Sei sulla pagina 1di 44

Section 2.

Fanatic consumption

A reading of the research on fanaticism shows how studies of the phenomenon have gone
through three distinct developmental moments. An initial exploratory phase in which the
phenomenon is presented as a topic of interest for consumer research. Holbrook (1987) and
Lehmann (1987) first explored the subject through an introspective analysis - one avid
consumer of jazz music, the other a constant weightlifting practitioner- in order to bring to
light some of the characteristics of being a fanatical consumer.

A second moment occurs with the development of a whole school of study - known as
studies on collective consumption - which focuses on the analysis of social and cultural
formations, generally known as subcultures of consumption, brand communities or
consumer tribes, and on the practices enacted by their members. At this stage, fanaticism
remains in the background of the various cultures of consumption without rise as a central
theme. This research has its own object of analysis in the passionate fans of a brand or an
activity of consumption. However, in a significant amount of contributions the presence of
groups of hard-core fans, or fanatics, which differ from the fans, occasional consumers,
etc., is detected. In this phase, the fanaticism is enriched with additional elements - the
collective dimension, identity and social discrimination, cultural practices, etc.

In the recent period a number of studies arose focusing on fanaticism and in particular on
consumer fanatics (not fans). These studies carry on the idea of fanaticism as an important
topic of research in consumption. In this stage the attention of researchers is on the
establishment of fanaticism as a topic to which attribute its own scientific stature.

Below, we present the literature on fanaticism that we have divided into three distinct
episodes. Each episode is distinct according to the approach, the objectives and the main
results.
2.1 Episode 1: fanatical behavior

The study of fanaticism as a consumption behavior is introduced by Holbrook (1987) and


Lehmann (1987). These two studies have several points in common. First, both engage in
the analysis of two objects belonging to the scope of what is typically referred to as
popular culture. Respectively, Holbrook (1987) studied the consumption of jazz music
while Lehmann (1987) deals with the study of bodybuilding. As further analogy, the
epistemological approach adopted by both authors is the same. Both, in fact, carry out a
non-scientific research in order to not quantify and measure but rather to provide basis
for reflection on the phenomena intuitive-like. Both Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann
(1987) are consumers fanatics of jazz music and weightlifting (or bodybuilding), and it is
the reason for them to adopt an introspective approach to the study of their consumption.
Another common point is given by the way in which the term fanaticism is understood. In
these researches fanaticism is defined as the fanatic consumer behavior. That is, consumer
who has a consumption behavior involved (Holbrook, 1987) and/or committed
(Lehmann, 1987) toward the object of their own consumption.

Following the work of Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987), Hill and Robinson (1991)
conducted a study on the effects of fanatical consumer behavior about its activities and its
emotional states. Unlike previous studies, Hill and Robinson (1991) carry out a purely
positivistic approach. The study focuses on the sport of track and field, in particular, on
triathlets (lovers of triathlon). Both authors have no personal involvement in this activity.

2.1.1 Fanatic consumer behavior: weightlifters and jazz fans

The first studies on the fanatic behavior are based on non-positivist approaches (Holbrook,
1987; Lehmann, 1987). Lehmann (1987) studies the practice of weight lifting as an
example of fanatical behavior and Holbrook (1987) investigates the jazz fanatics. In both
researches introspective approach is used (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1986), especially
because that both authors are personally involved in such practices. For Lehmann (1987)
fanatic behavior is repeated behavior that conflicts with the observer's utility function and
any utility function the observer accepts as valid or reasonable. (p. 129). This implies that
the fanatic behavior stops where rational behavior begins, consequently we treat
fanaticism as a continuous construct related to strength of and reason for commitment. (p.
129). Holbrook (1987) defines the fanatic behavior as marked by excessive enthusiasm
and often intense uncritical devotion. (p. 144). Enthusiasm indicates a level of
involvement and greater intensity, we accuse them of pursuing their consumption
activities with a level of passion grossly out of proportion to that experienced by other
more temperate consumers of the same product category. (p. 145).

The lack of rationality present in both researches - although more markedly in Lehmann
(1987) - leads to the idea that fanatic behavior misses any specific goal but it is produced
as an end in itself. Lehmann (1987) states a fanatic devotee of anything continues the
activity at least partly because the activity is an end to itself. With this in mind, we can
uncover fanaticism based on two dimensions: opportunity cost involved in participating
and reason for participation (p. 129). The opportunity cost is easily reducible to a
quantitative variable the opportunity cost is relatively easy to assess and is measurable by
the time involved, possibly multiplied by a marginal wage rate appropriate for those hours,
plus the out-of-pocket cost. The more inflexible/rigid the time commitment, the more
fanatic the participant. (p. 129). Unlikely, the reason for participation cannot be
quantified and for this Lehmann (1987) proposes a typology of five categories: 1) specific
benefit-based, 2) image, and 3) global liking, and 4) the activity being the goal itself; and
5) addiction. (See Table 4)
The first category specific benefit-based is characterized by its rational character
that allows consumers to grasp the instrumental side of activity of weightlifting that is its
being a means to an end. Like, for example, rehabilitating an injury, getting exercise, or
improving strength in order to participate in other sports more effectively. (p. 129).
The second level has to do with the image, some lift weights because they feel that
bigger biceps or tighter abs will impress members of the opposite (or same) sex. Others, the
author included, somewhat enjoy the semi-wild, macho image of
weightlifters, a healthy substitute for riding a Harley-Davidson. (p. 129). This type of
reasons, according to Lehmann (1987) does not represent the signals of fanaticism. They are
intended rather as a form of narcissism, the search for eternal youth and the Puritan ethic of
hard work. All elements that contribute to the image of the lifter.
The third category is that of the global liking, which includes explanations such as
it gives me something to do and I just like it (p. 129). The reason for the pleasure
(liking) is difficult to understand for those who do not practice this type of activity
especially about the effort that the practice requires.
The fourth category of the reasons includes weight lifting as an end in itself. This
attitude includes competitive power lifters whose basic goal in lifting is to lift more. (p.
129). This is difficult to understand for those who are not involved in this kind of
practice; this is a type of behavior considered rational from a small number of people.
Finally, the last level of motivation is the addiction. In this case, participants
basically lift because lifting is what they do. Their behavior is literally a routinized
response behavior. (p. 130). Many continue to increase their efforts for fear of losing their
lift and, although improvements are minimal compared to the effort made, they continue the
practice that in the meantime assumes the function of a ritual. In this ritual participants
pushed by the reasons seen in the above categories, are not welcome.

Table 4 - Reasons for Pursuing an Activity


1 Specific Benefits
(e.g., weight reduction, improving strength, rehabilitating an injury)
2 Image Enhancement
(e.g., impress others)
3 Global Liking
(e.g., acquired taste, something to do)
4 Goal In Itself
(e.g., competition)
5 Addicted
(e.g., "because I do")
Source: Lehmann (1987)
Lehmann (1987) argues on several occasions that consumers are not fanatics as such but
they become gradually advancing - by evolving the reasons for their commitment - from
the first to the fifth category. Unlike Lehmann who refers to the commitment to define
the fanatic behavior, Holbrook (1987) mobilizes the concept of deep involvement. For
Holbrook (1987), the fanatic behavior is directly derived from the concept of enduring
involvement proposed by Bloch and Bruce (1984):

At very high levels, enduring involvement may be termed product enthusiasm and is
characteristic of product enthusiasts such as car buffs, wine connoisseurs, or avid video
gamers. Product enthusiasm entails a strong, abiding, hobby-like interest in the product
class in question which transcends the temporary purchase process arousal investigated in
most involvement research (Bloch and Bruce 1984, p. 197; quoted in Holbrook, 1987).

Time marks the transition from the enduring involvement, as it is defined by Bloch and
Bruce (1984), to the deep involvement introduced by Holbrook (1987). In particular, the
hallmark of deep involvement is that it is focused on the experience of consumption as an
end in itself. This implies a substantial correspondence of the study on fanatics of
weightlifting and those of jazz. In fact, both for Holbrook (1987) and for Lehmann (1987)
being an end in itself is one of the characterizing features of the behavior fanatic.

2.1.2 Bodybuilding culture and religion

Lehmann (1987) points out that the culture of fanatic weightlifters has many common
points with religious fanatics. The first point concerns the tendency to look down on those
who are not members with a certain compassion (I feel sorry for those people who are out
of shape), disdain (look at that pencil-necked geek) and intolerance (there is no excuse
for being weak and out of shape) (Lehmann, 1987). The second is concerned with the
adherence to a set of principles, so while religion has the commandments and the Holy
Scriptures, the weightlifters have their magazines of reference (e.g. Muscles and Fitness).
In addition, there is the proselytism that in the culture of weightlifters is very present. As
Lehmann (1987) explains once converted, ones lifting can be guided by a set of
principles more complex than the often quoted no pain - no gain slogan, for example the
Weider Cycle Training Principle, the Weider Instinctive Training Principle, and the
Weider Muscle Confusion Training Principle. (p. 130). As in all the congregations, even
among members of health club there are several segments which vary according to the
degree of intensity of their commitment; Lehmann (1987) distinguishes three of them:
Social Belongers, Serious proponents, Fanatics. (See Table 5)

Table 5 Weightlifters segments


Segments Characteristics
Social Belongers Occasional Attenders
Observers of Surroundin
Concerned about Attire
Serious Proponents Regular Attenders
Functional Dressers
Like to Concentrate, but Willing to Talk
Fanatics Completely "into it"
Assume the Church or Club is Theirs
Reaction to Non-Serious: 1) Ignore or 2) Belittle
Use Special Clothing
Source: Lehmann (1987)

2.1.3 Jazz musifacts: Home and the family love

The fanatical behavior towards objects is profoundly different from the behavior of the
ordinary consumer. Holbrook (1987) introduces the metaphor of house and home to
mark the difference between the two behaviors and the value that the objects of consumption
assume in both cases. While in ordinary consumer behavior, objects allow getting a social
status, in the case of the fanaticism they reveal a profound aspects of personality by
customizing the home environment (home) in such a way that consumers communicate
things about themselves. As Holbrook (1987, p. 148) writes fanatic consumption takes us
through a massive amount of lived experience that, in time, comes to form the boundaries
wherein we reside, where we are: centered where we find our home - our place of comfort,
rest, and sustenance. Our houses contain furniture, food, clothing, and other material
objects. But, if we are lucky, they also contain the central core of our
consumption experience - the deeply involved appreciative responses, the passionately
committed activities, the emotionally charged reactions that inform our truest, most
profound consumer behavior and that provide a niche in time and space where we can
reside.

The more the objects shake in a bond of intimacy with the personality of the fanatic
consumer, the more they feel the need to deal with and collect them. This is a kind of
behavior that can often result addictive and compulsive. As Holbrook (1987, p. 145) states
these musifacts fill my home and slowly encroach on all aspects of family life. They
serve as an emblem of my devotion to jazz that others can interpret as a symptom of its
fanaticism.

Fanatic consumers buy, use but they never dispose of their objects. Those are the core of
their fanatic consumption holding a real familiar value for the fanatic, besides the people
in my life, because I am a fanatic, certain objects come alive for me. They fill our house.
They make our house my home. (p. 148).

2.1.4 Triathlets: the effects of fanatic consumption on consumers quality life

Hill and Robinson (1991) seek to understand the fanatic consumption through the analysis
of consumers (1) intrinsic motivations, (2) resulting behaviors, and (3) affective
consequences, an attempt was made to understand subjects motivations and consumption
behaviors as well as emotional consequences and effects on their intra- and interpersonal
lives. (p. 82). Authors have no personal commitment in their field of research but
triathletes were chosen as the study population because of the enormous time, energy, and
financial commitment necessary to participate in competitions that require entrants to
swim, run, and bike long distances within the same event (p. 82).

About the motivations, Hill and Robinson (1991, p. 90) found that the factors desire for
health and competitive urges (which emerged from one of the two factor analyses)
represent motives for being a triathlet.. The need for health is described as the natural
desire for an overall sense of wellness, and stems from an organismic view of the mind-
body relationship (Morgan, 1974). (p. 90). On the other hand, competitiveness can be
explained as a human inclination to aggressive acts. It comes from the early history of
humankind where this instinct served to provide food, clothing, shelter, and protection.
(p. 90). According to Hill and Robinson (1991) rather than ignore or repress this natural
instinct, many individuals search for positive ways to alleviate associated stress termed
eustress (p. 90).

The resulting behaviors show the persistence, intensity and the vigor of athlete training
(p. 90), as already proved by previous studies on sport. Furthermore, interesting
observations are undertaken about additional related activities (Bloch and Bruce, 1984;
Scammon, 1987) (p. 90). Consumers reorganize other unrelated activities around the
fanatic consumption experience, i.e. physical training, diet, spending money on athlete
products and services, etc. (Scammon, 1987).

Finally, affective outcomes show how consumers experience both negative and positive
feelings. Increases in competitive urges expand the amount of training, which in turn
leads to a rise in negative feelings due to schedule adjustments and an increased likelihood
of training while injured. (p. 94), it is due to compulsive behavior associated with
negative addiction (Hill and Robinson, 1991). On the other hand, consumers experience
positive feelings, both competitive urges and desire for health directly influence diet and
spending (the relationship is marginal for competitive urges), which engender positive
feelings. Such positive feelings may be the result of the perception of increased control
over one's physical and emotional health (Johnsgard, 1985). (p. 94). In this case, it is
possible to talk about a positive addiction (Glasser, 1976), that is a set of activities which
bring beneficial outcomes.
2.1.5 Discussion

These early pioneering researches on consumer fanatic laid the groundwork for subsequent
studies on this phenomenon. What differentiates the study of Lehmann (1987) from that of
Holbrook (1987) is above all the epistemological approach. Although both researchers
claim to follow an introspective approach, there are evident differences between the two
studies. While Holbrook (1987) seems to maintain its non-scientific line in all the steps
of his work, from the theoretical framework, data collection (collections of picture) to the
interpretation of results; Lehmann (1987) uses a non-positivistic at the beginning of his
work switching to a positivistic approach in the analysis of results. With the identification
of two dimensions to define fanaticism and the reduction of those latter to quali-
quantitative variables, Lehmann (1987) position his contribution at the limit of positivistic
approach, even if the epistemological posture (introspection) and results (intuitive insights)
give to this work a non-scientific nature or, in other words, a post-positivist standing. In
contrast, Hill and Robertson (1991) opt for a positivistic approach to the study of fanatic
consumption.

The combination of religious fanaticism and consumer fanaticism is a significant insight


for studies on fanaticism (Muiz and Schau, 2005). Holbrook (1987) also detects the
aspect of consecration that objects hold for fanatic consumers (Belk et al., 1989). The
phenomena of collecting fulfill a dual function (Holbrook, 1987), on the one hand it helps
to create the home, a kind of environment in which to seek refuge, which recalls the role of
objects in the construction of the self (Belk, 1988) on the other hand they are the symptom,
for the researcher, of the fanaticism of the consumer.

From these early studies the aberrant properties of fanaticism is a subject of discussion.
While Lehmann (1987) assumes that the fanatic behavior is aberrant and as such irrational,
Holbrook (1987) is more cautious in this regard stating that apparently, then, some forms
of fanatic consumption are more than just aberrant behavior. They are a way of
personalizing our spaces, of tangibly symbolizing the meanings in our lives, and of
humanizing, dignifying, and even consecrating the houses or apartments where we live.
(p. 148). However, although the aberrant dimension is also confirmed by the study of Hill
and Robertson (1991), with the notion of negative addiction, an original insight is
offered by the authors with the notion of positive addiction, in other words the beneficial
aspects (positive feelings) of the fanatic consumption.

2.2 Episode 2: fan consumers vs. fanatic consumers

Since the 1990s a series of studies developed around the theme of collective consumption
(Cova et al., 2007). Several constructs are proposed to better capture the realities of
consumption that are emerging around brands: subcultures of consumption (Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995), brand communities (Muiz and O'Guinn, 2001), cultures of
consumption (Kozinets, 2001), consumer tribes (Cova et al., 2007). But it is the case even
with consumption activities such as, for example, skydiving (Celsi et al., 1993), river
rafting (Arnould and Price, 1993), skating (Cova and Cova, 2001).

These studies cover a wide range of activities and brands: temporal servicescapes (Arnould
and Price, 1993; Celsi et al., 1993; Pealoza, 2001), motorcycles (Schouten and
McAlexander 1995), computers (Muiz and Schau, 2005), vehicles (Brownlie et al., 2007;
McAlexander et al., 2002; Muiz and OGuinn, 2001), sport leisure (Cova and Cova,
2001), television shows (Brown, 2007; Kozinets, 2001), convenience products (Cova and
Pace, 2006), music (Schau and Muiz, 2007), culinary matters (de Valck, 2007), game
entertainment (Cova and White, 2010).

In these studies, the theme of fanaticism - or the consumption behavior of fanatic


consumers so as discussed in previously by Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987)
becomes the background of a set of the social, economical and cultural dynamics that
develops within these cultures of consumption (Kozinets, 2001). However, in these studies
fanaticism emerge leaving evident traces: fanatic consumers. From the study of the social
structures of subcultures or from the analysis of consumer experiences emerges with some
evidence the presence of a hard core of consumers - generally called hard-core - who are
distinguished from the all other community members (fans, occasional consumers, etc.) by
their competences, status, and authenticity of their lived life.

Moreover, in their study on in-line skaters, Cova and Cova (2001) define the members of the
community with the term fanatics (p. 74), completely abandoning the most common
fan label used in research. While making an articulated distinction among members of
the tribe of skaters - adherents and devotees, participants, practitioners, sympathizers -
Cova and Cova (2001) prefer the term fanatic when they refer to the whole tribe, fanatical
22
tribe of in-line skaters (p. 74).

The presence of this hard-core group - which has already been highlighted by Lehmann
(1987, p. 130) - indicates the substantial latency of fanaticism within the studies on
fandom.

2.2.1 Social hierarchies

The identification of the figure of the fanatic, or more generally of a hard-core (Schouten
and McAlexander, 1995) or core members (Schembri, 2009) in consumer tribes emerges
in relation to the presence of a social structure within the same formations or tribal groups.
Already Fox (1987), in his study on punk subcultures, develop a concentric structure
founded on the commitment in the punk ideology. The hard-core punks, for example, are at
the core (at the top) of the hierarchy of the various local groups, these are characterized by
a commitment to punk style and ideology that is full-time and enduring. (p. 48, quoted in
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

This commitment is expressed through their evident altered state, drug use and adherence
to the rules of the punk community. Around the hard-core develops an additional circle of
a soft-core represented by those whose commitment to punk styles and values is less

22
The fanatical adjective is referred to the term fanatic, used even elsewhere in the article, and not to the
more common at least in research in marketing and consumption - fan.
complete and whose roles are subordinate to and dictated by the hard core. (p. 48, quoted
in Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Finally, the audience of those who belong neither to
soft-core nor hard-core are called pretenders (or preppie punks) who are fascinated by
punk and who delve superficially into the subculture, particularly on weekend nights. (p.
48, quoted in Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). It is on the basis of the Foxs (1986) that
Schouten and McAlexander (1995) have developed their analysis of the Harley Davidson
subculture.

Schouten and McAlexander (1995) base their investigation on the Harley Davidson
subculture of consumption on the concept of hierarchical social structures (Fox, 1987).
For the authors a subculture of consumption is defined as a distinctive subgroup of society
that self-selects on the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand, or
consumption activity. (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 43). In the HD subculture each
group maintains a formal hierarchy of officers that is subsumed by an informal hierarchy
based on within-group status. Status is conferred on members according to their seniority,
participation and leadership in group activities, riding expertise and experience, Harley-
specific knowledge, and so forth - in short, the results of an individual's commitment
to the group's consumption values. (p. 49). The visible signs of commitment are tattoos,
motorcycle customization, club-specific clothing, and sew-on patches and pins proclaiming
various honors, accomplishments, and participation in rallies and other rider events. (p. 49).
For Schouten and McAlexander (1995) the HD subculture consists of an inner-circle or
hard-core characterized by a strong commitment and it holds the highest status
within the subculture.

In addition to the commitment, even the authenticity has a weight in determining the status
of the members of the hard-core compared to the other bikers. Schouten and McAlexander
(1995) stress how the hard-core bikers who consider themselves defenders of the faith
often will not acknowledge Moms-and-Pops and RUBs, whom they regard as unauthentic
pretenders or weekend warriors. (p. 49). Although the Harley-Davidson subculture
crosses through different social categories, its subgroups called chapter have a certain
degree of internal homogeneity. Moms-and-Pops chapters are semiretired or retired
couples with a preference for dressers (touring bikes with hard saddle bags, trunks,
fairings, stereos, and other such amenities). (p. 49). The RUBS (rich urban bikers)
chapters are made up of bikers richly costumed in leather and riding highly customized
Harleys down the back roads of midlife crises. (p. 49).

Unlike the hard-core bikers, the weekend Harley enthusiasts can snub all no-Harley fans
but they cannot do that with all the members of the groups described above. Finally, the
outlaws are precisely the hard-core par excellence, the subgroup that will retain the
ownership of the Harley authenticity. For Schouten and McAlexander (1995) true outlaws
do not wave to anybody but their brother outlaws; anyone else is denigrated as a citizen.
(p. 49). In short, in Harley subculture hard-core members are those who hold higher status
and decide the meanings to be conveyed within the subculture thus playing the role of
opinion leaders.

The study of the subculture of skydiving (Celsi et al., 1993) - an activity deviant or
semideviant (p. 10) - reflects the structure of the Harley subculture, including subgroups
with overlapping roles based on experience (students, novices, intermediates and experts)
and other function-based (owners, manifest coordinators, instructors, dive organizers,
riggers, and pilots). While subgroups constitute a formal hierarchy based on functions, an
informal hierarchy is made up based on the experience, in which a group of particularly
expert paratroopers - the Jerry Birds are listened to by everyone else when they give
their advices and suggestions. The development of the skydiving skills is an important
element both for personal satisfaction and also for the acquisition of a status in the
community. For this reason, the high-risk activities take on a high value in relation to skills
that they require and the way in which they are perceived by others, attaining mastery also
differentiates the individual from novice skydivers as well as from nonskydivers (p. 11).
2.2.2 Authenticity

Brand communities are a specialized, non-geographically bound community, based on a


structured set of social relations among admirers of a brand. (p. 412). For Muiz and
O'Guinn (2001) what determines the definition of a hard-core within the community is the
presence of internal processes of legitimacy - in particular with reference to the
community and Saab Bronco. Legitimacy is a process whereby members of the
community differentiate between true members of the community and those who are not,
or who occupy a more marginal space. (p. 419). The processes of legitimation are based
on the contrast between old and new, real and faux members. These processes are
based on the motivations why one joins the community. For true members those
motivations must be honest and right because the wrong reasons are typically revealed by
failing to fully appreciate the culture, history, rituals, traditions, and symbols of the
community. (p. 419).

The real members of the community are those who feel a sincere devotion towards the
brand, in opposition to the new and false members of the community to which the
adhesion is dictated by an opportunistic and trendy logic. Muiz and O'Guinn (2001) also
emphasize that the real members of the community may cause potential problems in the
case of brands with low market share for which a small but extremely loyal group of
consumers desires to keep the infidels out (p. 419).

The theme of the authenticity and the real devoted fans to the brand is also approached in
the study of Muiz and Schau (2005) on the Apple Newton community and Schau and
Muiz (2007) on the TPATH (Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers) community. Here, the
true fans identify themselves as such through the tests of true fans in which it is proven
true devotion of fans to the brand. This is the case of the rituals of consumption rising in
the Newton community which create knowledge and cultural capital and in the community
around the brand (Muiz and Schau, 2005). The same happens in the TPATH community
in which to choose songs less successful as the preferred ones or to know the whole story
of the group is a sign of authenticity for each fan (Schau and Muiz, 2007).
Even in the fandom, the real fans make their way into the crowd of supporters and
followers of countless phenomena of great success as Harry Potter (Brown, 2007). Since
the launch of the fifth book of the series, JK Rowling has focused on the support of the
community and the most authentic fans Pottermaniacs -, 4000 of them have been
carefully selected at the time of the launch to read some excerpts from the book at the
Albert Hall (Brown, 2007). To Brown et al. (2003) skeptics and true believers can act as
a barrier to the revival of old brand - it is the case of the New Beetle. Brown et al. (2003)
point out that consumers demonstrate that they are sophisticated interpreters of marketing
cues about a brand's authenticity (p. 24).

2.2.3 Consumer competence

In other studies, the contrast hard-core vs. soft-core shifts from the issue of the social
structure and processes of legitimation/acceptation within it to the relationship between
the company and community fanatics (Cova and White, 2010). The issue is in terms of
rejection of brand hegemony (Cromie and Ewing, 2009), where the brand hegemony
refers to both the domination of one brand over others (e.g., Microsoft) and the
domination of this brand over its consumers (Cova and White, 2010, p. 264). This is the
case of the Warhammer community, where a group of fanatics angry and dissatisfied with
the management of Games Workshop (Warhammer company brand) have abandoned their
community by developing a new brand - Confrontation - thus giving rise to a counter-
brand community (Cova and White, 2010), a community that is able to compete with the
community of origin. In the analysis of Cova and White (2010), the factor that is causing
the conflict between fanatics and enterprise is the feeling felt by consumers to see doubly
exploited their contribution to the brand (Cova and Dalli, 2009), first, consumers are not
generally paid for the know-how, enthusiasm, and social cooperation that they contribute
to. Second, customers typically pay what the marketing profession calls a price premium
for the fruits of their labour, as the value provided by co-created offers is said to be higher
than that which can be achieved through company creation. (Cova and White, 2010, p.
264). Therefore, the competence and the know-how seem to be, in the case of
Warhammer, the element that characterizes the fanatics of the community.

In addition to groups affiliated with brands, the dynamics hard-core vs. soft-core emerges
within communities who gather in common activities. This is the case of the fans of the
food and their expertise (de Valck, 2007). In this community what constitutes the
difference of the core members by the other participants is the degree of expertise the
formers have. de Valck (2007) shows that the core members not only challenge each
other, as a group, they challenge the practices and the norms of others that diverted from
Their Own high standards. (p. 265). This condition of challenge within the community is
very close to the idea of a tribal fighting for territory, in which the core members being
those most involved in the community feel they can claim rights on the territory and its
rules (de Valck, 2007). In addition, the expansion of community brings these members to
feel their territory invaded and desecrated by others who live following other rules than
those set by the core group. This condition pushes the core members or marginalizing
within the community or to leave and go elsewhere (Kozinets, 1999).

Even the cruiser chiefs in the communities of cruiser base their higher status in
opposition to the other members, on the competence (Brownlie et al., 2007). The
community of cruisers has a fluid structure and the role of individual groups within it
including that of chiefs is under constant threat. This is due to the fact that the cruiser
chiefs base their legitimacy on what Simmel defines as works of art, that is the ability
to create forms of uniqueness destroyed in their uniqueness the moment they are
reproduced (Nedelmann, 1991, p. 182). Brownlie et al. (2007) show that some of the
chiefs try to gain a greater distinctiveness through their productions coolness and
designed to remain outside the socializing practices of the group, that is to say they would
avoid speaking to or befriending others or otherwise participating in face-to-face
networking activities to maintain a sense of aloofness (p. 123).

In analyzing the Jeep community, McAlexander et al. (2002) find - during the emergence
of the community - the presence (perceived) of groups so-called barbarians and hard-
core four-wheelers. These groups are perceived and defined as such by the new owners of
a Jeep which nourish a feeling of fear in participating in the events of Jeep - the Camp
Jeep. A feeling of not fully belonging to the group fed their stereotypical idea of jeepers,
the real members of the Jeep, and the way in which they are different in a pejorative
sense. Although the presence of a hard-core barbarian may prove by the new comers
experience more a fear than a real reality. The existence of relationships based on status
between the new members and the veterans is confirmed especially by the greater
knowledge and expertise of these latter. This greater experience gives to veterans the
function of leadership.

2.2.4 Consumer experience

The consumer experience is another context in which the dialectic of hard-core vs. soft-
core occurs. River rafting investigated by Arnould and Price (1993) it highlights the
presence of die-hard customers in their relationship with the experience of communion
with nature: Most clients retired early, but the guides stayed up to watch the [full] moon
come up over the canyon wall. They sat on the beach with a few die-hard clients and
waited until well after midnight for the full moon to rise. (p. 33). The same evidences
come up from the study of the stock show and rodeos as a consumption phenomenon of the
American Western culture (Pealoza, 2001): You see lotta western wunnabes as well as
hard core ranchers that live the lifestyle. (p. 379).

2.2.5 Universe of meanings and escapism

Some researchers suggest that the presence of a hard-core does not bind to the social
structure, or necessarily to the competence or expertise acquired by the most active
members, but it depends by the degree of experiential immersion with the object of
devotion (Kozinets, 2001; Cova and Pace, 2006). From the study of the phenomenon Star
Trek comes up the characters of the Trekkies and Trekkers (Kozinets, 2001). As
shown by Kozinets (2001) Trekkies and Trekkers respectively correspond to the hard-core
and soft-core of Star Trek fandom. While the Trekkers have a less intense approach with
the fantasy world of Star Trek culture, [they] don't do it in the streets and scare the
mundanes. (p. 80), Trekkie is someone who is pretty much lost in the fantasy world of
Star Trek, someone who has taken an escapist approach to the show and almost literally
escaped into it. (p. 79). Although the whole phenomenon is an object of stigmatization,
the figure of Trekkies is the one to which stereotypes are applied and then generally
extended to all the members. According to Kozinets (2001) such stereotypes on Trekkies
associate Star Trek consumption with fanaticism, immaturity, passivity, escapism,
addiction, obsessive consumption, and the inability to distinguish between fantasy and
reality. (p. 74).

What marks the difference in the work of Kozinets (2001) with respect to contributions on
the subcultures of consumption and brand communities is that the Star Trek phenomenon
is a fandom phenomenon in the proper sense of the term. It is a phenomenon that is arise in
relation to a fiction, an entertainment product/text in which the rise of a hard-core is not
linked to the presence of internal hierarchies and status relationships, rather hard-core is
such thanks to members involvement in a world with its own meanings which is that of
Star Trek culture (of consumption).

Similarly, the world of a convenience good as Nutella is a universe of meanings - Che


Mondo sarebbe senza Nutella! (What would the world be like without Nutella?) - in
which consumers distinguish occasional consumers from hard-core fans (Cova and Pace,
2006). In particular, the hard-core fans are characterized by a degree of relationship with
the brand very intense and long-lasting that in some cases can go to the hijacking of the
meanings provided to the brand (by the company). This brand hijacking is realized by
group of consumers that Wipperfrth (2005) defines fanatics! Here below, it is shown an
example of a hard-core fan of Nutella:

Nutella is something essential in my life. When I feel down, Nutella brings me back up. Only
Nutella gives me this feeling...It would have been awful if they had never invented it!!
Shes always been there to reassure and help me without asking for anything in return. Shes made
me so very happy, and Ive never had any fights or disagreed with here. Shes my oldest friend.
Thank you for being there, NUTELLA!!!

Nutella is the only person who is always there to celebrate a happy event or console me if Im
down.

Nutella ... where would the world be without Nutella! I promise you that without this wonderfully
soft and delicious spread, I wouldnt know what to do. For a small spoonful of Nutella, Id be
willing to give up on pasta, wouldnt you? What would you do for Nutella?

For me nothing compares to the feeling I get when I stick my finger into a giant jar of Nutella,
really, these are great and exciting sensations you only get with this jar of nut spread (Plate 2).
(Cova and Pace, 2006, p. 1096)

2.2.6 Social identity: Trekkies and stigma

The relationship between identity and stigmatization is explored by the research of Cusack
et al. (2003) as part of the Star Trek fandom culture. Although the authors speak of
Trekkies as a fan it is plausible, following the research of Kozinets (2001) on the same
subculture, to consider this contribution as focused on a group of fanatics and not of fans.
Kozinets (2001), in fact, has highlighted how the Star Trek subculture is formed by a soft-
core, Trekkers, and a hard-core, Trekkies. Moreover, even in the research of Cusack et al.
(2003) there are some passages where consumers are labeled as Trekkers, referring to the
fact that some fans prefer the epithet of Trekkie rather than Trekker because the suffix
i.e. is perceived as having a comical and diminutive meaning (Doggie), whereas er is
more of an action suffix (Faster). (p. 305).

Cusack et al. (2003) consider the deviance of fandom phenomena as socially determined
(Becker, 1963, Goffman, 1963), assuming that others play an active role in the
construction of our identity both threatening and labeling them on the stage of social
relationships. Hence, it is important to prove the relationship between deviance and social
control (Jenkins, 1996). As described by Foucault (1975) in Discipline and punish, social
control influences the individuals conditioning their behavior in social relationships. In
Foucault view, social relations act as a real control system - the Panopticon - impersonal
but omnipresent. It is in this context that Foucault introduces the principle of
subjectivation and production of the subject, just to show the role played by the social
structure in conditioning and shaping the subjective dimension. This conception of social
action moves away from the dramaturgical Goffmans view even if they share the idea of
the interactionist nature of deviance and stigma - and the processes of stigmatization
associated to it. For Cusack et al. (2003) stigma is a mode of social control (Schur, 1980)
which works at symbolic and moral levels, regulating alternative identities and behaviours
through the continuous reproduction of social values and mores, and through this
regulation, inflicting a kind of symbolic violence on those misfits such that they might
fit in. (p. 297).

The Panopticon instills the feeling of being under a constant control that leads to
internalize the gaze of others. The Panopticon is for Foucault a metaphor of the power that
the society practices on all individuals through a surveillance system made up by the same
individuals. What emerges from the analysis of Trekkies is the presence of a disciplinary
gaze, or self-surveillance which leads some to act according to the conventions and
standards of the people who does not belongs to the Star Trek community. Those people
are lead to express a value judgment - generally negative - on the practices of the
community. As noted by Cusack et al. (2003), self-surveillance occurs even in the
absence of the controllers as a behavior induced and internalized.

According to Cusack et al. (2003) the main mechanism through which the social normative
power is exercised on the individual is the humor (Powell, 1988). Humor is defined as
an important (albeit mild) means, by which a group clarifies its norms, negotiates or
maintains shared notions of reality, and socially controls deviance. (p. 301). To play the
game with humor and to respond in an appropriate manner it is the way to show to really
having understood what the rules are - and therefore the judgment concerning our behavior
- and have grasped exactly how things are. The joke, then, is analogous to the Panopticon
since it creates in the deviant the sense of being under close surveillance without actually
revealing the disciplinarian. (Cusack et al., 2003, p. 302). From the Trekkies point of
view, the management of the identity through the self-surveillance and humor becomes a
means to distance them from the judgment of deviance, to search for a more acceptable
label for their own person and to rationalize the choice of their tastes in a positive way.
Trekkies have internalised the social imperatives of self-control and rationality, which
produces an unconscious ambivalence towards their own tastes. As observed by Cusack et
al. (2003), although the Trekkies accept the mechanism of humor admitting their
transgressions, at the same time they feel to have a completely normal behavior. On the
other hand are a few who, among fans and non-fans, admit to have a sick obsession for
Star Trek and extreme interests. Then, what can be defined as extreme it is not totally clear
because those who allow themselves to be increasingly involved in the fandom, and
especially in those activities that are taboo for non-fans, tend to take on the idea that there
are many other hard-core Trekkies. According to Cusack et al. (2003) this suggests that
the belief in the existence of hard-core Trekkies reflects less the reality of actual fan
behaviour and more the need to resolve the ambivalence fans feel towards their tastes. (p.
303).

The term Trekkie is the bearer of a very specific label. The fact that the term is
associated with that label complicates the process of interplay between Star Trek and
Trekkies identity. For Cusack et al. (2003) labels are often a focal point of conflict or
resistance from deviants and dealing with the label is frequently seen as necessary if they
are to reclassify themselves as normal. (p. 304). The presence of the label leads many to
reject the epithet of Trekkie and taking the one of Trekker which is non-pejorative and less.
Moreover, as Cusack et al. (2003) explain for most fans, regardless of whether they prefer
the label Trekkie or Trekker, their own ambivalence and/or the social pressure to conform
leads them to use different labels at different times and places. (p. 305).

Trekkies are also struggling with the constant attempt to rationalize their taste for Star
Trek. The most common behavior is to justify the functional utility of their purchasing of
Star Trek objects. It is also frequent to recur to positive and nice discourses of positive on
Star Trek in order to destigmatize its image, these alternative discourses present reasons
explaining why it is a quality television series and, in turn, why being a Star Trek fan is to
be valued. (p. 305). The development of these alternative discourses serve to reduce the
criticism from the dominant culture, in effect, if fans have at their disposal logical and
legitimate explanations of their tastes there is a greater chance that they will be able to
reduce their ambivalence towards those tastes. (p. 305).

Another topic that allows Trekkies to defuse the stigma of Star Trek refers to the ability of
the TV series to anticipate, to some extent, the future - mobile phones and other modern
inventions. Also Star Trek enjoys a privileged relationship with NASA, for which it
improved its credibility, while NASA has gained an ally in promoting the value of its
work. According to Cusack et al. (2003), in reality, despite these pluses Trekkies have
never attempted to challenge the logic underlying the dominant cultural discourse on Star
Trek, but what often happens is that Trekkies propose that Star Trek is an exception to the
rule, and therefore the rule itself - the distinction between art and entertainment and
between fantasy and reality - is cast under no suspicion. (p. 305).

What emerges from what has been said so far is the willingness by Trekkies to check out
the information about their tastes. This desire does not translate to hide their interest in Star
Trek but to decrease the extent to which that interest becomes a central aspect of their
public identity. (p. 307). To this end, the excessive consumption of Star Trek video, for
example, is presented as an excessive tendency to typically collect video. In doing so, they
shift the attention from being a Trekkies to being an excessive collector. Recontextualizing
the video possession in this way the possibility of social stigma results limited (Cusack et
al., 2003). In general, the information concerning the fact of being a Trekkie are checked
carefully choosing how and when to reveal it. In addition, the Trekkie often resort to a
metalinguistic use of the Star Trek stigma, explaining that they are aware of this injury and
how they are personally far from it. Cusack et al. (2003) conclude that ironically, denying
the public expression of their interest, which they recognize as an important constituent of
their identity, is frequently rationalised in terms of showing people who they really are.
(p. 307).

Kozinets (2001) points out how the fantastic world of Star Trek is for the Trekkies a form
of escapism through which to escape the routine and the troubles of everyday life.
According to Cusack et al. (2003), the first Trekkies escape the gaze of others the hotel s
brick walls shuts away the taunts, jibes and sniggers of strangers that his behaviour might
attract outside, plus there is no danger of being observed by family, friends, colleagues or
passing acquaintances that do not share his interest. (p. 308). In addition, conventions
offer the possibility of a kind of invisibility for participants. They are absorbed in the
crowd that shares the same fantasy, wearing the same costumes and acting the same way.
For others, the costume conceals their identity those who wear masks and heavy
prosthetic make-up are nearly impossible to identify and this is likely to lead to more
ambitious identity transformations. (p. 308).

Cusack et al. (2003) point out that the line between reality and fantasy is a feature in
Trekkies, these boundaries may not be as absolute for all fans [] but all fans place
boundaries around their activities and these boundaries tend to be rationalised in terms of a
need to maintain the distinction between fantasy and reality. (p. 309). The presence of the
idea of the border authorises these little excursions into fantasy and so he [the Trekkie]
can enjoy without guilt. (p. 309).

2.2.7 Discussion

The interest of the research on approaches to collective consumption has greatly


contributed to opening up new perspectives on fanaticism. At this stage, the research has
mainly focused on the study of the practices, rituals and, in general, the meanings that
consumers develop gathering around their consumption activities or their favorite brands.
The most important contribution of this stage is to have extended the scope of the fandom
to objects and consumption activities that do not necessarily have to do with popular
culture as understood in studies of Fiske (1989) and Jenkins (1992). In popular culture, the
media texts have a central role in the production and circulation of meanings (Jenkins,
1992). However, with the widespread of objects in the individuals everyday life
(Baudrillard, 1968) meanings are also conveyed by material objects. They assume an
important role in defining of the cultural universe that surrounds the individuals
(McCracken, 1986). In his essay, The invention of the everyday life, de Certeau (1990)
clearly captures the relationship of the consumer with the objects of consumption to a
rationalized, expansionist, centralized, spectacular and noisy production is opposed a
completely different production, described as consumption, which has the characteristics
of its tricks, its fragmentations related to various occasions, its poachings, its clandestinity,
its ceaseless murmuring, in short, a quasi-invisibility, since it does not shows itself with its
own products (in which spaces?) but with the art of using those which are imposed. (p.
53).

In general, we can observe that at this stage fanaticism has benefited of contributions from
researches on: texts and media influences on consumer behavior (Hirschman, 1988, 1998;
Hirschman and Thompson, 1997; Holbrook and Hirschman, 1993; Kozinets, 2001), on the
meanings and practices of consumption (Belk et al., 1989; Holt, 1997; McCracken, 1986;
Thompson and Haytko, 1997), and finally on subcultures related to brands and activities of
consumption (Belk and Costa, 1998; Cova and Cova, 2001; Muiz and O'Guinn, 2001;
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Thompson and Troester, 2002).

2.3 Episode 3: fanatic consumers

Research on fanaticism as an independent topic with its scientific stature develops on the
legacy of the previous studies. Previous researches have highlighted the characteristics of
the phenomenon. In particular, the characteristic of aberrancy (Hill and Robinson, 1991;
Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann, 1987) - reoccurring in the current research under the label of
dysfunctional or dark side - represents one of the central points in them. Then,
fanaticism has been extended to completely new areas different from its traditional context
of popular culture - music and sport (Hill and Robinson, 1991; Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann,
1987). This extension is due to the collective dimension of consumption phenomena and its
practices and experiences; the identity concerns in social structures and in stigmatization
processes. In this stage, fanaticism has inglobed fandom phenomena in all their
manifestations as well as phenomena of individual and solipsistic consumption.

Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987) vaguely use the terms fanatical. They do not make a
real difference between fans and fanatics. This is essentially due to the pejorative
meaning that the whole fanatical phenomenon had at that period (Jenkins, 1992).
Furthermore, both the authors do not provide a clear distinction between the terms of
fanatic and fanaticism. For both authors they are quasi-synonyms. For fanaticism, in fact,
they intend the attitude to adopting a fanatic behavior. The fanatic behavior is the subject
of their analysis. With the revival of studies on fanaticism, on the one hand it is felt the
need to distinguish clearly the concepts of fanatic and fanaticism (Chung et al., 2008); on
the other the non-distinction between both terms remains (Chung et al., 2008, 2009, Smith
et al., 2007).

2.3.1 Fanaticism and its main characteristics

The two main researches that have tried to define the characteristics of fanaticism are:
Chung et al. (2008), and Thorne and Bruner (2006). For Thorne and Bruner (2006)
fanaticism is the level of investment one has in the liking or interest of a particular person,
group, trend, artwork or idea. (p. 53). The authors have conducted an investigation into
three different fandom subcultures - Star Trek, Dungeons and Dragons and Axis and Allies
- in order to identify the main features of fanaticism. This research is based on the idea that
fans - as consumers of fandom communities, are those that best represent the fanaticism as
such and, therefore, its own characteristics.

Thus, the analysis of Thorne and Bruner (2006) focuses on the study of the fan - in
particular of devoted fans - within various fandom contexts. The characteristics that
emerge from the investigation are:
Internal involvement: fans focus on their time, energy, and resources intently on a
specific area of interest (p. 53).
Desire for external involvement: those identifying themselves as fans tended to
state a strong desire to be involved in fan-related activities []. Fans are motivated to
involve themselves externally with the area of interest through such activities as posting to
web sites, attending conventions or club meetings, or researching the area of interest (p.
53).
Wish to acquire: they exhibit a very high interest in acquiring items such as
autographs, photographs and related memorabilia (p. 53). At the high end, fans may
create displays or shrines featuring the items acquired. These displays will often become
a focal point of the fans home and are often the first thing shown by the fan to visitors.
Similarly, other fans that have heard of the display will travel to the fans home to see it (p.
66).
Desire for social interaction: the desire of interaction with others of like interest is
likely to be strong []. The discussion of the area of interest with friends, family, and
casual acquaintances who are not fans often proves unfulfilling, as they fail to approach the
subject with the same level of intensity as fans do (p. 53). The consumption of a single fan
is initially individual but then she/he tends to search for other fans who share the same
passion.

Chung et al., (2008) based their study on fanaticism on the results produced by Thorne and
Bruners (2006) research. In this case, the analysis focuses exclusively on those consumers
who show an extraordinary devotion to an activity of consumption, just fanatics
according to the authors. Chung et al., (2008) do not propose a definition of fanaticism but
they provide one on summing conclusions of previous studies fanaticism is a unique form
of loyalty characterised by strong, intense, and extreme levels of commitment, allegiance,
devotion, passion, emotional attachment, enthusiasm, and involvement (p. 333).

Chung et al. (2008), as well as Thorne and Bruner (2006), investigate fanatic consumption
as stemming from various consumption activities (car model and toy collecting, sports and
luxury fashion brands consumption) and which are not linked at all to specific brands, in
order to identify the main characteristics of fanaticism. From the analysis of fanatic
consumption the following characteristics are highlighted:
Extraordinary loyalty and devotion: the extraordinary loyalty and devotion entail
an attachment which goes beyond ordinary, loyalty and devotion implies that fanaticism
is beyond simple engagements between the consumer and the object [] that is, the
notion of loyalty and devotion considers not simply the frequency of participation, such as
usage or purchase patterns, but involves emotional attachments such as feelings of passion
and love, intimacy and dedication (p. 334).
Extreme Enthusiasm: fanatics enthusiasm for their object of fanaticism is such that
it achieves unsustainable levels fanatics often involves such extreme behaviours, and is
often at such a high level of intensity that sometimes its pursuit cannot be sustained over
long periods of time (p. 335)
Inertial Involvement and Behaviour: fanatic behaviour is uncontrollable and
compulsive but it may be more appropriate to view this as a form of inertial behavior a
drive or desire to interact with the consumptive object, which is not always linked to
negative outcomes detrimental to the individual or to others (p.
336).
Consumption as an End to Itself: fanatics show a propensity to consumption
which is ended in itself, a fanatic devotee of anything continues the activity at least
partly because the activity is an end to itself (Lehmann, 1987, p. 129; quoted in Chung et
al., 2008).
Personal Self-Sustaining Phenomenon: there is evidence to suggest that fanaticism
can be an intensely personal phenomenon, which can occur in the absence of a group
or social context [], because a consumer fanatic can be just as loyal without the
support from their surrounding social network or community (p. 337).

In these studies, some of the features already present in the pioneering studies on
fanaticism (Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann, 1987) are highlighted - consumption as an end in
itself and collecting but some new items clearly emerge as the theme of devotion (Pichler
and Hemetsberger, 2007, 2008).
2.3.2 From fans to fanatics: typologies of fandom consumers

Moving from the idea that fanaticism is strictly linked to fandom, some researchers have
produced an effort in an attempt to draw different levels of fans along an ideal intensity
scale. This scale is the expression of the level of attachment of consumers (fans, fanatics,
etc.) to the object product or brand they are interested in and passionate for (Hunt et al.
1999; MacKellar, 2006, 2009, Thorne, 2011; Thorne and Bruner, 2006).

To Hunt et al. (1999) fans reveal their level of attachment through their sports-related
behaviour. So within our scheme, devoted, fanatical, and dysfunctional fans differ in terms
of their attachment to the sports consumptive objective, as exhibited by their behaviour
towards that object (p. 442). The authors develop a scheme in order to allow one to
distinguish the different categories of sport fans: 1) temporary fans, 2) local fans, 3)
devoted fans, 4) fanatical fans, 5) dysfunctional fans.

Categories of temporary fan and local fan are almost less important in the
investigation of fanaticism as they have been generated by situational sources. As Hunt
et al., (1999) explain: within our classification scheme the source of temporary and local
fans motivation is situational, while the source of motivation for devoted, fanatical, and
dysfunctional fans is enduring (p. 442).
Temporary fan: a temporary fan does not avail him of being a fan to build their
identity. The factor that characterizes the behavior of the temporary fans is his passion time-
limited, the temporary fans interest in the phenomenon is time constrained. After the
phenomenon of interest is over, the fan is no longer motivated to exhibit behavior
related to the sports object, but rather returns to normal behavior pattern (p. 442).
Local fan: the local fans are bounded by geographic constraints (p. 444).
According to the authors the two reasons why one becomes a fan, for example a fan of a
sport team, is because the team is local and because the fan is born in the same town where
the team plays. For this, even the local fans is subject to constraints, in fact if the
geographic factor is lacking this may be the cause of the end of the
interest of fans, if the local fan moves away from the city where the schema target is
located, the devotion of the fan diminishes (p. 444).
Devoted fan: devoted fans have no constraints, their motivation toward and
attachment with the consumptive object (personality, league, or sport) increased, thus
breaking the boundaries of time and place. The devoted fan remains loyal to their team or
player even if either the specific, short-term event that captivated that temporary attention
has ended or if they are removed from the context of the original geographical
location (p. 444). In devoted fans the quest for self identification emerges as a significant
factor for consuming sport the object to which we are attached plays a key link in
becoming and broadcasting our ideal self (p. 445).
Fanatical fan: fanatical fans have a higher degree of attachment than devoted
fans. Fanatical fans are also used to consume sport object in order to self through
attachment with the sports consumptive objects (p. 445). Even if for those consumers the
consumption activity is marginal regarding to the core center of their own lives. However
consuming sport object is a significant activity for those fans.
Dysfunctional fan: to dysfunctional fans the consumption of sports objects plays a
central role in the construction of their own identity and, thus, of their lives, the
dysfunctional fan uses being a fan as the primary method of self-identification (p.
446). In addition, dysfunctional fans are characterized by their antisocial, violent and
disruptive behaviors.

MacKellar (2009) has conducted a study on the audience of an Elvis Presley event held in
Australia; identifying different types of audience (consumers). In particular, the author
identifies the segments which compose the event audience: dabblers, fans, fanatics. (See
Table 6)
Table 6 Dabbler, Fan and Fanatic segments
Dabbler segment Fan segment Fanatic segment
Looking for an Elvis Looking for an Elvis Looking for reassurance,
experience experience context, other fans
Elvis clothing-hand- Elvis clothing-hand-crafted Showed an intensity and
crafted passion in activities
Long-time dedication to Long-time dedication to Wore Elvis and Priscilla
Elvis Elvis clothing and attached deep
significance to it
Group identity as Elvis Group identity as Elvis Long-time dedication
family family
Included both locals and Included both locals and Group identity as Elvis family
visitors visitors
Attended ticketed Attended ticketed concerts Included both locals and
concerts visitors
Context-to gather with Context-to gather with Paid to attend all concerts and
other fans other fans activities
Spectated and Spectated and participated Would pay for an ultimate
participated activities activities such as parades experience
such as parades
Interest in Elvis is a big Interest in Elvis is a big Interest in Elvis is a big part of
part of their life and part of their life and their life and identity
identity identity
Strong opinions on EPE Strong opinions on EPE Interest in Elvis is a central
part of their life and identity
Extensive knowledge of Extensive knowledge of Houses decorated as shrines
Elviss life and works Elviss life and works
Only attended Elvis Only attended Elvis events Knowledge is deep and
events personal
Strong opinions on Elvis-
related issues
Attended Selected Elvis events
in Australia and overseas
Source: MacKellar J. (2009)

Dabblers: people who knows Elvis and want to live a new experience and enjoy a
special week-end, the dabbler relished the comical opportunities to add Elvis quotes
to a situations (p. 14).
Fan: fans have a deep and long knowledge of the whole Elvis world. They show a
particular consumer behavior to attend more ticketed concerts than less dedicated
participants and social fans did [] to purchase Elvis-related products (p. 16).
Fanatic: Elvis fanatics show a high level of Energy, enthusiasm and passion for all
about Elvis. They love to posed rare objects, cimelia and they are proud to show them a
proud displays of rare items they had hand-made for themselves out of rare materials
sourced from the USA (p. 16).

Following the previous studies on identifying fans according to their level of fanatic
intensity (Dimmock and Grove, 2005; Hunt et al., 1999; Zellner, 1995), Thorne and Bruner
(2006) defines four specific profiles of fanatic consumers:
Dilettante: at this level of intensity, fans have an occasional and not significant
involvement with the primary source materials. Without additional stimulation or the
guidance of a more experienced fan, this dilettante fan may lose interest in the object (p.
58).
Dedicated: the dedicated fan actively adjusts his/her lifestyle to watch program,
collects items related to the area of interest or attends conventions devoted to the topic. At
this level, the fan actively seeks out others with the same interest for conversation and
interaction (p. 58).
Devoted: at this level there is an expanding involvement in the area of interest, the
fan may devote sections of their homes to showcasing the object of fascination, attend
conventions focusing on the subject, and ultimately endeavor to become recognizes as an
expert in the area of involvement (p. 58).
Dysfunctional: this is the level of intensity showed by individual with an antisocial
behaviour to the point that they distance from their families, level of fanaticism may
include behaviors such as violence, hysteria, and stalking, activities not characteristic to
23
other three levels (p. 58).

What emerges from these studies is a differentiation of different profiles of fanatic


consumers according to the level of their investment keeping the concept mobilized by
Thorne and Bruner (2006). The variation of the investment allows distinguishing from a

23
In some instances, it is this level of involvement that is common shared when popular media refers to a
fan (Crouse, 1993a, b; quoted in Thorne and Bruner, 2006).
lower level where the fan is positioned, to a higher level where we find the
(dysfunctional) fanatic. (See Table 7)

Table 7 Levels of fanatic consumers


Hunt et al. (1999) Temporary Local fan Devoted Fanatical Dysfunctional
fan fan fan fan
Thorne and Bruner Dilettante Dedicated Devoted Dysfunctional
(2006)
MacKellar (2009) Dabbler Fan Fanatic

2.3.3 The fanatic dysfunctional behavior

In Hunt et al. (1999) the fanatic consumer crosses both the categories of the fanatical
fans and dysfunctional fans. The first difference between the two categories lies in the
role of the object of fanaticism in the process of identity construction. While for the
fanatical fans it represents an important element but not the unique key element, in the case
of dysfunctional fan the object of fanaticism is at the heart of the individuals existence.
Further there is a second difference, that is unlike fanatical fans, dysfunctional fans are
characterized by a violent and antisocial behavior, the dysfunctional fan will readily
engage in violent or other disruptive behavior under the pretext that this behavior is
somewhat justified because of being a fan (p. 447). A typical example of that is given by
the hooligans.

For Thorne and Bruner (2006), the fanatic behavior is a synonymous per se of
dysfunctional behavior, in the sense that it violates the social norms, the literature in the
field has generally focused on behaviour as it expresses itself through obsessive or
compulsive activities, actions that are viewed here as characteristic of only a subset of fans
(latter referred to as the dysfunctional fan) (p. 52). Fanatic is a person with an
overwhelming liking or interest in a particular person, group, trend, artwork or idea that
exhibits extreme behavior viewed by others as dysfunctional and violating social
conventions. (Thorne and Bruner, 2006, p. 53).

In MacKellars (2006) perspective fanatics have a pre-disposition to consume. Their goals


drive them to excessive consumption, collecting objects that reflect themselves and are
iconic of their pursuits. Their deep and passionate interest in an object or product category
drives them to share their collections and their involvement with other like-minded people
possibly at the expense of their family, friends and finances. To others, their
consumerism may seem irrational, but to their own value-attitude, it is necessary to achieve
their goal. They are willing to go to great lengths to search out their products and have a
great loyalty to them, and their creators. (p. 202)

Both Thorne and Bruner (2006) and Hunt et al. (1999) highlight the dysfunctional aspect
held by fanatics. This is also defined by Chung et al. (2009) as dark side, in the sense of
the negative consequences that fanaticism can produce on the fanatic themselves and on
the others around them. In particular, Chung et al. (2009) state that fanaticism can tease on
consumers feelings as entrapment, uncontrollable desire for more, addiction,
obsession, anger and jealousy. So, consumer fanatics seem like entrapped in their
purchasing desire and lost in a diseased relationship with their brands (Chung et al., 2009).
In opposition to what is stated by other researches on the addictive and compulsive extents
of fanatic consumption (Redden and Steiner, 2000; Thorne and Bruner, 2006), Chung et al.
(2008) conclude that fanatic behavior has not to be interpreted as only in its negative
connotations, contrary to common portrayals of addiction and obsessive-compulsive
behaviours, the consequences here are not as morbid and detrimental as that resulting from
pathological addiction (p. 336). In fact, Chung et al. (2008) talk about an inertial
behaviour as a drive or desire to interact with the consumptive object, which is not
always linked to negative outcomes detrimental to the individual or the others (p. 336).

Redden and Steiner (2000) focus on the negative aspects of fanaticism. They define fanatic
consumption as destructive and often deadly instincts that create a pathological
disjunction among fanatics state of mind, their behaviour and their goals. Their thinking,
behaviour and goals not only not support each other, but also sometimes actively work
against each other illogically and counterproductively (destructively) (p. 330).

This position marks the difference with the normal consumption: to appreciate such a
disjunction might manifest in fanatical consumption, lets first assume that normal
consumption is constituted by a coherent and felicitous interplay of thinking, behaviour
and goals operating in harmony. That interplay constraints consumption to keep within
normal bounds []. When our goal is to buy a car, that goal leads to thinking about the
features and benefits of different cars and how to acquire the money to buy the car and
how a new car might change our lives and even our sense of who we are. As we do this
thinking, we may reconsider our goal or recognise the need to modify behaviour to achieve
our goal. But perhaps the necessary behaviour modifications are so unattractive that we
rethink our needs and wants or abandon or modify our goal (p. 330).

Indeed the clear distinction between the fanatic and the normal consumption is that
fanatical behaviour is not just a more intense version of normal consumer behaviour. It
is fragmented in the sense of schizophrenic or shattered, but not because consumers are
complex, volatile and unpredictable (p. 332). According to the authors, in fanatical
consumers the coherence and interplay of thinking, behaviour and goals may be seriously
disrupted by the destructive instincts which manifest in the identified characteristics of
fanatics. These characteristics, by weakening the coherence among thinking behaviour and
goals, can lead to distorted thinking and unacceptable behaviour that create the impression
of gross abnormality, pathology, even insanity. We think such fanatical thinking and
behaviour are likely to be judged abnormal when they work against achievement of
goals (Redden and Steiner, 2000, p. 331).

Redden and Steiner (2000) state that the fanatically brand loyalty, their dogmatism,
certainty and lack of critical capacity can make them resistant to change and willing to
invest money or time to collect brand capital without regard to quality or value (p. 332).
Redden and Steiner (2000) is the first scholars as well as Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann
(1987) - in studying fanatics by a non positivist perspective. They propose a conceptual
framework in order to frame the understanding of fanatic consumption. This model is
articulated on the concepts of: intensity, intolerance and incoherence among thinking,
behavior and goals. Following a postmodern approach (Firat and Venkatesh, 1995),
Redden e Steiner (2000) came up with the identification of some key features of fanatic
consumption: fanatical intensity and fanatical intolerance.
Fanatical intensity: it is constituted by the elements of the Excitement
(Bromberger, et al., 1993; Buford, 1991; Corbin, 1973; Dunning et al., 1988; Fiske,
1992; Gardner, 1997; Kerr, 1994; Redhead, 1997; Rudin, 1969; Sloan, 1979; Willis,
1990); Passion/commitment (Brown and Reid, 1997; Chauduri, 1997; Gould, 1997; Lee
and Zeiss, 1980; Milgram, 1977; Morandian and Oliver, 1997; Sutton et al., 1997; Taylor,
1991); Rage of will (Haynal et al., 1983; Milgram 1977; Taylor, 1991) (quoted in Redden
and Steiner, 2000).
Fanatical intolerance: it is composed by the Focusing (Haynal, 1983; Redhead,
1997; Rudin, 1969); Personalised view of the world (Taylor, 1991); Resistance to change
(Taylor, 1991); Disdain/dismissal (Colas, 1997; Mead, 1977; Milgram,
1977; Perkinson, 1977; Taylor, 1991); Certainty (Fiske, 1989, 1992; Hornby, 1992; Marsh
et al., 1978; Taylor, 1991); Contextual facilitation (Belk et al., 1989; Heynes, 1993;
Lee and Zeiss, 1980; Milgram, 1997; Smith et al. 1981; Taylor,
1991; Wann and Branscombe, 1993) (quoted in Redden and Steiner, 2000).

These basic features of the phenomenon are applied to consumer fanaticism in order to find
out a model of research relevant to interpret the fanatic consumer behavior. In addition to
the intolerance and the intensity, Redden and Steiner (2000) identify the characteristic
of the incoherence. Consumers are characterized by a fanatical behavior of extreme
intensity and intolerance that drives them to enact behavior inconsistent with the objectives
pursued (Redden and Steiner, 2000). According to the authors, the concept of
incoherence is useful to look for distinguishing between the extreme intensity or
intolerance that manifests even in normal consumers from time to time and the more
counterproductive extremism characteristic of incoherent consumer fanaticism (p. 333)
2.3.4 Fanatics and their identity

A fanatic viewed by fanatics is the interpretative approach adopted by more recent studies
(Smith et al., 2007). Smith et al. (2007) analyze the individuals who have experienced the
fanatic label in order to understand the motivations that drive their consumption behavior
and to examine the way in which these stigmas are used, accepted, modified or rejected in
the definition and construction of their own identity. For the authors, fanatic is often
someone extreme, who lies outside the normal range of behavior in his or her devotion to a
cause, religion, a team, or even a brand. (p. 78).

The definition of deviant behavior associated to the fanatic label is the key point in the
research undertaken by Smith et al. (2007). In fact, starting from the Beckers (1963) idea
on the nature of deviance as socially determined, Smith et al. (2007) conclude that within
social relations, the factor of power (Foucault, 1972) is determinant in influencing the
judgment of deviant (or not deviant) on a given behavior. For Foucault (1972), power is
founded on knowledge and discursivity. Individuals, in fact, may acquire power by
dominating or by acquiring knowledge. Knowledge, more than domination, allows creating
a virtuous circle between power and knowledge, where knowledge fuels the power and
vice versa.

That implies the impossibility of using or acquiring knowledge in a disinterested way or at


least, conceiving knowledge as an end in itself. In fact, the increase of new knowledge
produces changes of power that shapes, in turn, new social rules. These last widespread
through new discourses and contribute to the creation of new knowledge. For Foucault
(1972) power fits with human practices and social interactions through specific and
complex procedures. The organization of the world into categories and hierarchies, in
particular through the discourses about what is allowed and what is not, are the key ways
in which power is perpetuated.

According to Smith et al. (2007) the dynamics of power is used by fanatics through their
consumption practices to change the perception of their behavior from a marginal to a
mainstream behavior and vice versa. Smith et al. (2007) state that on the one hand, their
fandom may distinguish them from many other consumers. On the other hand, it serves as
a point from which affiliative and affective bonds are developed. (p. 84).
Three main themes are indetified in Smith et al.s (2007) investigation:
Ways of Living and Consuming to Provide a Sense of Self: the link with the objects
of consumption are for fanatics a source for constructing their identity, they rework
consumption into an intensely pleasurable and signifying personal formation that is
both similar and yet significantly different from consumers considered more normal.
(p. 90). Smith et al. (2007, p. 90) write: the relationship and commitment to certain
activities, experiences, and objects becomes a distinguishing point as well as means of
finding a home, so to speak, in the ever fluid modern or postmodern world. The
informants, despite their passion and energy, had a sense of being settled and at home in
the world in their devoted attachments.. This suggests that identities are built around
emotional and passionate bonds.
The Polarity of the Fanatic - Justification/Denial Through the Use of Extreme
Endpoints in Fandom: fanatics from the inside do not see their behavior as an extreme one
as they can find ways to de-fanaticize their behavior in relation to some extreme
endpoint. In a sense, fanaticism from the insiders perspective disappears. (p. 90). It entails
that although other outsiders may label something as extreme, almost any fan can
normalize in their own mind what he or she does. Extreme points of comparison serve to
distinguish their practices as not so out there. (p. 91).
I Am Living - The Feelings of Others toward Fandom and Pity Toward Those
Without a Reason for Living: stigmatization plays a marginal role in the processes
of identity construction of the fanatics, on the contrary they transform the stigma in a sense
of what might be called pity for those not as deeply involved in some endeavour as they
were. They saw others as not having a compelling reason for being. Stigmatization was
often converted into a type of validation or written off as they just dont understand. (p.
91). Furthermore, stigma becomes just a useful tool in tracing the boundary between
different types of people and
consumers. In this case, stigma is managed in a strategic manner as fanatics renegotiate its
value within the interactions with non-fanatics. In doing so, stigma becomes a positive
hallmark. As Smith et al (2007) states: there are ways to cope with negativity and stand
firm in ones practices. In fact, this often became a badge of authentic selfhood - that one
was not just going with the flow, nor were they aimless drifters. Some of the informants
were fanatical about retaining their sense of fanaticalness. (p. 91).
Chapter 2 conclusions

In this chapter we have first of all highlighted how studies on fanaticism lack of a specific
and clear idea of what fanaticism is and who fanatic consumers are. These studies on
several concepts are recalled to refer to consumer fanaticism, i.e.: loyalty, attachment,
devotion etc. The first section has been developed in an attempt to shed light on the various
definitions of fanaticism proposals from the literature. A set of concepts and constructs has
been identified: involvement, commitment, attachment, passion, loyalty, devotion, and
love. Furthermore, a common point among those terms has been found in the relationship
construct which underlies the relation between consumer and the object of consumption.
The discussion as it has been developed has led us to provide an overview of the concepts
used in consumer research. We have shown their common points and their main
differences. This overview has been useful to better understand the amount of studies
produced on the topic of fanaticism in all its phases as it has been developed in the section
2.

The second section is concerned with the development of studies on the phenomenon of
fanaticism in consumption. We proceeded to an arrangement of various researches. In
particular, we have identified three main patterns in which research on fanaticism has
developed: 1) fanatical behavior, 2) fandom studies, and 3) studies on fanaticism in
consumption (see Table 8). For each of these episodes we described the focus of the
research, its methodology and its contributions. This allowed us to determine the main
characteristics of the research on fanaticism, the influence of the first two stages on the
third (the current stage), and to highlight the objectives that current studies on fanaticism
pursue. In particular, we have highlighted as the whole recent research on fanaticism is
focused on the identification of a definition of the phenomenon (see Table 9).
PART 1 Fanaticism and consumption

Stages Labels Concepts mobilized Authors Contributions Field of research Method Conceptualization
mobilized

Episode 1 Fanatic consumer Fanatic consumption Holbrook (1987) The use of the adjective Jazz music, Introspection, Fanaticism is linked to the
Fanatic lifter or Fanaticism Lehmann (1987) fanatic allows consideration Weightlifting, Quali quantitative meanings of consumers lives
Hill, Robinson (1991) of new, highly committed and Athletics method,
involved consumer behavior Questioners Fanaticism is irrational and
leading to addiction
Episode 2 Ethnography,
Cova et al. (2007); Schouten, Harley-Davidson, Netnography,
McAlexander (1995), Skydiving, Longitudinal study:
Schembri (2009), Muiz, Apple, Saab and Bronco, - Written protocols
Inner-circle or hard-core, OGuinn (2001), Kozinets TPATH (Tom Petty and - On-site depth
Core group, (2001), Celsi et al. (1993), Studies on fandom culture and the Heratbreakers), Interviews
Old and new, real and Social hierarchy, Arnould, Price (1993), Cova, consumer tribes allow the Harry Potter, - Drop-off/mail-back
faux members, Authenticity, Cova (2001), Pealoza, presence of hard-core New Beetle, survey
True fans, Competencies and (2001), Brown et al. (2003), consumers to emerge, which Warhammer, - Participant
True believers, expertise, Brownlie et al. (2007), distinguish themselves from the Culinary matters observation There is not a specific
Pottermaniacs, Consumption McAlexander et al. (2002), other fan members through their community - Focus group conceptualization of
Core members, experience, Brown (2007), Cova, Pace hierarchical status, expertise, (www.smulweb.nl), - Pretrip and posttrip fanaticism and fanatic (hard-
Cruiser chiefs, Escapism, (2006), Schau, Muiz (2007), authentic Cruiser community, surveys core) phenomena
Die-hard, Social stigma de Valck experience, social stigma, etc. Jeep, - Member check
Trekkies, (2007), Cova, White (2010), River rafting, - Mail survey,
Jerry Birds Cusack et al. (2003) In-line roller skaters, Multiple methods:
Stock show and rodeo, - desk research
Star Trek, - semi-structured
Nutella interviews
- participant and non
participant observation
Episode 3 Fanatical fan Fanaticism Fanaticism is strictly linked to
Dysfunctional fan Chung et al. (2008, 2009), Star Trek, Dungeons and In-depth interviews, other concepts such as
Fanatic Thorne, Bruner (2006), Fanaticism is a central and an Dragons, Axis and Structured interviews, devotion, loyalty, attachment,
Thorne (2009, 2011), independent concept in Allies; Observation, investment, commitment,
MacKellar (2006, 2009), describing a specific consumer Car model and toy Ethnography, passion etc.
Hunt et al. (1999), Redden, behavior collecting, sport and Videography
Steiner (2000), Smith et al. luxury fashion brands Fanatics have extreme behavior
(2007) consumption; leading to dysfunctional and
Travelling; detrimental effects
Elvis Revival Festival

Table 8: Summary of contributions on fanaticism in consumer research

162
Table 9 Definition of fanatic consumption
Source Definition
Chung et al. (2008, p. 333) fanaticism is a unique form of loyalty characterised by
strong, intense, and extreme levels of commitment,
allegiance, devotion, passion, emotional attachment,
enthusiasm, and involvement (p. 333).
Hunt et al. (1999, p. 442) fans reveal their level of attachment through their
sports-related behaviour. So within our scheme, devoted,
fanatical, and dysfunctional fans differ in terms of their
attachment to the sports consumptive objective, as
exhibited by their behaviour towards that object
McKellar (2009, p. 18) [Fanatics] showed an intensity and passion in
activities
Smith et al. (2007, p. 78) fanaticism has been created as a label for those
individuals who do not adhere to the normal or central
perspective
Thorne and Bruner (2006, p. 53) the level of investment one has in the liking or interest
of a particular person, group, trend, artwork or idea

163
Part I conclusions and the emerging of the research problem

In the first chapter we clarify the boundaries of what is commonly referred to as


fanaticism. We develop our arguments in many areas (historical, political, religious,
sociological, psychological, popular culture and media studies) which allow us to observe
the extent to which fanaticism is a pervasive phenomenon in societies, both diachronically
th
and synchronically. This chapter traces the phenomenology of fanaticism up till the 20
century, during which it had gradually spread from the religious to the more recent
th
political realm. However in the 20 century, the phenomenon of fanaticism became a
manifestation of the popular culture i.e.: fandom phenomena - and it was from here that it
started to establish its linkage to the consumption phenomena of today.

In the second chapter we highlight the connection between fandom and fanaticism
phenomena in consumption. The fandom phenomenon has been the topic of a large number
of studies between 1990s and 2000s which demonstrate that popular culture (sports, music
and television texts) has gradually encompassed the material consumption objects as well
(Cova et al., 2007). The widespread of fandom entails the creation of new social bounds
generally defined as subculture of consumption, brand communities, and consumer tribes
(Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Muiz and OGuinn, 2001; Cova et al., 2007) in which
consumers establish a particular relationship with the brand (or products or consumption
activity) and also among them. We highlight how in these social formations which are the
kingdom of fans, two types of consumers are constantly detected: hard core vs. soft core
consumers (Cova and Pace, 2006; Kozinets, 2001; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

Most part of the research on collective consumption has hugely focused on fans while
overlooking to deepen the investigation on hard core fans (or fanatics). However, recent
studies have focused their attention on fanatic consumers (Chung et al., 2008; Smith et al.,
2007; Thorne and Bruner, 2006). Unfortunately, these researches do not really enlighten
the deep meaning that ties fanatic consumers have with their fanatic consumption. This is a
first important point as it is evident that in fanaticism new implications between the objects
of consumption (brand and products) and consumers arise. Moreover, researches on
th
fanaticism do not take into account the whole historical path (in the 20 century) from
which the fanaticism in consumption context emerges. In doing so, the previous research
does not highlight the connection between the historical and socio-cultural context, and the
fanatic consumers lives.

Thus, our research problem is to grasp how the fanatic consumption makes sense for
fanatic consumers and their life experiences. This research problem as it is formulated is
coherently framed in the CCT (Consumer Culture Theory) field of research. CCT
explores how consumers actively rework and transform symbolic meanings encoded in
advertisements, brands, retail settings, or material goods to manifest their particular
personal and social circumstances and further their identity and lifestyle goals. (Arnould
and Thompson, 2005, p. 871). Thus, in CCT consumers are conceived of as identity
seekers and makers (Arnould and Thompson, 2005, p. 871). Hence, consumption is
thought to be part of consumer identity projects. Such identity projects are the ways in
which consumers, working with marketer-generated materials, forge a coherent if
diversified and often fragmented sense of self (Arnould and Thompson, 2005, p. 871).

According to the research nature and the analytic orientation of CCT, we formulate our
research problem in the following research questions:

What are the meanings that fanatic consumption experiences hold for fanatic
consumers?

and

How do these lived meanings interplay with fanatic consumers identity projects?

These research questions aim to understand the meaning that consumers defined as
fanatic for their strong relationship with a brand ascribe to their consumption activity in
order to make sense of their everyday life experiences. Understanding those meanings
allows grasping new insights to extend our knowledge on the relationship between
individuals and consumption.

To effectively answer to our research questions, it is necessary to identify an appropriate


research methodology. The next chapter will be developed in this direction.

Potrebbero piacerti anche