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Braj B. Kachru
To cite this article: Braj B. Kachru (1965) The Indianness in Indian English, <i>WORD</i>, 21:3,
391-410, DOI: 10.1080/00437956.1965.11435436
4 The term "linguistic performance" is used in the Hallidayan sense (see his "Syntax
and the Consumer," Monograph Series in Language and Linguistics, 13 (1964)) and not
in the sense in which Chomsky uses it in his Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (MIT, 1965).
Halliday says: " ... the explanation of linguistic performance can also perhaps be re-
garded as a reasonable' goal and one that is still, as it were, internal to linguistics."
(Ibid., p. 13.)
5 All the examples of IE texts are given with the sources from which these are taken.
The abbreviations used are the same as those used in Kachru, "Indian English," Appen-
dix, pp. 286-287.
6 See Halliday, op. cit., fn. 4, 17: "The interest is focused not on what the native
speaker knows of his language but rather on what he does with it: one might perhaps say
that the orientation is primarily textual and in the wider sense, sociological." (My
italics.)
7 Most of the technical terms (e.g., context, level(s), (inter)-level, rank, texis, colloca-
tion) have been used following Halliday's use in his "Categories of the Theory of
Grammar," Word XVII (1961), "Class in Relation to the Axis of Chain and Choice in
Language," Linguistics 2 (1963); "Lexis as a Linguistic Level," in In Memory of J. R.
Firth.
s Used as a technical term in the Firthian sense. See Firth, "Modes of Meaning"
(1951); Synopsis 11-13. Also cf. T. F. Mitchell, "Syntagmatic Relation in Linguistic
Analysis," TPhS CVIII (1958); Halliday "Categories," p. 276; Kachru, "An Analysis of
Some Features of Indian English: A Study in Linguistic Method" (unpublished Ph.D.
thesis, Edinburgh University, 1961).
9 J. Ellis uses the term "The Englishness of English" in order to emphasize the "indi-
viduality" of language. See his "Some Problems in Comparative Linguistics," Proceed-
ings of the University of Durham Philosophical Society 7.56 (1961). In a private com-
munication Ellis says that this term was originally used by J. R. Firth.
10 Following J. C. Catford I shall use the term L1 and L 2 as the abbreviations for the
primary language (mother tongue) and secondary language. (See his "The Teaching of
English as a Foreign Language" in R. Quirk and A. H. Smith (eds.), The Teaching of
English (London, 1959)). Considering the complex linguistic situation of India, I shall
THE INDIANNESS IN INDIAN ENGLISH 393
portant, the impact of such cultural factors on the formal features of his
English.
It will be argued that the use of the terms mutual intelligibility or
acceptablejunacceptable in the case of varietiesll of a language may be
better explained if the FORMAL and CONTEXTUAL levels are interrelated. This
applies more to those varieties of a language (in this case English) which
are used as the foreign or second languages (say, e.g., Indian English,
Malay English, Filipino English).12
This study is based on some selected features of IE fiction and news-
paper writing of those Indian bilinguals who use English as a foreign
language (Abbr. L 2). I have further restricted it to a group of bilinguals
whom I consider STANDARD (or educated) IE users. In order to define a
standard IE user I shall use an arbitrary scale termed the CLINE OF BI-
LINGUALISM13 to rank bilinguals in terms of their proficiency in English.
II. THE CLINE OF BILINGUALISM. The cline of bilingualism may
be divided into three "measuring points." These are the ZERO point, the
CENTRAL point, and the AMBILINGUAL point. The zero point is the bottom
point on the axis. This, however, is not the end-point at the bottom. In
India it is not rare to find people with some competence in English (or in
some restricted form of English), and yet, in their overall faculty to use the
make a distinction between a first language, a second language, and a foreign language.
A first language is the mother tongue, or the language which is learned first. A second
language is a language which belongs culturally and linguistically to India, say Tamil
and Kannada in Uttar Pradesh, or Hindi and Bengali in Andhra Pradesh or Tamilnad.
A foreign language is a language which is not used as a first language in any part of
India. It may be argued that for some Indians, perhaps, English has equal status with an
Indian language. Even so, there are important spheres of language use-notably in the
private and emotional life of such persons-where an Indian language is the first
language. For most, English is clearly a foreign language.
11 By a "variety" of a language I mean two or more forms of a language as developed
in two different cultural settings. For example, the English language in America,
Australia, Britain, Canada, and so forth. These may be treated as the varieties used as
the first languages. The varieties used as foreign (or second) languages are Indian
English, African English, Malayan English, etc.
12 In recent years the socio-cultural impact and the linguistic setting of many non-
English speaking countries have contributed towards the growth of a new idiom of
English especially in West Africa, India, the Philippines, etc. The new idiom, naturally,
involves the problem of intelligibility with other varieties of English which are used
either as first languages or foreign (or second) languages.
13 For any comparative (or descriptive) statement, it is useful to use some such scale,
however arbitrary, since the competence and proficiency of "educated" Indians varies
significantly in their use of English. The term "cline" has been borrowed from Halliday
(see his "Categories," 248-249). My use of the term is, however, different. The concept
of the "cline of bilingualism" has been discussed in detail in a forthcoming publication.
394 BRAJ B. KACHRU
language they may rank below the zero point. (For instance, the users of
Baboo English, or Butler English-which is also called Kitchen English.) In
many cases the proficiency of the users of such forms is not only insuffi-
cient, but it also results in such forms of English as are not intelligible to
the users of educated Indian English. Consider, for example, the following
observation of Yule and Burnell on Butler English.l 4
The broken English spoken by native servants in the Madras Presidency; which is
not very much better than the Pigeon-English (sic) of China. It is a singular dialect;
the present participle (e.g.) being used for the future indicative, and the preterite
indicative being formed by "done"; thus I telling="! will tell"; I done tell="I
have told"; done come= "actually arrived". Peculiar meanings are also attached
to words .... The oddest characteristic about this jargon is (or was) that masters
used it in speaking to their servants as well as servants to their masters.ts
An English speaking bilingual who ranks just above the zero point is
considered a minimal bilingual. Such bilinguals may have some knowledge
of the written and/or spoken mediums of English, but they will not be con-
sidered proficient in the language (as, e.g., the competence of postmen,
travel guides, and 'bearers' in India).
The central point is again an arbitrary point. A bilingual who has
adequate competence in one or more REGISTERs 16 of IE (say, for instance,
the register of the law courts, administration, science), may rank round the
central point. This would then include a large number of those Indian civil
servants and teachers who learn English as their major subject of study
and are able to make use of the language EFFECTIVELY in those restricted
fields in which the English language is used in India.
A STANDARD (or educated) IE bilingual may be defined as one who is in-
telligible not only to other Indians in different parts of the sub-continent,
but ideally speaking, to the educated native speakers of English, too. But,
intelligibility does not necessarily imply that the user's command of
English equals that of the native speaker. The term "intelligibility" may
be used in a wider sense to imply an Indian bilingual's capacity to use
English effectively for SOCIAL CONTROL 17 in all those social activities in
which English is used in India. And, most important, it does not mean that
a person is ambilingual. I consider am bilingualism a rare, if not impossible
that an Indian user does not have command over a wide REGISTER-RANGE
in English, and this, naturally, results in REGISTER-CONFUSION. By register-
confusion I mean the use of a REGISTER-BOUND item in another register of
English where such an item is not normally used in the natively used
varieties of English.
III. DEVIATIONS IN INDIAN ENGLISH.22 In India an idiom of
English has developed which is Indian in the sense that there are formal
and contextual exponents of Indianness in such writing, and the defining-
context23 of such idiom is the Indian setting. I believe that the Indian de-
viations can be better understood after one takes into consideration the
linguistic and cultural setting of India.24
The question then is: In what sense is Indian English "distinctive" (to use
Raja Rao's term), and, has a distinctive form of Indian English really
evolved? There is no clear yes-no answer to this question. In order to
trace the distinctive characteristics of IE, at other than the phonological
level, I shall focus attention on some typically IE formations and term these
Indianisms. The Indianisms will include the following types of formations:
a. those which are transferred from Indian languages into IE (e.g.,
the confusion of caste (Kanth 51), "Varl).a Sankara": dung-wash
(S of D 121), "lepan");
b. those which are not necessarily transferred but are only colloca-
tionally unusual according to an L 1 user of English (e.g., salt-giver
(Kanth 32), rape-sister (BH 46));
c.. those which are formed on the analogy of natively used forms of
English, hence, in a lesser degree, are collocationally deviant (e.g.,
black money (1001 Nights 43) on the analogy of black market);
d. those which are formally non-deviant but are culture-bound. Such
formations amount to an introduction of a new register by IE
writers in IE and extend the register-range of such items (e.g.,
flower-bed (MM 109), government (TP 40); see IV.2 and IV.3).
It may then be said that an Indianism is an item of any RANK 28 used by
a standard IE writer, which may involve either formal and/or contextual
deviation.
Jha's tone is perhaps rhetorical, and the arguments not very clear, but what he is
aiming at is to emphasize the distinctive characteristics of IE, which, as he argues, is
determined by the transference.
28 See Halliday, "Categories."
29 'Unit' is used here both for the units of description as used by Halliday (see ''Cate-
gories"), and for the contextual units. The second use of the term is non-Hallidayan
(Cf. Kachru, "Indian English").
THE INDIANNESS IN INDIAN ENGLISH 399
stars (C 16); you goose-faced minion (Kanth 31); may thy womb be dead (He
Who 212); oh, you prostitute of a wind (Kanth 170); the incestuous sister
sleeper (V of G 13); may the vessel of your life never float in the sea of
existence ( C 78); you cock-eyed son of a bow-legged scorpion ( Un 38); you
circumcised son of a pig (DD 202); a crocodile in a loin-cloth (He Who 217)
(b) GREETINGS: bow my forehead ( C 14); fall at your feet ( C 16); ...
blessed my hovel with the good dust of your feet (SMH 55).
(c) BLESSINGS AND FLATTERY: thou shalt write from an inkwell of gold
(TP); draw a hundred lines on the earth with the tip of my nose (C); your shoe
and my head(Un); Oh Maharaj, we are alllickers of your feet (He Who 179);
let the sindur-mark ever trace the parting of your hair (MM 99).
(d) MODES OF ADDRESS AND REFERENCE: cherisher of the poor (TP 37);
king of pearls (TP 90); government34(TP 40); policewala (SMH 61);
inspector sahib (TP 128); mother of my daughter35 (C 29); jewel of jewels
(SMH 1); master36 (FE 4).
The above 1 (transfer of context) and 3 (transfer of form-context com-
ponents) are different in the following sense. The transfer of context in-
volves an extension of the register-range in IE and adds a new contextual
unit to the language. On the other hand, the transfer of form-context
components does not necessarily involve an extension of register or addi-
tion of an Indian contextual unit. It involves the use of Indianisms in
those registers (and contextual units) which already exist in L 1 varieties of
English (for example, the above speech functions). Consider the use of
government (transfer of Hindi/Urdu sarkiir) which involves a change of
register, in "Government, she knows nothing about drinks. She is hardly
sixteen and completely innocent." (TP 90)
34 Note that it is the translation of Hindustani sarkiir, and is used as a mode of address
for one who represents authority.
35 In certain circles it is the normal mode of address (or reference) used for one's wife.
Note that in Indian orthodox circles a lady is not expected to refer to her husband by his
name. In such situations, a third person pronoun may be used.
36 Frequently used in the South of India as a term of address.
THE INDIANNESS IN INDIAN ENGLISH 401
37 It is, however, difficult to say whether, on the part of an IE writer, the attempt to
establish equivalence is "conscious" or "unconscious."
38 It is a loan-shift from Sanskrit dvija. The three castes, Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya
are "twice born" in the sense that once they have their natural birth, and again, at their
initiation they are invested with the sacred-thread, which implies acceptance in the caste,
hence, rebirth.
39 Rank-bound translation applies to the higher units of description, too. Consider,
for example, the items horse's egg "ghoran;lim" (Bengali) and king of pearls "moti-
yamdii badshah" (Punjabi); both of these are nominals belonging to unit group in the
respective languages.
40 Only the English equivalents are given here.
402 BRAJ B. KACHRU
existence ( C 20); may the fire of ovens consume you (C 78); a crocodile in a
loin-cloth (He Who 217). Generally, the underlying Indian source item for
a shift is a fixed collocation of an Indian language.
VI. INDIAN ENGLISH COLLOCATIONS. The types of transfer dis-
cussed above (see IV (1) to IV (3)) result in Indianisms which may be de-
fined as collocationally deviant from the native varieties of English and
described as IE collocations. An IE collocation includes those formations
which have Indian characteristics in the following three senses. First, they
may deviate grammatically from American and British English forma-
tions. Second, they may involve loan-shifts from Indian languages. Third,
they may be formally non-deviant and only contextually deviant (that is,
if they have those contextual units assigned in Indian culture which are
absent in those cultures where English is spoken as the L 1).
The collocational deviation of Indianisms, then, may be of two types:
formal and contextual. By formal deviation is meant the deviation in
terms of the lexical items which operate in the structure of a collocation.
Contextually deviant formations include those formations which are
formally non-deviant.
A. Degrees of collocational deviation: By definition a collocation must
have at least two members. In an IE collocation there are the following
possibilities of deviation from L 1 varieties of English: (a) the members of a
collocation may be "usual" in the sense that in L 1 varieties of English that
collocation is possible, but the contextual use of that collocation may be
typically Indian (e.g., flower-bed (MM 105)); (b) the lexical items of a
collocation may be collocated in non-native collocations. Thus we get
lexically and contextually Indian collocations (e.g., sister-sleeper (V of G
130), dining-leaf(WM 84), rape-sister (BH 46)); (c) the contextual use of
collocation may present no difficulty to L 1 users of English, only the col-
locability of an item with the NODE of a collocation may be "unusual" (e.g.,
mango-breast (TP 15)). This then is violation of a selectional rule of a
language.
A node of a collocation may be defined as that lexical item in a colloca-
tion which is "in focus" to determine the range in terms of the SETS follow-
ing and preceding the node.
Note that the collocations like sister-sleeper are deviant only in terms of
the class assignment of the lexical items. They are not structurally deviant
from L 1 varieties of English. The construction N +Vis a productive struc-
ture in English compounding (e.g., fan-dancer, baby-sitter).43 The main
43 R. B. Lees, The Grammar of English Nominalizations, Bloomington: Indiana
University Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, Publication
Number 12, July, 1960 (IJAL XXVI, Number 3, Part II), p. 167.
3
404 BRAJ B. KACHRU
terms of the composition of the elements, and also in terms of the contexts
in which such formations function in India.
We can distinguish two types of hybrid formations, on the basis of their
components: (a) those which include only OPEN-SET items of two or more
languages (e.g., kharif-season (OR 15.7.59), mofussil-town (1001 Nights 69),
taluk-magistrate (Kanth 201), tiffin-carrier (DD 78)) and (b) those which
include one or more CLOSED-SYSTEM items (for example, suffixation, e.g.
policewala (SMH 61)). A closed system item is closed in the sense that a
restricted open set items may be used with such markers.
Open set hybrid formations include, among others, the following types:
(a) (hybrid) COLLOCATIONS and (hybrid) LEXICAL SETS, (b) (hybrid) ORDERED
SERIES OF WORDS, and (c) (hybrid) REDUPLICATIONS.
A (hybrid) collocation is a collocation with the following characteristics:
(a) it comprises elements from two or more different languages, (b) it is
both formally and contextually restricted, and (c) it operates only in
specific registers and/or restricted languages in IE.
We can also use the term (hybrid) lexical sets for such hybrid colloca-
tions since these are contextually and collocationally restricted. In such
formations an Indian word has a wider semantic domain in an Indian
language, while in Indian English it has strictcontextual restrictions. Con-
sider, for instance, the use of purdah. In IE purdah precedes only -women,
-system, -lady while in Hindi-Urdu both collocationally and contextually,
it has no such restrictions. (This rule also applies to sarvodaya, swatantra,
ahimsa as used in the political registers of IE.)
71 For a brief survey of the South Asian varieties of English, see Braj B. Kachru,
"English in South Asia," in T. A. Sebeok, et. a!. (eds.), Current Trends in Linguistics,
Vol. V (The Hague: Mouton and Co., forthcoming).