19 Ferraz Villa Lobos Modernism 2012 PDF

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Volume 6, Issue 6
Heitor Villa-lobos and Choros no. 3: Modernism,

Nationalism, and Musical Anthropophagy
Gabriel Augusto Ferraz
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Heitor Villa-lobos and Choros no. 3: Modernism,
Nationalism, and Musical Anthropophagy
Gabriel Augusto Ferraz, University of Florida, Gainesville, Fl, USA
Abstract: In the 1920s, composer Heitor Villa-Lobos wrote a series of fourteen nationalistic pieces
called Choros, which was the direct result of his search for an authentic Brazilian musical language.
In Choros, Villa-Lobos combined elements from the Brazilian urban popular genre choro (from which
he drew the title of his series) and Brazilian Amerindian music with European techniques, especially
the unbalanced accents, abrupt metrical changes, and dissonances typical of Stravinskys primitivism.
Villa-Lobos presented some of his Choros in Paris, where he lived in two occasions, and due to what
Parisians perceived as musically exotic, some Choros achieved great success in that city. While
scholars Lisa M. Peppercorn, Eero Tarasti, and Jorge Coli, suggested that Villa-Lobos took advantage
of a Paris thirsty for exotic music to elaborate the aesthetic of Choros and other pieces from the
1920s, they did not acknowledge that the Choros series resulted from Villa-Loboss search for a
Brazilian musical language that had started before he went to Paris for the first time in 1923, as his
symphonic poems Amazonas and Uirapuru, both from 1917, demonstrate. In addition, the series also
reflected the philosophies of an entire class of Brazilian modernist artists who proposed the so-called
anthropophagic art, by which the Brazilian artist should devour (assimilate) European techniques
and aesthetics to portray national art. This article examines how the Choros series reflects Villa-
Loboss assimilation of local musical elements and European aesthetic ideals in the 1920s, a move
that resulted from his personal search for an authentic Brazilian musical language and was motivated
by the pervading Brazilian artistic ideology of the time.
Keywords: Villa-Lobos, Musical Anthropophagy, Choros, Paris, 1920s, Hybridity in Music, Musical
Nationalism, Musical Exoticism
Introduction
I
N THE 1920S, Brazilian composer Heitor Villa-Lobos wrote fourteen nationalistic
pieces called Choros, which have been considered to be the direct result of his search
for an authentic Brazilian language in art music. In composing Choros, Villa-Lobos
combined elements from the Brazilian urban popular genre choro and Brazilian Amer-
indian music with European musical techniques, especially unbalanced accents, abrupt
metrical changes, and dissonances like those of Stravinskys Primitivism. With the exception
of Choros no. 1, which is in fact a popular choro, these compositions reveal a hybrid style,
blending European cosmopolitan musical techniques and aesthetics with characteristic
elements of Brazilian local musical practices. As Villa-Lobos affirmed in an interview
with the New York Times in 1944, I have always searched for a synthesis between western
culture and that of my own country.1 Choros offer a good example of this philosophy.
Through this series, Villa-Lobos in effect elevated a local tradition to the status of art
1
Heitor Villa-Lobos quoted In Simon Wright, Heitor Villa-Lobos (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 120.
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music, developing a musical aesthetic that could be appreciated both locally and internation-
ally.
Villa-Lobos presented some of his Choros in Paris, and what the French perceived as
exotic music was in fact Villa-Loboss attempt to musically portray the essence of
Brazilian people, the so-called brasilidade or Brazilian character. The search for brasilidade
in arts was the main tenet of modernist Brazilian artists from the 1920s through the 1940s,
with which Villa-Lobos was involved to some extent. Due to Brazilians mixed ethnic herit-
ages, intellectuals had reflected upon the nature of the Brazilian character since at least
the late 19th century, and modernists furthered these reflections in the form of artistic expres-
sion. Modernists officially launched the Brazilian Modernist Movement through the Week
of Modern Art of 1922, and from that point on they started to exercise a fundamental role
in Brazilian arts: their philosophies challenged the established modus operandi of Brazilian
society, which was firmly rooted in European traditions.
Poet Oswald de Andrade wrote two manifestos that epitomized the essence of modernists
search for brasilidade: the Manifesto da Poesia Pau Brazil (Manifesto of Brazil Wood
Poetry) from 1924 and the more aggressive and provocative Manifesto Antropfago
(Anthropophagic Manifesto or Cannibalistic Manifesto), from 1928. In the first work, Andrade
suggested that, like the Brazil Wood-the first Brazilian product to be ever exported to Europe-
the authentic Brazilian elements of modernists poetry, couched in cosmopolitan techniques,
would guarantee its exportation to Europe. On the Anthropophagic Manifesto Andrade
extended this idea to Brazilian arts as a whole and drew a parallel between Brazilian mod-
ernist artists and Amerindian cannibal tribes from Brazils colonial times, conveying an
essential Brazilian outlook to his philosophy. This manifesto asserted that which the pre-
vious one had only suggested: that Brazilian artists should devour (assimilate) European
techniques and aesthetics to portray national art. In other words, these manifestos advocated
that although Brazilian modernist artists should draw upon European modern aesthetics,
they should do so to reveal the idiosyncrasies of their country, not to simply emulate European
art (as most of their fellow Brazilian predecessors had done in the past). Andrade did not
propose this aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis, but rather theorized upon it and named
anthropophagic an aesthetic that had already been established in the modernist Brazilian
art. Both his manifestos became emblematic of modernists artistic pursuits.
Villa-Lobos was well acquainted with Brazilian modernists and even participated in the
Week of Modern Art. Thus his ongoing personal search for a synthesis of Brazilian and
European music received a major intellectual boost from modernists. Choros reflected the
intellectual search and anthropophagic aesthetics of Brazilian modernists and along with
other Villa-Loboss compositions from the 1920s, contributed to a paradigm shift in Brazil-
ian compositional practices: that is, the establishment of an authentic Brazilian voice in
art music. The importance of the series led Gerard Bhague to affirm that philosophically,
hence aesthetically, the works written after 1930 have been seen essentially as the continued
growth of that credo [Choros and other compositions of the 1920s], with recognized occa-
sional improvement in the composers technique and aesthetic manifestation but, in general,
with less daring experiment and innovation.2 Furthermore, several generations of Brazilian
2
Gerard Bhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos: In Search for Brazils Musical Soul (Austin: University of Texas, 1994.),
104.
224
GABRIEL AUGUSTO FERRAZ
composers have cultivated the (anthropophagic) nationalistic aesthetics that Villa-Lobos

crystallized through Choros.
While scholars Lisa Peppercorn, Eero Tarasti, and Jorge Coli, suggested that Villa-Lobos
took advantage of a Paris thirsty for exotic music to elaborate the aesthetic of Choros and
other pieces from the 1920s, they did not acknowledge that the Choros series resulted from
Villa-Loboss personal search for a Brazilian musical language that both contributed to and
reflected the philosophies of an entire class of Brazilian modernists. Thus, given the import-
ance of the series and the need to contextualize these works within broader artistic ideologies
of Villa-Loboss time, this article illuminates how Brazilian modernists philosophies of
nationalism contributed to the crystallization of the aesthetics of Choros. An analysis of
Choros no. 3 (1925) will reveal the anthropophagic essence of this piece, in which Villa-
Lobos blended Brazilian Amerindian musical elements with techniques from European
music. As I argue, the Choros series as a whole can be interpreted as a musical index of social
and cultural dilemmas intrinsic to the formation of Brazilian people, and in that sense, con-
tributed to the intellectual search for brasilidade.
Villa-Loboss Choros
Regarding the beginning of the 1920s, when Villa-Lobos started composing his Choros
series, Mrio de Andrade (with no family relationship with Oswald), one of the most important
Brazilian modernists, known as the pope of modernism, felt that Villa-Lobos finally faced
the problem of Brazilian music, in which he had made rare incursions [] this leads
him to a much more frank and tonal harmonization, in which the enhancement of dis-
sonance acquires more harshness and expression. Villa-Lobos adheres to modern anti-
impressionistic music, from which predominates in himself the lesson of Stravinskys
instrumental music.3
The compositional elements mentioned by Andrade, along with Villa-Loboss borrowings

from Brazilian folk, Amerindian, and popular music were essential for him to elaborate his
own musical language in what Andrade called the second compositional phase, which,
according to the intellectual, happened only after the Week of Modern Art in 1922.4
Choros exemplify Villa-Loboss sense of nationalism and how he translated into music
the impressions he had of the vast Brazilian land and all its diversity.5 In his words
3
Mrio de Andrade quoted In Jorge Coli, Msica Final (Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 1998), 172. Unless
indicated otherwise, all translations in this article are mine.
4
Mrio de Andrade questioned the chronology of some Villa-Loboss works, arguing that the composer might
simply have changed the dates of some pieces to earlier years to create an impression that he was innovative. Villa-
Loboss rubric in the score of the ballet Uirapuru, for instance, indicates that the piece was composed in 1917 but
restructured in 1934, and premiered only in 1935. Due to the lack of documentation and the fact that the pieces
first performance was given eighteen years after it was supposedly composed, it is not possible to gauge how much
the piece changed in this process of reformation, and how it would have sounded in 1917 (Coli, Msica, 384). The
ballet Amazonas, however, was performed for the first time in 1919, and despite Andrade considered that Villa-
Lobos became aesthetically committed with Brazilian music only after 1923, the critic himself recognized the ori-
ginality of the musical language of Amazonas and its referential importance for furthering the development of an
authentic Brazilian music.
5
In addition to the fourteen Choros, Villa-Lobos composed the Introduo aos Choros, two Choros Bis, and Qui-
nteto em Forma de Choro.
225
[Choros] represent a new form of musical composition, in which the different modalities
of Brazilian Indian and popular music are synthesized, having as most important elements
the rhythm and any typical melody of popular character that show occasionally or by
accident, always transformed according to the personality of the author. The harmonic
procedures are, similarly, a complete stylization of the original.6
Villa-Lobos himself addressed Choros as a synthesis of Brazilian Indian and popular music.
Indeed, giving himself a poetic license of sorts by invoking the personality of the author,
Villa-Lobos assumes the freedom to utilize any compositional technique that would fit his
purposes. Invariably these techniques were related to European ones, especially Stravinskys.
In fact, Villa-Lobos once confessed his admiration for Stravinsky to his friend poet Manuel
Bandeira, affirming that listening to the Rite of the Spring in Paris was the most emotional
moment of his life.7 Due to Villa-Loboss admiration for Stravinskys music, it is therefore
not surprising to find traits of Stravinskys musical techniques-especially the treatment of
rhythm and dissonances-in Villa-Loboss music. As Bhague affirmed in regards to Villa-
Loboss treatment of Indianist material (prevalent in Choros): A frequent technique consists
of various combinations of differentiated motivic and timbral layers whose interactions result
in an abstract chromatic style similar to Stravinsky.8 Nonetheless, Villa-Lobos applied these
techniques to elaborate his own musical language that reflected his search for brasilidade.
Table one provides information about Choros that show some of their individual charac-
teristics, permitting a better understanding of the variety found in these pieces, understood
here by cataloging media and durations. This variety is reflected in the musical structure of
each Choro as well: although grouped as a series, they each have unique musical structures.
As Villa-Lobos said in an interview
[In Choros I] had no fixed formulas for the use of the themes. I use them for the devel-
opment of atmosphere as I feel the need. I never repeat themes merely for the pleasure
of repetition or to create cyclic music. I do not use ready-made folk songs and dances.
My themes often suggest folk themes, that is they have the aspect of folk themes. I do
not believe in quoting anyone elses music. In my music there are no so-called influences.
It is thoroughly Americanof our continentbelonging to no school or special trend
[] I [also] do not know what the word inspiration means. I create music out of neces-
sity, biological necessity [] My artistic creed is la libert absolue. When I write, it
is according to the style of Villa-Lobos.9
Villa-Lobos actually used ready-made melodies on his Choros no. 3, no. 7, and no. 10 for
instance, but despite that he may have exaggerated the passion of his words to convey a
sense of originality to Choros, these words reveal his truly nationalistic pursuits and the
local Brazilian elements that he used to convey brasilidade to Choros. Regarding Villa-
Loboss borrowings from Amerindian and popular music, for instance, Gerard Bhague af-
firmed: one could venture the generalization that numbers 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, and partially 9 and
6
Heitor Villa-Lobos, preface to Choros n 3 (Paris: Max Eschig).
7
Manuel Bandeira, Villa-Lobos In Presena de Villa-Lobos vol. VIII (Rio: MEC-Museu Villa-Lobos 1973),
106.
8
Bhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 77.
9
Villa-Lobos quoted In Wright, Villa-Lobos, 67.
226
12, do exhibit some aspects, however stylized of the popular choro of the beginning of the
century, while numbers 3, 6, 8, and 10 evoke in part Indian Primitivistic music, however
idealized. In some, both evocations appear.10 However, despite the differences among
Choros and the lack of thematic connection among them, the pieces are founded on the same
ideological conception: Villa-Lobos freed himself of formalistic structures to elaborate music
that reflected his country, and he found in modernists nationalistic philosophies the intellec-
tual support that he needed to pursue this undertaking and crystallize his musical aesthetics.
Table 1: This Table was Inspired by the One Presented in Wright, Villa-Lobos, 60-61
Date Number Instrumentation First Performance Duration in
Minutes
1920 1 Solo guitar Not known 3
1924 2 Flute, clarinet 18 Feb.1925, So Paulo 3
1925 3 Clarinet, bassoon, saxophone, 3 horns, 30 Nov.1925, So Paulo 6

trombone, male voices 5 Dec.1927, Paris
1926 4 3 horns, trombone 24 Oct., 1927, Paris 6
1925 5 Solo piano 16 Oct.1940, New York 5
1926 6 Orchestra 18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro 26
1924 7 Flute, oboe, clarinet, saxophone, bas- 17 Sept. 1925 Rio de Janeiro 9
soon, violin, cello, tam-tam, orchestra,
with 2 pianos
1925 8 Orchestra, with 2 pianos 24 Oct. 1927, Paris 18
1929 9 Orchestra 15 July1942, Rio de Janeiro 23
1926 10 Orchestra and chorus 11 Nov. 1926, Rio de Janeiro 11

5 Dec. 1927, Paris
1928 11 Orchestra and solo piano 18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro 60

(without cuts)
1929 12 Orchestra 21 Oct. 1945, Boston 35
1929 13 2 orchestras and band (lost)
1928 14 Orchestra, band and chorus (?) (lost)
Nationalism vs. Exoticism: A Matter of Perspective

Because of their varied Brazilian sonorities, the Choros that Villa-Lobos performed in
Paris in the 1920s were warmly received. Henry Pruniress review in the Revue Musicale
of an all Villa-Lobos concert performed in that city on December 5, 1927, for instance, dis-
plays the successful impact of Villa-Loboss music in a Paris thirst for exotic music: It
is the first time in Europe that one hears works coming from Latin America that bring with
them the wonders of virgin forests, of great plains, of exuberant nature, profuse in dazzling
10
Bhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 76.
227
fruits, flowers and birdsOne may have another conception of the art music, but one could
not remain indifferent to works of such power and one must recognize with Florent Schimitt
that the truly creative afflatus (souffl) has passed.11 Despite his positive criticism,
Prunire simply utilized adjectives to describe the music, and in failing to provide more
technical accounts about it he essentially exoticized it as a product of the tropics.
Some scholars have criticized Villa-Lobos for having allegedly exaggerated brasilidade
in his compositions of that period to achieve success in Paris. Lisa M. Peppercorn, for ex-
ample, argued that in the first Paris period (1923-1924)12 Villa-Lobos
came to the conclusion that he would have to turn his back on internationalism and
express the soul of Brazil in his music, as folklore and national elements were the
fashionable trends in Europe in those days. They helped to make their composers suc-
cessful. Villa-Lobos approached this problem intellectually. It became his turning point
as a composer.13
This turning point referred, among other pieces, to the Choros series. Indeed, other scho-
lars have agreed with Peppercorn. Eero Tarasti, for instance, affirmed that Villa-Lobos
comprehended what his social position in Europe at that moment was: he interested the
European musical world overall as an interpreter of the brasilidade, with rhythms and the
primitive force of his compositions, original harmonies, folkloric melodies and musical
sounds that reflect the variety of colors of the tropic.14 And Brazilian historian Jorge Coli
even suggested that Villa-Lobos perhaps exaggerated a sense of tropical exoticism during
this period.15
But all the musical elements that Parisians were eager to hear, such as unusual rhythmic
accents and characteristic instruments of non-Western music, among others, were already
part of Villa-Loboss music by that time. Villa-Lobos was aiming at forging an authentic
Brazilian musical language and his pursuit was corroborated by the philosophies of Brazilian
modernists.16 Although this favorable Parisian atmosphere may certainly have contributed
to Villa-Loboss further development of his musical language, it did not define his musical
choices; if Parisians were eager to hear such musical language it was only an advantage for
11
Henry Prunires In Bhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 19. Among other pieces, Choros no.3 and no.10 were performed
in this concert.
12
In the 1920s Villa-Lobos stayed in Paris on two separate occasions with the sponsorship of the industrialists
Arnaldo and Carlos Guinle. The first period occured between 1923 and 1924, and the second from 1927 to 1930,
when he went back to Brazil (to the state of So Paulo) to conduct in a series of eight concerts.
13
Lisa M. Peppercorn, The Fifteen-Year-Period in Villa-Loboss Life in Villa-Lobos: Collected Studies
(Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1992), 77. To be fair, Peppercorn gets much more to the point in her article
Heitor Villa-Lobos, where she writes that the fruit of his sojourns in Paris in the 1920s was not that he became
subdued by European contemporaries; rather, Paris awakened him to the possibility of creating his own, very
personal musical idiom to originate and compose music that, in form and content, was not only novelty for
non-Brazilians, but for his own compatriots as well. Curiously, this article was published in 1975, four years
before her previously mentioned article. Peppercorn, Heitor Villa-Lobos in Villa-Lobos: Collected Studies
(Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1992), 40.
14
Eero Tarasti cited by Jorge Coli. In Flvia C. Toni, Mrio de Andrade e Villa-Lobos (So Paulo: Centro Cultural
So Paulo, 1987), preface.
15
Jorge Coli In Toni, Mrio de Andrade e Villa-Lobos, preface. Tropical exoticism refers to the exoticism Europeans
saw in art from tropical countries (sometimes in connection to these countries native ethnicities).
16
The ballets Amazonas and Uirapuru, for instance, had already been composed when Villa-Lobos went to Europe.
228
Villa-Lobos, but what they perceived as exotic was the settling down of Villa-Loboss
most aggressive nationalism.
Villa-Lobos and the International Nationalistic Trend

The mixture of local musical traditions with cosmopolitan musical features that could be
understood outside of a composers national boundaries was a trend that had begun with
European composers in the nineteenth century. These composers engaged in a sort of musical
archaeology, collecting folk material that supposedly represented some remote Golden Age
of their respective cultures, a time devoid of foreign influence.17 These collected materials
were then elaborated upon by using cosmopolitan musical techniques to create a more out-
reaching national music. The idea was to find the apparently best local traditions and mod-
ernize them via cosmopolitan compositional techniques to create the best national art. This
art in turn would then serve to represent the nation both locally and internationally given its
simultaneously traditional and cosmopolitan character.
Carl Dahlhauss thoughts on musical nationalism in the nineteenth century are relevant
to the present discussion:18
Most nineteenth century composers tried to effect a compromise between cosmopolitan

ideas [], and their own sense of national identity, which was something that none of
them could ignore in the climate of the times. Even after the mid-century, and in spite
of the inducements to support the more aggressive form of nationalism, the national
schools in general preserved a cosmopolitan outlook, insofar as they had no intention
that the music they created or felt themselves on the way of creating should be excluded
from universal art (a difficult thing to define), on the contrary, the national character
was what would ensure for it a place in universal art [] The national substance of
Russian or Czech music was a condition for its international worth, not an invalidation.19
Dahlhaus here suggested that the enhancement of the local style through fusion with cosmo-
politanism rather than the blind repetition of European models made national art music more
valuable in XIX century Europe. Several nationalist European composers, such as Bartk,
Smetana, and Grieg, among others, had used this formula. It was their musics national char-
acter that guaranteed their place in the international stage. In Brazil, Villa-Lobos was in line
with this aesthetic, as the local elements that he used in his music and his compositional
philosophy demonstrate.
17
The idea of a Golden Age that held the true essence of a people was first established by German philosopher
J.G. Herder (1733-1803), who was concerned with the loss of German identity due to foreign (mostly French) in-
fluence. For more information on this subject, see Johann Gottfried Herder, Philosophical Writings, translated and
edited by Michael N. Foster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
18
Carl Dahlhaus, Nationalism in music, in Between Romanticism and Modernism: Four Studies in the Music of
the Later Nineteenth Century, translated by Mary Whittall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). In this
text Dahlhaus expounds upon musical nationalism and national identity in 19th century Europe. Some of his ideas
also apply to musical nationalism in the early 20th century, especially with respect to former colonies such as Brazil.
In these countries, the establishment of national identity became an important matter, and artists tried to capture
the essence of their nationality in their production, presenting it to European countries as a demonstration of cultural
independence.
19
Dahlhaus, Nationalism, 83-84.
229
Villa-lobos and the Brazilian Nationalistic Ideology

Mrio de Andrades influential Ensaio sobre a Msica Brasileira,20 (Essay on Brazilian Mu-
sic) from 1928 somewhat anticipated in Brazilian grounds Dahlhauss elaborations on na-
tionalistic music. Andrades Essay is exclusively about Brazilian music, but the underlying
principle of his text is the same as Dahlhauss. Among other things, these scholars similar
approach to nationalistic music substantiates the widespread notion of the aesthetic concept
of elevating local traditions through cosmopolitan techniques that formed nationalistic
languages. When he spoke about national music, Andrade criticized the suggestion given
by some Europeans, as he put it, that authentic Brazilian music would have to contain abo-
riginal elements. It is interesting to note which elements Andrade considered important in
the making of national art:
This [the fact that national music should contain aboriginal elements] is a puerility that
includes ignorance about the sociology, ethnicity, psychology, and aesthetics [of Brazil].
National art is not made through discretionary and dilettante elements: a national art is
already made in the unconscious of a people. The artist has only to confer to the pre-
existing elements a sophisticated transposition that transforms popular music into art
music, what means: completely disinterested.21
In other words, what Andrade proposed here was an aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis
much like the hybrid musical language that Villa-Lobos was forging in his music in the
1920s. Andrade also suggested that
[] the actual period of Brazil, especially in the arts, is of nationalization. We are at-
tempting to conform the human production of the country to national reality. It is in
this thread of thought that the concept of Primitivism applied to todays orientation is
justifiable. It is a mistake to imagine that Brazilian primitivism is aesthetic. It is [actually]
social.22
Several Brazilian artists drew on Primitivism (especially Indian) to connect their arts with
the roots of the country. Villa-Lobos was one of these artists and proceeding from Andrade,
it is conceivable that expressing brasilidade through Primitivism in his Choros was for Villa-
Lobos a problem of social order, meaning that the aesthetic of this series was a result Villa-
Loboss social and cultural conditions as Brazilian, not simply an aesthetic choice to guarantee
his success in Europe.
20
Andrades Essay, loaded with nationalism, became a sort of aesthetic manual for Brazilian composers of that
and future times. This work has the tone of a nationalistic manifesto. Andrade asserts that a composer that did not
write nationalistic music in that time should be considered useless. Although Villa-Lobos had been developing his
own nationalistic musical aesthetic before Andrade wrote the Essay, the composers attitude was similar to most
of the precepts Andrade outlined in his text, which corroborates the idea that Villa-Lobos was in line with the
philosophies of Brazilian modernists.
21
Mrio de Andrade, Ensaio Sobre a Msica Brasileira (Braslia: Livraria Martins Editora, 1972), 15-16. Andrade
conceptualizes disinterested music as music that has no clear social function, which means music performed in
the concert hall, as opposed to interested music, which has a much more evident social function (popular and
folk music).
22
Andrade, Ensaio, 18.
230
Most Choros, especially the Indianist ones, drew on Primitivism, and conveyed the most
aggressive manifestations of Brazilian musical nationalism available in the 1920s. Indian
Primitivism was inherent to the nature of Brazilian society because Indians were part of the
national landscape and became emblematic figures of the untouched essence of Brazil.
By drawing upon Indian Primitivism, Villa-Lobos connected his art to an immemorial
Brazilian past that conveyed an authentic outlook to his music. By using European musical
techniques to display this Indianism, Villa-Lobos created an outreaching avenue to display
abroad the Indianist essence of his country. In respect to this musical aesthetic of assimil-
ation, Villa-Lobos affirmed: The original creator is that who, while demonstrating in his
work the exact knowledge of the diverse styles of Music [capital letter meaning European
cosmopolitan music], employing in an elevated manner the folkloric motives of the country
in which he has been living and forming his mentality, reveals in his compositions the natural
tendencies of his predestination and the ethnic influence of his temperament, forming,
therefore, the characteristic traits of his personality and of the country in which he was born
[].23 Although Villa-Lobos mentioned only folklore, any source material that an artist
believed to hold the essence of the country, would reveal what he referred to as a composers
predestination and ethnic influence of his temperament. Indeed, along with folklore, Villa-
Lobos also drew upon the popular choro and Brazilian Amerindian musical elements (to
some extent) to compose his nationalistic music, as the Choros series demonstrates.
Brazilian Modernists Anthropophagic Philosophy

Mrio de Andrades thoughts in the Essay were related to Brazilian modernists efforts to
establish a national Brazilian identity through their art. In this process, the incorporation of
elements related to the roots of Brazilian people and references to modern European aesthetics
became common themes for modernist artists.24 Among others, writers referred to Freuds
psychology (the concept of the subconscious) and existential dilemmas of modern man.
They used French words in their poetry and prose to make allusion to the French cultural
influence in Brazil. Plastic artists used European techniques such as cubism and surrealism
to portray themes related to Brazil. In music, Villa-Lobos worked toward the same goals of
other modernist artists and developed this aesthetic of assimilation as well.
Oswald de Andrades Manifestos epitomized this quest of Brazilian modernists aesthetic
approach in the 1920s. For instance, the most celebrated phrase from Oswalds Anthropo-
phagic Manifesto, Tupy, or not tupy that is the question,25 reveals much of the essence of
modernists philosophies. Oswald used a well-known phrase from Shakespeares Hamlet,
but changed the original to be for tupy, a native cannibal tribe from colonial times in Brazil
who ate their enemies both to absorb their powers and as an act of revenge. Provocatively,
23
Heitor Villa-Lobos, Apologia Arte in Presena de Villa-Lobos volume III, 1st ed., (Rio de Janeiro: MEC
Museu Villa-Lobos, 1969), 104.
24
Modernists employed historical themes related to Native Brazilians, African Brazilians, Portuguese, and some
European minorities that lived in Brazil, all of which were important to the formation of the diverse Brazilian eth-
nicities. In this sense, (taking into account the obvious disparities between the racial and cultural formation in Brazil
and European countries), these ethnicities held, in their own ways, the cultural elements of the Brazilian Golden
Age that modernists were aiming to portray in their art.
25
Oswald de Andrade, Revista de Antropofagia, ano 1, no.1 (May 1928), 293. Andrade purposely changes the
place of the comma from Shakespeares original To be or not to be, that is the question. In addition, he spelled
tupy instead of tupi, the correct Portuguese spelling.
231
Andrade subtlety suggested that Tupis ate Shakespeare and absorbed his powers (in this
case, the power of his emblematic phrase). Through allusion to Brazilian natives and the
existential dilemma from the European structure of Shakespeares celebrated passage,
Andrade profoundly and succinctly sums the primary concern of Brazilian modernists,
namely the formation of a Brazilian identity independent of, but historically bound to Europe;
and which could be appreciated in Brazil as a synthesis of the Brazilian character and exported
to Europe as signal of artistic independence. The synthesis of both European-ness and native-
ness intrinsic to the structure of Oswalds anthropophagic phrase reflected the essence of
the ethnic and socio-cultural diversity of Brazilian people and embodied the artistic philosophy
of the Brazilian Modernist Movement.
Choros no. 3: Musical Anthropophagy

Villa-Loboss Choros no. 3 (subtitled Pica-pau, which means Woodpecker) provides a mu-
sical example of modernists anthropophagic aesthetic. Villa-Lobos even dedicated this
work to Oswald de Andrade and his first wife Tarsila do Amaral, the pioneers of the Pau
Brazil and Anthropophagic philosophies. In this piece, for male chorus and wind ensemble,
Villa-Lobos used as important source material the melody Nozani-Na Oreku, a feasting
song of the Pareci Indians collected by ethnologist Roquete Pinto26 in the state of Mato
Grosso. According to Villa-Lobos, Choros no. 3 represents the sonorous atmosphere of the
primitive music of the aborigines of the states of Mato Grosso do Sul e Gois.27 Regarding
the Indianist character of this piece, Eero Tarasti observed that the theme Nozani-N itself
and its arrangement for male chorus and wind ensemble [] may well be thought to imitate
corresponding wind groups of the Brazilian Indians,28 and he further affirmed that The
timbre is ascribable to Brazilian Indian music, which includes both choral singing and wind
ensembles.29
In the beginning of the piece the indigenous melody is presented first by the tenor voice
and two horns in F in unison followed by consecutive imitative entrances of the same melody,
creating a thick imitative polyphonic texture (figure 1). Although Indians music may have
some degrees of polyphony, they make no such use of rich imitative structures. Thus, in
using an indigenous melody to elaborate imitative polyphonic texture (emblematic of
European musical techniques) Villa-Lobos made a clear reference to the idea of assimilating
the foreign to portray the national in the very opening bars of Choros no. 3. As Simon Wright
noticed, Choros no.3 opens with a canonic exposition of the Nozani-N theme, following
26
Roquete Pinto was an ethnographer, physician, essayist, anthropologist, and professor. He was part of the so-
called Misso Rondon (Rondon Mission), named after the chief of the expedition, Brazilian Marshal Cndido
Mariano da Silva Rondon. The Rondon Missions objective was to expand the telegraphic line within the state of
Mato Grosso and take it to other neighbor states. In that trip, in which Pinto came in contact with different Amer-
indian tribes such as the Parecis and Inhambiquaras, he collected ethnographic material that generated the book
Rondnia: Antropologia Etnogrfica (Rondnia: Ethnographic Anthropology) in 1917, an important anthropolo-
gical book about Brazil. Among the material Pinto collected are Amerindian melodies (archived in the Museu
Nacional), which Villa-Lobos incorporated into some of his compositions. In Choros no.3, for instance, Villa-Lobos
used the Pareci melodies Nozani-n Orekua, Noal anaue, and Ena-m-koc.
27
Heitor Villa-Lobos in Bhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 76.
28
Eero Tarasti, Heitor Villa-Lobos: The Life and Works, 1887-1959 (Jefferson, North Carolina: Mc Farland and
Company Inc, 1995), 95.
29
Tarasti, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 95.
232
Schloezas prediction that Villa-Lobos would adopt European methods within his new
forms.30 After the imitative entrances of the Nozani-n theme, Villa-Lobos added two
other Pareci melodies, Noal anaue and Ena-m-koc, also collected by Pinto. Following
these melodies Villa-Lobos wrote glissandi on the syllables I- and the vocal effect
zzzizzz (figure 2), both of which sound like an emulation of Indians vocalizations, and
the piece moves to what Wright called a Jungle atmosphere [] caricatured by an Indianist
imitation of a woodpecker.31
In the new section, Villa-Lobos introduced the word pica-pau (woodpecker), a bird
commonly found in Brazils forests, in the chorus and created a rich rhythmic texture that
emulates the pecking of this bird. Against the rhythm of the pica-pau, Villa-Lobos intro-
duced a fragment of the Nozani-n melody with the rhythm in triplets and note values aug-
mented. According to Wright, this technique became very common in the Choros and later
works. Wright affirmed: juxtaposing long-breathed lyrical melody together with reiterated
syllabic patterns imitative of Indian incantation [] became, in truth, a convenient method
of demonstrating any combination of Brazilian racial or cultural elements32 (figure 3).
After the pica-pau section, Villa-Lobos re-introduced the Nozani-n theme, which, this
time was accompanied by a rhythmic reminiscence of the pica-pau section. Toward the
end of the piece, the tempo is marked Lento and Villa-Lobos brings the word pica-pau
back again and combines it with the word Brazil, suggesting the word Pau-Brasil, which
makes reference to Oswald de Andrades manifesto (figure 4).
As Bhague observed, the music material in the final passage of Choros no. 3 corroborates
the modernist aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis. He suggested that in this passage Villa-
Lobos musically portrayed a tupi de casaca, or a dressed up tupi. Bhagues analysis re-
vealed that in this passage Villa-Lobos used the minor pentatonic melody C-Eb-F-G-Bb
(referring to Indian music) on the first tenor part, and through chromatic altered tones Villa-
Lobos obscured even more the nonfunctional modal harmonic progression. According to
him,
the fact that the word Brasil is set within modal (pentatonic) rather than on a strong
cadential dominant-tonic resolution evades any sense of a triumphant and rejoicing
character [typical of Western music]. Moreover, the final tonic chord, approached
through glissando techniques reminiscent of the first section of Indian singing, not
held very long in spite of the fermata, on a vuzfzfzf nonsensical text, can only
be interpreted as an ironic intention on the part of the composer.33
30
Wright, Villa-Lobos, 65.
31
32
33
Bhague, Villa-Lobos, 81.
233
Figure 1: (First Three Pages of Choros no. 3), All Score Excerpts in this Article were
Transcribed by me from the following Edition: Heitor Villa-Lobos, Choros no. 3. Paris:
Max Eschig
234
Figure 1: (continuation)
235
236
Figure 2: Glissandi on zzzizzz
237
238
Figure 3: Fragment of the Nozani-n Melody with the Rhythms Altered, and the Pica-
Pau Rhythm
239
240
Figure 4 : Final passage of Choros no. 3
241
Indeed, if one agrees with Bhague and interprets this final passage as ironic, Choros no. 3
displays not only Villa-Loboss anthropophagic aesthetic, but also the same provocative
and ironic attitudes that Oswald de Andrade-and other modernists-laid out in his manifestos
and poetry. Such an interpretation confirms Villa-Loboss engagement with the Brazilian
modernistic aesthetic.
Conclusion
As I suggest, the Choros series is a musical synthesis of the Brazilian realities in the 1920s.
Two elements had special importance in the formation of Villa-Loboss musical language
at that time: his knowledge of Brazilian local musical idioms and his assimilation of modern
compositional techniques. Through the analysis of Choros no. 3, I demonstrated that Villa-
Lobos synthesized local Indian elements and European musical techniques together to
elaborate the nationalistic musical language of this piece. Along with the rest of the Choros
series, Choros no. 3 not only resulted from Villa-Loboss own philosophical and musical
pursuits, but also received a major intellectual boost from modernists philosophies. Indeed,
in Choros no. 3 (as in rest of the series) Villa-Lobos fulfilled several principles of modernists
philosophies that were epitomized in Oswald de Andrades Anthropophagic Manifesto,
such as the assimilation of the foreign to portray the national (almost in a cannibalistic
way), which guaranteed the exportation and success of his Choros in Paris. Thus, despite
Frenchs exoticization of these pieces, this article demonstrated that Choros fulfilled the
principles of Brazilian modernist philosophies, and should be understood not as opportunism
but as Villa-Loboss contribution to the foremost Brazilian artistic pursuits of his time. This
endeavor reflected the major intellectual dilemma of post-colonial Brazilian society: the
search for the Brazilian character. The artistic effervescence in Europe certainly provided
Villa-Lobos with the right environment to become the composer he was aiming to be, and
if Europeans were receptive to the type of music that Villa-Lobos composed, it was certainly
an advantage that he used in his favor. But to say that he exaggerated brasilidade simply
because he wanted to fulfill Parisians expectations and become popular is a mistake that
discredits his preoccupations with conveying the ideals of Brazilian modernistic nationalism
in his music.
Along with other pieces, Villa-Loboss Choros fulfilled an important role within Brazilian
culture, fostering national culture within Brazil, and representing brasilidade overseas as a
symbol of Brazilian artistic independence. An in-depth study of his compositions from the
1930s, 1940s, and 1950s in relation to the social context in which they were produced could
help to better comprehend how the breed of Villa-Loboss nationalism evolved throughout
his life due to different social, political, and cultural environments in which he lived. This
task still needs to be thoroughly pursued.
242
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244
About the Author

Gabriel Augusto Ferraz
Brazilian musician Gabriel Ferraz is a PhD Candidate in Historical Musicology and Teaching
Assistant in Music History at the University of Florida. He pursued a Masters Degree in
Piano Performance at Miami University (OH) and a Masters Degree in Musicology at the
University of So Paulo, Brazil. His ongoing PhD dissertation investigates the mechanisms
in which the program of music education implemented by Heitor Villa-Lobos in Brazil
contributed to the dissemination of the nationalistic ideologies of Getlio Vargass regime
from 1932 to 1945. In his interdisciplinary research Mr. Ferraz draws upon Benedict Ander-
sons concept of imagined communities, and Thomas Turinos concept of indexicality,
demonstrating that Villa-Lobos actively participated in forming a community of children
that imagined itself united through shared nationalistic and patriotic values indexed in
their minds through musical practices in schools. This research will be imperative to the
understanding of this neglected aspect of Villa-Loboss career as well as it will enlighten
several elements of the interactions between music and politics. Mr. Ferraz presented papers
in several conferences in the USA such as the 2011 American Musicological Society National
Meeting and the 2009 American Musicological Society Southern Chapter Meeting, as well
as in Italy, Brazil, France, and Portugal. He was awarded the 2010 University of Florida
Outstanding International Student Award and, more recently, won the 2011 Otto Mayer-
Serra Award for Music Research for the Best Unpublished Article of Latin American Music
with his article Heitor Villa-Lobos e Getlio Vargas: Doutrinando Crianas por Meio da
Educao Musical. This award was sponsored by the University of California Riverside
and the Center for Iberian and Latin American Music and carried a cash prize and a public-
ation in the Latin American Music Review. As a pianist, Mr. Ferraz has performed in Brazil
and the USA and has worked extensively as a collaborator with instrumentalists and singers.
245
Editor
Bill Cope, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA
Editorial Advisory Board

Caroline Archer, UK Type, Birmingham, UK
Robyn Archer, Performer and Director, Paddington, Australia
Mark Bauerlein, National Endowment for the Arts, Washington, D.C., USA
Tressa Berman, California College of the Arts, San Francisco, USA;
UTS-Sydney, Australia
Judy Chicago, Artist and Author, New Mexico, USA
Nina Czegledy, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada;
Concordia University, Montreal, Canada
James Early, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA
Mehdi Faridzadeh, International Society for Iranian Culture (ISIC), New York, USA,
Tehran, Iran
Jennifer Herd, Queensland College of Art, Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia
Fred Ho, Composer and Writer, New York, USA
Andrew Jakubowicz, University of Technology, Sydney, Australia
Mary Kalantzis, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA
Gerald McMaster, Curator, Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, Canada
Mario Minichiello, Birmingham Institute of Art and Design, Birmingham, UK
Fred Myers, New York University, New York, USA
Darcy Nicholas, Porirua City Council, Porirua, New Zealand
Daniela Reimann, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology KIT, Institute of Vocational and
General Education, Karlsruhe, Germany; University of Art and Industrial Design,
Linz, Austria
Arthur Sabatini, Arizona State University, Phoenix, USA
Cima Sedigh, Sacred Heart University, Fairfield, USA
Peter Sellars, World Arts and Culture, University of California, Los Angeles, USA
Ella Shohat, New York University, New York, USA
Judy Spokes, Arts Victoria, South Melbourne, Australia
Tonel (Antonio Eligio Fernndez), Artist and Art Critic, Havana, Cuba
Marianne Wagner-Simon, World Art Organization, Berlin, Germany
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TTHHEE IINNTTEERRNNAT

Heitor Villa-lobos and Choros no. 3: Modernism,

Gabriel Augusto Ferraz

First published in 2012 in Champaign, Illinois, USA

2012 (individual papers), the author(s)

THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE ARTS IN SOCIETY is peer-reviewed,

Typeset in Common Ground Markup Language using CGPublisher multichannel

The International Journal of the Arts in Society

composers have cultivated the (anthropophagic) nationalistic aesthetics that Villa-Lobos

The compositional elements mentioned by Andrade, along with Villa-Loboss borrowings

1924 2 Flute, clarinet 18 Feb.1925, So Paulo 3

1925 3 Clarinet, bassoon, saxophone, 3 horns, 30 Nov.1925, So Paulo 6

1926 4 3 horns, trombone 24 Oct., 1927, Paris 6

1925 5 Solo piano 16 Oct.1940, New York 5

1926 6 Orchestra 18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro 26

1925 8 Orchestra, with 2 pianos 24 Oct. 1927, Paris 18

1929 9 Orchestra 15 July1942, Rio de Janeiro 23

1926 10 Orchestra and chorus 11 Nov. 1926, Rio de Janeiro 11

1928 11 Orchestra and solo piano 18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro 60

1929 12 Orchestra 21 Oct. 1945, Boston 35

1929 13 2 orchestras and band (lost)

1928 14 Orchestra, band and chorus (?) (lost)

Nationalism vs. Exoticism: A Matter of Perspective

Villa-Lobos and the International Nationalistic Trend

Most nineteenth century composers tried to effect a compromise between cosmopolitan

Villa-lobos and the Brazilian Nationalistic Ideology

Brazilian Modernists Anthropophagic Philosophy

Choros no. 3: Musical Anthropophagy

Figure 2: Glissandi on zzzizzz

Figure 4 : Final passage of Choros no. 3

About the Author

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