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Nationalists, Nazis, and the Assault against Weimar: Revisiting the Harzburg Rally of
October 1931
Author(s): Larry Eugene Jones
Source: German Studies Review, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Oct., 2006), pp. 483-494
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of the German Studies
Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27668122
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Nationalists, Nazis, and the Assault against
Weimar: Revisiting the
Harzburg Rally of October 1931
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484 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
that existed both within these organizations and between these organizations
and the Nazi party leadership. Such a reexamination of the Harzburg rally is
long overdue in light of the fact that much new material has surfaced since Karl
Dietrich Bracher first dealt with the rally in his classic study on the dissolution
of the Weimar Republic.1
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Larry Eugene Jones 485
skeptical about both the scope and the prospects of the proposed referendum
and hesitated to commit their parties to its implementation.7 At the heart of
their reluctance lay a profound difference of opinion between the two party
leaders and the Stahlhelm over the ultimate shape the struggle against the exist
ing system of government was to take. For whereas the DNVP and NSDAP
both sought to polarize the nation through the annihilation of the various par
ties that stood between them and the socialist Left, the leaders of the Stahlhelm
hoped to create a broad national front that included not only the DNVP and
NSDAP, but also the very parties that Hugenberg and Hitler had slated for
annihilation.8
As the DNVP and particularly the NSDAP continued to equivocate about
affiliating themselves with the proposed referendum, the leaders of the Stahl
helm decided that they could no longer afford to wait and unilaterally filed
their petition for a referendum on the dissolution of the Prussian Landtag
with Prussian authorities on 4 February 1931.9 Although the leaders of the
two right-wing parties found themselves left with no alternative but to sup
port the referendum, they immediately tried to sabotage the undertaking by
walking out of the Reichstag on 10 February in an ostensible protest against
Briining's alleged violation of Article 54 of the Weimar Constitution.10 In point
of fact, this was nothing more than an elaborate ploy by which the leaders of the
two right-wing parties hoped not only to force the crusade for the dissolution
of the Prussian Landtag into a more radical direction than the leaders of the
Stahlhelm had planned to take, but also to exacerbate the tensions that existed
within those parties in the middle and on the moderate Right that supported
both the referendum and the Br?ning cabinet.11 Even with the support of the
two right-wing parties, the referendum received the support of only about 36
percent of the Prussian electorate and fell far short of what was needed to force
the dissolution of the Prussian Landtag.12 This, in turn, prompted the leaders
of the Stahlhelm to reevaluate their strategy for bringing about a change in the
existing political system. For if beforehand the Stahlhelm had hoped to over
come the political fragmentation of the German bourgeoisie through popular
mobilization from below, its leaders had now come to realize that popular refer
enda were of limited effectiveness and that only the consolidation of the various
bourgeois parties that stood to the right of the Center into a united national
bloc offered any real prospect of success.13
The leaders of the Stahlhelm had already taken an important step in this
direction when in early April 1931 they resolved their differences with the
NSDAP by agreeing not only to cooperate in the second phase of the ref
erendum for the dissolution of the Prussian Landtag, but also to organize a
demonstration for the entire "national opposition" that would coincide with
the reopening of the Reichstag later that fall.14 In the meantime, Hugenberg's
efforts to reach a similar understanding with Hitler were hampered by the ten
sion that existed between their respective parties and by the DNVP's antipathy
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486 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
towards the increasingly radical methods the NSDAP had begun to employ in
its struggle against Br?ning and Hindenburg.15 As a result, it was not until the
middle of the summer that Hugenberg was able to meet with Hitler and resolve
some of the difficulties that stood in the way of the NSDAP's cooperation with
the other organizations in the "national opposition."16
The Stahlhelm's efforts to establish closer ties between the various parties,
interest groups, and patriotic associations that constituted the "national op
position" received strong encouragement from conservative industrialists who
had hoped that the Stahlhelm might emerge as the crystallization point around
which a united German Right could form.17 To be sure, the Stahlhelm's plans
for a united German Right ran counter to what both Hugenberg and certainly
Hitler had in mind, for all the two party leaders had agreed upon at the time of
their rapprochement in the summer of 1931 was a joint meeting of the DNVP
and NSDAP Reichstag delegations that fall. But under the guiding hand of
Otto Schmidt-Hannover, a Hugenberg confidante with close ties to the Stahl
helm, and his personal adjutant Herbert von Bose, what had originally been
conceived of as simply a joint session of the two Reichstag delegations was
gradually transformed into a major demonstration that was to take place in
the small resort town of Bad Harzburg on 11 October, the Sunday before the
Reichstag was scheduled to reconvene. Not only the parliamentary delegations
of the two right-wing parties, but also representatives from the Stahlhelm, the
Pan-German League, the United Patriotic Associations, and the National Rural
League as well as a number of prominent industrialists and young conservative
intellectuals like Edgar Jung and Franz Mariaux would be invited to take part
in the rally. Moreover, the Stahlhelm, the S.A., and other paramilitary organiza
tions would stage a military review designed to provide visual testimony to the
sense of unity that presumably existed on the German Right.18
As plans for the Harzburg demonstration became more and more elaborate,
Hitler and the Nazi party leadership became more and more nervous. Opposi
tion was particularly strong on the left wing of the Nazi Party, where any form
of collaboration with the more reactionary elements on the German Right?
and particularly with the capitalistic interests epitomized by Hugenberg?was
immediately suspect.19 Moreover, Hitler was infuriated by the way in which
the more conservative elements within the "national opposition" had monopo
lized planning for the Harzburg rally, thereby making it appear as if he and
the NSDAP were actually in the tow of Hugenberg, the Stahlhelm, and their
associates. In an effort to allay Hitler's concerns, Hugenberg met with the Nazi
party leader in Upper Bavarian resort town of Bad Kreuth on 30 August to dis
cuss, among other things, their choice of candidates for the upcoming presiden
tial elections that would take place in the spring of 1932.20 At the same time,
Heinrich von Mahnken, a high-ranking Stahlhelm official from the Rhineland,
appealed directly to Gregor Strasser, the Reich organization leader of the
NSDAP and the second most important person in the Nazi party organization,
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Larry Eugene Jones 487
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488 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
was Major General Kurt von Schleicher, the Reichswehr 's "cardinal in politics"
who arranged a last-minute meeting between Hitler and Reich President Paul
von Hindenburg on the afternoon of 10 October only a few hours before the
Nazi party leader was scheduled to appear in Harzburg for a conference with
Hugenberg and the other leaders of the "national opposition." The meeting it
self was completely innocuous. Hitler opened the discussion with an hour-long
monologue to which Hindenburg listened attentively. When the Nazi party
leader was through, Hindenburg proceeded to lecture Hitler on the sacrifices
he had made for the sake of the German people. The only time the two touched
upon the current political situation was when the Reich President asked Hitler
to name the parties that he would include in his cabinet if he were called upon
to form one. Hitler carefully evaded the question by responding that he was
more interested in the individuals who would serve in his cabinet than in the
parties they represented.31
Although the meeting between Hindenburg and Hitler on the afternoon of
10 October 1931, amounted to very little, it nevertheless had the affect of in
flating Hitler's sense of self-importance to the point where the outcome of the
Harzburg rally was in serious doubt. For not only was Hitler late for the lead
ership conference of the "national opposition" that had been scheduled to take
place in Harzburg later that evening, but on the following morning he was con
spicuously absent from the joint meeting of the DNVP and NSDAP Reichstag
delegations. To compound the insult, Hitler appeared at a separate meeting
of the NSDAP Reichstag delegation, which proceeded to issue a special proc
lamation of its own in clear violation of the guidelines to which all of the par
ticipating organizations had agreed beforehand.32 Then, in the military review
that afternoon Hitler deeply offended the leaders of the Stahlhelm by leaving
the podium just as the Stahlhelm detachments were marching by.33 This bit of
impudence was followed by a bitter exchange between Hitler and the Stahlhelm
leadership, and it was only through Hugenberg's vigorous intervention that the
Nazi party leader could be dissuaded from leaving the rally before the final cer
emonies on the afternoon of 11 October, at which time Hitler, Hugenberg, and
the other leaders of the "national opposition" were scheduled to address the
assembled throngs.34 If the collapse of the Harzburg demonstration had been
avoided, the unity of the "national opposition" was nevertheless in complete
shambles.
Aside from Hitler's absence from the podium as the Stahlhelm detachments
were being reviewed, there was little outward sign of the disunity at Harzburg.
The remainder of the rally went more or less according to plan.35 Hugenberg
opened the demonstration with a general broadside against the catastrophic poli
cies of the Br?ning cabinet and the chaos that had descended upon Germany
as a result. The German people, Hugenberg continued, found itself in a two
front war against the forces of international Marxism on the one hand and the
forces of international capitalism on the other. Only a fundamental change in
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Larry Eugene Jones 489
the existing system of government through the transfer of power to the forces
of the "national opposition," Hugenberg concluded, could possibly rescue the
German people from the unemployment, hunger, and ruin that had become its
lot under Br?ning and the system for which he stood.36 Hugenberg was then
followed by Hitler, who echoed much of what the DNVP party chairman had
said and underscored the determination of the "national opposition" to carry
the battle for German, Western, and Christian culture against Bolshevism with
all the means at its disposal to a final conclusion. Then, in fairly rapid suc
cession, Franz Seldte and Theodor Duesterberg from the Stahlhelm, Count
Eberhard von Kalckreuth as president of the National Rural League, former
Reichsbank President Hjalmar Schacht, the Pan-German League's Heinrich
Cla?, and Count R?diger von der Goltz from the United Patriotic Associations
all took the podium to assail the policies of the Br?ning cabinet, to condemn
the political system they held ultimately responsible for Germany's national
weakness, and to reaffirm their commitment to bringing about the fundamental
changes in Germany's governmental system that held the key to Germany's
economic recovery and political regeneration.37
Little, if any, of this was new. The only real novelty of the rally was the
appearance of Schacht, a former official of the Weimar state who had broken
with the government during the campaign against the Young Plan and since
the end of 1930 had gravitated more and more into the orbit of Hitler and
the National Socialists.38 Given Schacht's close ties to finance and industry,
his presence at Harzburg might have helped compensate for the fact that aside
from Fritz Thyssen none of Germany's industrial elite had attended the demon
stration despite the fact that they had become progressively disillusioned with
the policies of the Br?ning cabinet and had already begun to defect to the
anti-government camp39. The reluctance of Germany's industrial leadership to
identify itself publicly with the goals of the "national opposition" did not es
cape the attention of the rally's organizers, who were annoyed by the absence
of prominent industrialists at the Harzburg rally and privately questioned the
sincerity of their commitment to the cause of the "national opposition."40 The
disappointment the organizers of the Harzburg rally felt about the timidity of
Germany's industrial elite, however, was compensated in part by the fact that
the list of those who attended the demonstration included the names of several
prominent parliamentarians from the middle parties that had heretofore sup
ported the Br?ning cabinet, namely, former army commander-in-chief Hans
von Seeckt and retired admiral Ernst Hintzmann from the DVP Reichstag
delegation,41 Gotthard Sachsenberg from the Business Party,42 and a renegade
faction from the Christian-National Peasants and Farmers' Party headed by Al
brecht Wendhausen and the RLB's Heinrich Sybel.43 Also in attendance were
politically unaffiliated Catholic conservatives like the two von L?ninck broth
ers Hermann and Ferdinand from the Rhineland and Westphalia.44 All of this
lent a measure of credence to the claim of those who had organized the rally
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490 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
that at Harzburg the German Right had at long last broken out of its isolation
and was now beginning to stretch its nimbus over the German middle parties
and those who had formerly supported the Weimar state.
For their own part, Hugenberg and the leaders of the Stahlhelm did their
best to conceal their disappointment over Hitler's admittedly bizarre behavior at
Harzburg.45 The uncertainty surrounding the fate of the Br?ning government
and the expectation that either Hugenberg or Hitler would be called upon to
form a new national government after the "Harzburg Front" had engineered
Briining's fall from power continued to fuel the distrust that the two party lead
ers and their supporters felt toward each other after their return to Berlin.
For while Hitler and Hugenberg each expected that they would be the one to
whom Hindenburg would turn when it came to the task of forming a new gov
ernment, Hitler was supremely confident that Hugenberg would immediately
contact him as soon as he had received the summons from Hindenburg; where
as Hugenberg, on the other hand, had no such confidence in Hitler and feared
that the Nazi party leader would leave him out in the cold if and when the
Reich President designated him as Bruning's successor.46 Nor did this uncer
tainty abate when the new cabinet that Br?ning presented to the Reichstag on
13 October survived the motion of no-confidence that the forces of the "na
tional opposition" introduced in the Reichstag three days later.47 A meeting be
tween Hitler and the Stahlhelm leadership on 17 October failed to resolve the
difficulties that had developed between their respective organizations,48 while
Hugenberg's efforts to repair relations with Hitler and other members of the
Nazi elite were to little avail.49 Relations between the NSDAP and the more
conservative elements of the "national opposition" continued to deteriorate
throughout the remainder of 1931.50 Throughout all of this, Hugenberg contin
ued to foster the illusion that the Harzburg demonstration contained the seeds
of a viable political alliance,51 but in reality the spirit of right-wing unity to
which he had hoped to give birth had been stillborn.
In retrospect, the Harzburg rally of October 1931 revealed just how disunited
the forces of the German Right were at the precise moment that their chances
of seizing the reins of power were best. Given Hitler's bizarre and erratic be
havior at the time of the rally, it is hard to understand how just a few months
later Hugenberg could delude himself into thinking that he and the Nazi par
ty leader could cooperate in the election of a new Reich President or how in
January 1933 he would agree to join a cabinet with Hitler as its chancellor.52
Aside from that, however, the real significance of the Harzburg rally lies in the
way in which it revealed just how deeply divided the German Right was in the
last fateful years before Hitler's installation as chancellor. Not only was there a
deep and ultimately irreconcilable antagonism between those on the moderate
Right who hoped to bring about a conservative regeneration of the German
state on the basis of the existing system of government and the elements around
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Larry Eugene Jones 491
Hugenberg and Hitler that were opposed to any form of collaboration with
the hated "Weimar system," but even within the ranks of those who sought the
overthrow of Germany's republican government there was virtually no agree
ment whatsoever as to what should take its place once that had been accom
plished. The events at Harzburg revealed a bitter split within the ranks of the
German Right that was to resurface in an even more virulent form at the time
of the 1932 presidential elections and that was to persist right up to and after
the establishment of the Third Reich.
1 Karl Dietrich Bracher, Die Aufl?sung der Weimarer Republik. Eine Studie zum Problem
des Machtverfalls in der Demokratie, 3d ed. (Villingen/Schwarzwald: Ring-Verlag, 1960),
407-15. See also John A. Leopold, Alfred Hugenberg: The Radical Nationalist Campaign
against the Weimar Republic (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1977), 97-106,
and Volker R. Berghahn, Der Stahlhelm. Bund der Frontsoldaten 1918-1935 (D?sseldorf:
Droste, 1966), 179-86. The most recent studies of Hitler and the Nazi rise to power
devote scant attention to the Harzburg Rally and fail to provide an adequate account of
Nazi motives and actions at Harzburg. For example, see Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889-1936:
Hubris (London: Allen Lane, 1998), 356-57, and Richard J. Evans, The Coming of the Third
Reich (New York, 2004), 244-45
2 For further details, see Volker R. Berghahn, "Die Harzburger Front und die Kandidatur
Hindenburgs f?r die Reichspr?sidentenwahlen 1932," Vierteljahrshefte f?r Zeitgeschichte
13 (1965): 64-82.
3 Hitler to Hugenberg, 3 April 1930, in the unpublished Nachlass of Otto Schmidt-Han
nover (hereafter cited as BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover), 30.
4 Hugenberg to Hitler, 3 and 11 April 1930, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover, 30.
5 Undated memorandum from December 1930, in the records of the Bavarian Stahlhelm,
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abteilung IV, Munich (hereafter cited as BHStA Munich,
Abt. IV, Stahlhelm), 77.
6 For further details, see Kempkes' memorandum of a meeting between representatives
from the Stahlhelm, DNVP, DVP, Business Party of the German Middle Class (Reichs
partei des deutschen Mittelstandes/Wirtschaftspartei), and Christian-National Peasants
and Farmers' Party (Christlich-Nationale Bauern- und Landvolkpartei), 12 November
1930, in the records of the Deutsche Volkspartei, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Bestand R 45
11 (hereafter cited as BA Koblenz, R 45 II), 22/13-17, as well as Brosius to Hugenberg,
12 November 1930, in the unpublished Nachlass of Alfred Hugenberg, Bundesarchiv
Koblenz (hereafter cited as BA Koblenz, NL Hugenberg), 189/220-22.
7 Hugenberg to Hitler, 5 February 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover, 30.
8 Gilsa to Reusch, 17 January 1931, in the unpublished Nachlass of Paul Reusch in the
Rheinisch-Westf?lisches Wirtschaftsarchiv, Cologne (hereafter cited as RWWA Cologne,
NL Reusch), 400101293/4b.
9 Schmidt-Hannover to Wegener, 7 February 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover, 75.
10 For a defense of the walkout, see Oberfohren, "Warum Ausmarsch?" Unsere Partei 9,
no. 5(1 March 1931): 65-66.
11 The ulterior motives that lay behind the exodus of the "national opposition" can be
inferred from DNVP, Mitteilungen Nr. 4 der Parteizentrale, 17 February 1931, in the
records of the Deutschnationale Volkspartei, Landesverband Osnabr?ck, Bestand Cl,
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492 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
22/57-59. For the Stahlhelm's concerns, see Brauweiler to Seldte, 11 February 1931, in
the unpublished Nachlass of Heinz Brauweiler, S tad tarchiv M?nchen-Gladbach (hereafter
cited as StAM?nchen-Gladbach, NL Brauweiler), 111. For the difficulties this created for
the more moderate bourgeois parties, see Gereke to Dingeldey, 2 April 1931, BA Koblenz,
R 45 11/22/137, and Dingeldey to Wagener, 11 July 1931, in the unpublished Nachlass of
Eduard Dingeldey, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, NL Dingeldey), 40/20-21.
12 Memorandum [by Heinrichsbauer], n.d., attached to a letter from Blank to Reusch, 11
August 1931, RWWA Cologne, NL Reusch, 4001012024/9.
13 Blank to Reusch, 11 August 1931, RWWA Cologne, NL Reusch, 4001012024/9.
14 Memorandum signed by Hugenberg and Schmidt-Hannover, n.d. [April 1931], BA
Koblenz, NL Hugenberg, 32/284-85. See also Hugenberg to Wegener, 18 April 1931,
in the unpublished Nachlass of Leo Wegener, Bundesarchiv Koblenz (hereafter cited as
BA Koblenz, NL Wegener), 66/21-22.
15 Blank to Reusch, 22 April 1931, RWWA Cologne, NL Reusch, 4001012924/8a. See
also Hess to Schmidt-Hannover, 20 April 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover, 30.
16 In this respect, see the entry in the diary of Reinhold Quaatz, 15 July 1931, in Quaatz's
unpublished Nachlass, Bundesarchiv Koblenz (hereafter cited as BA Koblenz, NL
Quaatz), 17, and reprinted in Die Deutschnationalen und die Zerst?rung der Weimarer
Republik. Aus dem Tagebuch von Reinhold Quaatz 1928-1933, ed. by Hermann Wei? and
Paul Hoser (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1989), 139, as well as Hugenberg to Hitler, 1
August 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Wegener, 73/183. See also Hugenberg's remarks be
fore the DNVP executive committee in Stettin, 18 September 1931, in the records of
the Deutschnationale Volkspartei, Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde, Bestand R 8005,
57/33-34.
17 In this respect, see Blank to Reusch, 11 August 1931, RWWA Cologne, NL Reusch,
4001012024/9, reprinted in Politik und Wirtschaft in der Krise 1930-1932. Quellen zur
Ara Br?ning, ed. Gerhard Schulz, 2 vols. (D?sseldorf: Droste, 1980), 2:881-83. See also
Springorum to Traub, 19 June 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Hugenberg, 92/311-12.
18 On the preparations for the Harzburg rally, see Blank to Reusch, 5 Oct. 1931, RWWA
Cologne, NL Reusch, 4001012024/9, reprinted in Politik und Wirtschaft, ed. Schulz,
2:1017-18. On the role of Schmidt-Hannover and B?se, see Otto Schmidt-Hannover,
Umdenken oder Anarchie. M?nner?Schicks?le?Lehren (G?ttingen: G?ttinger Verlagsanstalt,
1959), 268-80, and Edmund Forschbach, Edgar J. Jung. Ein konservativer Revolution?r 30.
Juni 1934 (Pfillingen: Neske, 1984), 35-36.
19 In this respect, see the article entitled "Sozialreaktion?" that the NSDAP's Reich
Organization Leader Gregor Strasser wrote after the Harzburg rally in Gregor Stras
ser, Kampf um Deutschland. Reden und Aufs?tze eines Nationalsozialisten (Munich: F. Eher
Nachfolger, 1932), 305-11.
20 Schmidt-Hannover, Umdenken oder Anarchie, 273-74.
21 Mahnken to Strasser, n.d., appended to Mahnken to Wagner, 28 August 1931, in the
unpublished Nachlass of Ferdinand Freiherr von L?ninck, Vereinigte Westf?lische Adels
archive, M?nster (hereafter cited as VWA M?nster, NL L?ninck), 785.
22 In this respect, see Cla?'s remarks before the managing committee of the Pan-German
League, 5 September 1931, in the records of the Alldeutscher Verband, Bundesarchiv
Berlin-Lichterfelde, Bestand R 8048, 167/8-9.
23 Hitler to Hugenberg, 7 September 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt-Hannover, 30.
24 Hugenberg to Hitler, 9 and 11 September 1931, BA Koblenz, NL Schmidt
Hannover, 30. For an indication of Hitler's loyalty toward Hugenberg, see Levetzow to
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Larry Eugene Jones 493
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494 German Studies Review 29/3 (2006)
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