Hiring As Cultural Matching: The Case of Elite Professional Service Firms

463213
3213American Sociological ReviewRivera

2012
ASRXXX10.1177/000312241246
American Sociological Review
Hiring as Cultural Matching: 77(6) 9991022

American Sociological
Association 2012
The Case of Elite Professional DOI: 10.1177/0003122412463213
http://asr.sagepub.com
Service Firms
Lauren A. Riveraa
Abstract
This article presents culture as a vehicle of labor market sorting. Providing a case study of hiring
in elite professional service firms, I investigate the often suggested but heretofore empirically
unexamined hypothesis that cultural similarities between employers and job candidates
matter for employers hiring decisions. Drawing from 120 interviews with employers as well
as participant observation of a hiring committee, I argue that hiring is more than just a process
of skills sorting; it is also a process of cultural matching between candidates, evaluators, and
firms. Employers sought candidates who were not only competent but also culturally similar to
themselves in terms of leisure pursuits, experiences, and self-presentation styles. Concerns about
shared culture were highly salient to employers and often outweighed concerns about absolute
productivity. I unpack the interpersonal processes through which cultural similarities affected
candidate evaluation in elite firms and provide the first empirical demonstration that shared
cultureparticularly in the form of lifestyle markersmatters for employer hiring. I conclude by
discussing the implications for scholarship on culture, inequality, and labor markets.
Keywords
cultural capital, culture, hiring, homophily, inequality, interpersonal evaluation, labor markets
Over the past 40 years, there has been consid- Ultimately . . . both attaining an occupa-
erable debate about the role that culture plays tional status and securing an income are con-
in labor market stratification. On the one tingent on a hiring transaction. Although
hand, status attainment and labor market scholars often hypothesize that cultural simi-
scholars have portrayed culture as peripheral larities between employers and job candidates
to occupational sorting (Blau and Duncan matter for employers decisions (Lamont
1967; Tilly and Tilly 1998). On the other 1992), systematic empirical research on the
hand, cultural sociologists contend that cul- role of culture in hiring is virtually nonexist-
ture is an important basis on which valued ent (Huffcutt 2011; Stainback, Tomaskovic-
material and symbolic rewardsincluding Devey, and Skaggs 2010).
access to desirable jobs and occupationsare
distributed (Lareau and Weininger 2003). a
Northwestern University
Yet, little empirical scholarship investi-
Corresponding Author:
gates the role that culture plays in occupa-
Lauren A. Rivera, Northwestern University,
tional attainment. One of the most crucial Management & Organizations Department,
moments in labor market stratification is the 2001 Sheridan Road, Evanston, IL 60208
decision to hire. As Bills (2003:442) notes, E-mail: l-rivera@kellogg.northwestern.edu
Downloaded from asr.sagepub.com by Pro Quest on December 28, 2012

1000 American Sociological Review 77(6)
Providing a case study of elite professional remains incomplete. Even after accounting
service firms, I investigate the often sug- for measures of applicants human capital,
gested but previously untested hypothesis that social capital, and demographic traits, models
cultural similaritiesdefined here as shared of employer hiring still exhibit significant
tastes, experiences, leisure pursuits, and self- unexplained variance. Consequently, much of
presentation styles (Bourdieu 1984)between what drives employer decision-making is still
employers and job candidates matter for a mystery to scholars (Heckman and Siegel-
employers hiring decisions. I find that hiring man 1993).
is more than just a process of skills sorting; it I argue that much of this gap can be attrib-
is also a process of cultural matching between uted to methodological and data limitations.
candidates, evaluators, and firms. Employers The bulk of sociological research on hiring
sought candidates who were not only compe- uses quantitative data on either (1) individu-
tent but also culturally similar to themselves. als who enter an organization or (2) pre-hire/
Concerns about shared culture were highly post-hire comparisons that are unable to
salient to employers and often outweighed explore how hiring decisions are actually
concerns about productivity alone. I intro- made (Fernandez and Weinberg 1997). Addi-
duce three interpersonal processes through tionally, research is often constrained to eas-
which cultural similarities affected candidate ily observable individual-, organizational-, or
evaluation and provide the first empirical industry-level information derived from
demonstration that shared cultureparticu- employment records or public data. However,
larly in the form of lifestyle markersmat- to fully understand how employers hire, it is
ters for employer hiring. necessary to study the process of decision-
making itself, analyzing how employers eval-
uate, compare, and select new hires. Doing so
How Employers Hire can reveal more subtle factors that contribute
Hiring is a powerful way in which employers to employers decisions and can illuminate
shape labor market outcomes. Hiring practices new mechanisms (Gross 2009) that produce
are gatekeeping mechanisms that facilitate hiring outcomes.
career opportunities for some groups, while
blocking entry for others. As an entry point to
occupations and income brackets, hiring is a Bringing Culture Back In
critical site of economic stratification and When studying employer hiring, scholars
social closure (Elliot and Smith 2004). typically analyze individual, organizational,
Sociologists typically depict employer hir- or institutional factors (Pager and Shepherd
ing as a matching process between organiza- 2008). However, hiring involves more than
tional characteristics, job demands, and just candidates, companies, and contexts; it is
applicants skills (Tilly and Tilly 1998). also a fundamentally interpersonal process.
Although too voluminous to review here (and Job interviews are crucial components of hir-
excellently summarized elsewhere), research- ing in many industries; subjective impres-
ers commonly portray employers hiring decisions of candidates that employers develop
sions as stemming from estimates of through interviews are strong drivers of hir-
candidates human capital (i.e., hard and soft ing decisions, often carrying more weight
skills), social capital (i.e., social connections), than candidates rsum qualifications
and demographic characteristics; residual (Graves and Powell 1995). Still, sociologists
variance is typically attributed to a combina- typically analyze pre- or post-interview
tion of discrimination and error (for a review, aspects of hiring. In light of this, several
see Pager and Shepherd 2008). However, scholars have called for more attention to the
despite a surge of research on employers over interpersonal dimensions of hiring (Roscigno
the past 30 years, our knowledge of hiring 2007; Stainback et al. 2010).

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The literature on interpersonal dynamics Lamont (2009) found that scholars were more
shows that similarity is one of the most power- likely to recommend proposals for prestigious
ful drivers of attraction and evaluation in academic fellowships that were topically simi-
micro-social settings (Byrne 1971), including lar to their own research interests. Such patterns
job interviews (Huffcutt 2011). Although hir- have implications not only for immediate
ing research has examined similarities in sex access to material and social rewards but also
and race, similarities in tastes, experiences, for longer term educational, economic, and
leisure pursuits, and self-presentation styles social trajectories (DiMaggio and Mohr 1985).
also serve as potent sources of interpersonal Although plentiful, research on culture and
attraction and stratification (Lareau and Wein- stratification disproportionately focuses on
inger 2003; Wimmer and Lewis 2010). Seek- investigating shared culture in educational set-
ing out commonalities in knowledge, tings (for a review, see Stevens, Armstrong,
experience, and interests is typically the first and Arum 2008). Missing in this literature is
thing two people do upon meeting (Gigone and an examination of whether shared culture mat-
Hastie 1993). Discovering such similarities ters after graduation, when students with simi-
serves as a powerful emotional glue that facili- lar credentials compete for jobs in the labor
tates trust and comfort, generates feelings of market. Employer hiring is a particularly clear
excitement, and bonds individuals together example of the stratifying power of shared
(Collins 2004; DiMaggio 1987; Erickson culture. We can see whether students cash in
1996). In fact, the original articulations of the displays of cultural signals for monetary
similarity-attraction hypothesis in psychology rewards in the form of desirable jobs and sala-
(Byrne 1971) and the homophily principle in ries; that is, whether cultural similarity has an
sociology (Lazarsfeld and Merton 1954) pos- economic conversion value (Bourdieu 1986)
ited that cultural similarities yield attraction. in job markets, a proposition often hypothe-
However, cultural similarities are more sized but not yet analyzed empirically (Bills
than just sources of liking; they are also fun- 2003). Given that qualities we use to evaluate
damental bases on which we evaluate merit others are context specific (Lamont 1992), one
(DiMaggio 1987; Lamont and Molnar 2002). cannot assume that shared culture works iden-
Early scholars, including Weber (1958) and tically in the classroom as in the interview
Veblen (1899), argued that similarities in lei- room; both warrant empirical attention.
sure pursuits, experiences, self-presentation, Just as cultural sociologists have not yet
and other lifestyle markers serve as badges systematically studied hiring, hiring scholars
of group membership and bases of inclusion have under-theorized culture. The majority of
or exclusion from desirable social opportuni- sociological research on hiring focuses on
ties. In fact, Weber suggested that lifestyle how employers estimate applicants hard skills
markers are fundamental bases of status group and, in particular, cognitive skills; studies that
reproduction and social closure. look at noncognitive traits most frequently
Indeed, consciously or not, gatekeepers may examine those hypothesized to directly affect
use cultural similarities when evaluating others productivity, such as soft skills (Farkas 2003).1
and distributing valued rewards. For example, Applicants displays of cultural signals and
in a classic study of interviews between college lifestyle markers are typically classified as
counselors and community college students, nonproductive and thus have received mini-
Erickson and Schultz (1981) found that estab- mal empirical attention (Tilly and Tilly 1998).
lishing similarity was critical for whether a Although hiring studies often recognize that
counselor believed a student had potential for similarity is an important driver of candidate
future success and delivered a positive recom- selection, research focuses almost exclusively on
mendation. Co-membership could occur on analyzing similarities in sex or race (Elliot and
various lines, but similarities in experience and Smith 2004; Gorman 2005). Part of this focus
culture were most crucial. More recently, may be due to data limitationsinformation

about underlying tastes and experiences can be 2008), such as in job interviews. In fact, per-
difficult to obtain, let alone quantify (Stevens ceived similarity is thought to be more impor-
2008). Additionally, scholars often portray tant than actual similarity in the decision to hire
demographic similarities as proxies for shared (Graves and Powell 1995). A critical source of
culture. Although culture and structure are mutu- perceived similarity is shared culture (Lamont
ally reinforcing (Sewell 1992), and structural and Molnar 2002).
position, including sex and race, strongly influ- Nevertheless, sociological research on hir-
ences the content of ones cultural toolkit ing typically sidelines shared culture as a
(Swidler 1986), considerable variation in values, basis of employers decisions. Indeed, there
experience, and behavior exists within demo- are whispers of cultural similarity in the hir-
graphic groups (Lamont and Small 2008). Con- ing literature. A small number of qualitative
sequently, it is necessary to consider not only case studiesperhaps most notably Necker-
similarities in demography but also similarities man and Kirschenmans (1991) study of
in culture and experience between employers urban employershypothesize that shared
and prospective employees (Turco 2010; Wilson culture between employers and applicants
1997). may shape employers decisions.4 DiMaggio
Finally, some hiring research assumes that (1992:127) even goes so far as to call organi-
sex and race similarities trump all other com- zational recruitment a cultural matching
monalities. Although similarities in sex and process. Despite the fact that shared culture
race are powerful sources of interpersonal between superiors and subordinates is salient
attraction and evaluation, over the past 25 for inclusion and exclusion once on the job
years psychologists have confirmed Tajfel (Erickson 1996; Roth 2006; Turco 2010),
and Turners (1986) hypothesis that in-group cultural factors are typically bracketed as
and out-group preferences are variable; a nonproductive or unobservable in hiring stud-
robust literature reveals important moderators ies and are excluded from analysis (Pager,
of demographic in-group preference (see Ely Western, and Bonikowski 2009).
1995). In hiring, studies of sex and race simi- To the best of my knowledge, this article
larities between employers and applicants presents the first systematic, empirical investi-
show inconsistent effects, ranging from posi- gation of whether shared culture between
tive to negative to nil (Huffcutt 2011). employers and job candidates matters in hiring.
In light of this, scholars have called for Through a case study of elite professional ser-
research analyzing how similarities other than vice firms, I seek to (1) extend sociological
sex and race influence labor market sorting research on culture and stratification beyond
(Castilla 2011).2 As noted earlier, one particu- educational settings to the domain of labor mar-
larly powerful source of interpersonal attraction kets, and (2) observe what hiring scholars have
and evaluation is shared culture. Although typically considered unobservable. My goal is
important in many settings, cultural similarities not to develop an alternative theory of hiring
are likely to be especially important in hiring. cultural similarities certainly work in conjunc-
Psychologists have shown that perceived simi- tion with human capital, social capital, and
larity helps moderate the effect of actual simi- discriminationbut rather to illuminate one
larity on attraction. The subjective belief that important but understudied dimension of hiring,
another is similar to the self on one or more with the aim of more accurately modeling real-
dimensions that the individual values in a par- ity from the perspective of employers.
ticular context is crucial for understanding pat-
terns of interpersonal attraction (Tajfel and
Turner 1986).3 Subjective impressions of simi- Case Selection
larity are particularly consequential in one-on- Wall Street versus Main Street
one settings where interactions are personalized,
enduring, and based on more information than I analyze hiring in elite professional service
what is visible (Montoya, Horton, and Kirchner firms.5 Although a focus on elite employers

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constrains generalizability, it also offers distinct Table 1. Typical Entry-Level Compensation

theoretical advantages. First, the majority of by Field and Degree
hiring studies focus on low-wage or low-skill
First Year
labor markets. Such analyses are very impor- Total Annual
tant, but inequality is driven by privilege as Compensationa
well as disadvantage. To fully understand how
Law Firm
employers contribute to economic stratifica-
JD $175330Kb
tion, it is also necessary to understand entry to
Investment Bank
highly paid and prestigious job tracks. BA $70150K
Analyzing access to elite jobs is particularly MBA/JD/PhD $150350K
important given that the top 10 percent of Consulting Firm
income earners has disproportionately driven BA $70100K
economic inequality in the United States in MBA/JD/PhD $135200K
recent decades (Saez 2008). Because hiring
Sources: Management Consulted (2012); National
practices tend to be labor-market specific (Bills Association of Legal Professionals (2011); Wall
2003), they may differ between Wall Street and Street Oasis (2012)
a
Main Street; both warrant empirical attention. Starting salaries are standardized by firm and
do not vary by a candidates alma mater, grades,
Second, elite professional service firms are
or prior work experience. These figures include
a fertile ground for analyzing cultural simi- base salary, annual performance bonus, and
larities in hiring. Entry-level professional signing bonuses; they exclude relocation expense
positions typically require a prestigious uni- bonuses, which vary by firm.
b
Only one law firm matches employees base
versity credential, and these employers solicit salary in bonus; most firms are closer to the
the majority of applications directly through lower end of this range.
university career centers rather than through
informal networks. Applicant pools are thus
pre-screened, minimizing many traditional and management consulting firms. These
structural and status differences between firms share important similarities.
applicants. Studying this labor market thus
provides unique opportunities to analyze cul- Rewards. Jobs in these firms hold unparal-
tural similarities between job applicants and leled economic rewards for young employees.
evaluators in the absence of stark differences Joining one of these firms catapults recent grad-
in applicants human or social capital. uates into the top 10 percent of household
Third, elite employers are a particularly fruit- incomes in the United States (see Table 1). These
ful case for examining cultural similarities in salaries are double to quadruple amounts earned
hiring. Cultural qualities tend to be more salient by graduates from the same universities entering
in settings where differences in quality are mini- other jobs in the same year (Guren and Sherman
mized (Lamont 2009) and among elites (Lamont 2008; Zimmerman 2009). Additionally, because
1992). Thus, even if focusing on elite employers jobs early in the life course play a critical role in
is less generalizable, it allows for analysis of shaping future economic and occupational tra-
culture under the microscope. Although a focus jectories (Blau and Duncan 1967), and doing
on elites may magnify the relative importance of time within these firms is increasingly required
cultural similarities in hiring, it can also reveal for senior positions within the government and
important insights about the role of shared cul- nonprofit sectors as well as other corporations
ture in hiring at a level of granularity that may be (Kalfayan 2009), these jobs can be thought of as
inaccessible in other settings. contemporary gateways to the U.S. economic
elite. Consequently, the stakes for applicants are
high.
Elite Professional Service Firms
I analyze hiring for entry-level professional Work. Entry-level professionals execute a
positions in elite investment banks, law firms, combination of research, teamwork, and client

interaction; analytic and interpersonal skills are and consulting firms; and newly minted JDs
key job requirements. Across firm type, profes- increasingly seek employment in banks and
sionals work with similar (if not the exact same) consulting firms (Leonhardt 2011; Rimer
clients, usually large corporations. Profession- 2008).
als face tight deadlines and highly demanding Despite these similarities, these firms also
work schedules (65+ hours per week). display differences, enabling consideration of
sources of variation in hiring evaluations.
Recruitment. Firms hire the bulk of new
professional employees through annual, on- Work. Although work in all settings entails
campus recruitment programs operated with similar skills, new consultants generally have
career-services offices at elite universities. the greatest amount of teamwork and client
Firms seek to create an incoming class of new contact; new lawyers have the least. Addition-
hires that enter the firm as a group and undergo ally, consulting and investment banking entail
intensive on-the-job training and professional more quantitative analysis than does law.
socialization together. Firms identify a set of Such differences can illuminate links between
universitiestypically through national pres- job requirements and the role of cultural simi-
tige rankingswhere they accept rsums and larity in hiring.
interview candidates. At these campuses, any
student may apply. Competition is largely Interview format. Law firm interviews
closed to students who do not attend prestigious focus exclusively on testing candidates inter-
schools (Rivera 2011). After an initial rsum personal skills through informal conversation.
screen,6 usually based on a grade floor and Banks follow a similar format but also test
extracurriculars, firms choose a subgroup of candidates basic familiarity with financial
applicants for first-round interviews where principles. Although such probes are typically
applicants meet with one or two employees for rudimentary (e.g., What is NASDAQ?
20 to 45 minutes. Firms typically interview How do you value a company?), they incor-
dozens of candidates from a single school back- porate a basic level of job-relevant knowledge
to-back in a campus career center or nearby into interviews. Consulting firms employ the
hotel. It is crucial to note that candidates are most technical evaluations, consisting of a
interviewed by revenue-generating profession- brief conversational interview, similar to those
als (rather than human resources [HR] in banks and law firms, followed by a 20- to
representatives) who have undergone minimal 30-minute case in which interviewers describe
training in interviewing and could potentially a hypothetical business problem and ask appli-
work closely with candidates hired. Applicants cants to talk about how they might solve it.
who receive favorable evaluations in first- Such variation enables analysis of whether
round interviews participate in a final round of there are links between interview formats and
three to six back-to-back interviews either on the role of cultural similarity in hiring.
campus or in the firms office. Recruiting com-
mittees typically weigh interviews more heavily
than rsums in final offer decisions. Methods
To investigate the role of cultural similarity in
Candidates. These firms attract similar hiring, I conducted interviews and participant
applicant pools. The majority of students at observation. Because this article focuses on the
top-tier undergraduate and professional evaluation process and evaluators subjective
schools apply for these jobs.7 Elite undergrad- impressions of candidates, I draw heavily from
uates frequently debate between entering the interviewswhich are particularly suited
banking, consulting, or law school upon grad- to the study of subjective interpretations and
uation; business school and law school social processes (Yin 2003)but use field-
students often apply simultaneously to banks work to supplement participants narratives.

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Interviews Participant Observation
From 2006 to 2008, I conducted 120 inter- Over nine months in 2006 and 2007, I con-
views with professionals involved in under- ducted fieldwork within the recruiting depart-
graduate and graduate hiring in top-tier firms8 ment of one elite professional service firm,
(40 per industry). Participants included hiring which I refer to by the pseudonym Holt
partners, managing directors, mid-level Halliday, or simply Holt. My role was that of a
employees who conduct interviews and screen participant observer. Given my prior profes-
rsums, and HR managers. I recruited par- sional experience, I was brought on through a
ticipants through stratified sampling from personal connection as an unpaid recruiting
public directories of recruiting contacts, uni- intern to help execute recruitment events. In
versity alumni directories, and multi-sited exchange, Holt granted me permission to
referral chains (see Part I, section C, in the observe its recruitment process for research
online supplement [http://asr.sagepub.com/ purposes. During these months, I shadowed
supplemental]). Because elite populations are evaluators through full-time and summer asso-
often difficult to access, referrals and my uni- ciate recruitment from an elite professional
versity and prior corporate affiliations were school. Due to institutional review board (IRB)
helpful in gaining consent and building rap- restrictions and Holts request, I was unable to
port with participants. Interviews lasted 40 to sit in on interviews. However, I attended
90 minutes, took place at the time and location recruitment events, interacted with candidates,
of participants choosing, and were tape- debriefed evaluators about candidates after
recorded and transcribed word-for-word when interviews, and sat in on group deliberations
participants consented. Following Lamonts where candidates were discussed and ulti-
(2009) protocol for probing evaluative crite- mately selected.9 In addition to informing my
ria, I asked evaluators specific questions about interview protocol, such observation enabled
the qualities they looked for and about recent examination of candidate selection in action
interviewees. Additionally, I asked evaluators and could reveal patterns outside the aware-
who screened rsums to verbally evaluate a ness of evaluators. Although I did not observe
set of mock candidate rsums. I constructed interviews directly, witnessing how employers
rsums that were somewhat standard for discussed candidates and ultimately made
these firmsall had attended selective univer- decisions behind closed doors provided crucial
sities, met firms grade floor, and were insights into the hiring process. How we inter-
involved in extracurriculars. The mock candi- pret events plays a critical role in orienting
dates, however, varied by sex, ethnicity, edu- action (Turner and Stets 2006). Similarly,
cational prestige, GPA, prior employer, and evaluators record subjective impressionsnot
extracurriculars (see Part V in the online sup- objective detailsof interactions on written
plement). Because more than one characteris- interview reports and use these narratives to
tic varied between rsums, profiles were not argue for or against candidates in hiring com-
intended to be an experimental manipulation mittee deliberations. These subjective impres-
but rather a launching point for discussion to sions are the most important determinant of
illuminate processes of evaluation in real time. interview evaluations (Graves and Powell
Qualitative research is a social endeavor, 1995). Although I observed only one firm,
so it is possible that my identity influenced these data represent a starting point for under-
the tone of interviews. I am an Ivy League- standing basic features of the hiring process.
educated female from a mixed ethno-religious
background, which may have primed respond-
Data Analysis
ents to emphasize high-status cultural prac-
tices (which they did) and favor diversity I developed coding categories inductively and
(which they did not). refined them in tandem with data analysis

100%
N = 117
Percent of Interviewees Who Used

N = 107
80%
Each Process in Evaluation

N = 94
60%
40%
20%
0%
Organization Driven Cognitively Driven Affectively Driven
Types of Processes
Figure 1. Relative Prevalence of the Processes through Which Cultural Similarities Affected
Candidate Evaluation (N = 120)
Note: The graph refers to the percent of participants who spontaneously used cultural similarity in a
particular way when evaluating any candidate (i.e., recently interviewed, ideal, or mock profile) in
research interviews.
(Charmaz 2001). In primary coding rounds, I similarity was the most common mechanism
coded mentions of any criteria or process employers used to assess applicants at the job
participants used to evaluate candidates in my interview stage.10 Similarities in extracurricu-
interview transcripts and field notes. I did not lar/leisure pursuits, experiences, and self-
set out to analyze cultural similarities. In fact, presentation styles were most commonly
I originally intended to study gender in hiring. used. I argue that cultural similarities affected
However, after noticing the high frequency candidate evaluation through three processes:
with which employers used similarity as a (1) organizational processes encouraging
basis of evaluation, I developed secondary selection on cultural fit; (2) cognitive pro-
codes to capture the role of similarity in hir- cesses, whereby similarities contributed to
ing, specifically codes referring to (1) types greater understanding and valuation of candi-
of similarities employers used in evaluation, dates qualifications; and (3) affective pro-
(2) meanings employers attributed to particu- cesses, whereby similarities generated
lar similarities, and (3) how employers used excitement and increased the likelihood that
similarities in evaluation. I followed a similar evaluators would fight for candidates in delib-
procedure to code instances when similarities erations. As illustrated in Figure 1, organiza-
(or a lack thereof ) inhibited evaluation. Next, tional processes were most prevalent.
I compared evaluators biographic and demo-
graphic information obtained in conversa-
tions with their discussions of the relative Organizational
importance of particular qualities for points Processes: Fitting In As
of concordance and discordance. Finally, I Formal Criterion
quantified and compared code frequencies
using the data analysis software ATLAS.ti. In these firms, cultural similarity is a formal
evaluative criterion structured into candidate
screening and selection. Law firm partner
Hiring As Cultural Omar11 (black, male) explained, In our new
Matching associates, we are first and foremost looking
Cultural similarities were highly salient to for cultural compatibility. Someone who . . .
employers in hiring. Perhaps surprisingly, will fit in. This notion of cultural fit,12 or

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perceived similarity to a firms existing skills required in client-facing professions,

employee base in leisure pursuits, background, which they grouped into the separate category
and self-presentation, was a key driver of of polish or presence. Consultant Eugene
evaluation across firms. Evaluators described (Asian American, male) fleshed out the dis-
fit as being one of the three most important tinction between fit and client skills:
criteria they used to assess candidates in job
interviews; more than half reported it was the When you are judging someone [to see] if
most important criterion at the job interview you want to put him in front of a client, the
stage, rating fit over analytical thinking and question is do they conduct themselves pro-
communication.13 Although this number may fessionally. . . . You need someone who
seem high, firms mandated that evaluators speaks in a way that earns your trust, who
assess candidates fit along with a variety of presents their opinion respectfully but also
technical and communication skills in rsum convincingly. . . . But in terms of fit, its
screens and first- and second-round job inter- someone that we want on our case team. . . .
views. Consequently, even evaluators who You want someone that makes you feel
werent personally fond of fit, like consultant comfortable, that you enjoy hanging out
Priya (Indian, female), frequently reported with, can maintain a cool head when times
using it in assessment. Priya explained, I are tough and make tough times kind of fun.
dont think [fit] should be [a consideration] at
all, it seems to me a very [shakes her head] Moreover, unlike fit, evaluators believed cli-
American thing. But its what [firms] want, so ent skills could be taught or coached.
its what you do. Why did evaluators and firms prioritize
Management scholars have discussed the cultural fit? When explaining the importance
benefits of hiring based on matches between of fit to me, evaluators cited the time-inten-
candidates skills and those required by jobs sive nature of their work. With the long hours
(Cable and Judge 1997). Additionally, follow- spent in the office or on the road, they saw
ing the cultural turn in management, many having culturally similar colleagues as mak-
employers use organizational culture as a way ing rigorous work weeks more enjoyable,
of motivating employees. Strong cultures are although not necessarily more productive or
often seen as enhancing organizations pro- successful. Law firm partner Vivian (white,
ductivity, profitability, and creativity (Barley female) explained, When I hire an associate,
and Kunda 1992). Consequently, some schol- what I want to know is, is this person some-
ars advocate selecting new hires based on fit one I could be sitting across the table from at
between an organizations culturedefined 2 a.m. when trying to get a brief done?
as the shared values that delineate appropriate Because of hefty time commitments, co-
workplace behaviorand applicants stable workers often by default became an employ-
personality traits (e.g., extroversion versus ees primary social network. Consequently,
introversion) and work values (e.g., a prefer- evaluators at all levels of seniority reported
ence for independent versus collaborative wanting to hire individuals who would not
work).14 Such matches can enhance employee only be competent colleagues but also held
satisfaction, performance, and retention the potential to be playmates or even friends.
(Chatman 1991). Consultant Lance (Asian American, male)
However, the notion of fit evaluators in described this position:
this study used differs from this conception
because here it typically referred to individu- It seems like were always at work. We work
als play styleshow applicants preferred to nights; we work weekends; we are pretty
conduct themselves outside the officerather much in the office or traveling. Its way
than their work styles. Moreover, evaluators more fun if the people around you are your
distinguished fit from the communication friends. So, when Im interviewing, I look

for people . . . Id want to get to know and intellectually stimulating work, or, in the case
want to spend time with, even outside of of hedge funds and private equity firms,
work . . . people I can be buddies with. greater financial rewards. Firms thus try to
minimize attrition by using fit as a selection
Additionally, evaluators frequently per- tool. Culturally similar candidates were per-
ceived work in their firms as requiring only ceived as more likely to enjoy their jobs, be
minimal specialized skills; they commonly enjoyed by their co-workers, and stay longer.
described their work as not rocket science Banking director Mark (white, male) con-
and cited the extensive training given to new fessed, We try to hedge our bets. Through
hires as minimizing the importance of prior the recruiting process, we want to find those
technical knowledge for job success. There- people . . . who will fit in so that once they get
fore, once candidates passed an initial screen, here, they will not leave. In the face of high
most commonly based on educational pres- turnover, employers also saw creating a tight-
tige, fit was typically given more weight than knit workplace of like-minded people as a
grades, coursework, or work experience even selling point to keep attracting new appli-
in first-round interviews. Banker Nicholae cants. Annual recruitment presentations held
(white, male) explained his justification for on elite campuses to solicit applications
emphasizing fit: emphasized that new employees would not
just enter a prestigious, lucrative career track
A lot of this job is attitude, not aptitude . . . but also acquirein the words of a Holt man-
fit is really important. You know, you will aging partner in his address to a packed hotel
see more of your co-workers than your wife, ballroom during one presentation I observed
your kids, your friends, and even your a lifelong network of close friends.
family. So you can be the smartest guy ever,
but I dont care. I need to be comfortable
working everyday with you, then getting
Measuring Cultural Fit
stuck in an airport with you, and then going Employers strongly emphasized selecting
for a beer after. You need chemistry. Not candidates who were culturally similar to
only that the person is smart, but that you existing employees. But precisely how did
like him. they evaluate fit? In this section, I discuss the
two most common methods.
Consequently, evaluators saw selecting cul-
turally similar candidates as a way to increase
Cultural Similarity to Firm
their personal enjoyment at work.
Even so, recall that fit was not merely a A majority of evaluators described firms as
personalized criterion but also a formal one having not only particular organizational cul-
embedded in official recruitment policies. tures (e.g., interdependent versus indepen-
When asked to describe why fit was formally dent) but also distinct personalities, derived
structured into candidate evaluation, partici- from the typical extracurricular interests and
pants most often discussed the concept in self-presentation styles of their employees.
relation to retention. These firms experience They contrasted sporty and fratty firms
significant turnover. Most new hires will with those that were egghead or intellec-
leave within four years of being hired; a sig- tual. Some companies were white-shoe or
nificant proportion will leave after only two country club, while others were gruff or
years. This attrition is structured into the pro- scrappy. Evaluators who believed a com-
motion systems of many elite professional mon personality characterized employees in
service firms. Many employees opt-out, their firm frequently looked for candidates
though, seeking jobs in other firms or indus- who fit this image. Consulting partner Grace
tries that exhibit better work-life balance, more (white, female) said, We want people who fit

Rivera 1009
not only the way we do things but who we met her scrappy firms grade floor and rel-
are. Although HR managers emphasized that evant work experience (which is rare for law
achieving gender and racial heterogeneity students), based on perceived extracurricular
were recruiting priorities, and elite profes- misfit. In a noticeable regional accent, she
sional service firms devote significant said, Im looking at the interests [on his
resources to increasing the demographic rsum]lacrosse, squash, crew [laughs].
diversity of applicant pools (Rivera 2012), Im sort of giving him a personality type here,
HR managers believed that achieving a base- and I dont think hes going to fit in well here
line of cultural similarity represented a . . . were more rough and tumble. . . . Im
recruitment success. Law firm hiring man- going to let him go. Just as these sports were
ager Judy (white, female) boasted: seen as a deterrent to fit in her firm, these
same activities were seen as evidence of a
We have a weekend getaway for our new match in others. For example, white-shoe
summer associates their first week here. investment bank HR manager Kelly (white,
When one of our summers got back the next female), dressed in a buttoned, pastel cardi-
week, he said to me, Were all so different gan and pearls, asserted, Id have to pick
in our different ways but you can tell we Blake and Sarah. With his lacrosse and her
were all recruited to come to [FIRM] squash, theyd really get along . . . on the trad-
because we all have the same personalities. ing floor. There was even a firm for people
Its clear like were all the same kind of who lacked personality as defined by extra-
people. curricular pursuits. Monotone-sounding attor-
ney Paul (white, male) explained, We dont
In essence, firms sought surface-level (i.e., really like people here to have outside inter-
demographic) diversity in applicant pools but ests. Were kind of a boring firm in that way.
deep-level (i.e., cultural) homogeneity in new So, honestly, when I see people who have a
hires (Phillips, Northcraft, and Neale 2006).15 lot of activities on their rsum, or if they
Although firms already constrain appli- seem to have a really strong passion for
cants cultural characteristics by restricting something outside of work, Ill usually take a
on-campus recruiting to elite universities pass because its not going to be a good fit.
(Stevens 2007), evaluators further screened In addition to influencing rsum screens,
rsums based on the presence or absence of perceptions of fit via similarity to firm
similarities in extracurricular interests employees also affected interview evalua-
between applicants and firm employees. tions, as I observed first-hand at Holt. When
When applying to these firms via on-campus arguing against inviting a candidate (white,
recruiting, students must follow a standard- male) back for a second-round interview,
ized rsum format that lists not only educa- manager Hans (white, male) explained, He
tional and work experiences but also formal did well on the case and was very articulate.
and informal extracurricular pursuits. Hes a very interesting guy with a good story.
Whether someone rock climbs, plays the But I think hes too intellectual for [FIRM].
cello, or enjoys film noir may seem trivial to You know, he is very into 18th-century litera-
outsiders, but these leisure pursuits were cru- ture and avant-garde film. . . . [sighed ] I dont
cial for assessing whether someone was a think hed be a good fit. The candidate was
cultural fit. In the face of large volumes of not invited back. Interviewers also rejected
candidates with decent grades at prestigious candidates whom they perceived as more
schools, firms used such fine distinctions similar to the self-presentation style of other
(Stevens 2007) to screen rsums and com- firms. For example, to justify his decision for
pile interview pools.16 For example, legal rejecting one candidate (white, male), man-
hiring manager Mary (white, female) rejected ager Mayank (Indian American, male) said
mock candidate Blake, who had grades that matter-of-factly, Hes very gregarious . . .

kind of a frat boy . . . I think hes more of a interviewer. However, in line with research
[FIRM] person. Evaluators thus selected on the role of similarity in attraction (Byrne
candidates who fit the extracurriculars and 1971), finding common experiences stimu-
self-presentation styles typical of a firms lated the feelings of match and chemistry
employees. evaluators described as essential components
of fit in interviews. Attorney Denise (white,
female) explained, I really do think its about
Cultural Similarity to Self
finding . . . something in common with your
A second way evaluators assessed fit was by interviewer.
using the self as a proxy. The logic underlying Evaluators often assessed fit through ice-
this method of evaluating fit was that an breaking chitchat during the first minutes of
evaluator represented the firm and its person- interviews. They described beginning inter-
ality. If an applicant fit with the evaluator, then views by scanning rsums for shared experi-
the applicant would fit with other employees. ences to discuss. As attorney Jamie (white,
Attorney Carlos (Hispanic, male) explained, female) illustrated, they typically sought
You . . . use yourself to measure [fit] because extracurricular or extraprofessional similari-
thats all you have to go on. Whereas measur- ties: I usually try to start with something not
ing fit by the degree of similarity between related to law school. I take a quick look at
candidates lifestyle markers and firm person- their [extracurricular] activities to see whats
ality was more common in rsum screens, there. I usually try to pick something that I
using the self as proxy was more common in find interesting . . . that I can relate to or that
first- and second-round interviews. I know something about. Some interviewers,
Evaluators likened ascertaining fit in inter- like attorney Carlos, explicitly sought bio-
views to selecting romantic partners. Attor- graphic commonalities:
ney Beverley (white, female) explained, The
best way I could describe it is like if you were I usually start an interview by saying, Tell
on a date. You kind of know when theres a me about yourself. When I get asked that, I
match. In addition to intangible feelings of talk about where Im from, where I was
match, roughly four-fifths of evaluators raised, and then my background. A not-good
used a heuristic known as the airplane test, way to start is with law school. I want to
which HR often endorsed. Evaluators drew hear your life story. Hopefully theres some-
from a wide array of airports and flight inter- thing more interesting about your life than
ruption imagery in describing this test, but deciding to go to law school. . . . When they
investment banking director Max (white, tell me about their background, its easier to
male) expressed its essence: find things in common. . . . Maybe . . .
theyre from Seattle and Ive been to Seattle.
One of my main criteria is what I call the We can talk about that and develop a
stranded in the airport test. Would I want connection.
to be stuck in an airport in Minneapolis in a
snowstorm with them? And if Im on a busi- When the presence or absence of a one-on-
ness trip for two days and I have to have one match was unclear via informal conversa-
dinner with them, is it the kind of person I tion, some, like banker Oliver (white, male),
enjoy hanging with? And you also have to asked targeted probes:
have some basic criteria, skills and smarts or
whatever, but you know, but if they meet If I didnt get a good feel through the inter-
that test, its most important for me. view, Ill ask a bunch of broad-based
personal questions like, What do you like
Similarity was not always a prerequisite to do? And hopefully Im not getting the
for feelings of fit between an applicant and coined answer, Oh! I like to you know pick

Rivera 1011
80%
N = 30
Percent of Evaluators Who Cited Fit
70%
as Top Evaluative Criterion
60% N = 26
50%
40%
N = 16
30%
20%
10%
0%
Law Firms Investment Banks Consulting Firms
Interpersonal Skills Technical Skills
Figure 2. Percentage of Evaluators Who Ranked Fit as Their Most Important Criteria in Job
Interviews by Firm Type (N = 120)
Note: These numbers correspond to the percent of evaluators in each type of firm whoin research
interviewsranked fit as the most important criterion they use to assess applicants in job interviews.
Evaluators were asked to describe the specific criteria they use to assess candidates in interviews. I then
asked them to force-rank the criteria they had mentioned.
stocks or read finance books. For me, its least important in consulting, where work is
more like, Oh! You know, I like to scuba most interpersonally focused, and it was most
dive or hike. . . . Or Ill ask, Do you follow important in law, which has the least interper-
your schools basketball team? . . . Where sonal demands during the first years on the job.
did you grow up? Did you play any sports in Use of cultural fit is thus not purely an artifact
high school? Just things that try to get a of a jobs social demands.
feeling for somebody to see if you have a In line with research suggesting that struc-
connection. tured interview formats can reduce subjectiv-
ity in evaluation (Reskin and McBrier 2000),
To summarize, in interviews evaluators however, the importance of fit decreased with
typically selected candidates who fit their the inclusion of technical questions in inter-
own extracurricular and extraprofessional views. In consulting, using case-based busi-
experiences. ness questions provided evaluators with bases
to assess candidates other than cultural simi-
larity. Naveen (Indian, male) explained,
Who Put Fit First?
Even if someones a perfect fit, if they abso-
Although fit was highly salient across settings, lutely bombed the case, theyre out. How-
its relative weight in evaluation varied by firm ever, due to the widespread beliefsupported
type. Figure 2 compares percentages of evalua- by firms policiesthat the ideal worker
tors by firm type who, when asked to force-rank (Acker 1990; Turco 2010) is not only compe-
the criteria they use to evaluate candidates in tent but also culturally similar, case inter-
order of importance, ranked fit first. Interestingly, views reduced but did not eliminate the use of
the emphasis on fit did not increase with the cli- cultural fit in hiring; 40 percent of consultants
ent- or team-facing demands of the job; fit was still ranked fit first. Manager Kai (white,

male) described the tension between case just dont know how tough it is to get in to
performance and fit: Its like air versus those places and how hard it is to do well
water, you really need both. Once candidates there. Similar processes were at play for
demonstrated a baseline of competence, per- applicants with work experience outside
ceptions of fit rather than absolute case per- blue chip companies, which were most
formance routinely drove assessments. familiar to evaluators. Banker Aaron (white,
Manager Perry (white, male) recalled one male) explained:
instance: On the fit side, I wrote [on the
evaluation form] . . . Will quickly become From going through the recruiting process
everyones best friend. . . . Thats what I call myself and from my friends . . . I have a
a good fit. But quite frankly, his case perfor- blueprint in my head of what its like to
mance wasnt the best. But because his per- work at the major companiesnot only at a
sonality and presence were so strong, I bank but at a consulting firm or a Google.
forwarded him on [to second-round inter- You know, what the commitment is and
views]. Both interview format and concep- what the normal career progression is. . . .
tions of the ideal candidate therefore With a small firm that Ive never heard of,
influenced to what degree evaluators prior- its just harder to know. Did the person do
itized cultural similarity in evaluation. whats on their rsum? Were they at home
at 5 p.m. every day?
Cognitive Processes: Such sentiments support research suggesting

Looking-Glass Merit that people experience greater facility pro-
In addition to selection on cultural fit, cultural cessing persons and objects that conform to
similarities between interviewers and appli- familiar categories and penalize individuals
cants affected evaluation by facilitating who deviate from them (Zuckerman 1999).
greater comprehension and valuation of can- Yet, net of the quantity or quality of infor-
didates qualifications. Similarities in experi- mation evaluators had to assess candidates,
ence could result in informational advantages similarity tended to yield more positive per-
unavailable to evaluators with different back- ceptions of candidates abilities. Evaluators
grounds.17 Banker Jason (white, male) described used their personal experiences as frames
how experiential similarity could provide a through which they interpreted candidates
greater quantity and quality of data to assess intellectual, social, and moral worth. How-
candidates: ever, in contrast to prior sociological accounts
of identity in evaluationin which individu-
He was an ethics, politics, and economics als unconsciously gravitate toward people
major. Although Im sure other people similar to themselves (Lamont 2009)the use
would be like What the hell? and assume of similarity to the self was commonly active
its a cushy major and discount his GPA, and intentional. In the absence of concrete
because I went to Yale and had a lot of answers to interview questions and reliable
friends who did it, I know its actually one of predictors of future performance, assessors
the toughest and most competitive majors. purposefully used their own experiences as
models of merit, believing that because they
Jason rated the candidate highly and for- had been at least somewhat successful in their
warded him on to second-round interviews. careers, candidates who were experientially
Conversely, experiential dissimilarities could similar to them would have a higher likeli-
result in informational disadvantages. Con- hood of job success. Essentially, they con-
sultant and Ivy-grad Logan (white, male) structed merit in a manner that validated their
described difficulties he faced when evaluat- own strengths and experiences and perceived
ing students from non-Ivy League schools: I similar candidates as better applicants.

Rivera 1013
Employers own experiences influenced as well as the top of the class in any other
which qualities they emphasized or dis- law school.
counted. For example, evaluators who
received high grades in undergraduate or Evaluators experiences influenced not
graduate school discussed the importance of only which criteria they used to assess candi-
grades as selection devices; those who dates but also how they defined and measured
received less stellar marks tended to discount merit within a given domain. For example, all
them. In either case, evaluators believed firms instructed evaluators to ascertain candi-
experiences similar to their own were better dates drive or ambition, most commonly
experiences. Attorney Andrea (white, female) through leadership positions in extracurricular
explained why she, despite her firms official organizations. However, without clear stand-
grade policy, overlooks grades: ards for evaluating this abstract quality, evalu-
ators personal experiences colored what they
My first year grades were all over the place. counted as quality engagement outside of the
September 11 happened and I was burnt out classroom. For example, former college ath-
from undergrad; I just met my husband and letes typically prized participation in varsity
was hanging out with him all the time. So, sports above all other types of involvement.
school wasnt my top priority. But I have Consultant and former athlete Jake (white,
been a good lawyer. I know I am smart. So, male) illustrated such tendencies when select-
I think grades are really just there to confirm ing between mock candidate profiles:
my personality impression.
I know less, admittedly, about sort of being an
Such beliefs about the validity and reliabil- editor-in-chief or being a president of a club
ity of evaluative criteria, entrenched in than I do about athletics. So Im frankly not
employers own experiences, were particu- sure if these titles are as outstanding as the
larly meaningful for evaluations of candidates two athletes are. I dont think that they are,
who deviated from traditional firm standards. just from what I know about . . . what it takes
Candidates who might otherwise have been to be a Division I athlete and what it takes to
rejected could be given a chance or even an be a truly exceptional Division I athlete. You
edge in evaluation when paired with similar know I have some sort of notion of the kind of
evaluators who believed in the validity of time and commitment that takes. So, these
their experiences. For example, attorney leadership qualities are excellent but they are
Nicole (white, female) who was at the top of not as impressive to me as those two athletes.
her class at a less prestigious law school
described why she, unlike the vast majority of He ranked the two athletesSarah and
interviewers at her firm who came from elite Blakefirst and second, respectively, and
schools, does not disregard applicants who declined to interview the nonathletes who had
earn top grades at non-top-10 institutions: higher grades from more prestigious schools
and relevant work experience. Conversely,
The people that were the top of my class, we nonathletes were quick to highlight the value
came in the first day at school [and] we had of nonathletic leisure pursuits. Similarly, firms
to work our butts off; every single one of our sought candidates who demonstrated interest
exams was closed book, whereas at . . . in their firm, as interpreted by their inter-
NYU, all of their exams are open book . . . viewer. Evaluators often measured this subjec-
the curriculum is pretty much the same [as at tive quality by whether a candidates stated
NYU], the professors are pretty much the rationale for selecting a firm matched their
same . . . the exams are pretty much the own. Consultant Howard (Asian American,
same . . . I do think that the top of my class male) described a recent interviewee who
at New York Law School can compete just scored well on the criterion of interest: When

I asked about her interest in [FIRM], she pre- ability, as evaluators actively constructed and
sented answers that I would give, actually. She assessed merit in their own image. Banking
went through the same thought process that I recruiting head Stephanie (white, female) sum-
went through when I was choosing. marized, You are basically hiring yourself.
Evaluators used themselves as models of This is not an objective process.
merit not only when assessing soft skills and
intangibles but also when estimating hard
skills. For example, in consulting and bank- Affective Processes:
ing, evaluators who came from finance or Searching For A Spark
engineering reported preferring candidates Finally, cultural similarities affected hiring
with similar backgrounds because they evaluations through affective processes.
believed that such experience constituted People experience positive feelings when
superior preparation for the job. The converse interacting with others who validate their atti-
was true for evaluators outside these fields. tudes and identities (Turner and Stets 2006).
Consultant Karen (white, female) remarked: Banker Fernando (Hispanic, male) provided a
lay understanding of this phenomenon when
When were discussing candidates, theres he confessed, I just think human nature is one
almost always some quant guy who wants to that you tend to gravitate towards those people
ding any candidate who studied anything but that validate you the most. Although affec-
econ or math. But I came from a touchy, tive processes are difficult to study outside of
feely major and have done just fine. I even laboratory settings, I argue that similarities
think that having a broader background can produced affective benefits observable here:
help people understand clients better and be similarities could provide evaluators with
more creative and flexible. So, if I see youre feelings of excitement that provided advan-
a history major, it can actually be a plus. tages in evaluation. Banker Sandeep (Indian,
male) illustrated how shared experiences
Even in more structured consulting case could yield excitement prior to interviews
interviews, evaluators favored candidates who when evaluating mock candidate Sarah.
demonstrated a similar response style. Con- Scanning the rsum, his face lit up as he saw
sulting director Natalie (white, female) said: Sarahs extracurricular pursuits. She plays
squash. Anyone who plays squash I love, he
Im definitely an intuitive person, so I can said smiling, and immediately ranked her first.
generally . . . come up with the right answer Conversely, a lack of commonalities could
really fast. But it takes me personally longer foster feelings of apathy or aversion before an
to do the math behind it. Some people do the interview began. When evaluating the same
math like this [she snaps] and then cant rsum, consulting director Natalie, whose
figure out what the answer is. . . . I think you background was in public service, wrinkled
need both of those types of people in your her nose and said, I dont know. Im person-
firm. But I think the people who are inter- ally not interested in commodity sales.
viewing who have that awesome, super-fast [Shrugs] I just dont have that much to talk to
math ability want the math people in the her about. She declined to interview Sarah.
firm. And I think that people who have that Commonalities also provided sparks of
more intuitive approach want the intuitive excitement during interviews. Banker Arielle
people in the firm. People like the ones who (white, female) recalled her best recent inter-
are more like them. viewee: She and I both ran the New York
marathon . . . we talked about that and hit it off
Consequently, culturally similar applicants . . . we started talking about how we both love
not only benefited from heightened perceptions stalking celebrities in New York . . . we had
of fit but also more favorable perceptions of this instant connection. . . . I loved her.

Rivera 1015
Additionally, affective sparks could color generate passion, evaluators reported that cul-
perceptions of other evaluative criteria. Inter- tural similarity was one of the most potent.
viewers described feelings of excitement as a Banker Vishal (Indian, male), who felt that
critical component of the chemistry that was his own background and soft-spoken manner
a prerequisite for fit. Moreover, they often were atypical of employees in his firm, illus-
perceived the ability to immediately strike up trated this point:
an exciting, effortless conversation based on
shared interests as a proxy for client skills. Only once have I been passionate enough
Banker Christopher (white, male) explained: about a candidate to fight for him. He came
You just hit it off with them. And you feel across as someone who didnt have the usual
like they can hit it off with anybody. sort of confidence. . . . This guy was a bit
Feelings of excitement could color assess- shy but had a very strong drive to succeed. A
ments of hard skills. Psychologists have shown lot of people were looking for a frat boy, you
that individuals experiencing positive feelings know, preppy, East Coast, private school.
such as excitement overweight other peoples But Im definitely not that and so I support
strengths in evaluation and discount their people who dont fit the mold. . . . I loved
weaknesses. Conversely, individuals experi- him and I championed him.
encing negative feelings such as boredom or
disappointment exaggerate others weaknesses The candidate received the job offer. The
and discount their strengths. Moreover, people presence or absence of cultural similarities
use their feelings as measures of quality, could thus yield affective advantages in addi-
assuming that people who make them feel tion to organizational and cognitive evalua-
good are good (for a review, see Clore and tive boosts.
Storbeck 2006). Beyond such well-docu-
mented biases in decision-making, a handful of
interviewers admitted they would, on occa- Alternative Accounts
sion, consciously lower the technical bar for I have argued that cultural similarities
candidates with whom they had a great spark. between evaluators and applicants matter for
Banker Max said, You know, if Im really hit- employers hiring decisions. Nevertheless,
ting it off with them, I wont give them the one must consider whether attraction pro-
numbers because I dont want to see them duced by cultural similarities is simply a
flounder. I want to be able to go back and say, mask for sex or race homophily. There are
Things went well and pass them on. several reasons to believe this is not the case.
The stratifying power of affective boosts First, prior research demonstrates that con-
yielded by cultural similarity was most evi- trolling for the chance of being included in
dent in post-interview deliberations. Feelings applicant pools, sex or race matches between
of excitement compel individuals to action job candidates and evaluators do not consis-
(Collins 2004). In hiring, the level of excite- tently drive hiring evaluations; effects range
ment evaluators felt about candidates influ- from positive to negative to nil (Huffcutt
enced their willingness to advocate for them 2011). In the firms studied here, the majority
in group deliberations. Because of the large of interview dyads consisted of whites evalu-
number of interviewees, candidates needed to ating other whites and males evaluating other
have a championan evaluator who would males, yet cultural similarities were still
fight for them in deliberationsto receive a highly salient bases of evaluation within
job offer. When describing this role to me, same-sex and same-race dyads. Similarly,
participants frequently used the language of although the majority of interviewers at Holt
love; a candidate had to get them riled up, were white or male, women and minorities
passionate, or even smitten to champion were hired at higher rates than were white and
them. Although a number of qualities could male applicants (see Part III in the online

supplement). Second, perhaps because appli- (Rivera 2011). Rather, employers prioritized
cants were pre-screened for an elite university cultural similarity because they saw it as a
credential, sex, race, and experience were meaningful quality that fostered cohesion,
only loosely coupled in applicant pools. For signaled merit, and simply felt good. Although
example, at Holt, female professional school cultural similarities are more salient when
applicants were more likely than males to be gross differences in quality are minimized
competitive athletes or former investment (Lamont 2009)such as when employers
bankers; ethnic minorities were more likely create interview pools from rsums received,
than whites to have attended Ivy League narrow a candidate long-list to a short-list, or
schools as undergraduates. Consequently, in make final hiring decisionstheir use is not
this pool, selection on athletics was not tanta- an artifact of having no alternative screening
mount to exclusion of females, and shared mechanisms. Moreover, understanding how
alma maters were not codes for ethnic exclu- employers make fine distinctions between
sion. I am by no means suggesting that sex or candidates who pass a basic threshold of
racial discrimination or homophily do not qualifications is crucial for knowing who is
occur in these firms. Rather, to understand and is not ultimately hired into these organi-
labor market outcomes, it is necessary to con- zations and who receives the material and
sider not only similarities in sex and race symbolic resources these firms offer.
between employers and candidates but also
similarities in culture and experience.
One must also consider whether superior Limitations And Future
rsum qualifications rather than cultural sim- Research
ilarities are driving evaluations. However, as My intent was not to develop a universal
noted earlier, research shows that employers theory of hiring but rather to shed light on an
subjective impressions of candidates are most under-examined dimension of the hiring pro-
consequential for job interview evaluations; cess. Still, several scope conditions are neces-
these impressions do not neatly correspond to sary. First, evaluators do not choose their
applicants rsum qualifications or cognitive interviewees. We might see less emphasis on
skills (Graves and Powell 1995; Huffcutt cultural similarities when evaluators (1)
2011). Similarly, at Holt, rsum characteris- choose whom they interview, (2) have differ-
tics predicted neither interview evaluations ent structural opportunities to develop rela-
nor decisions to hire (Rivera 2009). tionships with candidates (see Roth 2006), or
Finally, one must consider whether (3) lack information about candidates other
employers use cultural similarities because than what is visible. Future research should
applicant pools are so pre-screened that they examine the degree to which gatekeepers use
have nothing left to differentiate candidates. cultural similarities after the point of hire in
Although they are a select group, graduating promotion and compensation decisions, an
classes at elite universitieslike other uni- endeavor not possible here. Other scholars
versitiesdisplay internal heterogeneity.18 have shown, however, that cultural similari-
Given that the majority of students at top-tier ties, especially sports, are salient sources of
undergraduate and professional schools typi- inclusion and exclusion once on the job
cally apply to these firms, employers had (Erickson 1996; Roth 2006; Turco 2010).
bases other than cultural similarity on which Second, evaluators interview candidates for
to differentiate candidates. They could have positions below them. We might see more or
screened more intensively on class rank, rel- less emphasis on cultural similarities for posi-
evant coursework, related work experience, tions of equal or greater status. Third, given
writing skills, standardized test performance, that cultural fit was strongest in firms that
or demographic characteristicsapplicants employed open-ended interviews, selection
varied along these linesbut they did not on cultural similarity should be tampered in

Rivera 1017
highly standardized or technical hiring evalu- employers and job candidates matter in
ations. Finally, emphasizing cultural similari- employer hiring, a hypothesis suggested but
ties may result in greater sex or race biases, heretofore uninvestigated by sociologists.
than was the case in this study, when culture The fate of students with similar credentials
and demography are more tightly coupled in the competition for elite jobs was linked to
(Turco 2010). their display of cultural signals; applicants
Although the specific types and relative whose experiences, leisure pursuits, and self-
importance of cultural similarities may vary presentation styles matched those of employ-
between occupations, use of cultural similari- ers could cash in these cultural similarities for
ties in hiring is unlikely an elite phenomenon jobs offering double to quadruple the salaries
only. Several studies hypothesizing that cul- earned by other graduates from the same
tural similarities matter in hiring analyze low- schools and for admission to a prestigious
wage, low-skill labor markets (Bills 1999; occupational group that serves as a gateway
Neckerman and Kirschenman 1991). Future to the contemporary U.S. economic elite.
research should analyze how the types and Cultural similarity can thus be thought of as a
relative importance of cultural similarities in form of capital that has economic conversion
hiring vary between occupations. value (Bourdieu 1986) in labor markets, a
proposition suggested but not previously
demonstrated empirically (Bills 2003).
Conclusions My results also inform debates about what
Through a case study of elite professional types of cultural signals serve as currency in
service firms, I have argued that hiring is corporate settings and are salient for North
more than a process of skills sorting; it is also American elites (Erickson 1996; Lamont
a process of cultural matching between candi- 1992). Because candidates could not reliably
dates, evaluators, and firms. Cultural similari- predict whom they would be partnered with
ties influenced candidate evaluation in for evaluation, having an expansive cultural
multiple, overlapping ways. Cultural fit was a tool kit (Swidler 1986) from which to draw to
formal evaluative criterion mandated by orga- establish similarities with any interviewer
nizations and embraced by individual evalua- seemed advantageous. Such results support
tors. Moreover, evaluators constructed and Ericksons (1996) contention that within
assessed merit in their own image, believing North American corporations, familiarity
that culturally similar applicants were better with a wide array of cultural forms matters
candidates. Finally, evaluators implicitly more for advancement than does specializa-
gravitated toward and explicitly fought for tion in highbrow artistic forms (see also Turco
candidates with whom they felt an emotional 2010). However, my findings refine Erick-
spark of commonality. Consequently, cultural sons argument in two important ways. First,
reproduction (Bourdieu 1984) of these firms although the particular cultural signals valued
was in many ways over-determined, as orga- in elite firms were not highbrow or artistic,
nizational, cognitive, and affective processes they did have important socioeconomic
reinforced one another to create new hire dimensions. Cultivation of leisure time is a
classes that mirrored firms existing employ- hallmark of upper-middle-class cultures and
ees in cultural signals and lifestyle markers. of elites more generally (Lamont 1992;
Veblen 1899). Moreover, evaluators tended to
favor extracurricular activities associated
Implications for Research on Culture
with the white upper-middle class and that
and Stratification
were acquired through intense, prolonged
My findings extend work on culture and investment of material and temporal resources
stratification beyond educational settings to not only by job applicants but also by their
demonstrate that cultural similarities between parents (Rivera 2011; Shulman and Bowen

2001). Given that less affluent students are hires who were not only capable colleagues
more likely than upper-middle-class students but also enjoyable playmates; interviewers
to believe that achievement in the classroom often privileged their personal feelings of
rather than on the field or in the concert hall comfort, validation, and excitement over
matters most for future success and focus identifying candidates with superior cognitive
their energies accordingly (Bergerson 2007), or technical skills. In many respects, they
the types of cultural similarities valued in hired in a manner more closely resembling
elite firms hiring processes had the potential the choice of friends or romantic partners
to create inequalities in access to elite jobs than how sociologists typically portray
based on parental socioeconomic status. employers selecting new workers. My results
Second, mere familiarity with a cultural suggest that far from just error or discrimina-
signal or activity was insufficient; as noted tion, the residual terms of conventional socio-
earlier, evaluators not only spot-checked can- logical models of hiring also contain active
didates participation in an activity to ensure cultural work by employers. Incorporating
it was genuine but also sought formal and measures of applicants and evaluators cul-
intensive participation. Successful candidates tural signals may help account for some unex-
therefore needed to possess enough cultural plained variance in the decision to hire.
breadth to establish similarities with any pro- Moreover, I go beyond demonstrating that
fessional with whom they were paired, but also cultural similarities matter in hiring and intro-
enough depth in white, upper-middle-class duce three interpersonal processes through
cultural signals to relate to and excite their which they matter. These processes have the
overwhelmingly white, upper-middle-class, potential to inform future studies not only of
Ivy League-educated interviewers. Such hiring but also of interpersonal evaluation in
results suggest that both cultural variety and organizations more broadly. Finally, my
depth serve as important bases of economic results call attention to the importance of ana-
and social distinction in North American cor- lyzing socioeconomic inequalities in hiring.
porate life. Additionally, they suggest that
concerted cultivation (Lareau 2003) of chil-
Organizational Performance
drens extracurricular livesa hallmark of
U.S. white, upper-middle-class familiesis Whether selecting on cultural similarities pro-
not only a prerequisite for admission to Amer- duces better or worse organizational perfor-
icas most elite colleges (Stevens 2007), but mance is outside the scope of this article.
also for entry to its highest paying entry-level However, just as culture simultaneously
jobs. Such findings are consistent with enables and constrains (Sewell 1992), the use
Veblens (1899) hypothesis that conspicuous, of cultural similarities in hiring likely poses
intensive investment in leisure activities that both benefits and challenges for organizations.
are not directly useful is a powerful marker of These jobs require significant teamwork.
elite status and a basis of economic stratifica- Cultural similarities can facilitate trust and
tion. Moreover, my findings suggest a social communication, but they can also reduce the
closure (Weber 1958) of elite occupations by attention team members pay to executing tasks
cultural signals, particularly lifestyle markers and decision-making quality (Phillips et al.
associated with the white upper-middle class. 2006). In the professional service context,
emphasizing extracurricular similarities could
increase employee enjoyment and attachment
Implications for Hiring
in the short-term. But given that these organi-
Although human capital, social capital, and zations require total work devotion (Blair-Loy
discrimination play critical roles in hiring, 2003), selecting new hires based on extensive
cultural signals also matter for employers devotion to leisure could backfire in the long-
choices. Evaluators in my sample sought new term by resulting in a mismatch with the

Rivera 1019
actual demands of the job. Additionally, allow- race-based preferences in the sociological lit-
ing evaluators the flexibility to define merit in erature, my findings suggest a return to the
their own image and select candidates who original articulations of these concepts (Kanter
excite them personally could create conflicts 1977; Lazarsfeld and Merton 1954), which
between organizational and individual goals. also portray cultural similarities as important
Given that evaluators could potentially work bases of attraction and stratification (see also
closely with new hires, they might be moti- Wimmer and Lewis 2010). I show that cultural
vated to hire the most enjoyable over the most homophily and cultural reproduction occur at
competent candidates; that is, they may hire the point of hire and introduce key interper-
for themselves rather than for the organiza- sonal processes through which they do so.
tion. Although in some ways functional, how Thus, to fully understand hiring outcomes and
cultural similarity was defined and prioritized inequalities, we must consider not only candi-
in these firms may have negative, unintended dates human capital, social capital, and demo-
consequences. Future research should com- graphic characteristics, but also the match
pare the effect of hiring based on similarity in between their displays of cultural signals and
work styles, which can be beneficial (Chatman those of the gatekeepers evaluating them.
1991), versus play styles on organizational
performance.
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Michle Lamont, Frank Dobbin, Mary
Diversity and Inequality Brinton, Brayden King, Klaus Weber, Brian Uzzi, Gary
Fine, Viviana Zelizer, Simone Ispa-Landa, Chana Teeger,
Selecting new hires based on cultural similar- Kevin Lewis, Tony Brown, Katherine Donato, Larry
ity represents a dual-edged sword that both Isaac, Holly McCammon, and the anonymous reviewers
for helpful comments on previous drafts. Earlier versions
enables and constrains (1) organizations
of this article were presented at the American Sociologi-
attempts to diversify and (2) opportunities for cal Association and Eastern Sociological Society Annual
candidates from traditionally underrepre- Meetings.
sented groups in the competition for elite
jobs. As demonstrated here, it can challenge
Funding
traditional sex and racial inequalities by pro-
This research was supported by National Science Foun-
viding new opportunities for women and
dation Dissertation Improvement Grant [#0727427] and
ethnic minorities who display the right stocks the Ford Foundation.
of cultural signals, as did many of the athletic,
affluent, Ivy League-educated white and non-
white women and men who were hired. Notes
However, the specific types of cultural simi- 1. When culture does enter discussions of hiring, it
typically does so in the form of employer stereo-
larities valued had a strong socioeconomic
types about demographic groups (Gorman 2005;
dimension and could create new inequalities Holzer 1999). Although stereotypes are important
by parental social class. Moreover, although forms of culture, sociological understandings of
culture, sex, and race were only loosely cou- culture have evolved beyond stereotypes and uni-
pled in this population, the particular cultural versal group values to include contextually specific
styles, signals, and schemas, including the lifestyle
signals desired did have a stereotypically
markers analyzed here (Lamont and Small 2008).
gendered nature. Privileging such activities 2. Similarly, networks scholars have demonstrated inter-
could indirectly disadvantage applicants est in cultural similarities (Wimmer and Lewis 2010).
male or femalewho held more stereotypi- 3. Race and sex can be important bases of perceived
cally feminine leisure interests. similarity; however, they are not consistently so, par-
ticularly in high-status work contexts (see Ely 1995).
Finally, my study calls attention to the cul-
4. See also Bills (1999) and Turco (2010).
tural dimensions of homophily and homosocial 5. Professional service firms are businessesmost
reproduction in organizations. Although these commonly law, investment, and consulting firms
terms have become synonymous with sex- and that sell customized advice to clients. Studies of

these firms include Gorman (2005), Roth (2006), between Rewards, Commitments, and Costs. Sociologi-
and Turco (2010). cal Forum 14:583607.
6. The most elite law schools are exceptions; career Bills, David. 2003. Credentials, Signals, and Screens:
offices force firms to interview all applicants. Explaining the Relationship between Schooling and
7. For information on the percentage of top-tier gradu- Job Assignment. Review of Educational Research
ates who enter these industries, see Granfeld (1992) 73:44169.
and Rampell (2011). Blair-Loy, Mary. 2003. Competing Devotions. Cam-
8. I identified firms based on national and major-mar- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
ket prestige rankings. Blau, Peter and Otis Duncan. 1967. The American Occu-
9. For a description of the hotel where Holt conducted pational Structure. New York: Free Press.
interviews, see Part IV of the online supplement. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique
10. The next most common mechanisms in interviews of the Judgment of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
were emotional response (code: emotion) and infer- University Press.
ring merit from high-status activities (code: Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. The Forms of Capital. Pp.
signaling). Signaling was the most common mecha- 24158 in Handbook of Theory and Research for the
nism used in rsum screening. For an in-depth Sociology of Education, edited by J. G. Richardson.
discussion of rsum screening, see Rivera (2011). New York: Greenwood Press.
11. I use pseudonyms to protect confidentiality. Byrne, Donn. 1971. The Attraction Paradigm. New York:
12. Cultural fit is a term used by employers rather Academic Press.
than one I imposed. Cable, Daniel and Timothy Judge. 1997. Interviewers
13. The next most common criteria were interpersonal Perceptions of PersonOrganization Fit and Orga-
(i.e., polish or presence) and then analytic skills. nizational Selection Decisions. Journal of Applied
14. This literature characterizes culture at the individual Psychology 82:54661.
level as stable personality traits and universal values Castilla, Emilio J. 2011. Bringing Managers Back In:
(Rokeach 1979); sociologists have developed more Managerial Influences on Workplace Inequality.
nuanced conceptions of culture (Lamont and Small American Sociological Review 76:66794.
2008). Charmaz, Kathy. 2001. Grounded Theory. Pp. 335
15. Contrary to stereotypes of these firms, new hires 52 in Contemporary Field Research: Perspectives
display nontrivial sex and racial diversity (see Part and Formulations, edited by R. Emerson. Prospect
III of the online supplement). Heights, IL: Waveland.
16. Although candidates varied in class rank, work Chatman, Jennifer. 1991. Matching People and Orga-
experience, and demographic characteristics at this nizations: Selection and Socialization in Public
stage, employers were more likely to use extracur- Accounting Firms. Administrative Sciences Quar-
riculars to create interview pools (Rivera 2011). terly 36:45984.
17. Similarities could also yield disadvantages when Clore, Gerald and Justin Storbeck. 2006. Affect as Infor-
increased knowledge provided discrediting information about Liking, Efficacy, and Importance. Pp.
mation (e.g., gut academic majors). Similarity is 12342 in Hearts and Minds: Affective Influences on
risky to fake. People often react negatively to others Social Thinking and Behavior, edited by J. P. Forgas.
who are inauthentic in their self-presentation New York: Psychology Press.
(Lamont 2009). Evaluators reported spot-checking Collins, Randall. 2004. Interaction Ritual Chains.
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genuine and extensive. DiMaggio, Paul. 1987. Classification in Art. American
18. Cognitive ability is only one avenue for admission Sociological Review 52:44055.
to elite universities (Shulman and Bowen 2001). DiMaggio, Paul. 1992. Nadels Paradox Revisited:
Relational and Cultural Aspects of Social Structure.
Pp. 11842 in Networks and Organizations: Struc-
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Empirical and Theoretical Advances in the Sociology Lauren A. Rivera is an Assistant Professor of Manage-
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W. Austin. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. ing academia, she was a management consultant.

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3213American Sociological ReviewRivera

American Sociological Review

Hiring as Cultural Matching: 77(6) 9991022

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constrains generalizability, it also offers distinct Table 1. Typical Entry-Level Compensation

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Interviews Participant Observation

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Percent of Interviewees Who Used

Each Process in Evaluation

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perceived similarity to a firms existing skills required in client-facing professions,

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Interpersonal Skills Technical Skills

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Cognitive Processes: Such sentiments support research suggesting

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