Torcuato Fernández Miranda

doi:10.5477/cis/reis.154.
Vestir el mueco: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda,

la heresttica y la Ley para la Reforma Poltica
Keeping up Appearances: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, Heresthetics
and the Spanish Law for Political Reform
Georgina Blakeley
Palabras clave Resumen

lites polticas Este artculo trata de explicar un desenlace poltico inesperado: por
Franquismo qu una inmensa mayora de procuradores franquistas vot a favor de
Heresttica la Ley para la Reforma Poltica, la cual supona su propia muerte
Poder legislativo poltica? A partir del concepto de heresttica, el artculo analiza las
Toma de decisiones maniobras estratgicas llevadas a cabo por Torcuato Fernndez-
Transicin Miranda, el presidente de las Cortes franquistas, que garantizaron que
democrtica la Ley se aprobase. Un anlisis temtico de los tres das de discusin
de la Ley en el pleno de las Cortes revela la importancia de la manera
en la que se plante y se determin la dimensionalidad de esta Ley, lo
que debe considerarse como una significante maniobra heresttica en
una situacin de transicin en la que la necesidad de mantener las
apariencias, es decir, de vestir el mueco, era de vital importancia.
Key words Abstract

Political Elites This article attempts to explain an unexpected political outcome: Why,
Francoism when it would result in their own political demise, did an overwhelming
Heresthetics majority in the Francoist parliament vote in favour of the Law for Political
Legislative Power Reform in 1976? Based on the concept of heresthetics, this article
Decision Making analyses the strategic manoeuvres of Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, the
Democratic Transition president of the Francoist Cortes, which led to the passage of the Law.
A thematic analysis of the three days of debate over the Law in the
Cortes shows the way in the which the discussion was raised and the
dimensionality of the Law determined, and reveals significant
heresthetic maneuvering in a situation of transition in which the need
to maintain appearances was of vital importance.
Cmo citar
Blakeley, Georgina (2016). Vestir el mueco: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, la heresttica y la Ley
para la Reforma Poltica. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 154: 3-20.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.154.3)
La versin en ingls de este artculo puede consultarse en http://reis.cis.es
Georgina Blakeley: The Open University | georgina.blakeley@open.ac.uk
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 154, Abril - Junio 2016, pp. 3-20
Libro reis espan ol.indb 3 30/03/16 17:40

4 Vestir el mueco: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, la heresttica y la Ley para la Reforma Poltica
INTRODUCCIN1 nera en la que se plante y se determin la

dimensionalidad de esta Ley, como una ma-
La Ley para la Reforma Poltica (LRP) fue niobra heresttica de primer nivel en un
aprobada por las Cortes franquistas el 18 de periodo de transicin en el que la necesidad
noviembre de 1976 y ratificada en refern- de mantener las apariencias, es decir, de
dum, con un 94% de los votos a favor, el 15 vestir el mueco, era de vital importancia.
de diciembre del mismo ao (Preston, 1986:
104). Al aprobar la LRP, las Cortes franquis-
tas votaban a favor de su propia disolucin, LA LEY PARA LA REFORMA
as como de la de otras instituciones fran- POLTICA Y LA TRANSICIN
quistas. Es ms, los procuradores franquis-
tas no solo votaron a favor de su propia La LRP fue el primer paso importante en la
muerte poltica, sino que lo hicieron por una transformacin legal de Espaa desde den-
abrumadora mayora. De los 497 procurado- tro. A iniciativa de las lites franquistas, la
res presentes en la votacin, 425 votaron a reforma desde arriba fue facilitada por el
favor, 59 en contra y 13 se abstuvieron. Ade- complejo entramado legal e institucional del
rgimen franquista que se haba construido
ms, tras votar a favor de su propia desapa-
durante sus ms de 36 aos en el poder.
ricin, los procuradores se dedicaron una
Para sorpresa de muchos, incluida la
larga y clamorosa ovacin.
oposicin antifranquista, este marco jurdico
Este artculo intenta explicar lo ocurrido a se us para facilitar, ms que para obstruir,
partir del concepto de heresttica2. De esta una reforma democrtica.
manera, la primera seccin explica el signifi-
Aunque el rgimen franquista no tena
cado de la LRP en el contexto del proceso de
una constitucin, tena un desarrollado mar-
democratizacin en Espaa. La segunda pre-
co jurdico que se sustentaba en una serie de
senta cmo este artculo complementa las
Leyes Fundamentales. La primera de estas
explicaciones sobre el suicidio poltico colec-
leyes, promulgada durante la Guerra Civil,
tivo del franquismo que han dado otros auto-
fue el Fuero del Trabajo de 1938, que regula-
res. En este apartado, el artculo introduce el
ba las relaciones laborales. En 1942 se apro-
concepto de heresttica y presenta su im-
b la Ley Constitutiva de las Cortes Espao-
portancia a la hora de analizar la LRP. Esto
las, a la que le siguieron el Fuero de los
conlleva, primero, examinar a Torcuato Fer-
Espaoles de 1945, la Ley de Sucesin en la
nndez-Miranda como un heresteticista y,
Jefatura del Estado de 1947, la Ley de Prin-
segundo, analizar los tres das del debate
cipios del Movimiento Nacional de 1958 y,
plenario antes de la aprobacin de la Ley.
finalmente, la Ley Orgnica del Estado de
Dicho anlisis revela la importancia de la ma-
1967. Estas Leyes Fundamentales no eran
ms que una fachada de normalidad jurdica
mientras Franco estaba vivo, pero cuando
1 Esta investigacin ha sido financiada por una beca
(SG112202) de la Academia Britnica.
muri proporcionaron las bases sobre las
Quiero agradecer las sugerencias que me hicieron los
que las instituciones franquistas se apoyaron
dos revisores annimos de este artculo, que me ayuda- para defender su legitimidad y, en ltima ins-
ron mucho a mejorar este trabajo. Igualmente quiero tancia, su supervivencia.
agradecer a Daniel Mourenza Urbina y Daniel Evans
(ambos de la Universidad de Leeds) la traduccin de Significativamente, la Ley para la Refor-
este artculo al castellano. Cualquier defecto, claro est, ma Poltica fue concebida y presentada
es ntegramente de mi responsabilidad.
como la culminacin de las Leyes Funda-
2 La heresttica es un concepto poltico inventado por
el politlogo norteamericano William Riker, y refiere al mentales existentes, ms que como su dero-
arte de la manipulacin poltica. gacin. Segn este enfoque era ms fcil

Georgina Blakeley 5
para los procuradores franquistas aceptar la dez-Miranda (citado por Fernndez-Miran-

Ley como la culminacin y consecuencia l- da, 1995: 226), si bien este fue posterior-
gica del franquismo que no como su nega- mente modificado. En resumen, esta Ley
cin, como se explorar a continuacin, allanaba el camino para la disolucin de las
cuando analicemos los tres das de debate instituciones franquistas y la celebracin de
parlamentario. Las apariencias importan. Po- elecciones generales.
cos procuradores estaban preparados o dis- La Ley fue criticada por gran parte de la
puestos a renegar de su juramento de adhe- oposicin porque no instauraba una demo-
sin a los principios franquistas, as que cracia plena. De hecho, los partidos de iz-
queran creer que cualquier reforma que se quierda llamaron a la abstencin en el refe-
llevara a cabo sera de acuerdo a su legado.
rndum de la Ley, mostrando as que no
Como apunta Paloma Aguilar (2002: 174):
haban entendido cul era su objetivo. La Ley
Era de suma importancia mantener la fic-
no instauraba una democracia plena porque
cin de la legalidad franquista hasta que se
esta no era su intencin, pero s que abra la
aprobara la Constitucin para no provocar
puerta para que fueran los espaoles los que
una mayor oposicin de parte de la extrema
manifestaran sus preferencias. De ah que el
derecha y del ejrcito.
ttulo de la Ley no fuera simple coincidencia.
La Ley de Sucesin de 1947 tena la clave Se haba llamado deliberadamente Ley para
para la reforma desde dentro. El artculo 10 la Reforma Poltica, no Ley de la Reforma
de esta Ley estipulaba que las Leyes Funda- Poltica.
mentales podan reformarse siempre que las
La concepcin tan estrechamente defini-
Cortes aprobasen el proyecto de ley por una
da de la Ley fue esencial para la manera en
mayora absoluta y los espaoles la ratifica-
sen posteriormente en referndum. Con esta la que se plante y present a las Cortes
disposicin consagrada en una Ley Funda- franquistas. Para Fernndez-Miranda, la LRP
mental franquista, la posibilidad de reformar representaba el instrumento de cambio, no
el rgimen desde dentro estaba amparada el cambio en s mismo (Fernndez-Miranda,
legalmente. Adems, las Leyes Fundamenta- 1995: 259). Esta era la idea fundamental que
les haban sido modificadas y desarrolladas subyaca detrs de su visin sobre la reforma
previamente en varias ocasiones con Franco, desde arriba, as como de su manera de en-
as que ya se haba sentado precedente para focar la LRP. Su intencin era usar una norma
transformar las leyes con la intencin de me- de procedimiento (artculo 10 de la Ley de
jorarlas. La Ley para la Reforma Poltica, re- Sucesin) para establecer una nueva norma
dactada originalmente por Torcuato Fernn- procesal (la LRP), que abra el camino para
dez-Miranda y propuesta a las Cortes por el que el pueblo decidiera asuntos ms sustan-
presidente del Gobierno, Adolfo Surez, se tivos por medio de elecciones democrticas.
convirti en la octava Ley Fundamental, no Gran parte del contenido de la Ley era,
obstante su contenido supona que las siete como bien seala Aguilar (2002), una reaccin
previas dejaran de tener validez. contra los fracasos manifiestos de la Segunda
En su versin final, la que aprobaron las Repblica. El primer artculo estableca el
Cortes franquistas el 18 de noviembre, la principio de soberana popular, el Estado de
LRP consista en cinco artculos, dos derecho y los derechos individuales bsicos.
disposiciones transitorias y una disposicin Tambin estableca que el poder legislativo
final y se caracterizaba por su brevedad y residira en las Cortes, mientras que el Rey se
lucidez. Martn Villa asegur que el proyecto encargara de sancionar las leyes. El segundo
de ley era sin lugar a dudas el trabajo del artculo detallaba la composicin bicameral
presidente de las Cortes, Torcuato Fernn- de las Cortes y el mtodo de eleccin, as

como la duracin de las legislaturas. La sexta desconcertante de la transicin entera (Ca-

clusula del artculo segundo declaraba que sanova, 1983: 971). Prego (1999: 253) sostie-
el presidente de las Cortes y del Consejo del ne que representa la clave del proceso de
Reino sera nombrado por el Rey. El artculo transicin, mientras que, en el anlisis ms
tres dispona los criterios para una reforma detallado de la LPR hasta la fecha, Snchez-
constitucional, cuya iniciativa recaa en el Go- Cuenca (2014: 11) mantiene que el hecho de
bierno y en el Congreso de los Diputados. aprobar la LPR fue, sin duda, el episodio
Cualquier reforma constitucional debera ser ms importante de la transicin espaola a
aprobada por una mayora absoluta tanto en la democracia.
el Congreso como en el Senado. En caso de Una conjuncin de diversos factores nos
desacuerdo entre las dos cmaras, se esta- ayuda a explicar el inesperado suicidio pol-
blecera una Comisin Mixta que se encarga- tico de los procuradores franquistas. El con-
ra de zanjar las discrepancias. Por ltimo, texto estructural era, sin duda, propicio para
antes de sancionar cualquier reforma consti- la democracia. Los cambios sociales y eco-
tucional, el Rey debera someterla a refern- nmicos que Espaa haba experimentado
dum. El artculo cuatro estableca los criterios durante la larga dictadura de Franco, la pre-
por los cuales se aprobaba la legislacin ordi- sin democratizadora del entorno internacio-
naria. El artculo cinco otorgaba al Rey la po- nal, la dificultad de transferir la legitimidad
testad para someter a referndum cuestiones personal de Franco a algn sucesor y la pre-
de importancia nacional. Las dos disposi- sin de actores de la sociedad civil fueron
ciones transitorias establecan que el Gobier- todos ellos factores que, combinados, con-
no regulara las primeras elecciones generales dujeron a Espaa hacia la democracia. Sin
y expusiera los principios para la eleccin de embargo, aunque se dijo varias veces en el
350 diputados y 207 senadores. De esta ma- debate plenario que Franco era irrepetible
nera, el Congreso de los Diputados se elegira y que, en ese sentido, un cambio era hasta
por medio de un sistema de representacin cierto punto inevitable, hubo mucho que dis-
proporcional, corregido a partir de varios me- cutir en cuanto al grado y el contenido de
canismos que trataban de evitar una fragmen- este cambio, desde sugerencias bsicas
tacin excesiva, mientras que el Senado sera para ampliar los elementos de democracia
elegido por un sistema mayoritario. El conte- orgnica hasta demandas maximalistas para
nido de las disposiciones transitorias era sig- implantar una democracia liberal. Poco era
nificativo, porque nada en estas clusulas era inevitable en cuanto al grado y la direccin
definitivo. Esto ayud a presentar el resto del del proceso de democratizacin en Espaa.
contenido de la proposicin de ley simple-
El dilema clave, como seala Snchez-
mente como un mecanismo para permitir a
Cuenca (2014: 16), se encuentra en explicar
los espaoles decidir sobre su futuro poltico,
por qu el Consejo del Movimiento Nacional
a la vez que daba un estatus temporal a cier-
y las Cortes franquistas se mostraron ms
tas cuestiones controvertidas, como por
hostiles e irreductibles al ms tmido progra-
ejemplo los criterios electorales. La ltima dis-
ma reformista inicial, propuesto por el candi-
posicin estableca que la LRP tendra el ran-
dato nombrado por Franco, Carlos Arias Na-
go de una Ley Fundamental.
varro, que contra la LPR. A travs de un
anlisis de los votos de los procuradores
franquistas en relacin con las diversas ini-
ANLISIS DE LA LEY PARA LA
ciativas legislativas que componan el pa-
REFORMA POLTICA
quete de reformas de Arias Navarro y la LPR,
Esta pieza de legislacin fue tan notable que Snchez-Cuenca demuestra que hubo un
ha sido denominada como el evento ms nmero suficiente de procuradores que cam-

Georgina Blakeley 7
biaron su voto entre los dos intentos refor- vertientes estrechamente relacionadas entre
mistas principales como para facilitar la s. En primer lugar, el enfoque geogrfico se
aprobacin de la LPR. Significativamente, ha centrado en los Estados Unidos y en Gran
muestra cmo las razones para hacerlo no Bretaa, salvo algunas excepciones por
fueron ideolgicas, sino estratgicas: las ejemplo, Nagel (1993) sobre Nueva Zelanda
votaciones estuvieron determinadas por el y Evangelista (2001) y Cohen (1991) sobre la
objetivo de los procuradores de no quedar Unin Sovitica y Brasil, respectivamente,
descolgados de la posicin mayoritaria en como se expone ms adelante. La mayor
las Cortes (Snchez-Cuenca, 2014: 27). parte de la investigacin sobre los Estados
Una de las diferencias ms importantes entre Unidos proviene de William Riker (1983,
el paquete de reformas de Arias Navarro y la 1986), Kenneth Shepsle (2002) y Norman
LPR fue el carcter fragmentario del primero, Schofield (2002), mientras que, sobre Gran
compuesto de diversas iniciativas legislati- Bretaa, el corpus de trabajo ms interesante
vas, lo que dificultaba que los diputados se lo ha producido McLean (2001, 2002). En se-
coordinasen, mientras que la sencillez de la gundo lugar, esta literatura se ha centrado en
LPR lo facilitaba. Este artculo parte del mar- la heresttica solamente en casos de demo-
co terico de la heresttica con el fin de cracias liberales consolidadas. Tan solo un
complementar los importantes hallazgos de nmero reducido de artculos examina reg-
la investigacin de Snchez-Cuenca (2014: menes en etapas de transicin: Cohen utiliza
29): el proceso del desarrollo del cambio la heresttica para explicar el golpe de Esta-
poltico estuvo en buena parte regido por do en Brasil en 1964 y Evangelista (2001)
cuestiones estratgicas, que tienen que ver para explicar cambios en el sistema soviti-
con la capacidad de los procuradores para co que dieron lugar al fin de la guerra fra.
anticipar cul iba a ser la postura triunfante y Este artculo contribuye a la literatura exis-
poder as sumarse a ella. El concepto de tente a partir de un anlisis sobre heresttica
heresttica se centra, precisamente, en la en un rgimen autoritario en proceso de tran-
clase de cuestiones estratgicas que identi- sicin. Por tanto, se puede considerar como
fica Snchez-Cuenca y, por lo tanto, nos sir- una respuesta a la invitacin de Cohen (1991:
ve para analizar las distintas maneras en las 345) de explorar la conexin entre herest-
que el entorno poltico se puede manipular tica y cambio poltico.
de manera estratgica para crear mayoras
Heresttica es un neologismo acuado
que puedan asegurar una victoria.
por Riker para referirse al arte de la manipu-
lacin poltica. Riker define heresttica como
la manipulacin de los gustos y alternativas
HERESTTICA a partir de los cuales se toman decisiones,
Existe actualmente una literatura creciente tanto de una manera objetiva como de la for-
en torno a la heresttica. Las aportaciones ma en la que aparece ante los participantes.
ms interesantes han desarrollado el marco Es el anlisis de la estrategia de decisin
terico del concepto a partir de un valioso (cursivas en el original, 1983: 55). El nfasis
anlisis de determinadas narrativas histri- en la estrategia es importante, ya que la
cas. Estos anlisis o bien dan un giro coper- heresttica no se puede reducir a la astucia
nicano a la sabidura poltica convencional o poltica, la retrica o la persuasin en un sen-
proporcionan explicaciones convincentes a tido general. Riker sostiene que la herestti-
resultados polticos inesperados. Aunque ca se refiere a la manipulacin estratgica
este creciente conjunto de publicaciones ha por la cual los ganadores incitan con algo
producido nuevas perspectivas, tanto teri- ms que atraccin retrica. Ganan, normal-
cas como histricas, queda limitado a dos mente, porque han articulado la situacin de

tal manera que otros quieren unirse o se retricas y herestticas que se utilizaron para
vern forzados a hacerlo por las circunstan- conseguirlo (2002: 557). La heresttica es,
cias incluso sin ningn tipo de persuasin por tanto, una herramienta muy til para
(Riker, 1986: ix). Esto es particularmente im- aportar un anlisis convincente sobre la na-
portante porque hay personas a las que no rrativa que envuelve hechos polticos tan
se puede, o no se consigue, persuadir. Ade- desconcertantes como la LPR.
ms, como pasa con la retrica y la persua- Adems, la heresttica es til porque se-
sin, para que triunfen las estrategias heres- ala la importancia de conceptos tales como
tticas es importante el uso del lenguaje,
estructura y agencia, as como de su in-
especialmente al plantear los asuntos de una
terrelacin. Los heresteticistas estn conti-
manera determinada.
nuamente metiendo el codo y empujando
Aunque la etiqueta de heresttica englo- con tal de conseguir el resultado que desean
ba todo un abanico de comportamientos, (Riker, 1986: 142), pero estos codazos y em-
este artculo se centra principalmente en dos pujones no se dan en el vaco. Shepsle (2002:
formas: en cmo se plantea y se determina 20) destaca la importancia de los recursos
la dimensionalidad de una cuestin poltica. institucionales al alcance de un heresteticis-
Es ms, en vez de analizarlas como formas ta, ya que los mecanismos institucionales
separadas de heresttica, este artculo con- proporcionan tanto los escollos como las
tribuye a la literatura existente con un argu-
oportunidades para las maniobras estratgi-
mento que defiende que lo importante es la
cas. Por tanto, los mejor situados para de-
relacin entre plantear lo que est en juego y
sarrollar maniobras herestticas son los que
determinar cul es su dimensionalidad. Un
ocupan puestos institucionales.
enfoque sobre la manera en la que se plantea
un asunto poltico tambin debe tener en Por ltimo, en palabras de Riker (1983:
cuenta la dimensin performativa de la heres- 63): quien utiliza la estrategia heresttica
ttica, algo que, segn Colin Hay (2009: 263- tiene que ser alguien que ha perdido una de-
264), ha sido constantemente pasado por cisin o que, razonablemente, espera per-
alto, sobre todo en relacin a mbitos pbli- derla. Nagel, por su parte, tiene su propio
cos. Esta dimensin performativa ha sido calificativo para lo que Shepsle (2002: 11)
tambin desatendida en contextos de transi- llama la debilidad por los perdedores
cin, donde el pblico pasa a ser un factor deRiker.Para Nagel (1993: 144), la frmula
importante y novedoso en la poltica. ms adecuada es perdedores potenciales,
La heresttica es una til herramienta ya que los vencedores que quieren mantener
terica para ampliar nuestro conocimiento su poder tienen que ser ingeniosos para
sobre las maniobras estratgicas que contri- adaptarse al cambio y esquivar las manio-
buyeron a que se aprobase la LPR. En primer bras de sus rivales. En 1976 exista la posi-
lugar, la LPR nos proporciona precisamente bilidad real de que Fernndez-Miranda se
esa clase de material sobre el cual, segn encontrase frente a una derrota. Su estrate-
McLean, se tendra que centrar la herestti- gia reformista podra ser rechazada por las
ca. En una resea que escribi sobre la obra Cortes franquistas, vetada por poderosos
de Riker, McLean sostena que sus planes de actores como el ejrcito o desprestigiada por
investigacin futuros se centrarn en desta- las llamadas de la oposicin a la abstencin
car el carcter inesperado de ciertos resul- en el referndum popular sobre la Ley. La
tados polticos (2002: 554). A travs de la oposicin tambin colabor en aumentar la
heresttica, contina McLean, el investiga- tensin al convocar una huelga general para
dor selecciona un resultado poltico inespe- el 12 de noviembre, solo cuatro das antes
rado [] e intenta identificar las estrategias del debate plenario.

Georgina Blakeley 9
TORCUATO FERNNDEZ-MIRANDA brarlo presidente del Gobierno. Fernndez-

COMO HERESTETICISTA Miranda declar: Majestad, el animal polti-
co que llevo dentro me pide la presidencia
Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda estaba en una del gobierno, pero creo que le ser ms til
buena posicin para llevar a cabo manio- desde la presidencia de las Cortes (Powell,
bras herestticas, ya que haba disfrutado 1996: 76).
de una larga y distinguida carrera bajo las
La posicin de Fernndez-Miranda tam-
rdenes de Franco, ocupando una gran va-
bin corresponde con un movimiento heres-
riedad de cargos, entre los que se encontra-
ttico muy comn que McLean califica
ban el de vicepresidente del Consejo Nacio-
como liderar desde el lado contrario (2001:
nal del Movimiento y vicepresidente del
28). McLean pone como ejemplos a Robert
Gobierno. Saba muy bien, por lo tanto,
Peel, que lider el partido agrcola que aboli
cmo funcionaban las instituciones franquis-
las tarifas agrcolas, y a Benjamin Disraeli,
tas y ocupaba una posicin ideal desde la
que lider el partido rural que extendi el su-
que poda manipular el contexto institucional
fragio a la ciudad. En el caso de la LRP, Tor-
para producir el resultado que l mismo ha-
cuato Fernndez-Miranda llevaba claramen-
ba diseado. Adems, como experto en de-
te el control desde el lado contrario. Para
recho constitucional, tena un profundo y
la oposicin antifranquista era inconcebible
sofisticado conocimiento de las siete Leyes
que Fernndez-Miranda pudiera dar paso a
Fundamentales, lo cual era de gran utilidad
reformas y, sin embargo, a pesar de ser un
para cualquier reforma que tuviera como ob-
franquista de toda la vida, fue una figura cru-
jetivo la transformacin legal del franquismo
cial para poner fin al franquismo.
desde dentro. Dicho conocimiento le permi-
ta demostrar convincentemente que las Le- Los tres actores involucrados en guiar la
yes Fundamentales podan ser reformadas, aprobacin de la LRP a travs de las Cortes
incluida la de los Principios del Movimiento eran el rey Juan Carlos, el presidente del Go-
Nacional. Gracias a esto poda asegurar al bierno, Adolfo Surez, y Torcuato Fernn-
rey Juan Carlos que, al jurar su fidelidad a las dez-Miranda. Segn Preston: Los tres sa-
Leyes Fundamentales y a los Principios del ban que caminaban en la cuerda floja. Tenan
Movimiento Nacional, al ser designado por que conducir el proyecto a travs del esta-
Franco como su sucesor, no se estaba atan- blishment franquista y el Ejrcito, mientras
do de manos a la hora de acometer en un este era simultneamente sometido al rece-
futuro un proceso de reforma democrtica loso escrutinio de la oposicin (2004: 363).
(Preston, 1993: 742). El peligro resida en que el bnker vera la
Shepsle (2002: 19) ha recalcado que es LRP como demasiado radical, por lo que ha-
de gran ayuda estar en una posicin institu- ran todo lo posible para bloquearla desde
cional para poner en marcha la heresttica. sus puestos de poder en las instituciones
Cuando present la LRP, Fernndez-Miranda franquistas, mientras que las fuerzas de la
era presidente de las Cortes y del Consejo oposicin la tacharan de demasiado mode-
del Reino. El control de las Cortes era, pues, rada y la trataran de desacreditar, con tal de
clave para la aprobacin de cualquier legis- forzar su propia hoja de ruta hacia la demo-
lacin, lo que tambin inclua cualquier pro- cracia a travs de la creacin de un gobierno
puesta de ley para una reforma poltica que provisional en el que estuvieran representa-
se hiciera en el futuro. El hecho de que Fer- das todas las fuerzas de la oposicin.
nndez-Miranda fuese consciente de la im- Para encontrar la cuadratura del crculo,
portancia de su posicin puede explicar su las maniobras herestticas de Fernndez-
rechazo a la oferta que le hizo el Rey de nom- Miranda eran de gran importancia. Segn Fer-

nando nega (2014: 79), Fernndez-Miranda procedimiento de voto se usara hasta el final
era magistral en el arte de dirigir aquellas del pleno en el que se vot la LRP. Plante la
Cortes y, como tal, era la autntica musa decisin de una manera determinada que le
de la Transicin (nega, 2014: 173). Como permitiera controlar la interpretacin de lo que
heresteticista, Fernndez-Miranda estaba estaba en juego y, de esa manera, tambin
siempre atento a la capacidad que tenan los determin la dimensionalidad de esta Ley. Se
contextos institucionales y estructurales tanto puede decir, en resumen, que invent nuevas
para facilitar como para obstruir acciones ra- formas de dirigir la poltica.
cionales, as como al proceso por el cual los La innovacin procedimental ms impor-
resultados se producan (Shepsle, 2002: 9). tante que dise Fernndez-Miranda fue el
Estuvo atento, adems, a estos dos factores procedimiento de urgencia. Este era crucial
en sus aspectos objetivos y subjetivos. En de dos maneras. En primer lugar, estableca
este sentido, no se ha prestado suficiente un tiempo lmite de 25 das como mximo
atencin al nfasis que Riker pone sobre la para tramitar leyes, lo cual ayud a controlar
forma en la que aparece ante los participan- el tiempo que se dedicaba a debatir determi-
tes en contraste con la estructura objetiva nados aspectos e hizo que las tcticas dila-
de gustos y alternativas (1983: 55, la cursiva torias fueran ms difciles de llevar a cabo.
es ma). Este artculo defiende que esto es En segundo lugar, permiti que fuera el pleno
especialmente importante cuando la herest- de las Cortes, en vez de las comisiones le-
tica se lleva a cabo en el contexto de un rgi- gislativas, el que recibiera cualquier pro-
men autoritario en el que las estructuras for- puesta de ley que el presidente considerara
males y las instituciones oficiales no son urgente. Esto supona que la LRP no tena
nunca indicativas de las realidades del poder. que pasar por la comisin legislativa, que
En esta situacin, la importancia de la forma normalmente se encargaba de cualquier pro-
en la que aparece ante los participantes, de yecto de ley relativo a las Leyes Fundamen-
la misma manera que cmo aparece ante tales. Aunque Fernndez-Miranda haba
otros, puede ser ms significante que en una nombrado once nuevos presidentes para las
situacin ms transparente y democrtica. Si comisiones legislativas, incluida la que se
las apariencias y cmo mantenerlas pueden encargaba de las Leyes Fundamentales3,
ser de una gran importancia en contextos ms de la mitad de los procuradores que
autoritarios, las maniobras herestticas ms componan la comisin de las Leyes Funda-
significativas pueden consistir en controlar las mentales eran de la lnea dura franquista y
apariencias a fuerza de abordar un asunto de podran haber dado al traste la propuesta de
una manera premeditada y guiarlo en una de- ley simplemente asegurndose de que la co-
terminada direccin. misin la paralizase4. El procedimiento de
MANIOBRAS HERESTTICAS 3 El intransigente Raimundo Fernndez Cuesta fue sus-

tituido como presidente de la comisin de las Leyes
Shepsle (2002: 11) sostiene que los polticos Fundamentales por Gregorio Lpez Bravo, ms joven y
inteligentes no toman el mundo poltico tal y moderado que l.
como lo encuentran. Haciendo gala de esta 4 Aunque el procedimiento de urgencia cambi efecti-
afirmacin, Fernndez-Miranda no dio nada vamente el centro de toma de decisiones de las comi-
siones legislativas al pleno de las Cortes, Torcuato
por sentado y us varias maniobras herestti- Fernndez-Miranda no dud en retirar a algunos de los
cas para conseguir lo que se haba propuesto. franquistas ms intransigentes cuando se acerc la vo-
De esta manera, introdujo nuevos procedi- tacin de la LRP. Segn Preston (1986: 101), algunos de
ellos fueron enviados en visita oficial a Panam con es-
mientos que cambiaban quin tomaba las de- cala en el Caribe para que estuvieran ausentes durante
cisiones y mantuvo el control para decidir qu la votacin.

Georgina Blakeley 11
urgencia, por lo tanto, desplaz el centro de manera determinada con tal de cambiar la
la toma de decisiones en las Cortes de las interpretacin de lo que est en juego
comisiones legislativas, donde se concentra- (Shepsle, 2002: 10). En un contexto autorita-
ba el ncleo duro de franquistas, al pleno de rio, en donde las apariencias pueden ser de-
las Cortes, que tena una composicin ms cisivas, Fernndez-Miranda us varias tcti-
variada. Este hecho cambi de una manera cas para plantear el asunto de una manera
efectiva el equilibrio de agentes que votara premeditada. En primer lugar, puso especial
la Ley para la Reforma Poltica. cuidado en que la LRP se asociase al Rey, ya
Adems, antes de que usara el procedi- que muchos franquistas eran reacios a ha-
miento de urgencia para la LRP, Fernndez- cerlo enfadar, puesto que haba sido nom-
Miranda ya lo haba puesto a prueba durante brado personalmente por Franco como su
el anterior gobierno, liderado por Arias Nava- sucesor. Ir en contra de los deseos del Rey
rro, el candidato personal de Franco. El 25 era como decir que Franco haba errado en
de mayo de 1976 se utiliz el procedimiento su decisin y la gran mayora de franquistas
de urgencia para tramitar el Proyecto de Ley no queran siquiera llegar a pensar tal cosa.
sobre el Derecho de Reunin. Esta sesin Tambin cuid especialmente las aparien-
plenaria de las Cortes no dur ms que cinco cias a la hora de seleccionar el equipo que
horas y fue aprobada con tan solo cinco vo- presentara la propuesta de ley de la LRP a
tos en contra. En junio, la Ley de Asociacio- las Cortes. Preston (2004: 373) sostiene que
nes Polticas tambin se present usando el Fernndez-Miranda eligi cuidadosamente a
mismo mecanismo y se aprob, de nuevo, las personas de este equipo por su capaci-
sin problemas. Al ser usado con anterioridad dad para apelar a diversos sectores de las
y, adems, bajo un presidente del gobierno Cortes. La opcin ms inteligente, segn
nombrado por Franco, este procedimiento Preston, haba sido Miguel Primo de Rivera,
no poda ser acusado ni de haber sido dise- amigo ntimo del Rey. Como heredero polti-
ado expresamente para la LRP ni de ser un co del fundador de la Falange, no haba na-
arma del ejecutivo de Adolfo Surez. Aunque die ms idneo para asumir la defensa del
algunos procuradores se quejaron durante el proyecto (2004: 373).
debate del uso del procedimiento de urgen- Adems de la premeditada asociacin de
cia para tramitar la LRP, estas quejas no ad- la Ley con estas figuras, la concepcin de la
quirieron fuerza suficiente porque el procedi- Ley fue tambin crucial para plantear lo que
miento ya se haba ganado la legitimidad con estaba en juego. Un anlisis de los tres das
anterioridad5. de debate sobre la LRP en las Cortes puede
Las maniobras herestticas tambin pue- aportar una nueva perspectiva sobre la im-
den consistir en plantear un asunto de una portancia que tuvo la forma de plantear esta
Ley. Como parte de su ms amplio trabajo
sobre la poltica de la memoria en Espaa,
5 Hay que destacar, en todo caso, que Fernndez- Paloma Aguilar ha demostrado cmo el pa-
Miranda no dud en reformar an ms el procedimiento sado, as como las diversas y, a menudo,
de urgencia para hacerlo ms flexible para el debate
sobre la LRP. Estos cambios suponan que, si la Ponen-
confusas lecciones que este haba dejado se
cia introduca cambios al texto de la propuesta de ley, convirtieron en el hilo conductor del debate
los procuradores podan intervenir en el plenario, in- (Aguilar, 2002: 173). Si bien su anlisis es
cluso si no haban presentado enmiendas previamente,
y, adems, a cambio de no fijar un lmite de tiempo para muy valioso, no trata de ser un examen de-
el debate, el presidente de las Cortes se reservaba el tallado del contenido temtico del debate.
derecho de declararlo terminado cuando lo considerase Sin embargo, un anlisis temtico del conte-
oportuno. Los cambios se pueden ver en el Boletn Ofi-
cial de las Cortes Espaolas, n 1532, 21 de octubre de nido del debate es importante, dado que las
1976. maniobras herestticas pueden consistir en

plantear ciertos aspectos de una manera de- plantear lo que estaba en juego. No solo se
terminada para cambiar la interpretacin de televis la votacin, sino que, a su vez, se
lo que est en juego (Shepsle, 2002: 10). pidi individualmente a cada procurador que
Los tres das de debate plenario se han se levantara y votara diciendo s, no o
analizado utilizando el software NVivo para me abstengo ante la atenta mirada de los
codificar los temas. La codificacin fue un telespectadores. Un anlisis rikeriano defien-
proceso iterativo: algunos temas se identifi- de que la manipulacin de dimensiones, en
caron antes de leer los debates a partir de tanto en cuanto una actividad diferente a la
fuentes secundarias, el borrador de la pro- persuasin, necesita de una audiencia y gira
puesta de ley y las 83 enmiendas presenta- en torno a las convicciones que tienen las
das, como punto de partida para la preiden- vctimas sobre las reacciones de la audien-
tificacin de categoras basadas en los cia (Paine, 1989: 48). En el caso de Espaa,
diferentes aspectos que cubran tanto las la reaccin de la audiencia se estaba convir-
enmiendas como la propuesta de ley. Entre tiendo por primera vez en importante y Fer-
estos temas encontramos, por ejemplo, el nndez-Miranda quera subrayar a los procu-
sistema electoral, el debate entre represen- radores franquistas la importancia de este
tacin orgnica vs. representacin inorgni- nuevo pblico.
ca, el papel del Rey o los mecanismos para En cierta medida, el debate respet los
la reforma constitucional. A medida que iba contornos de la Ley, por lo que se discutieron
leyendo y releyendo los debates, aad nue- todas las clusulas incluidas en los cinco ar-
vas categoras, cambi otras y borr algu- tculos de la Ley, as como todas las disposi-
nas. El nmero de veces que un tema en ciones transitorias. Algunas de las cuestiones
particular se mencionaba me ayud a identi- ms importantes del debate fueron el bica-
ficar los temas que ms preocupaban a las meralismo y el papel particular del Senado en
personas que intervinieron, pero el anlisis, esta disposicin bicameral, los requisitos
aparte de ser cuantitativo, tambin era cua- para la reforma constitucional, el papel del
litativo, por lo que tambin prest atencin a Rey a la hora de consultar a los ciudadanos
lo que deca cada procurador sobre determi- y de nombrar senadores y la representacin
nados temas y qu deca exactamente. Es de las Islas Canarias. Sin embargo, en con-
tambin significativo el tiempo que se dedi- sonancia con el anlisis de Aguilar (2002:
caba a determinados temas, ms que el n- 173-174), est claro que los dos temas que
mero de referencias. Despus de todo, esta ms acaloradamente se debatieron fueron la
no era una sesin plenaria ordinaria. Sema- legalidad de la Ley y qu sistema electoral se
nas de especulacin, as como un desmenu- adoptara. Estos dos temas podan potencial-
zado anlisis por parte de la prensa, haban mente arruinar la estrategia de Fernndez-
precedido al debate, por lo tanto, los procu- Miranda, ya que constituan una amenaza
radores saban que cada palabra que saliera si bien en diferentes direccionesa la ma-
de su boca se hara pblica y sera posterior- nera en la que la Ley haba sido planteada.
mente analizada. Ms que un debate parla- El debate sobre la legalidad de la Ley gir
mentario, esta era una performance destina- en torno a sus objetivos e intenciones reales.
da al pblico espaol que haba sido La Ley se haba planteado deliberadamente
cuidadosamente coreografiada por Fernn- como la culminacin de las siete Leyes Fun-
dez-Miranda. damentales, ms que como su derogacin.
Se hace evidente que la coreografa haba Por lo tanto, cualquier procurador que eligie-
sido minuciosamente preparada en la mane- se no guardar las apariencias al rechazar
ra en que tuvo lugar la votacin de la LRP, lo dicho planteamiento introduca un elemento
cual era tambin importante a la hora de crtico al debate. Fueron dos procuradores

en particular los que rechazaron mantener Esta ambigedad conceptual, sin embar-
las apariencias y cada uno de ellos present go, se tena que mantener para facilitar la
una enmienda a la totalidad, exigiendo que reforma. En primer lugar, para permitir que
la propuesta de ley fuese devuelta al Gobier- aquellos procuradores franquistas que de-
no. Es interesante notar aqu que ambos pro- seaban votar a favor de la Ley lo hiciesen, sin
curadores, Blas Piar Lpez y Jos Mara creer que estaban as traicionando los prin-
Fernndez de la Vega y Sedano, estaban cipios que haban jurado defender al tomar
ntimamente vinculados al Movimiento Na- posesin de su cargo. Y, lo que es ms im-
cional. Los procuradores que ms se identi- portante, tambin se protega la confianza en
ficaban con los ideales nacional-sindicalistas el Rey, quien, al ser nombrado por Franco
eran menos proclives a aceptar el plantea- como su sucesor, haba jurado pblicamente
miento que entenda esta Ley como el paso respetar y defender las Leyes Fundamenta-
natural que deba tomar el franquismo. Eran les y los Principios del Movimiento Nacional.
tambin los ms propensos a evocar la gue- Por eso constituan una amenaza las en-
rra civil y hacer alusin a Jos Antonio y a miendas que proponan una clusula de
Franco. Estos procuradores no podan guar- derogacin en la Ley que especificase qu
dar las apariencias6. Tanto Blas Piar como aspectos de las Leyes Fundamentales eran
Jos Mara Fernndez de la Vega y Sedano derogados por la LRP. Aunque suponan un
arguyeron que el proyecto de ley no era de nmero muy reducido (representaban poco
reforma, sino de ruptura con el marco jurdi- ms de un 2% de las 83 enmiendas presen-
co vigente. Consideraban que, aunque las tadas y poco ms de un 15% de las 19 en-
Leyes Fundamentales podran reformarse, miendas que fueron aceptadas como vli-
los Principios del Movimiento Nacional eran das, al recibir el apoyo de un mnimo de diez
permanentes, inalterables e inderogables. procuradores), el mensaje era contundente,
Para Blas Piar, los Principios coincidan con ya que atrajeron la atencin hacia la ambi-
los ideales que dieron vida a la Cruzada y gedad conceptual que los arquitectos de la
que formaban el ser mismo, el alma y la Ley defendan. Aunque todos eran conscien-
conciencia nacional. Defendi que los Prin- tes de que, en realidad, la LRP derogaba las
cipios eran de una ndole diferente a las Le- Leyes Fundamentales en su totalidad, Fer-
yes Fundamentales, pues las precedan y, de nndez-Miranda se dio cuenta de que era
esta manera, formaban los cimientos sobre mejor no entrar en detalles. En este sentido,
las que estas ltimas se sustentaban. Para escribi en su diario: Cuando existieran
Fernndez de la Vega y Sedano el proyecto unas Cortes legitimadas democrticamente,
de ley representaba la ruptura frontal y ab- el tema perdera toda su importancia; mien-
soluta con el marco constitucional. Estos tras tanto, planteado abiertamente, era hur-
procuradores no podan aceptar la ambiva- gar de forma innecesaria en heridas profun-
lencia conceptual que permita a aquellos das (Fernndez-Miranda, 1995: 262).
que hablaban en nombre de la Ponencia pre- Como franquista, Fernndez-Miranda te-
sentar la Ley como la perfeccin del marco na un agudo sentido de la importancia de lo
jurdico vigente. que l defini como una poltica de aparien-
cias. As, escribi en su diario:
6 Quiz no es coincidencia, pues, que una gran parte

de los procuradores que fueron en visita oficial a Pana- Durante mis aos de ministro o con frecuencia esta
m, a los que ya me he referido anteriormente, fueran expresin: vestir el mueco. Era el enunciado de
sindicalistas. Snchez-Cuenca (2014: 222) apunta que una poltica de apariencias frente a una poltica de
un 56% de los 34 procuradores ausentes de la votacin
del 19 de noviembre eran sindicalistas, lo que era un realidades. Lo importante para aquella poltica era
porcentaje demasiado alto para ser una coincidencia. presentar las cosas bien, que parecieran ser aun-

que no fueran: lo importante no era ofrecer solucio- paradamente a cada enmienda equivala a
nes efectivas, sino que lo parecieran; se buscaba obligar a elegir el todo o nada. Sin embar-
la brillantez y no la eficacia, si ello permita mante- go, este era precisamente el objetivo de di-
ner la posicin deseada y salvar la cara (las cursivas cho planteamiento. Fernndez-Miranda sa-
son mas, Fernndez-Miranda, 1995: 70). ba que si permita el voto individual a cada
una de las 19 enmiendas que se aceptaron
Al convertirse en la octava Ley Funda- discutir en el plenario, habra sido muy difcil
mental, respetando de esta manera la legali- que la propuesta de ley se aprobase, al me-
dad franquista, la LRP poda ser presentada nos de una manera en la que se mantuviese
como parte de un esfuerzo por renovar el fiel a sus intenciones originales. Adems,
franquismo, ms que como la ruptura por la cada una de estas enmiendas era ya de por s
cual abogaba la oposicin. complicada. Cada enmienda contena por
Muchos procuradores se adhirieron a separado varios puntos y sugerencias que
este planteamiento durante el debate. La in- habran imposibilitado cualquier forma de
tervencin de Cruz Martnez Esteruelas so- consenso. Plantear la Ley como un instru-
bre este punto simboliza muy bien dicho mento procedimental, con un objetivo cuida-
planteamiento: dosamente predefinido, determinaba la di-
mensionalidad de la Ley en torno a un voto a
[...] bueno es recordar tambin que esa obra legis- favor o en contra. Snchez-Cuenca seala
lativa forma parte de la obra entera de un rgimen (2014: 28) que la simplicidad de la LRP la
en que tuvo lugar la revolucin pacfica, social y hizo funcionar como si fuera un ultimtum,
econmica que hoy hace posible que estemos lo que facilit la coordinacin de los procu-
discutiendo en una Cmara cuestiones que en radores franquistas en torno a una decisin
otro tiempo tuvieron como marco la angustia, la e hizo ms fcil que los procuradores perci-
anarqua y la confrontacin armada. bieran cul era la tendencia mayoritaria.
Por lo que respecta a determinar la di-
En esta y otras intervenciones de carc- mensionalidad de la Ley, era tambin impor-
ter parecido, es el rgimen de Franco el que tante que, como presidente de las Cortes,
sent las bases para la reforma democrtica. Fernndez-Miranda controlase los trminos
Esta interpretacin permiti a los procurado- bajo los que se discutira y votara la LRP. En
res mantener la posicin deseada y salvar primer lugar, habra una clara distincin entre
la cara. dos fases de la sesin plenaria: la primera
Otro punto clave en el planteamiento de consistira en las deliberaciones, en las que
la Ley fue limitar su alcance a un mero instru- Fernndez-Miranda controlaba quin habla-
mento procedimental, con la intencin de ba y en qu orden, y la segunda sera la vo-
permitir a los espaoles expresar su opinin. tacin. Fernndez-Miranda dej claro que no
Como portavoz de la Ponencia, Fernando habra ningn voto hasta que la fase delibe-
Surez Gonzlez resalt este punto al soste- rativa de la sesin plenaria hubiera conclui-
ner que la Ley no adelantara el contenido de do, para evitar as que los procuradores pu-
la reforma, sino que simplemente establece- dieran votar por separado cada una de las
ra un procedimiento para llevar a cabo la enmiendas despus de que estas se deba-
reforma. El limitado alcance procedimental tieran. Tema que, si esto ocurra, la LRP po-
de la Ley, amn de su simplicidad, permiti dra verse sustancialmente alterada por el
que se presentara como algo que tena que peso de enmiendas menores, que eran insig-
votarse a favor o en contra en su totalidad. nificantes por s mismas, pero no as en su
Cruz Martnez Esteruelas se quej de que conjunto. Esto alterara el planteamiento de
impedir a los procuradores que votaran se- la Ley como un asunto de todo o nada y, por

tanto, tambin las dimensiones sobre las que tar. Fernndez-Miranda demostr tener
se estaba juzgando. La coordinacin de los totalmente controlado el procedimiento
procuradores franquistas se volvera ms di- cuando contest: Entiendo que el sistema
fcil si se les exiga formar una nueva mayora de las votaciones no es desconocido. Lo que
en torno a cada enmienda. es desconocido es la decisin de esta Presi-
Fernndez-Miranda tambin se cuid en dencia, que tiene derecho a tomarla en el
dejar todas las opciones abiertas sobre momento oportuno.
cmo se llevara a cabo la votacin finalmen- Al mantener la iniciativa de esta manera,
te. Deline los tres posibles mtodos de vo- Fernndez-Miranda fue capaz de responder
tacin al inicio de los tres das de debate, hbilmente a la principal amenaza de esta
pero dej claro que no decidira cul usar estrategia: una maniobra heresttica que in-
hasta que la fase deliberativa de la sesin tent llevar a cabo Cruz Martnez Esteruelas,
plenaria hubiera acabado. El primer mtodo el portavoz del grupo derechista Alianza Po-
conllevara votar la LRP en su totalidad, con pular (AP). Este grupo, liderado por Manuel
una mayora de dos tercios necesaria para su Fraga, constaba de 180 procuradores y era
aprobacin. El segundo conllevara votar de- la agrupacin poltica ms numerosa de las
terminadas secciones de la Ley separada- Cortes. El apoyo de este grupo era muy im-
mente, que seran aprobadas por mayora portante para que la LRP saliera adelante.
simple. Una ulterior aprobacin por dos ter- Snchez-Cuenca (2014: 266) seala que
cios de la cmara sera necesaria para que el Alianza Popular facilit enormemente la
referndum se pudiese celebrar. En el tercer coordinacin de un bloque importante de
mtodo, se votaran separadamente varios procuradores que poda votar tanto a favor
puntos, aunque no todos, y aquellos que no como en contra.
fuesen aprobados iran a la comisin legisla-
Segn Riker, una de las maniobras heres-
tiva de las Leyes Fundamentales. Una vez
tticas ms comunes consiste en la manipu-
que fueran aprobadas ah, la LRP sera de-
lacin de dimensiones, lo que normalmente
vuelta al pleno de las Cortes. Al negarse a
conlleva la introduccin de una nueva di-
comprometerse con una decisin de ante-
mensin que altere el equilibrio existente y
mano, Fernndez-Miranda poda adaptar su
permita que se forme una nueva mayora en
estrategia como considerase oportuno. De
torno a un nuevo asunto. Sin embargo, Nagel
esta manera, l retuvo la iniciativa, mientras
otros se vean obligados a reaccionar. Que seala que Riker tambin reconoce que:
algunos procuradores estaban molestos con
el control que ejerca Fernndez-Miranda so- [] el concepto incluye la posibilidad de determi-
bre los procedimientos estaba claro en el nar la dimensionalidad, manteniendo o reducien-
nmero de crticas que se hicieron al uso del do el nmero de dimensiones del asunto. Si los
procedimiento de urgencia y al innecesario polticos proclives al cambio intentan aumentar la
apresuramiento que este exiga. Tambin dimensionalidad, entonces los que estn ya en el
hubo procuradores que pidieron que se vo- poder tienen que mantener la estabilidad supri-
tase cada enmienda por separado. Nada miendo o delimitando nuevas causas de conflicto.
ms acabar el segundo da de deliberacio-
nes, Luca de Tena y Brunet apunt a la exis- Esto es lo que Fernndez-Miranda estaba
tencia de pactos secretos dentro de las Cor- intentando conseguir. La LRP determin la
tes y declar: No se entiende, seores dimensionalidad en torno a la cuestin de
Procuradores, por qu se nos oculta el pro- apoyar o desaprobar una ley que se haba
cedimiento y, en consecuencia, el conoci- presentado como un asunto de procedimien-
miento de lo que vamos exactamente a vo- to y no como uno sustancial. En lnea con el

argumento de Snchez-Cuenca (2014: 20- cin transitoria, fue despus votada por se-
29), esto facilit que los procuradores discer- parado, antes del voto final sobre la LRP, y
nieran cul era la opinin mayoritaria en las fue aprobada sin mayores problemas. La
Cortes y as foment que se posicionaran a enmienda se incluy en el texto de la LRP
favor, con tal de evitar quedarse en una po- que fue despus sometido a voto en su tota-
sicin de minora. lidad7.
En el segundo da de deliberaciones, Aunque estos dos temas (la legalidad de
Cruz Martnez Esteruelas, el portavoz del la Ley y el sistema electoral que se propona)
grupo parlamentario de Alianza Popular, eran los ms controvertidos y, por consi-
amenaz con que sus diputados se absten- guiente, los aspectos que ms se discutieron,
dran si no se votaba cada enmienda antes uno de los temas que se codific con un ma-
de votar la Ley en su totalidad. Detrs de yor nmero de referencias no tena, sin em-
este asunto procedimental estaba el deseo bargo, relacin con el contenido propiamente
de Alianza Popular de obligar al Gobierno a dicho de la Ley y, aun as, su anlisis es reve-
adoptar un sistema electoral mayoritario lador. El tema era el de las emociones, que a
para las elecciones al Congreso de los Dipu- su vez se desglosaba en las diferentes emo-
tados, en vez del sistema proporcional que ciones articuladas por los oradores. Entre
propona la LRP. AP intent de esta manera estas, destacaban tres: la lealtad, el respeto
su propia maniobra heresttica al introducir y la conciencia sobre la transcendencia his-
una nueva dimensin. Conseguir el apoyo trica que tena tal acontecimiento. La lealtad
necesario para aprobar la LRP era una cosa, se expres de maneras diferentes: lealtad a
pero conseguir este apoyo en cada enmien- Franco y al legado de su rgimen, lealtad a los
da era algo totalmente diferente. Si hubiera Principios Fundamentales que daban base
ocurrido esto, es probable que la LRP habra al rgimen franquista y lealtad al Rey. Lo
tenido las mismas dificultades que Snchez- que es quiz ms interesante es que pareca
Cuenca ha identificado en relacin al paque- ms importante para los procuradores ser
te de reformas de Arias Navarro. El problema fieles a sus creencias y principios, indepen-
con las diferentes iniciativas legislativas pro- dientemente de cules fueran estos, que a
puestas por Arias Navarro era que: No es- qu eran leales. A menudo se haca aparen-
taba claro cunto haba en juego en cada te que el mismo orador poda ser leal a va-
uno de los asuntos que configuraban la re- rias cosas a la vez, pero el deseo de parecer
forma, ni qu alcance tenan cada uno de que permanecan fieles a s mismos se de-
ellos o tomados conjuntamente (Snchez- jaba fuera de dudas, lo cual levant a me-
Cuenca, 2014: 113). nudo el aplauso de los procuradores. Por
Fernndez-Miranda gestion la amenaza eso se puso tanto hincapi en plantear la
de Alianza Popular no suprimiendo el nuevo Ley de una forma determinada. Fernndez-
asunto, sino decidiendo sobre l indepen- Miranda entendi la importancia de la pol-
dientemente. Al darse cuenta de que tendra tica de las apariencias, de la necesidad de
que negociar, el Gobierno acept la introduc- los procuradores por parecer leales a sus
cin de correctivos a la proporcionalidad, de creencias y de salvar la cara. El xito con-
los que el ms importante era que las cir- seguido por el esmero con el que se plante
cunscripciones electorales corresponderan
con las 52 provincias espaolas y que habra
un mnimo de dos diputados por circunscrip- 7 Navarro (2014: 151) sostiene que el Gobierno haba
cin, independientemente de cul fuese su juzgado esos correctivos a la proporcionalidad como
necesarios, pero que, a sugerencia de Fernndez-Miran-
poblacin. Esta nica enmienda al sistema da, se los reserv como moneda de cambio para el
electoral, estipulada en la primera disposi- debate.

la LRP como si fuese la culminacin y la bin manifestaron su deseo de hacer frente

consecuencia lgica del franquismo puede a las exigencias del momento. Esta com-
reconocerse en la siguiente declaracin del prensin de la ocasin histrica iba frecuen-
ministro de la Marina, el almirante Gabriel temente acompaada por el deseo de cum-
Pita, ntimo amigo de Franco, quien declar plir con su deber, de servir al pueblo espaol
despus de la votacin: Mi conciencia est y muchos reconocieron el sentido de res-
tranquila porque las reformas democrticas ponsabilidad que sentan en aquel momen-
se llevarn a cabo siguiendo la legalidad to histrico. Tal vez esto no fue ms que un
franquista (Preston, 2004: 374). sentimiento exagerado de patriotismo
Otra emocin clave durante los debates (Preston, 1986: 101), pero aquel sentimiento
fue el respeto. Todos los oradores expresa- hizo que los procuradores se unieran en tor-
ron su respeto por los dems y por sus opi- no a una conciencia de empresa colectiva
niones, aunque fuesen diversas. Adems de que facilit la aprobacin de la Ley, ya que
pronunciarse de manera explcita, tambin pocos queran mostrarse pblicamente
se manifest en la exquisita cortesa con la como intransigentes o como un obstculo
que los procuradores se dirigan al plenario y para la reforma.
a otros procuradores en particular. Tambin Tambin se reiteraron varios valores du-
hubo respeto por el pasado, normalmente en rante el debate. Aguilar (2002: 178, fn. 56)
forma de elogios a los logros de Franco. Esto destaca que Armona fue la principal ex-
concordaba con el planteamiento de la Ley presin del debate, sobre todo cuando se
como si fuera la culminacin del legado de vio que se acaloraron las discusiones y que
Franco y el siguiente paso que este deba sera necesario negociar la redaccin de la
tomar. Por ltimo, hubo un claro respeto por versin final del texto. Por tanto, se hizo
los ciudadanos, si bien a veces vena acom- mucha ms referencia a la armona en el ter-
paado por una visin paternalista sobre sus cer y ltimo da del debate que en el comien-
capacidades. El respeto por la voluntad de zo. Hay que destacar que las referencias al
los espaoles apareci sobre todo en la can- deseo y a la necesidad de asegurar la esta-
tidad de veces en las que los procuradores
bilidad y, a la inversa, evitar los peligros de
reconocieron el derecho del pueblo espaol
la inestabilidad, as como el concomitante
a manifestar su opinin. Aunque hubo des-
anhelo de paz, fueron tambin frecuentes a
acuerdo en qu exactamente haba que dejar
lo largo de los tres das de debate. Todos
en manos del pueblo, ningn procurador di-
estos valores reflejaron el peso del pasado
sinti, o al menos quiso mostrar su des-
en el pleno.
acuerdo pblicamente, sobre la necesidad
de dar voz a los espaoles. Los ponentes
pusieron ms nfasis en esta necesidad que
los otros procuradores, porque haban pre-
CONCLUSIN
sentado la Ley precisamente como un meca- La LPR sent las bases sobre las que poste-
nismo procedimental para dar voz a los ciu- riormente se sustent el xito de la Transi-
dadanos. cin en Espaa. En aquel momento, la figura
La otra emocin a la que los procurado- clave fue Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, que,
res se refirieron con mayor frecuencia se desde su control de instituciones fundamen-
puede expresar como una comprensin de tales, se encontraba en una posicin ideal
la transcendencia histrica de la ocasin. para llevar a cabo maniobras herestticas,
Casi todos los oradores afirmaron ser cons- sobre todo aquellas relacionadas con la ma-
cientes de la tarea histrica en la que se nera en la que se plante y se determin la
encontraban involucrados y muchos tam- dimensionalidad de esta Ley.

Estas dos maniobras herestticas esta- BIBLIOGRAFA

ban interrelacionadas: la manera de plantear
Aguilar, Paloma (2002). Memory and Amnesia. The
la Ley permiti la determinacin de su di-
Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to
mensionalidad. La manera en la que se plan- Democracy. New York: Berghahn Books.
te y se determin la dimensionalidad de la
Casanova, Jos (1983). Modernization and Demo-
Ley tambin es crucial para entender la im- cratization: Reflections on Spains Transition to
portancia de la estructura de los gustos y Democracy. Social Research, 50(4): 929-973.
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Cohen, Youssef (1991). The Heresthetics of Coup
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autoritario en uno democrtico, la capacidad and the End of the Cold War. Journal of Cold
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tes y de mantener las apariencias puede ser fonso (1995). Lo que el Rey me ha pedido. Bar-
de gran importancia para los actores involu- celona: Plaza y Jans.
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caso de Espaa, los ciudadanos son por tics: An Analysis of Rhetoric and Manipulation from
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un solo caso de estudio, pero al centrarse en nal of Political Science, 32(3): 535-558.
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Nagel, Jack H. (1993). Populism, Heresthetics and
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foco de atencin de los estudios herestti- Jans.
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en procesos de transicin, sobre todo en sus Powell, Charles (1996). Juan Carlos of Spain. Self-
primeras etapas, as que sera positivo que Made Monarch. London: Macmillan Press.
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cin a actores polticos que ocupan puestos Barcelona: Plaza y Jans.
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RECEPCIN: 07/01/2015
REVISIN: 11/03/2015
APROBACIN: 25/05/2015

doi:10.5477/cis/reis.154.3
Keeping up Appearances: Torcuato

Fernndez-Miranda, Heresthetics and the
Spanish Law for Political Reform
Vestir el mueco: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, la heresttica y la Ley
para la Reforma Poltica
Georgina Blakeley
Key words Abstract

Political Elites This article attempts to explain an unexpected political outcome: Why,
Francoism when it would result in their own political demise, did an overwhelming
Heresthetics majority in the Francoist parliament vote in favour of the Law for Political
Legislative Power Reform in 1976? Based on the concept of heresthetics, this article
Decision Making analyses the strategic manoeuvres of Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, the
Democratic Transition president of the Francoist Cortes, which led to the passage of the Law.
A thematic analysis of the three days of debate over the Law in the
Cortes shows the way in the which the discussion was raised and the
dimensionality of the Law determined, and reveals significant
heresthetic maneuvering in a situation of transition in which the need
to maintain appearances was of vital importance.
Palabras clave Resumen

lites polticas Este artculo trata de explicar un desenlace poltico inesperado: por
Franquismo qu una inmensa mayora de procuradores franquistas vot a favor de
Heresttica la Ley para la Reforma Poltica, la cual supona su propia muerte
Poder legislativo poltica? A partir del concepto de heresttica, el artculo analiza las
Toma de decisiones maniobras estratgicas llevadas a cabo por Torcuato Fernndez-
Transicin Miranda, el presidente de las Cortes franquistas, que garantizaron que
democrtica la Ley se aprobase. Un anlisis temtico de los tres das de discusin
de la Ley en el pleno de las Cortes revela la importancia de la manera
en la que se plante y se determin la dimensionalidad de esta Ley, lo
que debe considerarse como una significante maniobra heresttica en
una situacin de transicin en la que la necesidad de mantener las
apariencias, es decir, de vestir el mueco, era de vital importancia.
Citation
Blakeley, Georgina (2016). Keeping up Appearances: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, Heresthetics
and the Spanish Law for Political Reform. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 154:
3-20.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.154.3)
Georgina Blakeley: The Open University | georgina.blakeley@open.ac.uk
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 154, April - June 2016, pp. 3-20
4 Keeping up Appearances: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda, Heresthetics and the Spanish Law for Political Reform
INTRODUCTION1 THE LAW FOR POLITICAL REFORM

AND THE SPANISH TRANSITION TO
The Law for Political Reform (LPR) was
DEMOCRACY
passed by the Cortes (Francoist parliament)
on the 18th November 1976 and was subse- The LPR was the first crucial step in Spains
quently approved by 94 per cent of the vote legal transformation from within. Reform
in a popular referendum on the 15th Decem- from above, on the initiative of the outgoing
ber 1976 (Preston, 1986:104). In passing the Francoist elites, was facilitated by the com-
LPR, the Francoist parliament voted them- plex institutional and legal framework of the
selves and other key Francoist institutions Francoist regime which had been built up
out of existence. Moreover, not only did the over its thirty-six year period in power. To the
Francoist deputies vote for their own political surprise of many, not least the anti-Francoist
demise, they did so by an overwhelming ma- opposition, the regimes institutional and le-
jority. Of the 497 deputies present, 425 voted gal framework was used to facilitate rather
in favour, 59 voted against and 13 abstained. than to obstruct democratic reform.
Having voted themselves out of existence, Although the Francoist regime did not
the deputies then led an exceptional, self- have a constitution, it had a well-developed
congratulatory standing ovation. legal framework which rested upon a series
This article seeks to explain this unex- of Fundamental Laws. The first of these Fun-
pected political outcome drawing on heres- damental Laws, issued during the Civil War,
thetics2 to do so. It proceeds as follows. The was the 1938 Labour Charter, which regu-
next section explains the significance of the lated labour relations. In 1942, the Creation
LPR and its place within Spains democrati- of Parliament Act was passed followed by
sation process. The second section sets out the 1945 Spaniards Charter and the 1947
how this article complements the various ex- Act of Succession. Finally, there were the
isting explanations of the Francoists collec- 1958 Principles of the National Movement
tive political suicide. The article then turns to Act and the 1967 Organic Law of the State.
heresthetics and its relevance to analysing These Fundamental Laws amounted to little
the LPR. This involves first, examining Tor- more than window-dressing while Franco
cuato Fernndez-Miranda as a herestheti- was still alive, but once Franco was dead
cian and second, analysing the three-days of they provided a legal foundation upon which
plenary debate prior to the Laws approval. the Francoist institutions continued to de-
This analysis reveals the importance of fram- pend for their legitimacy and ultimately their
ing and the fixing of dimensionality as key survival.
heresthetical manoeuvres within a transition
Crucially, the LPR was conceived and pre-
situation where appearances and the need to
sented as the perfection of the existing Fun-
keep up appearances are of the utmost im-
damental Laws rather than their abrogation.
portance.
This framing meant it would be easier for
Francoist deputies to accept the Law as the
perfection and logical outcome of Francoism
1 This research was funded by a small research grant rather than its negation, as will be explored
(SG112202) from the British Academy.
later in the analysis of the three-day parlia-
I would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers
mentary debate. Appearances mattered: few
whose suggestions greatly improved this article. Any
remaining deficiencies are, of course, my responsibility. deputies were ready or willing to renege on
2 Heresthetics is a political concept invented by the
their oath to uphold Francoist principles and
American political scientist, William Riker, and refers to thus wanted to believe that any reform carried
the art of political manipulation. out was in accordance with this legacy. In-
Georgina Blakeley 5
deed, Paloma Aguilar (2002:174) writes that tablish a full democracy because it did not
It was of utmost importance to maintain the intend to, but it did open the door for the
fiction of Francoist legality right up until the people to state their preferences. Hence the
passing of the Constitution in order not to pro- title of the Law was no casual coincidence: it
voke greater opposition on the part of the far- was deliberately named the Law for Political
Right and the Army. Reform not the Law of Political Reform.
The 1947 Law of Succession held the key This tightly defined conception of the Law
to reform from within. Article ten of this Law was fundamental to the way in which it was
stipulated that the Fundamental Laws could framed and presented to the Francoist Par-
be reformed provided that the Parliament ap- liament. For Fernndez-Miranda, the LPR
proved by an absolute majority the bill being represented the instrument of change not
proposed and that the Spanish population change itself (Fernndez-Miranda, 1995:259).
subsequently endorsed the proposed law in This was the whole idea behind Fernndez-
a referendum. With this provision enshrined Mirandas vision of reform from above and
within a Francoist Fundamental Law, the po- his framing of the LPR. The aim was to use
tential was there to reform the regime from one procedural rule (Article ten of the Suc-
within. Moreover, the Fundamental Laws had cession Law) to establish a new procedural
been previously modified and perfected on rule (the LPR) which would pave the way for
several occasions under Franco which meant the people to decide more substantive issues
that the precedent of transforming the Laws in democratic elections.
in order to improve them had already been Much of the Laws content was, as Agui-
set. The LPR, drafted originally by Torcuato lar (2002), rightly points out, a reaction to the
Fernndez-Miranda and proposed to the perceived failures of the Second Republic.
Parliament by the Head of the Government, The first article established the principle of
Adolfo Surez, became the eighth Funda- popular sovereignty, the rule of law and the
mental Law even though its content effec- fundamental rights of the individual. It also
tively made the previous seven Fundamental established that legislative power was to re-
Laws redundant. side in the Parliament while the King would
sanction legislation. The second article de-
In its final version approved by the Fran-
tailed the two-chamber composition of the
coist parliament on the 18th November, the
parliament and their method of selection and
LPR consisted of five articles, two temporary
length of term. Clause six of the second ar-
clauses and one final provision. It was char-
ticle stated that the President of the Cortes
acterised by its brevity and lucidity and, in the
and the Council of the Realm would be nom-
words of Martn Villa, the original draft bill,
inated by the King. Article three set out the
though it was then subsequently modified,
criteria for constitutional reform, the initiative
was without doubt the work of the president
for which was granted to the Government
of the Parliament, Torcuato Fernndez-Miran- and the Congress of Deputies. It required any
da (cited by Fernndez-Miranda, 1995:226). constitutional reform to be approved by an
In brief, the Law paved the way for the dis- absolute majority of the Congress and Sen-
solution of the Francoist institutions and the ate. In the case of disagreement between the
holding of parliamentary elections. two chambers, a Joint Commission would be
The Law was criticised by many in the op- established to iron out disagreements. Be-
position for not establishing a full democracy fore sanctioning any constitutional reform,
and indeed the left-wing parties advised ab- the King would submit it to the nation in a
stention in the referendum on the Law. This referendum. Article four established the cri-
was to miss the point. The Law did not es- teria for approving ordinary legislation. Article
five granted the King the power to submit an factors which combined to push Spain in a
issue of national importance for approval in democratic direction. And yet, although
a popular referendum. The two temporary much was made in the plenary debate on the
clauses established that the Government LPR that Franco was unrepeatable and
would regulate the first elections to the Cor- change was thus to some degree inevitable,
tes and laid out the criteria for the election of there was plenty of disagreement over both
350 deputies and 207 senators. The former the degree and substance of this change,
would be elected by a system of proportion- from minimal suggestions of expanding ele-
al representation, corrected by a number of ments of organic democracy to maximal sug-
mechanisms to avoid over-fragmentation; gestions for liberal democracy. Little was in-
the latter would be elected by a majoritarian evitable about the degree and direction of
system. The content of the temporary clauses democratisation in Spain.
was significant because nothing in these The key dilemma as Snchez-Cuenca
clauses was fixed or final. This helped in (2014:16) points out is to explain why both
framing the rest of the Bills content as simply the Council of the National Movement and
a mechanism to allow the Spanish people to the Francoist Cortes showed greater hostility
decide their political future while giving a and resistance towards the initial, more timid
temporary status to controversial issues like reform programme put forward by Francos
electoral criteria. The final clause established appointed nominee, Carlos Arias Navarro,
that the LPR would have the status of a Fun- than towards the LPR. By analysing the
damental Law. voting behaviour of the Francoist deputies
with regard to the various legislative initia-
tives which made up the Arias reform pack-
EXPLAINING THE LAW FOR age and the subsequent LPR, Snchez-
POLITICAL REFORM Cuenca demonstrates that a sufficient
number of deputies changed their vote be-
So remarkable is this piece of legislation that
tween the two major reform initiatives to al-
one analyst called it the most bewildering
low the approval of the LPR in contrast to the
event of the entire transition (Casanova,
Arias reforms. Significantly, he shows that
1983:971). Prego (1999:253) argues that it
their reasons for doing so were not ideologi-
represented the key to the transition pro-
cal but strategic: voting behaviour was de-
cess while, in the most detailed analysis of termined by the desire of the deputies to
the LPR to date, Snchez-Cuenca (2014:11), align themselves with the majority position in
argues that approving the LPR was, without the Cortes (Snchez-Cuenca, 2014:27). One
doubt, the most important episode of the of the major differences between the Arias
Spanish transition to democracy. reform package and the LPR was that the
Various factors combine to help explain fragmentary nature of the former, made up of
the unexpected political suicide of the Fran- various legislative initiatives, made it difficult
coist deputies. The structural context was for deputies to coordinate themselves,
certainly propitious for democracy. The so- whereas the simplicity of the LPR facilitated
cial and economic changes that Spain had this coordination. This article draws on the
experienced during the long Francoist dicta- analytical framework of heresthetics to com-
torship, the democratising pressures from plement Snchez-Cuencas (2014:29) major
the international environment, the difficulty of research finding that the process of political
transferring the personal legitimacy of Fran- change was ruled, in large part, by strategic
co to any successor and the democratising questions that concerned the capacity of the
pressure from civil society actors were all deputies to anticipate what was going to be
Georgina Blakeley 7
the winning position and to be able to join it. Heresthetics is a neologism coined by
Heresthetics focuses on precisely the kind of Riker to refer to the art of political manipula-
strategic questions Snchez-Cuenca identi- tion. Riker defined heresthetics as being con-
fies and is useful in analysing the different cerned with the manipulation of the structure
ways in which the environment can be ma- of tastes and alternatives within which deci-
nipulated strategically to encourage the for- sions are made, both the objective structure
mation of winning majorities. and the structure as it appears to participants.
It is a study of the strategy of decision. (Italics
in the original, 1983:55) The stress on strategy
HERESTHETICS is important as heresthetics is not reducible to
general political cunning, rhetoric or persua-
There is an increasing amount of literature on sion. Riker argues that heresthetics refers to
the subject of heresthetics. Many of the most strategic manipulation whereby the winners
interesting contributions flesh out the theo- induce by more than rhetorical attraction.
retical framework of heresthetics with rich, Typically they win because they have set up
historical narratives. These analytic narra- the situation in such a way that other people
tives take conventional political wisdoms and will want to join them or will feel forced by
turn them on their head or they take unex- circumstances to join them even without
pected political outcomes and provide a any persuasion at all. (Riker, 1986:ix) This is
convincing explanation of them. While this important because some people cannot or
growing body of literature provides both the- will not be persuaded. Yet, as with both rhet-
oretical and historical insights, it is limited in oric and persuasion, the use of language,
two interrelated ways. First, the geographical especially to frame issues in a particular way,
focus is concentrated on the USA and Britain is important to the success of heresthetical
with only a few exceptions to this rule (for strategies.
example, Nagel (1993) on New Zealand and Although a range of behaviour fits under
Cohen (1991) and Evangelista (2001) dis- the label of heresthetics this article focuses on
cussed below). The main work on the USA two main forms: framing and the fixing of di-
has come from William Riker (1983, 1986), mensionality. Moreover, rather than seeing
Kenneth Shepsle (2002), and Norman Scho- these as separate forms of heresthetics, this
field (2002). On Britain, McLean (2001, 2002) article enhances the existing literature on her-
has provided the most interesting body of esthetics by arguing that what is important
work. Second, the literature focuses on heres- here is the relationship between the framing of
thetics within established liberal democra- what is at stake and the fixing of dimension-
cies. Only a small number of articles examine ality. The act of framing an issue in a particular
regimes which are in states of transition: her- way, combined with control over procedural
esthetics are used by Cohen to explain the issues such as voting systems, can help to
Brazilian coup of 1964 and by Evangelista achieve the fixing of dimensionality. A focus
(2001) to explain change in the Soviet system on framing also directs attention to the perfor-
which paved the way for the end of the Cold mative dimension of heresthetics, which Colin
War. This analysis adds to the existing litera- Hay (2009:263-4) argues has often been ne-
ture through an examination of heresthetics glected especially in public settings.
in an authoritarian regime in the process of This performative dimension has also
transition. It therefore takes up Cohens been neglected in transition settings where
(1991:345) invitation to explore the connec- the public audience is in the process of be-
tion between heresthetics and political coming an important and novel factor in po-
change. litics.
Heresthetics is a useful theoretical tool to chance that Fernndez-Miranda was facing

enhance our understanding of the strategic the possibility of defeat. Fernndez-Miran-
manoeuvring that contributed to the approv- das strategy for reform could be rejected by
al of the LPR. To begin with, the LPR pro- the Francoist parliament, be vetoed by pow-
vides just the kind of material which McLean erful players such as the Army or be dam-
argues heresthetics should concentrate on aged by opposition calls for abstention in the
illuminating. In his review article of Rikers popular referendum on the Law. Tension was
work, McLean argues that the future of Rik- also heightened by the opposition call for a
ers agenda is to be found in emphasizing general strike on the 12 November, a mere
the unexpectedness of some political out- four days prior to the plenary debate.
comes (2002:554). Through heresthetics,
McLean continues, The analyst identifies a
surprising political outcome and seeks to TORCUATO FERNNDEZ-MIRANDA
identify the rhetorical and heresthetic de- AS HERESTHETICIAN
vices that led to it. (2002: 557) Heresthetics
is a useful tool in providing a convincing ana- Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda was well placed
lytic narrative of perplexing political events to undertake heresthetical manoeuvres. He
such as the LPR. had enjoyed a long and distinguished career
under Franco, having held a variety of posts
Second, heresthetics is useful because it
including that of vice-president of the Council
points to the importance of both structure
and agency and the interplay between them. of the National Movement (the Falange) and
Herestheticians are to be found continually vice-president of the Government. He knew
poking and pushing the world to produce how the institutions of the Francoist regime
the desired outcome (Riker, 1986:142), but worked and was ideally placed to manipulate
this constant poking and pushing does not the institutional context to produce the de-
take place in a vacuum. Shepsle (2002:20) sired outcome. Moreover, as an expert in
emphasises the importance of the institu- constitutional law he had a deep and sophis-
tional resources that a heresthetician has at ticated knowledge of the seven Fundamental
his or her disposal for institutional arrange- Laws. This knowledge was essential to any
ments provide both the obstacles and op- reform based on the legal self-transformation
portunities affecting strategic manoeuvring. of Francoism. It enabled Fernndez-Miranda
Those who are best placed to carry out her- to demonstrate convincingly that the Funda-
esthetical manoeuvres, therefore, are those mental Laws, including that of the Principles
who occupy the institutional positions which of the National Movement, could be reformed.
will allow them to carry out heresthetical This helped to assure the King Juan Carlos
strategies. that on swearing his fidelity to the Fundamen-
Finally, in Rikers (1983:63) words, the tal Laws and the Principles of the National
user of the particular heresthetic device must Movement as Francos designated succes-
be a person who has lost a decision or rea- sor, he was not tying his hands with regard to
sonably anticipates losing one. Nagel, how- any future democratic reform process (Pres-
ever, qualifies what Shepsle (2002:11) calls ton, 1993:742).
Rikers soft spot for losers. For Nagel Shepsle (2002:19) emphasises that it
(1993:144), the more accurate formula is helps a great deal for someone to be in an
potential losers as winners who want to institutional position to implement his or her
stay in power must be constantly inventive if heresthetic. At the time of the LPR, Fernn-
they are to adapt to change and fend off ri- dez-Miranda was President of the Parliament
vals gambits. In 1976 there was every and President of the Council of the Realm.
Georgina Blakeley 9
Control of the Parliament was crucial to the cial. For Fernando nega (2014:79), Fernn-
passage of any legislation, including any fu- dez-Miranda was masterful in the art of
ture political reform bill. That Fernndez-Mi- directing the Cortes and as such was the
randa recognised the importance of this posi- authentic muse of the transition (nega,
tion can be seen in his refusal of the Kings 2014:173). As a heresthetician, Fernndez-
offer to make him Prime Minister. Fernndez- Miranda was attentive to the ability of the in-
Miranda declared: As a political man, which stitutional and structural context to both fa-
I am, I would like to head your new govern- cilitate and obstruct rational action and he
ment but I can be a great deal more use to you was attentive to the process by which out-
as president of the Cortes. (Powell, 1996:76) comes are produced (Shepsle, 2002:9). He
was also attentive to these in both their objec-
Fernndez-Mirandas position also cor-
tive and subjective appearance. In this sense,
responds to one common heresthetic move
insufficient analytical attention has been paid
identified by McLean, namely, leading from
to Rikers emphasis on the structure as it ap-
the wrong side (2001:28). Two examples
pears to participants in contrast to the ob-
McLean provides of this are Peel who led the
jective structure of tastes and alternatives
agricultural party which abolished agricul-
(1983: 55, my italics added). This article ar-
tural protection and Disraeli who led the rural
gues that this is particularly important when
party which enfranchised the towns. In the
conducting heresthetics in the context of an
case of the LPR, Torcuato Fernndez-Miran-
authoritarian regime where the formal struc-
da was certainly leading from the wrong tures and institutions of power are never in-
side. For the anti-Francoist opposition, it dicative of the realities of power. In such a
was inconceivable that Fernndez-Miranda situation, the importance of the structure as
would be able to usher in democratic reforms it appears to participants, as well as how it
yet, despite being a life-long Francoist, he may appear to others, can be more significant
proved crucial to its demise. than in a more transparent, democratic situa-
The three actors involved in guiding the tion. If appearances and the keeping up of
passage of the LPR through the Parliament appearances can be crucial in authoritarian
were the King Juan Carlos, the President of contexts, key heresthetical manoeuvres may
the Government Adolfo Surez and Torcuato consist of controlling appearances by framing
Fernndez-Miranda. According to Preston, issues in particular ways.
all three knew that they were walking a tight-
rope. The project had to be steered past the
Francoist establishment and the Army while HERESTHETICAL MANOEUVRES
being exposed to the suspicious scrutiny of
Shepsle (2002:11) argues that Clever politi-
the opposition (2004:363). The danger lay in
cians do not take the political world as they
the fact that the LPR would be seen as too
find it. True to this claim, Fernndez-Miran-
radical for the Francoist bunker, who from
da took nothing as fixed or given. He used
their control of the key Francoist institutions various heresthetical manoeuvres to achieve
would do their best to block it, while it would the desired outcome: he introduced new pro-
be seen as too moderate by the opposition cedures to change who would take the deci-
forces, who would also try to discredit it in sion and retained control over deciding the
order to force their preferred route to democ- voting procedure to be used until the end of
racy via the establishment of a provisional the three-day plenary session. He framed the
government of all the opposition forces. decision in particular ways to control the in-
To square the circle, the heresthetical ma- terpretation of what was at stake in voting for
noeuvrings of Fernndez-Miranda were cru- the Law and, in so doing, also fixed dimen-
sionality. In short, he invented new ways of put it to the test while the previous govern-
conducting politics. ment led by Francos appointed nominee,
Fernndez-Mirandas most important pro- Arias Navarro, was still in charge. On the 25th
cedural innovation was the emergency proce- May 1976, the emergency procedure was
dure. This was crucial in two ways: first, it applied to the Meeting and Demonstrations
established a maximum time limit of 25 days bill. The plenary session lasted a mere five
to process bills. This helped to control the hours and was approved with only four votes
amount of time any particular aspect could be against. In June, the Political Associations
debated and made delaying tactics harder. bill was also presented using the same
Second, it allowed the Parliament plenary, mechanism and again was passed without
rather than the legislative commissions, to re- problem. By using the emergency procedure
ceive any bill which the President considered on previous bills under a Franco-nominated
to be urgent. This meant that the LPR would Prime Minister, the procedure could not be
not have to pass through the legislative com- seen as specific to the LPR or to the Surez
mission which normally dealt with any bill re- Government. Although several deputies
lating to the Fundamental Laws. Although complained about the use of the emergency
Fernndez-Miranda had nominated eleven procedure for the LPR in the three-day de-
new Presidents to the various legislative com- bate, such complaints lacked force as the
procedure had acquired prior and indepen-
missions, including that which dealt with the
dent legitimacy5.
Fundamental Laws3, over half of the deputies
who made up the Fundamental Laws com- Heresthetical manoeuvres can also con-
mission were hard-line Francoists who could sist of framing issues in particular ways to
have effectively killed the bill simply by ensur- change the interpretation of what is at stake
ing that it became buried in committee never (Shepsle, 2002:10). In an authoritarian situa-
to reappear4. The emergency procedure tion where appearances may be crucial,
therefore shifted the centre of decision-mak- Fernndez-Miranda used various tactics to
ing in the Cortes from the legislative commis- carefully frame the issue.
sions, where the diehard Francoists were con- First, great care was taken to clearly as-
centrated, to the Parliament plenary which sociate the LPR with the King, whom many
was more varied in its composition. This ef- Francoists were hesitant to cross given that
fectively changed the set of agents who would King Juan Carlos was Francos handpicked
vote on the LPR. successor. To go against the Kings wishes
Moreover, prior to using the emergency was tantamount to saying that Franco had
procedure for the LPR, Fernndez-Miranda erred in his judgement and most Francoists
could not bring themselves to believe that. An
attention to appearances was also notable in
3 The intransigent Raimundo Fernndez Cuesta was
replaced by the younger and more moderate Gregorio

Lpez Bravo as President of the Fundamental Laws com- 5 It is worth noting, however, that Fernndez-Miranda
mission. did not hesitate to further reform the emergency proce-
4 Even though the emergency procedure effectively dure to make it more flexible prior to the LPR debate.
switched the centre of decision-making from the legisla- The changes included allowing deputies to intervene in
tive commissions to the plenary of the Cortes, Torcuato the plenary, even without having presented prior amend-
Fernndez-Miranda still did not hesitate to remove some ments, should the Ponencia introduce changes to the
of the most intransigent Francoists when the time came text of the Bill and, in return for not fixing a time-limit for
to pass the LPR. As Preston (1986:101) comments, some the debate, the President of the Cortes reserved the right
of them were sent off on an official foreign visit to Pan- to declare the debate closed. See the changes in the
ama via the Caribbean so that they were absent when Boletn Oficial de las Cortes Espaoles, no. 1532,
the vote took place. 21/10/1976.
the selection of the team responsible for pre- These included, for example, electoral sys-
senting the LPR bill to the Parliament. Preston tems, organic representation vs. inorganic
(2004:373) claimed they had been carefully representation, the role of the King and mech-
chosen by Fernndez-Miranda in terms of anisms for constitutional reform. Other cate-
their ability to appeal to different sectors of the gories were added and then changed or de-
Cortes. The cleverest choice, according to leted as the debates were read and re-read.
Preston, was the Kings life-long friend, The number of times a particular theme was
Miguel Primo de Rivera. As the political heir of mentioned helped to identify those themes
the Founder of the Falange, there was no-one which were of most concern to those speak-
better to assume the defence of the reform ing, but the analysis was as much qualitative
project. (2004:373) as it was quantitative in that it also mattered
In addition to the careful association of which of the deputies spoke about certain is-
the Law with key figures, the conceptualisa- sues and what exactly was said. The length of
tion of the Law was also crucial in framing the time dedicated to particular issues, rather
issue at stake. An analysis of the three-day than the number of references, was also re-
parliamentary debate on the LPR can shed vealing. After all, this was no ordinary plenary
light on the importance of framing. As part of session. It had been anticipated by weeks of
her wider work on the politics of memory in speculation and in-depth analysis in the press
Spain, Paloma Aguilar shows the extent to so the deputies knew that every word uttered
which the past, and the various and often would be analysed and reported on. More
confusing lessons drawn from it, formed a than a plenary debate, this was a performance
thread running through the three days of de- for the Spanish public which was carefully
bate (Aguilar, 2002:173). Although useful, this choreographed by Fernndez-Miranda.
analysis was not intended to be a compre- Such careful choreography was also evi-
hensive examination of the thematic content dent in the way in which the voting on the
of the debate. A thematic analysis of the con- LPR took place and this was also important
tent of the debate is important, however, in framing what was at stake. Not only was
given that heresthetical manoeuvres can the voting televised, each deputy in turn was
consist of framing issues in particular ways called upon to stand up and vote saying yes,
to change the interpretation of what is at no or I abstain to an attentive citizen audi-
stake (Shepsle 2002, p.10). ence. One Rikerian analysis argues that the
The three days of the plenary debate were manipulation of dimensions, as an activity
analysed using NVivo as the tool to code distinct from persuasion, requires an audi-
themes6. Coding was an iterative process: ence and pivots on the victims beliefs about
some themes were identified prior to reading audience reactions (Paine, 1989:48). In the
the debates by using secondary literature, the case of Spain, the reaction of the audience
draft Bill and the 83 amendments presented was becoming important for the first time
to the Bill as the starting point for the pre- and Fernndez-Miranda wanted to outline
identification of categories based on the is- the importance of this new outside audience
sues the amendments and the Bill covered7. to the Francoist deputies.
To some extent, the debate followed the
contours of the Law so the different provi-
6 All of the references that relate to the debate on the
sions contained in each of the Laws five ar-
LPR are from the Diario de Sesiones del Pleno, No.29,
X Legislatura. 16, 17 and 18 November 1976.
7 The amendments and other documentation regarding
the elaboration, discussion and passing of the LPR are Congreso de los Diputados. Serie General de Expedien-
kept at the Chamber of Deputies archive (Archivo del tes. Legajos No. 1240-1241).
ticles and provisional clauses were all dis- Lpez and Jose Fernndez de la Vega y Se-
cussed. Key issues of concern in the debate dano argued that the Bill represented a rup-
were: bicameralism and the particular role of ture of the existing legal framework rather
the Senate within this bicameral arrange- than its reform. Each accepted that although
ment, the requirements for constitutional re- the Fundamental Laws could be reformed,
form, the role of the King in consulting the the Principles of the National Movement
people and in designating senators, and the were permanent, unalterable and unchange-
representation of the Canary Islands. In line able. For Piar Lpez the Principles coin-
with Aguilars analysis (2002:173-174), how- cided with the ideals which gave life to the
ever, it is clear that the two most hotly de- Crusade and they formed the very essence
bated topics were the legality of the Law of Spain, its soul and national conscience.
and which electoral system to adopt. Both He argued that the Principles were of a dif-
these topics had the potential to derail ferent order to the Fundamental Laws be-
Fernndez Mirandas strategy in posing a cause they preceded the Fundamental Laws
threat, albeit in different ways, to how the and thus underpinned and gave life to them.
Law was framed. For Fernndez de la Vega y Sedano the Bill
The discussion of the Laws legality represented a complete, head-on rupture
touched upon its real aim and intentions. The with the existing constitutional framework.
Law had been deliberately framed as the per- Such deputies could not accept the concep-
fection of the seven existing Fundamental tual ambivalence which allowed those speak-
Laws rather than their abrogation. One flash- ing for the Ponencia, the drafting committee,
point in the debate therefore was any deputy to present the Law as the perfection of the
who chose not to keep up appearances by existing legal framework.
rejecting this framing. Two deputies, in par- This conceptual ambivalence, however,
ticular, refused to keep up appearances and had to be maintained to facilitate reform: first,
they each presented an amendment to the to allow those Francoist deputies who wished
totality of the draft bill which called for its re- to vote in favour of the Law to do so without
jection and return to the Government. It is believing that they were betraying the Fran-
also interesting that both deputies - Blas Pi- coist principles which they had sworn to up-
ar Lpez and Jose Fernndez de la Vega y hold on assuming office; second, and more
Sedano - were closely associated with the importantly, to also preserve this belief for the
National Movement. The deputies (Dioniso King who, on becoming Francos designated
Martn Sanz, Raimundo Fernndez Cuesta, successor, had sworn publicly to uphold the
Rafael Daz-Llanos as well as Blas Piar Fundamental Laws and the Principles of the
Lpez and Jose Fernndez de la Vega y Se- National Movement. This is also why amend-
dano) who most closely identified with Na- ments proposing the inclusion of a repeal
tional Syndicalist ideals were least likely to clause in the Law to specify exactly which as-
accept the framing of the Law as the natural pects of the Fundamental Laws were repealed
next step of Francoism. They were also most by the LPR, also presented a potential threat.
likely to refer to the Civil War and to mention Although they were few in number (represent-
both Jos Antonio, the founder of the Fa- ing just over 2 per cent of the 83 amendments
lange, and Franco. Such deputies could not
keep up appearances8. Both Blas Piar
mentioned earlier were Syndicalists. Snchez-Cuenca
(2014:222) notes that 56 per cent of the 34 deputies who
were absent for the vote on the 19th November were
8 It is perhaps no coincidence then that a large number Syndicalists which was a percentage too high to be a
of the deputies who were on the official visit to Panama coincidence.
presented and just over 15 per cent of the 19 in which the peaceful, social and economic revo-
amendments accepted as valid by receiving lution took place which today means that we can
the support of a minimum of 10 deputies), discuss in this Chamber questions that, at another
their message was powerful because they time, were framed by anguish, anarchy and armed
drew attention to the conceptual ambivalence confrontation.
that the Laws architects were defending. Al-
though all were conscious that in reality the In this and similar interventions, it is Fran-
LPR repealed the Fundamental Laws in their cos regime which laid the basis for dem-
entirety, Fernndez-Miranda realised that this ocratic reform. Such an interpretation al-
did not need to be spelled out. Fernndez- lowed deputies to maintain their desired
Miranda noted in his diary When a demo- position and to save face.
cratically legitimate Parliament exists, the is- Another key element in the framing of the
sue will lose its relevance; meanwhile, to pose Law was the limitation of its scope as a
the issue so openly would be to unnecessar- purely procedural instrument to allow the
ily rub salt into deep wounds (Fernndez- Spanish people to have their say. Speaking
Miranda, 1995:262). for the Ponencia, Fernando Suarez Gonzlez
As a Francoist, Fernndez-Miranda had emphasised this point by arguing that the
an acute sense of the importance of what he Law did not prejudge the content of reform
defined as the politics of appearance. In his but simply established a procedure for re-
diary he wrote form. The Laws limited procedural scope,
indeed its simplicity, enabled it to be present-
ed as something to be voted for or against in
During my years as a Minister I often heard that
its entirety. As Cruz Martnez Esteruelas com-
expression: dress it up! It was the enunciation of
plained, preventing deputies from voting
a politics of appearance as opposed to a politics
separately on each amendment amounted to
of truth. The key thing for such a politics was to
forcing us to choose all or nothing. This fix-
present things well, so that they seemed to be
ing of dimensionality, however, was precisely
something even if they werent; the important thing
the point. Fernndez Miranda knew that al-
was not to offer effective solutions, but rather the
lowing a separate vote on each of the 19
appearance of effective solutions; brilliance, not ef-
amendments eligible for discussion in the
ficiency, was required as long as that allowed one
plenary would have made it extremely diffi-
to maintain the desired position and to save face.
cult to pass the Bill in a form that remained
(My italics added, Fernndez-Miranda, 1995:70)
true to its original intentions. Moreover, each
of these amendments was often complicat-
By being the eighth Fundamental Law
ed in themselves. Each separate amend-
and thus respecting Francoist legality, the
ment often contained numerous points and
LPR could be presented as part of the effort
suggestions which would have made any
to continually perfect Francoism rather than
kind of consensus all but impossible. Fram-
as a rupture with it as the opposition had
ing the Law as a procedural instrument with
long advocated.
a carefully prescribed scope fixed dimen-
This framing was adhered to by many sionality around a single for or against vote.
speakers in the debate. The intervention by As Snchez-Cuenca notes (2014:28), the
Cruz Martnez Esteruelas on this point typi- simplicity of the LPR allowed it to work as if
fied this: it were an ultimatum and this facilitated the
coordination of the Francoist deputies
it is good to remember that this legislation forms around this one decision and made it easier
part of the entire legislative structure of a regime for deputies to discern the majority tendency.
It was also important in terms of fixing di- simple majority vote. A subsequent two-
mensionality that, as President of the Parlia- thirds majority vote would be needed so that
ment, Fernndez-Miranda controlled the a referendum on the Law could then be held.
terms under which discussion and voting on The third system would be to vote on some
the LPR would occur. First, there would be a points separately but not all of them- and
clear distinction between two phases of the those that were not approved would go to
plenary session: the first would consist of de- the Fundamental Laws legislative commis-
liberations with the choice of speakers and sion. Once approved there, the LPR would
the order in which they spoke being con- be returned to the Parliament plenary. By re-
trolled by Fernndez-Miranda; the second fusing to commit himself to a decision be-
would consist of the voting itself. Significant- forehand, Fernndez-Miranda was able to
ly, Fernndez-Miranda made it clear that no adapt his strategy as he saw fit. In this way,
voting would occur until the deliberative he retained the initiative while others were
phases of the plenary session had concluded forced to respond reactively. That some dep-
in order to avoid deputies being able to vote uties resented Fernndez-Mirandas control
separately on each amendment to the Law over procedures was clear in the number of
following the debates on each amendment. critical references to the use of the emergen-
Fernndez-Miranda feared that should this cy procedure and the undue haste that this
occur the LPR could become substantially demanded. There were also calls by deputies
altered under the weight of minor amend- to vote on each amendment separately. Right
ments, each one insignificant in itself but ma- at the end of the second day of deliberations,
jor in their total combination. This would alter Luca de Tena y Brunet, for example, hinted
the framing of the Law as an all or nothing at the existence of pacts kept secret from the
affair and thus the number of dimensions on Cortes and argued that Its not clear, fellow
which it was being judged. Coordination deputies, why the [voting] procedure is being
would become more and more difficult for hidden from us and, as a consequence, the
the Francoist deputies were they required to knowledge of exactly what we are going to
form a new majority around each amend- vote on. Fernndez-Miranda, showed him-
ment. The simplicity of the LPR thus con- self to be in complete control of the proceed-
trasted with the fragmented Arias reform ings by responding In my view, it is not the
package where Snchez-Cuenca (2014:269) system of voting which is unknown. What is
notes that Each vote was one more within a unknown is the decision of this Presidency,
complex process in which the interrelation which has the right to take the decision at the
between the various elements of the reform right time.
was unclear. By maintaining the initiative in this way,
Fernndez-Miranda was also careful to Fernndez-Miranda was able to respond
keep his options open with regard to how skilfully to the main threat to his strategy an
voting would eventually take place. He out- attempted heresthetical manoeuvre by Cruz
lined three possible voting methods right at Martnez Esteruelas, the spokesperson for
the start of the three-day debate but he made the right-wing Popular Alliance (AP) group.
it clear that he would not decide which to use This group, led by Manuel Fraga, comprised
until the deliberative phase of the plenary approximately 180 deputies and was the
session had finished. The first method would largest political grouping within the Cortes.
entail voting on the LPR in its entirety, with a The support of this group was crucial to the
two-thirds majority needed for its approval. success of the LPR. As Snchez-Cuenca
The second method would entail voting sep- (2014:266) argues, AP facilitated greatly the
arately on particular sections of the Law by a coordination of an important block of depu-
ties who could just as easily have voted in the same difficulties identified by Snchez-
favour as against. Cuenca with regard to the Arias reform pack-
One of the most common heresthetical age. The various legislative initiatives pro-
manoeuvres, according to Riker, consists of posed by Arias meant that It wasnt clear
the manipulation of dimensions. This usually what was at stake in each of the issues which
entails the introduction of a new dimension featured in the reform package, nor the
in order to upset an equilibrium and to allow scope/reach of each separately or together.
a new majority to form around a new issue. (Snchez-Cuenca, 2014:113)
Nagel (1993:157) notes, however, that Riker Fernndez-Miranda handled the threat
also acknowledges that from the AP not by suppressing the new is-
sue but by deciding it separately from the
the concept encompasses the possibility of fixing wider LPR. Realising that it had to negotiate,
dimensionality maintaining or reducing the num- the Government agreed to the introduction of
ber of issue dimensions. If politicians bent on correctives to proportionality, the most im-
change seek to increase dimensionality, then those portant of which were the adoption of Spains
already in power must preserve stability by sup- 52 provinces as electoral constituencies and
pressing or cordoning off new sources of conflict a minimum fixed number of two deputies per
constituency regardless of population. This
This is precisely what Fernndez-Miranda single amendment on the electoral system,
was trying to achieve. The LPR fixed dimen- stipulated in the first temporary clause, was
sionality around the one issue of support for then voted on separately and prior to the final
or against the Law which was presented as vote on the LPR. It was approved with ease.
a procedural issue and not a substantive is- The amendment was incorporated into the
sue. In line with Snchez-Cuencas (2014:20- text of the LPR which was then submitted to
29) argument, this made it easier for deputies the vote in its entirety9.
to discern the majority opinion in the Cortes Although these two themes the legality
and thus encouraged their alignment with of the Law and the proposed electoral system
this position to avoid being left in a minority - were the most controversial and thus the
position. most discussed aspects, one of the most
On the second day of deliberations, Cruz coded themes in terms of the number of refer-
Martnez Esteruelas, the spokesperson for ences, however, was unrelated to the Laws
the Popular Alliance group, threatened that actual content. Yet its analysis is revealing.
the AP deputies would abstain unless a vote This was the theme of emotions which was in
were to take place on each of the amend- turn broken down into the different emotions
ments in turn prior to voting on the Law in its articulated by the speakers. Of these, three
entirety. Behind this apparently procedural emotions stood out: loyalty, respect and an
issue, was the APs desire to force the Gov- awareness of the historic magnitude of the
ernment to adopt a majoritarian electoral occasion. Loyalty was expressed in various
system to elect Congress rather than the pro- ways: loyalty to Franco and the legacy of his
portional system proposed in the LPR. The regime, loyalty to the Fundamental Principles
AP thus tried a heresthetical manoeuvre of its underpinning the Francoist regime and loyalty
own by introducing a new dimension. Gain-
ing support for the LPR was one thing; gain-
ing support on each amendment was anoth- 9 Navarro (2014:151) argues that the Government had
considered such correctives to proportionality as neces-
er thing entirely. Had this occurred, it is sary all along but, on the advice of Fernndez-Miranda,
probable that the LPR would have suffered kept them in reserve as a bargaining chip for the debate.
to the King. What was perhaps most interest- the Ponencia referred more to this need than
ing, however, was that what deputies were other deputies because it was a key element
loyal to seemed to matter less than the fact of the way in which they framed the Law as
that they were loyal to their own beliefs and a procedural mechanism to let the people
principles whatever these were. It was often have their say.
apparent that the same speaker could be The final emotion alluded to most fre-
loyal to various things at once, but the desire quently is best expressed as a sense of his-
to appear to be true to oneself was clear and torical occasion. Nearly all speakers con-
was frequently applauded by the listening veyed their awareness of the historical
deputies. This shows why care in framing the undertaking they were involved in with many
Law was so important. Fernndez-Miranda also expressing their desire to rise to the de-
understood the importance of the politics of mands of this occasion. This sense of his-
appearance, of the deputies need to appear torical occasion also often went hand-in-
to be loyal to their beliefs and of the need to hand with the desire of deputies to fulfil their
save face. The success reaped by the level of duty, to serve the Spanish people, and many
care taken in framing the LPR as the perfec- acknowledged the sense of responsibility
tion and logical outcome of Francoism can be they felt at this historic time. Perhaps this
seen in the following declaration by the Minis- was just an inflated sense of patriotism
ter for the Navy, Admiral Gabriel Pita, a close (Preston, 1986:101) but the sense of histori-
friend of Franco, who stated after the vote cal occasion combined to bring deputies to-
My conscience is clear because the demo- gether in a sense of collective endeavour
cratic reforms will be carried out through Fran- which facilitated the passage of the Law with
coist legality (Preston, 2004:374). few wishing to appear publicly as obstructive
Respect was another key emotion during and intransigent in the face of reform.
the debates. Each speaker expressed re- Various values were also reiterated in the
spect for others and their different opinions. debate. Aguilar (2002:178, fn. 56) notes that
As well as being articulated explicitly, this Harmony was the key expression of the
was often manifested in the exquisite cour- debate, especially when it was observed that
tesy with which each deputy addressed the the discussions were becoming more heated
plenary and particular deputies while speak- and that it would be necessary to negotiate
ing. There was also a respect for the past, the final drafting of the text. Hence harmony
often revealed in praise for Francos achieve- was alluded to far more during the third and
ments. This chimed with the framing of the final day of the debate than it was at the start.
Law as the perfection of, and logical next It is also worth noting that just as frequent
step in the development of Francos legacy. throughout the whole three days of debates,
Finally, there was a clear respect for the were references to the desire and need for
Spanish people even if this was sometimes
stability and the concomitant desire for
accompanied by a paternalistic view of their
peace, and conversely the dangers of insta-
capabilities. Respect for the will of the peo-
bility. All these values reflected the weight of
ple was most often seen in the number of
the past on the plenary session.
times different deputies acknowledged the
right of the Spanish people to have their say.
Even though deputies disagreed over exact-
CONCLUSION
ly what should be put to the Spanish people,
no deputy disagreed, or at least wanted to be The LPR was the foundation upon which
seen to disagree publicly, about the need to Spains successful transition process was
let the Spanish people speak. Members of subsequently built. The key player at this
particular stage of the transition was Torcua- BIBLIOGRAPHY

to Fernndez-Miranda who, with his control
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fixing of dimensionality.
cratization: Reflections on Spains Transition to
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each other: framing the Law in a certain way Making. Comparative Political Studies, (24)3:
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crucial in understanding the importance of and the End of the Cold War. Journal of Cold
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pears to participants (my italics added; Rik- Alfonso (1995). Lo que el Rey me ha pedido. Bar-
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Dimension. The Journal of Politics, 51(1): 36-49.
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Powell, Charles (1996). Juan Carlos of Spain. Self-
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December 3, 2014.
El suicidio institucional del franquismo y el sur-
gimiento de la democracia. Madrid: Alianza Edi-
torial.
RECEPTION: January 7, 2015

REVIEW: March 11, 2015
ACCEPTANCE: May 25, 2015

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doi:10.5477/cis/reis.154.

Vestir el mueco: Torcuato Fernndez-Miranda,

Palabras clave Resumen

Key words Abstract

La versin en ingls de este artculo puede consultarse en http://reis.cis.es

Georgina Blakeley: The Open University | georgina.blakeley@open.ac.uk

Libro reis espan ol.indb 3 30/03/16 17:40

INTRODUCCIN1 nera en la que se plante y se determin la

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para los procuradores franquistas aceptar la dez-Miranda (citado por Fernndez-Miran-

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como la duracin de las legislaturas. La sexta desconcertante de la transicin entera (Ca-

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TORCUATO FERNNDEZ-MIRANDA brarlo presidente del Gobierno. Fernndez-

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MANIOBRAS HERESTTICAS 3 El intransigente Raimundo Fernndez Cuesta fue sus-

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Libro reis espan ol.indb 11 30/03/16 17:40

Libro reis espan ol.indb 12 30/03/16 17:40

6 Quiz no es coincidencia, pues, que una gran parte

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Libro reis espan ol.indb 14 30/03/16 17:40

Libro reis espan ol.indb 15 30/03/16 17:40

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la LRP como si fuese la culminacin y la bin manifestaron su deseo de hacer frente

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Estas dos maniobras herestticas esta- BIBLIOGRAFA

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Libro reis espan ol.indb 19 30/03/16 17:40

Keeping up Appearances: Torcuato

Key words Abstract

Palabras clave Resumen

Georgina Blakeley: The Open University | georgina.blakeley@open.ac.uk

INTRODUCTION1 THE LAW FOR POLITICAL REFORM

Heresthetics is a useful theoretical tool to chance that Fernndez-Miranda was facing

replaced by the younger and more moderate Gregorio

particular stage of the transition was Torcua- BIBLIOGRAPHY

RECEPTION: January 7, 2015

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