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Politics 399
Katerina Rigas
2
In joining the EU, a state forfeits absolute sovereignty in some areas by pooling it
Describe how such sharing (or pooling) of sovereignty affects the substantive
Introduction
The Treaty of Maastricht, or else the Treaty of the European Union, agreed on
December of 1991 and signed two months later, apart from the intention to create a
single currency also stated the intention of establishing a process to create an ever
closer union among the peoples of Europe. 1 However, as the process of its
ratification was met with increasing difficulty by some of the member states, the
initial optimism with which it was perceived gradually receded. Thus, the debate
about the relationships between the member states and the European Union
sovereignty of the nation state were threatened by the Treaty while the proponents
sovereignty in the European Union, it is interesting to note the attempt to connect the
concepts of democracy and sovereignty with the nation state. As the definition of
1
Title 1, Article A in Treaty on European Union, Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the
European Communities, 1992, p 7
2
Newman, M. (1996) Democracy, sovereignty and the European Union. New York, St. Martin's Press,
p8
3
sovereignty has undergone many changes through the centuries, its connection with
democracy has many consequences, particularly for the up to now less contested issue
of the European Unions legitimacy3. This paper, with reference to the context of the
current Euro zone crisis, will attempt to define the concept of sovereignty in the
European Union while investigating its ramifications for the member states.
may also convey particular types of analysis that lead us to very specific
interpretations. The terms democracy and sovereignty are contestable, in the sense
light.
The modern European states were created through a series of internal conflicts
between the nobility over controlling the territory and securing their ascendancy
against external sources who claimed rights over the territory.5 Monarchs intended to
defeat internal contenders to the throne and break away from the Papal rule. As many
religious, ideological and political issues were crystallized during these conflicts, a
concept of sovereignty, much removed from the any notion of democracy, emerged to
legitimize the authority of the states that prevailed. Thomas Hobbes was the first to
theorize the concept of sovereignty in modernity, claiming that power should derive
from a single source that wasnt held unaccountable to external and internal
3
Ibid. p21
4
Held, D. (1993) Prospects for Democracy, Oxford/Cambridge: Polity Press
5
Dorn, W. (1963) Competition for Empire 1740-1763. New York, Harper & Row
4
forces.6As this was intended to legitimize the need for power to be vested on the state
In an attempt to introduce the concept of democracy, John Austin claimed that the
sovereignty of a monarch derived from the society as long as they habitually obeyed
the laws of the monarch7. While the sovereign had the power to enforce the law, there
was no external force to impose penalties on sovereign authority, thus excluding the
idea of international law. This concept of legal sovereignty is enduring and can be
concepts of state and legal sovereignty as it proposes that the laws should reflect the
popular will, thus giving the people the ability to contest the state. 9 With the
consolidation of the nation states in the 19th and 20th century, the idea of popular
sovereignty inadvertently provided the bulk for the creation of the concept of
aggressive foreign policies.10 Thus, at the post-war global environment, such concepts
of sovereignty not only seemed outdated, but were also deemed as threatening.
sovereignty, in an effort to produce a state system that would absorb the vacuum of
6
Hobbes, T. (1651) Leviathan http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/hobbes/leviathan-
contents.html
7
Austin, J. (1969) The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, 1690. New York, Hafiner
8
Ramo, J. (2004) 'The Beijing Consensus' Foreign Policy Center
Publications. http://fpc.org.uk/fsblob/244.pdf
9
Rousseau, J.J. (1762) Du Contrat Social http://www.constitution.org/jjr/socon.htm
10
Newman, M. (1996) Democracy, sovereignty and the European Union. New York, St. Martin's
Press, p7
5
power that the Second World War left, and bore many similarities to the balance of
power system that characterized Europe in modernity though with the intention to
avoid inherent animosities.11 However, as the nation state still remained the principle
form of organization throughout the 20th century, the concept of national sovereignty
was not wholly abandoned, but rather adapted to the new demands. National
sovereignty was redefined within the European states along the lines of popular
ideally be possible if the internal organization of a state was itself democratic.12 That
in practice would entail the creation of democratic institutions that would divide the
decentralize power and responsibilities within the state. As the European Union was
course of action was towards a union resembling the federal organization of the
territorially divided, but also overlapping between the central and peripheral levels 14.
Thus, this concept of divided sovereignty lead to its variant of shared sovereignty
according to the theoretical frameworks within political scientists and other observers
operate. The crisis, although initially defined along strict financial and fiscal terms,
11
Morgenthau & Thompson (1950) Principles and Problems of International Politics. New York.
Alfred A. Knopf pp 103-104
12
Newman, M. (1996) Democracy, sovereignty and the European Union. New York, St. Martin's
Press, p13
13
Winston Churchill. Zurich Speech. The New York Times, September 20, 1946, p.2
14
Friedman-Goldstein, L. (2001) Constituting Federal Sovereignty, The European Union in
Comparative Context. Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press
6
eventually elevated to the level of the political will behind the European Project and
has once again raised the question of how close a union is desired. Although the
European Union never attempted to justify its existence on a particular ideology and
thus being challenged, such as the United States and Soviet Union during the Cold
War, its legitimacy and right to exist are now being questioned.
Relations, the realist school of thought view states as the fundamental units in
acting on basis of the perceived self-interest and survival. From this perspective, EU
can be understood as a mean to manage potential conflict with states pooling their
sovereignty to enhance security15. Indeed, states have often viewed their membership
as a sharing of sovereignty that allows them to gain other powers overall. However, in
the era of increasing interdependence between states, where the term sovereignty has
been redefined, the realist interpretation of the European Union seems outdated.
As the EU was intended to follow the federal example of the United States, the
argument was that, based on the idea of divided or shared sovereignty, the European
Economic Community dealt with the issue of labor at the European level, and was
ultimately responsible for economic market integration, and with the issue of social
welfare at the member state level. As the member states still retained many
than to an actual federation. In Alan Milward presented a thesis about the European
15
Morgenthau, H.J (1960) Politics Among Nations, New York: Albert A. Knopf
7
rescue of the nation state, where the federalist and neofunctionalist views on
European integration have remained normative, than actually describing the process.16
European Union, there should be an effort to identify the federal traits that it displays.
Commission, the European Council and the European Parliament) and regional
decision making institutions (the governments of the member states). While the
governments are national in character, the central decision making institutions are
both supranational (the Commission and the Council), and intergovernmental (the
Council). This division is specified in the Treaties, which are the equivalent of
constitutional documents, and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has the authority
to adjudicate in the event of disputes over this division of power. In both the
supranational and intergovernmental level reside power and responsibilities for public
policy, with those of the supranational level pertaining to especially the economic
sphere.17 That being said, even with the creation of the institutions of the President of
the European Union and the High Representative on Foreign Affairs in the Lisbon
Treaty 18 , the development of a common foreign policy, security and defense and
citizenship rights are met with resistance from the member states. Even in the
seemingly not so contested field of research and education, the Bologna Declaration,
16
Milward, A. S. (2000) The European rescue of the nation-state. London, Routledge.
17
Friedman-Goldstein, L. (2001) Constituting Federal Sovereignty, the European Union in
Comparative Context. Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press
18
Title 3, Article 9 on Amendment to the Treaty on European Union and to the Treaty Establishing the
European Community, Luxembourg: Office Journal of the European Union, 2007 p 8
8
which does not bind the signatory states and allows the national government ability to
In the current global context, any approach to the issue of shared sovereignty and its
ramifications for the member state would be incomplete without reference to the rise
relationships to the European Union prevails upon the perception of sovereignty and
vice versa. The rise of Euroscepticism has been particularly observed in the states of
Southern Europe, the EU periphery that has suffered greatly, often with the danger of
defaulting on its debts, during the Euro zone crisis, and where coincidently there has
While the creation of the common currency can be viewed as the final step towards
the completion of the common market in its conception, it is far removed from the
aim of political integration in its application. The concept of shared sovereignty has
undergone dramatic alteration in its perception by the member states during the Euro
zone crisis, as the need for drastic measures, that were by definition in absolute
contrast with the community method that defined the process of European integration
19
Huisman, J. (2004) The EU and Bologna: are supranational and international initiatives threatening
domestic agendas European Journal of Education 39 (3)
20
Verney, S. (2011) 'Euroscepticism in Europe: A diachronic Perspective' South European Society and
Politics. 16 (1): pp. 1-29.
9
level that had been decided upon on a central level. The perceived dictation of the
Union, and the redefinition of the concept of solidarity, which had during the good
much anticipated contestation in the form of questioning not only the nature of the
policies, but EUs legitimacy in designing policies. The issue of the perception of
democratic deficit within the European Union has inadvertently reemerged, as the
legitimacy of the unpopular austerity policies that are being enforced is being
contested. The apparent centralization of power and decision making within the
supranational institution such as the Commission and the European Central Bank has
in many ways surpassed the division of power in a federation, the ultimate goal of the
European Union that had so far been carefully avoided. At this very crucial moment
in the history of European Integration, where any decision will undoubtedly reflect
the political will of the member states governments, the issue of sovereignty is more
pending than ever before. The crisis has suggested that the absence of a tighter
banking and fiscal union has been one of deficiencies in the creation of the single
currency, as a result of the power to design fiscal policies remaining within the
21
member state level. However, the crisis did very painfully reveal the
interdependency among the states in the international level, thus challenging not only
the definition of sovereignty, but the relevance of the term in the globalized world,
bringing into awareness that perhaps the state may not be equipped to deal with the
consequences of the economic crisis. That being said, the introduction of the austerity
measures along with the effort to liberalize the markets has come into conflict with
the social welfare that was being managed on the state level in the European Union,
21
Osterholt, K. (2013) Is the EU fiscal compact enough to avoid another euro crisis? [S.l.], Grin
Verlag.
10
cannot be envisioned as sustainable policy, and since it reflect the dominant view of
the elites at the current moment, the question of European integration should not be
Like the allied concept of democracy, citizenship has undergone many theoretical and
practical transformations. As the question of the legitimacy of the EU, along the lines
the government and the governed. The welfare level of the European peoples is being
downgraded and the social provisions are gradually being reduced, making them less
inclined to an ever closer union of the present conditions. If there is an urgent call
for the redefinition of sovereignty in the EU, while questioning its legitimacy that
nothing else, there is pattern that can be observed; there is a trade-off between social
rights and political rights.22 Whether this is perceived as a phenomenon that can be
tendency not to challenge a comfortable state of being, it does apply to the question of
the European Union. The redefinition of the concept of European citizenship has
political connotations for the future of the European Union. In doing so, the answer to
whether a common European identity exists will provide insights to the concept of
sovereignty in the European Union and will designate the path forward, or regrettably
backwards.
22
Bellamy, R. (1999) Citizenship, A very short Introduction. Oxford
11
Bibliography:
Books:
Dorn, W. (1963) Competition for Empire 1740-1763. New York, Harper & Row
Morgenthau, H.J (1960) Politics Among Nations, New York: Alfred A. Knopf
Internet Sources:
12
Other Sources:
Winston Churchill. Zurich Speech. The New York Times, September 20,
1946, p.2