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Perhaps most symbolic of the march of Israel through the institutions is the withdrawal of the
report from the Economic Social Commission for West Asia (ESCWA) on Israeli Apartheid,
which brings together all these strands. The impassioned torrents of outrage from Israeli
supporters about BDS and comparisons with apartheid have intimidated commentators across
Europe and America, despite their essential validity. The white regime in South Africa was,
after all, a close collaborator with Israel in sanctions busting, arms trading and, it would
appear, even nuclear weapons development, so quite why the comparison should have
become odious to the point of anti-Semitism is a mystery. After all, few, if any, of the
people now so outraged objected to Israels aid and support for the apartheid regime.
There was a dilemma for ESCWA. Prof. Richard Falk has an outstanding record in
international law and human rights, but like anyone else who submits critical reports on Israel
he has been demonized and vilified. But not to use his expertise would be to bow down to
politically motivated slander, so he was commissioned, along with Virginia Tilley, anyway.
The ad hominem slurs were wheeled out immediatelythink poor Judge Richard
Goldstoneand cries came for the report to be withdrawn. New Secretary-General Antnio
Guterres had just taken office and the biggest item on his agenda was relations between the
U.N. and the new U.S. president, Donald Trump, who had adopted a strong anti-U.N. and
pro-Israel stance, so when the U.S. asked for the report to be removed, he folded. Despite the
U.N.s withdrawal of the report, it is still available online, at
<www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/26223/un-report-establishes-israeli-apartheid;-fallout-b>,
and it is still valid. It is reassuring that Rima Khalaf, ESCWAs director, resigned in protest
at being forced to take down the report.
The report meticulously demonstrates the apartheid-like conditions Israel imposesand one
should remember that there is a binding International Convention on the Suppression and
Punishment of the Crime of Apartheidwhich, like the earlier Genocide Convention,
commits states to action about it.
Indeed, that is one of the reasons Israeli leaders get so upset about the comparison, since
although the blow to their reputation can hurt in PR or political terms, such charges carry
international legal weight, not least with the International Criminal Court hovering around.
Similarly, they might have physical possession of the occupied territories (and East
Jerusalem, of course!), but without legal title that only the U.N. can give them, their behavior
is subject to potential jurisdiction of the ICC and other tribunals adjudging the Geneva
Conventions.
However, as a resounding footnote, the report also answers the question Israeli supporters
keep asking: why is Israel singled out so often at the U.N.? The report explains: the situation
in Israel-Palestine constitutes an unmet obligation of the organized international community
to resolve a conflict partially generated by its own actions. That obligation dates formally to
1922, when the League of Nations established the British Mandate for Palestine as a territory
eminently ready for independence as an inclusive secular State, yet incorporated into the
Mandate the core pledge of the Balfour Declaration to support the Jewish people in their
efforts to establish in Palestine a Jewish national home. Later United Nations Security
Council and General Assembly resolutions attempted to resolve the conflict generated by that
arrangement, yet could not prevent related proposals, such as partition, from being overtaken
by events on the ground. If this attention to the case of Israel by the United Nations appears
exceptional, therefore, it is only because no comparable linkage exists between United
Nations actions and any other prolonged denial to a people of their right of self-
determination.
And that, dear reader, is why the international community keeps going on about Israelit is
the worlds own guilty conscience.