
cinctly demonstrating that the clear majority of pic the pictographs of the Hulkuhku are not situated in
tograph sites are located elsewhere. Therefore, oneany primary or significant sense to signify an ide
must conclude, the pictographs of the Hulkuhku doological message to external populations. These
not constitute a significant presence on major conresults hint toward an internal, more intimately ori
duits through the landscape; they only form a minorented employment of rock art.
presence.
Internal Landscape Movement: embedded were pictograph sites within the local
Pictographs and Site-Networks system of movement! Since the presencing of pic
tographs in relation to landscape movement and
Living in a landscape requires moving through it inhabitation is a core focus of this investigation,
via one locale to another? Ingold (2000:219) use more cost-surface analyses were performed from
fully characterizes places as "nodes within a matrix each pictograph locale to every other site docu
of movement"?in this section, I wish to fore mented on the Preserve.
ground human movement within Hulkuhku terri These cost-surface analyses revealed a dendritic
tory. The internal rock art locales do not exist alone:
system of route-ways through an assemblage of
other archaeological sites equally testify to the complex landforms, with canyons, ridgelines, sad
matrix of movement that people undertook. In the dles, and potreros providing accessibility through
course of seasonal activities, people would have the topography. Even though this topography is
fragmented into smaller groups, moving to and complex, and many individual offshoot pathways
from village locations in the major canyons to and were identified linking ancillary sites, the major
from backcountry sites. Indeed, during extended ity of least cost paths traverse specific landform fea
periods away from their primary residential base, tures. Just as the convergence of route-ways in the
people may have traveled between a variety of cost-surface analysis from external approaches
short-term occupation sites. If pictographs are not
demonstrated major conduits through Hulkuhku
found at either villages or entrepots, then how territory echoing ethnographic accounts, internal
movement also coalesced along particular landland-use of the Sierra Nevada Mountains at the
forms creating internal corridors. These internaleastern extent of South-Central California shows
corridors would likely have been used repeatedly that the number of BRMs is very important to
throughout prehistory, promoting traditional andunderstanding both the individual site and larger
persistent manners of maneuvering through the landscape patterns. Small BRM sites were numer
landscape. Modern Preserve roads, following pre ous and fairly evenly dispersed, while sites with 14
or more BRMs were rare but spatially consistent
vious ranch roads, use many of these traditional cor
ridors and pathways. Importantly, the majority ofwithin the scattered lesser sites (Jackson
rock art sites are situated along these paths. Fur1984:199-203). These smaller, scattered sites were
thermore, since other sites fall along traditionalprobably visited by small groups?perhaps nuclear
corridors, cost-surface analyses demonstrate thatfamilies?on a short-term basis, particularly for
routes taken from one site to another distant site, initial acorn harvesting (Jackson 1991). Sites with
pass through or near to a series of other archaeo at least 14 BRMs were distinct places where mul
tiple family groups probably came together to
logical sites along the way. For instance, the path
between Tashlipun village?near the mouth of San pound acorns for longer periods. The larger sites,
Emigdio Canyon?and Chimney rock art sitewhich often included midden deposits, were termed
passes through or near nine sites, including the"K-sites" because of their importance as significant
BRM aggregation sites and centers of food pro
extensive rock art locale at Pond (Figure 5). Other
examples can likewise be identified (see Robinson duction. The regular spacing of large K-sites in oth
erwise ubiquitous small BRM distributions led
2006:191). Pictograph sites were positioned within
the normal orbit of Hulkuhku land-use practices? Jackson (1991:312) to the conclusion that the sites
"were situated to accommodate systematic annual
traveling to and from them meant traveling through
a familiar and often utilized landscape. movements across the landscape to collect and
This analysis shows that pictographs occupiedprocess, primarily, the acorn resource."
a strong presence within the internal landscape Considering that California ethnography over
movements of the Hulkuhku, and were tightly intewhelmingly associates BRMs with women, Jack
grated within traditional networks of corridors,son (1991:312) further argues that these "food
processing sites represent the creation by women
pathways and trails. The locations of the pictograph
of fixed production facilities on the landscape
sites therefore fall easily within public usage of the
land; thus, the imagery is positioned to communi which are related directly to the organization of
cate effectively to the local population. However, women's labour and production." Jackson (1991)
noted that lower elevation winter settlements also
this analysis has not yet addressed the activities that
occurred at rock art sites, or examined relationhad high numbers of BRMs. On the Wind Wolves
Preserve, the distribution of BRM sites is similar
ships between land-use, pictograph sites, and vil
lages. to these patterns described by Jackson?a pattern
perhaps reflective of a widespread Late Prehistoric
Rock art and Land-Use land-use strategy of acorn exploitation across much
of South-Central California.
As mentioned above, a major component of the For this study, I wish to adopt the term "K
subsistence economy focused upon pounding activ locale," since some "sites" are so near to each other
ities occurring at BRM sites. The land-use patterns as to be essentially part of the same locality. Like
of the Hulkuhku are primarily visible as a web of Jackson's nomenclature, the term "K-locale" here
bedrock mortar sites: these BRMs are typically does not apply to BRM clusters associated with eth
close to good water sources, in the form of springs nohistoric villages since these are lower elevation
or running streams (or both). principle residential bases: Matapuan, Tashlipun,
The numbers of individual BRMs varies greatly and especially Tecuya all have high BRM concen
from locale to locale?some sites may have one trations nearby and appear to be political village
BRM, others only a few, others with many (some centers rather than acorn gathering sites. I also have
times up to over 100 BRMs as is the case for the chosen 18 BRMs as the minimum number to con
Pond). Thomas Jackson's research (1984,1991) in stitute a K-locale because it better matches the
Wind Wolves Proservo: noted that Letter, Lizard, and Echo are only
Bedrock Mortar/Pictograph Correlation
between 1.5 and 3 kilometers from Pond?the
largest BRM concentration on the Preserve?while
Echo is little more than a kilometer downstream
Sites with
pidographs
from two sites that together form a K-locale with
30 BRMs. These three pictograph sites are in the
a Sites without heart of the highest density of sites on the Preserve,
picto graphs
directly on or just around the corner from the major
internal corridor of the central Pleitito drainage. The
single-element site of San Emigdio appears to be
an isolate, on the major conduit of San Emigdio
Figure 6. Correlations between pictographs and bedrock
mortars. Canyon and on a conspicuous boulder. Lost Canyon
and Lonely Pine are two curiosities in terms of
location as well as the art itself: both are outside
Hulkuhku landscape and the sheer number of the primary areas of usage and are exclusively
BRMs found there. Therefore, there are a total of black-linear pictographs. They may be associated
16 K-locales known of on the Preserve (Figure 2). with different land-use practices, and therefore dif
In the case of the Hulkuhku, notable patterns can ferent time periods. Excepting these two exclusive
be seen in the relationship between BRM sites and black-linear examples, all of the pictograph sites
pictograph sites. As mentioned before, this correl without BRMs are located on conduits, corridors,
ative method is a good starting point; I will go into and pathways never far from other sites?this
detailed viewshed analyses of a selection of these means that 15 of the 17 pictograph sites on the Pre
sites to move beyond simple correlation, but even serve were prominently positioned within the expe
so, it is worth pointing out that the pictograph sites rienced landscape of the Hulkuhku.
of Painted Petroglyph, Santiago, Los Lobos, This observation is further highlighted when
Pond/Side Pond, Three Springs, Chimney, Pin considering where the art is not located. Many
wheel, Pleito, and Pebble all have at least 18 BRMs viable shelters and rock surfaces were examined
within the immediate vicinity of the pictograph during survey in upper elevation areas where no
location. Salt Creek pictographs are close to a num archaeology, either in the form of rock art or oth
ber of sites with BRMs (total of eight stations, 18 erwise, was found: except for the two black-linear
BRMs, and a grinding slick); Tecuya pictograph sites, pictograph sites were not found in difficult
site is located on a pathway immediately south of access areas. A degree of caution should be main
two K-locales?a total of 11 pictograph sites are tained here: there are more hidden and difficult to
therefore K-locales themselves. This figure is strik reach places to survey.
ing when considering that the total number of K To summarize, Hulkuhku pictographs are usu
locales on the Preserve is 16, meaning that only five ally found near many BRMs, sometimes found
K-locales do not have pictographs. It is also sig where there are none, but never found near only a
nificant when considering sites with few BRMs. few. Therefore, three pictograph land-use correla
There are 55 sites on the Preserve having between tions can be suggested:
one and 17 BRMs?none of these have pictographs 1. Pictographs associated with high BRM con
directly associated. In other words, while most K centrations (11 total sites).
locales have associated pictographs, smaller BRM 2. Pictographs associated exclusively with major
sites do not have any pictographs whatsoever (Fig landscape corridors, conduits, or pathways (four
ure 6). Clearly, the majority of Hulkuhku pic sites).
tographs correlate with the majority of BRMs. 3. Pictographs just outside the normal land-use
Not all pictograph sites are associated with pattern (two sites).
BRMs: six pictograph sites?San Emigdio, Letter, Jackson's K-site analysis (1984, 1991) provides a
Lizard, Echo, Lonely Pine, and Lost Canyon?do template for the movements of the Hulkuhku
not have significant concentrations of BRMs in through the seasonal round?a pattern of aggrega
their immediate vicinity; however, it should be tion, dispersal, and re-aggregation that starts at pri
mary residences situated at canyon mouths. These where people reassembled in significant numbers,
would probably have been wintering locations albeit in smaller groups than at major village
where people assembled in the largest numbers, locales.
lived in houses, and engaged in the largest variety
of activities. These populations would have dis Digitizing Taskscapes
persed seasonally into the backcountry, especially
for late summer and autumnal acorn harvesting. Here I analyze people's experiences in terms of the
Groups would have traveled along major conduits tasks they undertook within the immediate space
and corridors, before separating along the path of the art. Importantly, archaeological deposits and
ways and trails. These movements would some other cultural features give clues as to the tasks per
times take people directly past pictograph sites. formed on-site or nearby, while the physiographic
Once in the backcountry, they would disperse into form of the locale provide the setting. Relationships
oak groves harvesting ripe acorns?perhaps indi can be examined through scrutinizing the place
vidual groves were owned by families or even moi ment of imagery in relation to the natural and cul
tural architecture of the locale. Through this
eties, but certainly there would have been traditional
rights-of-access. In any case, groups would be process, it may also be possible to infer the identi
dispersed?likely on the order of an extended fam ties of those engaging within certain tasks. Here,
ily, perhaps reflecting a household. Acorns and Ingold's (1993) concept of taskscape is useful to
foods would be gathered, the first acorn meals pre understanding the importance of on-site relation
pared at small BRM stations, while the group ships:
camped under the shade of oaks. Pictographs would
Every task takes its meaning from its position
not be seen at these locations. Moving from grove
within an ensemble of tasks, performed in
to grove or staying at a locale would have lasted
series or in parallel, and usually by many peo
for a limited time (perhaps only a few days to a cou
ple working together. ... It is to the entire
ple of weeks). The group would then travel, their
ensemble of tasks, in their mutual interlock
acorn loads in carrying baskets, to a nearby back
ing, that I refer by the concept of taskscape
country K-locale, with its reliable water supply and
[Ingold 1993:158].
abundant BRM stations. Here, more family groups
would arrive in order to engage in the most impor A taskscape is socially embedded within and in
tant sustenance activity of the yearly round?mass relation to the landscape. The activity of making
preparation and storage of acorns. These are the rock art itself is likewise a task that occurred at spe
sites where the greatest amount of rock art would cific on-site places?tasks creating a taskscape of
be seen. As winter approached, the groups would pigment?exhibited archaeologically by the sur
return to the main village in the canyon mouths, viving art. Since rock art may be only a part of a
perhaps caching acorns back at the K-locale, but sites' complete ensemble, its display is meaningful
certainly taking large amounts to see them through in its positioning relative to the rest of the ensem
the lean winter months. ble of activities. These other activities and their
As nodes in this matrix of movement, K-locales archaeological correlates are taskscapes that con
were the most important in economic terms: the versely obtain meaning in their relation toward the
majority of pictographs were therefore positioned art. Chadwick (2004) usefully points out that
specifically at the most important economic sites taskscapes refer to,
within Hulkuhku territory. In terms of group size,
how everyday, routine social practices are
pictographs are not usually positioned at sites where
imbedded within the landscape in which they
the lone individual would occasionally visit; nor are
are carried out. Taskscapes are therefore both
they found at places where the total population
the physical and temporal setting for these
gathered all-together. Instead, pictographs are most
knowledgeable and unknowledgeable acts, and
often placed at locales where multiple families
are also networks or weaves of practices, skills,
aggregated together. This points to an association
traditions and social relations. All are inextri
between intensive acorn preparation and the
cably intertwined [Chadwick 2004:265].
employment of pictographs, situated at places
Thus, neither rock art nor other on-site activities tion). Viewsheds were then double-checked in the
can be considered as separable from the ensemble, field for accuracy. Once verified, all viewsheds can
and it is here that the full visual impact of the art be combined into a cumulative viewshed to demon
can be investigated. As Quinlin and Woody strate the total visual on site envelope. Following,
(2003:376) point out, the rock art does not have to I will briefly discuss the results of each site, start
be made at the same time as the occupation activ ing from the west and moving eastward through the
ities, "it could still have been incorporated in the Hulkuhku landscape. In some cases, viewsheds
ritual practices of subsequent groups whatever their were taken from individual panels; in other cases,
cultural relationship to the art's original makers." viewsheds were taken from shelter apertures con
Here, I am less concerned with the moment of rit taining the art. These are indicated on individual
ual so much as informing the context within which viewsheds.
the art may or may not be seen. Recent excavations Santiago (Figure 7): This complex is located on
of the sites of Pleito and Pinwheel (Grasse 2003; an elevated terrace between a perennial creek and
Robinson and Sturt 2008) and surface deposits seen oak woodland. The site has 16 cupules, 13 BRM
at other Hulkuhku pictograph sites show predom stations, and 49 BRMs. The core of the site is adja
inately Late Period and Historical activity at Re cent to a spring: a natural "monolith," peppered with
cupules, a BRM station, and three pictograph pan
locates. While it is possible that some of the art was
made before the later periods of most intense activ els (all in faded red curvilinear) overlook the spring
ity, the rock art must have been present during the and Santiago creek. Sprague and Grasse (1999)
majority of the occupational activity, and much of report of "large quantities of lithic flakes and deb
it was likely to have been made during the span of itage" surrounding the Monolith. Viewshed analy
that activity. ses show altogether seven stations with 30 BRMs
In order to analyze on-site visual relations, a intervisible with the pictographs.
sample of seven K-locales with pictographs present Los Lobos (Figure 8): This site is located well
were intensively mapped to create detailed digital into the oak zone, on a mid-ridge slope near a
models. Using ArcGIS viewshed techniques, these spring, before a steep drop down to a creek. A total
visual relationships can be outputted as illustra of 11 stations with 26 BRMs and at least 29 cupules
tions, allowing for much better data presentation are dispersed across a series of level sandstone-shelf
of actual spatial dimensions than simple correla terraces. Surface midden is composed of burnt bone
tions. Importantly, this technique permits address and imported Temblor chert with a Late Period
ing the visual presencing of rock art with other point. On the slopes immediately below the mid
archaeologically visible taskscapes. den area, sandstone formations with two shelters
To create a model examining these site dynam containing polychrome pictographs. A total of four
ics, the following field digital documentation tech stations and with five BRMs are intervisible with
nique was performed. the pictograph shelters.
1. Intensive topographic Electronic Distance Pond (Figure 9): This is a large pictograph and
Mapping (EDM) station survey of the site and its K-locale interspersed within impressive linear
extended environs. sandstone formations overlooking a wide bowl
2. Detail EDM mapping of rock outcrops. like valley containing a seasonal sag-pond. The
3. Detail EDM mapping of archaeological com extended site covers the largest area mapped (about
ponents and the natural features they occupy, 300 x 270 m). There are five pictograph locales, all
including bedrock mortars, middens, isolate finds, in red linear and curvilinear. There is an extensive
rock art panels and shelter mouths. midden, 16 BRM stations, up to 132 BRMs, and
Once completed, the point data was transferred into dozens of cupules. A total of 15 stations, 128
ArcGIS for digital modeling. A digital elevation BRMs, and the majority of the midden is intervis
model (DEM) was created for each site. Using the ible.
viewshed function from ArcGIS, on-site visual Three Springs (Figure 10): This site is found
envelops from panels, shelter mouths, or rock fea next to a wetland area with three springs and a
tures could be calculated (see Figures 7-15, Table flowing steam. On the terrace are five stations with
1) (see Robinson 2006 for more detailed descrip 36 BRMs and well developed midden. There are
Figure 7. Combined viewshed analysis of Santiago.
BRMs and at least 12 cupules lines a ridge-crest

two pictograph locales, one on the largest BRM sta
with expansive views to the northwest. Oak wood
tion, the other main cave containing complex poly
chrome compositions. Almost all of the wetlands,land lines the ridge top, as well as surrounding Pin
wheel Cave toward the south: this conglomerate
three stations, 27 BRMs and a portion of the mid
den are within the visual envelope. rock formation contains two pictograph locales,
Chimney Springs (Figure 11): This site occu with both fragmentary and well preserved red pic
pies a grassy terrace surrounded by oaks, above tographs.
a Viewsheds were performed from the rock
creek and near a spring. The locale contains twooutcrop and shelter apertures. A total of six stations
with 12 BRMs are intervisible with both the out
pictograph panels in red curvilinear found on a cen
tral sandstone monolith, three cupules, and seven crop and Shelter 1. Recent excavations confirm
stations with 18 BRMs. A total of six stations with
Late Period and Historical occupation within Pin
17 BRMs and the entire central area of the site are
wheel Cave from midden directly under the pic
within the cumulative viewshed of both panels. tographs (Robinson and Sturt 2008).
Pinwheel: This site has the greatest separation Pleito (Figure 12): This site is bisected by a
between BRMs and rock art of all K-locales perennial creek and found in rich oak woodland.
mapped. A BRM complex with eight stations, 19There are two well developed middens, nine BRM
Figure 8. Combined viewshed analysis of Los Lobos.
definable
stations, 61 BRMs, and over 100 cupules. It has six taskscapes (see Table 1 for summary).
pictograph locales, some of which are the most
Moreover, detailed mapping demonstrates that the
elaborate polychrome rock art paintings foundspatial
in architecture of each site is a complex array
of natural and cultural features. Activities at each
North America. Grasse's (2003) recent excavations
locality took advantage of natural attributes; good
have identified deep midden deposits of Late Period
and Historical date immediately adjacent andaccessibility
in from other sites, good rock for pound
ing activities, access to surrounding plant and ani
view of some of the pictographs. A total of three
stations with 37 BRMs, both middens, and the mal
vast resources, and, of course, a reliable water
majority of the site confines are intervisible supply.
with Middens, bedrock mortars, and the rock art
the pictographs and/or the shelter apertures. itself also provide information needed to under
stand how people utilized the site during its occu
pancy. As taskscapes, midden material and bedrock
Taskscape and Viewshed Analyses
mortar stations were important areas where people
Viewshed analyses of these Hulkuhku rock art re significant amounts of time preparing food,
spent
locates illustrates the high visual presence ofmaking
both tools, and socializing. People became
pictographs and the shelter apertures in relation to to place through the habitual reuse of these
rooted
Figure 9. View of Pond locale looking west. Midden area is within road cut in foreground. Pictographs can be found on
the large outcrop in bottom left. BRMs are dispersed throughout (photo by author).
spaces: bedrock grounded activity at very specific process, with individuals?i.e. women?likely to
points on site. The first order of analysis was to have returned to the same boulder throughout their
determine how visually integrated pictographs were lives to pound acorn and engage in a social cama
with these stationary taskscapes by analyzing view raderie of shared activities (see Jackson 1991). Sim
shed envelopes and the location of middens (if pre ilarly, at sites such as Pleito or Pond, the build-up
sent on the surface) or BRM stations. It was found of midden material must have occurred through
that every locale evidenced intervisibility directly repeated acts of cooking, eating, tool manufacture,
between taskscapes and a pictograph panel or a and socializing. A detailed look at the core of the
pictograph shelter aperture. The number of BRM Pond location illustrates the intensity of BRMs and
stations under the visual envelope varied from two midden area firmly within the viewshed (Figure
stations up to nineteen. In sum, of the seven sites 13). Working under the visual presence of some
analyzed, 44 BRM stations with a total of 256 indi times vivid and elaborate paintings, people would
vidual BRMs were found to be intervisible. Inter have spent significant amounts of time performing
estingly, five of these seven K-locales mapped had tasks that benefited themselves and the community
at least one instance where pictographs were though repetitive acts year-after-year.
directly painted on the same host-rock containing Inhabiting obviously entailed people moving
a BRM station?at Santiago, Three Springs, Pond, about the site as they went about their activities.
and Pleito, these were the same station having the Since we know that converting acorns into an edi
greatest number of BRMs of any station on each ble form involved removing the tannic acids in a
respective site. This information indicates that water leeching method, people working on BRM
many activities were so positioned that they stations would have frequently moved to and from
occurred under the visual scope of the rock art and the nearest water source. At every site save perhaps
its host feature, and in a number of cases, pound Los Lobos, the areas between BRMs and the near
ing took place literally right on top of or immedi est water source were easily within the visual enve
ately adjacent to the pictographs. The visceral lope of many of the paintings and shelters: moving
activity of pounding acorn was a time consuming from the BRM stations to the water required one
? Shelters with pictographs Not Visible Sandstone outcrops

? Bedrock mortar stations Visible Gully and springs
Contour 3 meters
Figure 10. Combined viewshed analysis of Three Springs.
to pass by pictographs and through multiple view host rock not only had a strong visual presence in
shed envelopes (Figure 14). Additionally, small direct relation to stationary taskscapes, but also
parties would come and go from the site environs would obtain a greater visual prominence as peo
for hunting and gathering purposes. At six of the ple approached, entered, and moved about the site
seven sites, the features that the rock art occupies environs. The placement of rock art was not at the
are visually prominent from the boundaries of the margins of habitation; rather, it inter-fingered
site environs?the monoliths at both Santiago and within those habitations.
Chimney; the Main Cave at Three Springs; the The archaeological components of the sites
Window Box at Pond; the outcrop at Pinwheel; also give strong evidence as to who would have
plus Boulder Cave and the outcrop with the Main engaged within activities on-site. As mentioned
Cave at Pleito. This indicates that rock art and its previously, the ethnographic literature over
Figure 11. View of Chimney locale, looking west (photo by author).
whelmingly indicates women prepared the acorn at, lithic debitage and/or some midden material indi
cate traditional male activities, including knapping
meal, and at least in some instances had personal
ownership of individual BRM stations (see Jackand butchery. These combined evidences suggest
son 1991). This evidence shows that women that the vast majority of able-bodied members of
would have spent significant amounts of timeHulkuhku
and society periodically inhabited these re
labor under the visual envelopes discussed above.
locates. The likely scenario is that during the autum
Asphaltum-covered rocks also suggests that nal acorn harvest, the entire population disbanded
basketry-making occurred on site while bunch
from their village locations, broke into more or less
grasses and reeds found at many of the rocksingle-family
art units to access acorn producing oak
sites was the raw material for basketry grooves,
(see and then recongregated at the appropriate
Thomas 2003); cooking activity occurred on some
K-locale for longer term processing. It is during this
time of the seasonal round that almost every mem
sites, indicating additional women tasks. Further,
Thomas's vegetation analysis at Pleito found ber
the of the Hulkuhku population would have dwelt at
riparian and oak zones "rich in species ofbackcountry
eco K-locales?the very same sites exhibit
nomic importance" (Thomas 2003:2), while ing
notthe majority of pictographs. Therefore, rock art
must be seen as occupying a prominent position
ing a vast array of practical and ceremonial goods
that could be produced from plant species inwithin
the the social dynamics of the Hulkuhku popu
locale's environs. lation at seasonally occupied localities, and partic
Ethnography indicates that the gathering ularly
of during late summer and autumn. This analysis
acorns involved male and female, young and, clearly
to a demonstrates that the majority, if not all, indi
viduals within Hulkuhku society must have been
limited extant, the old, indicating that while women's
fully
labor was of great importance in the preparation of cognizant and aware of the pictographs at the
very sites where the greatest bulk of the annual food
the meal, the entire community was involved in activ
supply was prepared.
ities associated with harvesting. At most sites looked
? Pictographs Sandstone outcrops Not visible
? Bedrock mortar stations Middens Visible

0 Shelters with pictographs Creek Contour 5 meters
Figure 12. Combined viewshed analysis of Pleito.
Conclusion ning up canyon draws, across land-form corridors,

and over ridge-lines, they traveled a landscape
The landscape and taskscape contexts for the pic familiar and known: as Ingold (2000:227-233) puts
tographs of the Hulkuhku are unambiguous: pic it, environment is perceived "as a series of chang
tographs communicated within the internal ing horizons" memorable, in part, through encoun
dynamics of an inhabited landscape and were not tering "a succession of landmarks." The rock at
directed toward outside linguistic groups. Their rock art sites is such a landmark. Passing up San
positioning along paths through the territory and tiago, the Monolith can be seen from the draw; the
employment as a highly visible media on highly outcrops of Pond mark a bumpy silhouette in the
visible natural features at seasonally occupied re approach; the mouth of Pleito yawns as one comes
locates shows that the majority, if not entirety, of
around the bend from the creek (Figure 15). Sites
the population would have had been aware of the such as Pebble, Salt, Echo, and Tecuya are all
art. Rock art therefore must be seen as a media inte
unavoidable when simply traveling along their
grated into often experienced, specific settings.
respective drainages. Even the less conspicuous
In the past, as people walked along trails run become more so when dwelling on-site: the shel
Figure 13. Detail of the core of Pond rock-art site and viewshed.
ters of Los Lobos are just a few meters downwhile

the helping with the acorn preparation, and the
slope, while Pinwheel's outcrop pokes above women
its socialized: the pictographs and the shelter
mouths would have been ever present, seen in the
oaks, growing larger as you make for the spring
from the BRMs. course of the day in shadow and direct light. The
making of food would have happened under the
But it is in the activity of pounding acorn, spend
presence
ing hours, days, weeks, perhaps a month or two at of the most visible media made in the
a particular K-locale, that visceral and habitual
landscape. Recent work by Pendegraft (2007) has
found similar occurrences in Great Basin contexts,
actions fully integrate people with the pictographs.
This is succinctly realized at stations that share
showing that "rock art was situated within daily
BRMs and paintings. The pounding of acornseconomic
in and social routines" (Pendegraft
the BRM at Station 3 at Los Lobos would 2007:67).
have Indeed, Pendegraft notes the setting of
thumped audibly in Shelter A beneath. Time would
the rock art firmly within female work spaces, hav
pass as the sun moved overhead, children playeding resonance with Hulkuhku art found at female
? Pictographs Sandstone outcrops | | Not visible

# Bedrock mortar stations Creek I I Visible
? Shelters with pictographs
Figure 14. Detail of BRM complex at Pleito, showing paths to water going around pictographs and the features they
occupy.
taskscapes. As rock art research in Far Western was visibly integrated within the intimate confines
North American increasingly becomes more ori of the most important economic places in the land
ented to linking rock art with the archaeological scape: subsistence and symbolic practices were
record (see Quinlan 2007), it may show that the conjoined. A full discussion of the ideological char
placement of art had less to do with private cogni acter for Hulkuhku rock art is beyond the scope of
tive inspiration, and much more to do with the this paper, but this certainly suggests an ideology
enduring presence of the art as an ideological media persistently linked to the control of resources and
within society (see also Robinson 2004b). The spa labor.
tial approach outlined here shows that the pic In a wider sense, this study shows how, by inte
tographs of the Hulkuhku were indeed nodes within grating a variety of Geographic Information Sys
the ensemble of landscape movement as well as site tems applications, it is possible to examine in detail
movement. This dual occurrence suggests an ide the location and position of rock art in relation to
ological expression was being distributed through both natural features and other archaeological
the landscape: it communicated to the internal com deposits. As this case in South-Central California
munity, perceived within Indigenous terms. Specif has shown, such a methodology can directly
ically, this research shows the Hulkuhku rock art address specific research questions. The value of
Figure 15. View of Pleito, Main Cave, from upper midden area (photo by author).
this method is particularly useful in addressing issue of where rock art was placed, who viewed it,
questions centered upon public or private accessi
and how it related to land-use and site practices are
of central concern if rock art is to be understood
bility and the relationship between art and activity.
In analyzing the contextual relationships between
within its past cultural contexts wherever it may be
found. For the Hulkuhku, that cultural context made
art, the natural environment, and archaeological
deposits, this methodology is ideally situatedrock
to art visibly present as an ideological media
examine the cultural modification and engagement
within daily tasks for the entire population: to bet
with natural places (Bradley 2000). For rock art
ter understand details of such ideology require fur
researchers, this is of global importance sincether
the investigation and consideration (see Robinson
Table 1. Summary of Site Intervisibility Attributes Derived from Viewshed Analyses.
Number of Number of Midden Midden or Path to water

BRM BRM stations or isolates Path to intervisible
stations intervisible isolates intervisible water with
intervisible with shelters intervisible with shelter intervisible shelters
with with with apertures with with
Site_pictographs pictographs pictographs with pictographs pictographs pictographs
Pond 1 19 No Yes Yes Yes
Pleito 1 2 Yes Yes Yes Yes
Los Lobos 1 4 No No No Yes
Santiago 7 7 N/A N/A Yes Yes
Chimney 6 N/A Yes N/A Yes Yes
Pinwheel 0 3 Yes Yes No Yes
Three Springs 0 3 No Yes No Yes
Total_16_38 2_ 4 4 7
Acorn Economies in Prehistoric California. Research
2007 for such a consideration). Specifically, new
Economic Anthropology 9:21-52.
research is required to garner information to place
Barnard, Alan, and James Woodburn
these spatial understandings within chronological
1988 Property, Power and Ideology in Hunter-Gather
and temporal contexts. The surface deposits Societies:
seen An Introduction. In Hunter and Gatherers: Pr
erty, Power, and Ideology, edited by Tim Ingold, Da
at Hulkuhku rock art sites along with the few exca
Riches, and James Woodburn, pp. 4-31. Berg, Oxford.
vations yet undertaken, hint that these sites wereMartin. A.
Baumhoff,
1963and
inhabited most intensely during Later Period Ecological Determinants of Aboriginal Califor
Populations. University of California Publications
Historical times. More excavations in conjunction
American Archaeology and Ethnology 49(2): 155-236.
with absolute dating need to take place Bell,
to better
Tyler, and Gary Lock
2000 Topographic and Cultural Influences on Walking
understand both chronology and the ideological
Ridgeway in Later Prehistoric Times. In Beyond the Ma
relationships as enacted through time in the effort
Archaeology and Spatial Technologies, edited by Ga
to overcome the "disarticulation" of rock art from
Lock, pp. 85-100. IOS Press, Amsterdam.
Bellavia,
the archaeological record (see Robinson 2008). Gino.
2002 Extracting "Natural Pathways" from a Digital El
However, the purpose of this paper was to illustrate
tion Model: Applications to Landscape Archaeologic
how a sophisticated methodology pitched at vari Archaeological Informatics: Pushing the En
Studies.
lope. Proceedings of the 2001 computer Applications a
ous scales can usefully address geo-spatial issues
Quantitative Methods in Archaeology Conference, Visby
in rock art research. It is incumbent upon us to con
Sweden, edited by Goran Burenholt, pp. 5-12. BAR Int
tinue integrating methodologies to directly address
national Series 1016. British Archaeological Repor
Archaeopress,
chronological questions of rock art as this study has Oxford.
Bradley, Richard
directly addressed questions of location through an
1997 Rock Art and the Prehistory of Atlantic Europe: S
integrated spatial approach. ing the land. Routledge, London and New York.
2000 An Archaeology of Natural Places. Routledge, Londo
Bury, Rick, Antoinette Padgett, and Dan Reeves
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Manuel Arroyo
2003 The Pleito Project. Documentation of CA-KER
Kalin, Nadine Boksmati, Richard*Bradley, Terri Brewer, Rick
Rock Art. Report submitted to the Wind Wolves Preser
Bury, Carole Bury, Christopher Chippindale, Dale Chitwood,
and The Wildlands Conservancy, Maricopa, CA.
D.C. Clendenen, Sheryl Clendenen, Anwen Cooper,
Bury,Vicki
Rick, Antoinette Padget, Dan Reeves, and David
Robinson.
Cummings, Helen Farr, Duncan Garrow, Mark Gillings,
Michael Glassow, Elizabeth DeMarrais, Brian Fagan, Brad
2004 Vandenberg Air Force Base Rock Art Survey and
Gravina, Sue Hakenbeck, Garrett Knudson, Tom Jackson,
Inventory. Rock Art Documentation Group report for Van
denberg Air Force Base Cultural Resource Management.
John Johnson, Alice Kingsnorth, Sheila Kohring, Georgia
Lee, Gordie Lobay, Unika-Delpino Mark, SRS Technologies, Lompoc.
Breck
Chadwick, Adrian M.
McAlexander, Megan Meredith-Lobay, Stephania Merlo,
2004 Stories from the landscape: archaeologies of inhabi
Garry Milliken, Randy Ottenhoff, Antoinette Padgett,
tation. BAR International Series 1238. British Archaeo
Jennifer Perry, Rick Peterson, Joan Randolf-Kerr, Dan
logical Reports, Archaeopress, Oxford.
Reeves, Rick Peterson, Vicky Cummings, Larry Spanne, Gale
Chippindale, Christopher, and George Nash
Grasse-Sprague, Jack Sprague, Fraser Sturt, Mark Q.2004a
Sutton,
The Figured Landscapes of Rock art: Looking at
Sophia Vasalou, Bonnie Whitney, Stephanie Wynne-Jones,Pictures in Place. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
plus Dan York, the Wildlands Conservancy, and the 2004b Pictures
staff of in place: approaches to the figured landscape
the Wind Wolves Preserve for their permission and kindof rock art. In The Figured Landscapes of Rock art: Look
sup
port for this research. I thank Kevin Lane and Hector ing at Pictures in Place, edited by Christopher Chippin
Orengo
dale and George Nash, pp. 1-36 Cambridge University
for the translation of the abstract into Spanish. I am indebted
Press, Cambridge.
to St. John's College and the institutions that provided fund
Christensen, Don D., Jerry Dicky, and David Lee.
ing and support: the Ridgeway-Venn Trust, Dorothy Garrod
2001 The Granite Mountains Archaeological Survey: Pre
Trust, Bonney and Dr. Philip Frank Hutchins historic Funds Land Use in the East Mohave Desert. Pacific Coast
Scholarship, Robert Slowly Award, Cambridge Overseas
Archaeological Society Quarterly (37)2: 1-78.
Trust, and Overseas Research Scholarship. Cruz Berrocal, Maria, and Juan Vicent Garcia
2007 Rock art as an Archaeological and Social Indicator:
The Neolithisation of the Iberian Peninsula. Anthropo
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1999 Finding Rain in the Desert: Landscape, Gender and 2. Whitley's study of Sally's Rockshelter (a rock-art site in
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2000a The Art of the Shaman: Rock Art of California. Uni
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2001 Using a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) appropriate usage.
Approach to Extract Potential Prehistoric and Historic
Period travel Corridors Across a Portion of North Geor 5. Pinyon areas are sparse on the Preserve lands: previous
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Tennessee. vation areas. However, further survey on the adjacent lands
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by Christopher Chippindale and Paul S.C. Tacon, pp. because of the UTM projection. For graphics that require the
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full extent of the DEM to be shown, I preserve this shift to
Zvelebil, Marek
retain accuracy.
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lund, pp. 65-73. Oxbow, Oxford. Accepted August 11, 2009.

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Society for American Archaeology

LAND USE, LAND IDEOLOGY: AN INTEGRATED GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMS

American Antiquity 75(4), 2010, pp. 792-818

dependence; social contradiction; transmitting

specific circumstances of societal engagementsPreserve landform and biotic communities. Of key

majority of later prehistoric Californian

To the immediate north of the canyon mouths, the

Emigdiano/'Hulkuhku villages to the southerly

AO Pictograph bites Other sites ^ =z= ?bb Kilometers

Figure 7. Combined viewshed analysis of Santiago.

BRMs and at least 12 cupules lines a ridge-crest

Figure 8. Combined viewshed analysis of Los Lobos.

? Shelters with pictographs Not Visible Sandstone outcrops

Figure 10. Combined viewshed analysis of Three Springs.

Figure 11. View of Chimney locale, looking west (photo by author).

? Pictographs Sandstone outcrops Not visible

? Bedrock mortar stations Middens Visible

Figure 12. Combined viewshed analysis of Pleito.

Conclusion ning up canyon draws, across land-form corridors,

ters of Los Lobos are just a few meters downwhile

? Pictographs Sandstone outcrops | | Not visible

Table 1. Summary of Site Intervisibility Attributes Derived from Viewshed Analyses.

Number of Number of Midden Midden or Path to water

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