Running head: THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 1

The Impact of Study Abroad on Student Development

Ariel Ropp

Loyola University Chicago

THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 2

The Impact of Study Abroad on Student Development

The dramatic rise of study abroad opportunities during the last quarter century is

remarkable and well-documented. According to a recent Open Doors report by the Institute of

International Education (IIE), 304,467 U.S. students received academic credit for study abroad

during the 2013-14 academic year, representing a 59% increase over the previous decade (IIE,

2015). The report indicated that approximately one in 10 college students studies abroad before

graduating. Once considered to be a niche educational practice, study abroad is becoming a

widespread option for undergraduates across majors and institutional types. In this era of

increased global interdependence, colleges often promote study abroad programs as a means to

produce interculturally competent leaders for the global economy. Although college personnel

have long touted the benefits of study abroad, the literature in this area has historically lacked

empirical evidence demonstrating student growth (Doyle, 2009; Braskamp, Braskamp, &

Merrill, 2009). Fortunately, an abundance of research in the last two decades allows colleges to

make stronger claims about the influence of study abroad on student development. The

following literature review will provide a holistic overview of the cognitive, intrapersonal, social

identity, and interpersonal development outcomes of study abroad, as well as implications for

practice and recommendations for future research.

Definition

The Forum on Education Abroad (2011) broadly defines study abroad as education that

occurs outside the participants home country that results in progress toward an academic degree

at a students home institution (p.12). Within this definition exists a wide diversity of program

types varying in duration, geographic location, language, housing, and curricular models. Engle

and Engle (2003) classified study abroad programs along a spectrum, ranging from week-long
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 3

study tours to year-long cultural immersion programs. Although it is important to note the

differential impact of diverse programs, for the purpose of this paper study abroad will be

defined as any credit-bearing educational experience in a country outside of the United States.

Developmental Outcomes

In the field of higher education, study abroad is now widely regarded as a high-impact

pedagogical experience on the development of college students (National Survey of Student

Engagement, 2011). By taking students out of their comfort zones and challenging them to

engage with people different from themselves, study abroad creates multiple opportunities for

epistemological, identity, and interpersonal growth. Classic theories such as Perrys (1981)

theory of cognitive development and Chickering and Reissers (1993) theory of psychosocial

development provide helpful starting points for conceptualizing student development during

study abroad. However, perhaps a better theory for understanding the developmental outcomes

of study abroad is King and Baxter Magoldas (2005) holistic model of intercultural maturity, a

multifaceted construct rooted in Kegans (1994) theory of self-authorship.

According to King and Baxter Magolda (2005), intercultural maturity describes how

people become increasingly capable of understanding and acting in ways that are interculturally

aware and appropriate (p. 573). This model integrates the three major dimensions of self-

authorship theory: cognitive (understanding cultural differences), intrapersonal (developing an

internally-defined sense of self), and interpersonal (applying ones cultural sensitivity to social

interactions). Compared to other widely used definitions of intercultural competence,

multicultural competence, and global development, intercultural maturity emphasizes the

holistic growth of college students, making it an excellent model for understanding the student

development outcomes of study abroad. However, despite this models many strengths, it fails to
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 4

truly distinguish between personal and social identity development, ignoring the unique

interaction that occurs when students who have salient social identities enter interculturally-rich

contexts such as study abroad. It is therefore necessary to supplement this model with social

identity theories that conceptualize how students make meaning of their various identities in

different cultural settings. Thus, the following literature review will use King and Baxter

Magoldas model of intercultural maturity as well as social identity theory to examine the

literature on four major developmental outcomes of study abroad: (1) developing a complex

understanding of cultural differences, (2) actively self-exploring and self-directing, (3)

renegotiating social identities in new cultural contexts, and (4) interacting effectively with

diverse others.

Developing a Complex Understanding of Cultural Differences (Cognitive Dimension)

The first step toward intercultural maturity is the development of a complex

understanding of cultural differences, including the ability to appreciate uncertainty and use

internal processes to construct meaning (King & Baxter Magolda, 2005). Research findings

suggest that study abroad supports this process by increasing students awareness of other

cultures and fostering their capacity to view culture in new ways (Braskamp et al., 2009; Dwyer,

2004; Engberg, 2013). When students study in cultures that differ from their own, they may

encounter worldviews that contradict their beliefs and values. For students who have not

questioned the beliefs passed onto them by parents, study abroad provides a unique opportunity

to hear new perspectives and examine long-held assumptions in a space far removed from the

influence of childhood authorities. In these spaces, students may learn to use their own internal

meaning-making processes rather than rely on the knowledge claims of authorities. This

growing awareness and acceptance of uncertainty and shift toward internally-driven critical
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thinking corresponds with Perrys (1981) definition of multiplistic thinking, an intermediate

stage in cognitive development. Several studies suggest that study abroad facilitates this

progression toward multiplism. For example, in a survey administered by the Institute for the

International Education of Students (IES), 89% of study abroad alumni reported that study

abroad enabled their tolerance for ambiguity and 82% said it helped them develop a more

sophisticated way of viewing the world (Dwyer, 2004). Similarly, Martin, Katz-Buonincontro,

and Livert (2015) found that students study abroad experience resulted in greater openness to

new experience, which corresponds with cognitive flexibility and critical thinking. In another

study, Doyle (2009) found that study abroad participants were less likely to believe that students

should passively receive knowledge from authority figures. These findings provide evidence that

study abroad experiences contribute to students cognitive complexity.

Cognitive growth during study abroad can also be understood through Bennetts (1993)

developmental model of intercultural sensitivity. Bennetts model explains how students develop

increasingly complex understandings of intercultural differences. The first three positions on

Bennetts continuum represent ethnocentrism, the assumption that one's own culture is central

to reality (p. 30), and the latter three represent ethnorelativism, the view of all cultures as

relative to context (p. 46). Students operating from an ethnocentric perspective construct

meaning using their own culture as their frame of reference, while students who are ethnorelative

can view the world from multiple cultural perspectives (Medina-Lpez-Portillo, 2004). Research

suggests that study abroad supports the development of ethnorelative thinking by providing

students opportunities to examine and test out multiple perspectives. For example, Vande Berg,

Connor-Linton, and Paige (2009) used Bennetts model to conduct a multi-institutional study of

student learning abroad, measuring students scores on the ethnocentric/ethnorelative continuum.

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They found that students who studied abroad showed greater progress in their intercultural

sensitivity than students in a control group. Similar research by Rexeison Anderson, Lawton,

and Hunnard (2008) and Medina-Lpez-Portillo (2004) resulted in mostly congruent findings.

Conversely, multiple studies indicate that study abroad is more effective at improving

students knowledge of international issues than influencing their underlying ways of making

meaning (Braskamp et al., 2009; Engberg, 2013). Simply knowing information about another

culture is not sufficient to promote cognitive growth; rather, students must critically reflect on

their knowledge and consider it in context. Students who are not given structured opportunities

to process and reflect on their study abroad experiences may struggle to negotiate meanings that

go beyond the surface level (Kortegast & Boisfontaine, 2015). Meaning making can be difficult

for students if they are not provided substantial support from program leaders throughout the

study abroad experience (Savicki & Price, 2015). Study abroad programs must therefore create

intentional spaces for students to cognitively reflect on their experiences, whether through

dialogues, essays, journal entries, or other means. Research has shown that blogging,

ethnographic interviews, guided reflection, and intercultural coaching can be effective tools for

supporting deeper meaning-making (Le, 2012; Pederson, 2010). It is clear that students are

capable of developing more complex understandings of cultural differences when their study

abroad programs encourage or require critical reflection.

Actively Self-Exploring and Self-Directing (Intrapersonal Dimension)

In addition to promoting cognitive growth, study abroad may facilitate students self-

exploration and personal identity development. Holistic development theories posit that identity

development occurs when students move away from external definitions of self toward self-

exploration and internally-derived identities (King & Baxter Magolda, 2005). Study abroad
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supports this process by exposing students to different traditions, customs, values, and beliefs

that put their own cultural assumptions into new perspective. Encountering diverse worldviews

may prompt students to reexamine and refine their own taken-for-granted beliefs and values.

These experiences may help students not only develop more complex meaning-making

processes, but also more complex views of themselves and their core belief systems (Doyle,

2009). Survey data suggest that study abroad sparks this type of self-exploration. For example,

98% of study abroad alumni in a large representative survey reported that their experience

abroad helped them understand their own cultural values and biases, and 95% said it had a

lasting impact on their world view (Dwyer, 2004). In a different study, Miller-Perrin and

Thompson (2010) found that study abroad students showed significant increases in identity

achievement scores compared to a group of control students, meaning they had made stable

identity commitments after exploring alternatives. These findings reflect the power of study

abroad experiences on students personal beliefs, values, and self-image.

Research has also shown study abroad to influence students sense of self-direction

(Doyle, 2009). For many college students, living and studying in another country is the first time

they are expected to handle challenging and unfamiliar situations without assistance from parents

or other authority figures. Getting lost in a foreign city, coping with cultural misunderstandings,

and overcoming language barriers are experiences that may be stressful in the moment but

rewarding if resolved successfully. As students learn to navigate a new culture on their own,

they may become progressively more self-reliant and self-confident (Hadis, 2005; Dwyer, 2004).

Indeed, study abroad students report greater feelings of confidence in their ability to handle new

situations and feel less need to be constantly supported by others (Braskamp et al., 2009). These

findings reflect Chickering and Reissers (1993) third vector of psychosocial student
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development, developing autonomy and interdependence. Study abroad may facilitate the

growth of autonomy by providing opportunities for students to get from one place to another,

without having to be taken by the hand or given detailed directions (Chickering & Reisser,

1993, p. 47). Gaining confidence to navigate foreign spaces by oneself and the ability to

discern when to ask for help is an important step on the path toward self-authorship.

As students grow in their self-exploration and self-direction during study abroad, they

may also achieve a greater sense of life purpose (Miller-Perrin & Thompson, 2010). When study

abroad students face unfamiliar situations that test their skills, they may gain a better sense of

their strengths and weaknesses and hone their vocational direction. Students in Dwyers (2004)

survey said they had acquired skill sets while studying abroad that influenced their career path

(76%) and ignited an interest in a career direction (62%). Miller-Perrin and Thompson (2010)

similarly found that study abroad students sense of life purpose (vocational calling) increased

from freshman year to senior year, while it decreased for the control group. These results reveal

that study abroad may foster students sense of purpose, one of Chickering and Reissers (1993)

seven vectors of student psychosocial development. Altogether, study abroad appears to

influence self-exploration, self-confidence, self-direction, and sense of purpose.

Renegotiating Social Identities in a New Cultural Context (Social Identity Dimension)

Students who study abroad not only gain the opportunity to explore and define their

personal identities, but may also find themselves experiencing their social identities in new ways.

Social constructions such as race and gender take on new meanings in different cultural contexts,

which may compel students to renegotiate the meanings of their various identities. Bearing in

mind that every student possesses a unique blend of intersecting identities (Abes, Jones, &
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McEwen, 2007), the following section will review the influence of study abroad on four distinct

social identities: national, racial, gender, and sexual orientation.

National Identity. One aspect of a students identity that may become particularly

salient during study abroad is national identity. Studies reveal that many students from the

United States are largely unaware of their national identity until they enter a different country,

where their Americanness suddenly makes them unique (Gieser, 2015; Savicki & Cooley, 2011).

For many students, particularly those who hold dominant social identities, studying abroad may

offer their first experience of being an outsider. Surrounded by people who think look, think,

and act differently from them, students may begin to understand how the rest of the world views

the U.S. and start to reflect on what it means to be a U.S. American. For instance, in Dolbys

(2004) study of American identity development, White students studying abroad in Australia

were initially defensive when they heard Australians make negative comments about U.S. culture

and politics. Over time, however, the students became more willing to reevaluate their opinions

of the U.S. and eventually adopted a more nuanced understanding of their national identity that

incorporated elements of both pride and critical reflection. Research by Savicki and Cooley

(2011) and Gieser (2015) similarly found that study abroad creates a disruption in students sense

of American identity and confronts students with the possibility that there are other ways to

define their American identities (Gieser, 2015, p. 642). Each of these studies suggests that

study abroad can have a profound influence on national identity exploration and negotiation.

Racial and Ethnic Identity. Research on study abroad and racial identity development

for students of color is limited, due in part to the historical underrepresentation of students of

color in study abroad programming. Only 25.7% of study abroad participants are students of

color, despite the reality that students of color now make up 40.6% of U.S. undergraduates (IIE,
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2015). Students of color may decline studying abroad for a variety of reasons, including

finances, family concerns, lack of information, fear of racism and discrimination, and absence of

study abroad programs relevant to their identities (Brux & Fry, 2010). Study abroad may seem

unnecessary to students of color who already experience their on-campus environments as cross-

cultural spaces, or who feel disconnected from the stereotypical Euro-centric study abroad

options most commonly offered by U.S. colleges and universities. Brux and Fry (2010) found

that Black students worried they would be the only person of color in their study abroad group,

making them feel like outsiders in both the study abroad group and the host country at large. For

students of color in the early phases of Helms (1990) racial identity model, particularly those in

the dissonance/encounter stage, study abroad may seem like an unwelcoming, all-White space

where they simply do not fit. In these ways, study abroad may seem irrelevant to students of

color who are still trying to negotiate their social identities back home.

Although most study abroad research on students of color focuses on reasons students

choose not to travel abroad (Lu, Reddick, Dean, & Pecero, 2015), an emerging body of literature

suggests that study abroad can be a powerful space for racial identity negotiation particularly in

heritage-seeking locations (Willis, 2015). Students of color who study in countries or continents

where they have ancestral ties may have profound and even liberating experiences related to their

racial and ethnic identities. For example, Day-Vines, Barker, and Exum (1998) examined the

impact of a study abroad program in Ghana on the ethnic identity development of 18 Black

college students from a predominantly White college, discovering that the experience helped

students reject negative stereotypes about Africa, feel more connected to their ancestry, and

develop commitment to their ethnic identity. The students self-reflections indicated that they

had moved into the emersion phase of racial identity development, a status marked by feelings of
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racial solidarity and pride (Helms & Cook, 1999). Despite its small sample size, this study

demonstrated the potential of heritage programs to promote positive racial identity development.

In another heritage study, Chang (2015) interviewed four Latinas about their experiences

studying abroad in Guatemala, examining how their identities gave them a unique vantage point

of both Guatemalan society and their White study abroad peers. The Latina participants in this

study became more aware of the ways in which Guatemalan society treats its indigenous people

as others as well as the ways in which Whites treat people of color as others in the U.S.

They also critically reflected on their privileges relative to those of Guatemalan citizens, gaining

a greater awareness of social inequities. Similar to other heritage-seeking studies, Changs

research highlights the intersection of national, racial, and ethnic identity development during

study abroad.

In foreign countries where students of color are the minority, study abroad experiences

may still have an impact on students understanding of race. Black students who studied in

China, for instance, were initially worried that they would experience racism in China and were

surprised when Chinese nationals treated them better than U.S. Americans had, boosting their

racial pride (Lu et al., 2015). In another study, Willis (2015) found that Black women studying

in Europe experienced microaggressions from their White peers and the host culture, causing

them to reflect on the intersections of their social identities. Although this study did not

specifically analyze racial identity development, it did highlight the ways that race, gender, age,

and sexual orientation shape students experiences with their peers and host culture. These

studies point to the need for continued research on the impact of study abroad on racial and

ethnic identity development, particularly for students of color.

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Gender Identity. The literature on gender and study abroad is rather limited, despite the

fact that nearly two-thirds of study abroad participants identify as female (IIE, 2015).

Researchers who have explored gender in study abroad settings that are culturally similar to the

U.S. have not found these experiences to be significantly influential on students understandings

of gender (Jessup-Anger, 2008). In a study of students gender observations in New Zealand,

Jessup-Anger (2008) concluded that a change in cultural context alone is not sufficient to make

gender more salient, whichis necessary to advance the formation of identity (p. 370).

Conversely, when students study in countries with significantly different gender norms, research

suggests that students may reach new understandings of gender. For instance, Twombly (1995)

discovered that White female students studying in Costa Rica experienced significant distress as

a result of frequent cat-calling by men in the host culture, which heightened their awareness of

gender but reinforced their status as outsiders (p. 14). In a different study, Squire et al. (2015)

examined the impact of a two-week study abroad program in Rome on graduate student

understandings of gender, and found that site visits, observation assignments, and planned

discussions provided opportunities for students to deepen their understanding of gender norms

and identities. These studies suggest that study abroad programs may promote gender identity

development if a strong contrast exists between the home and host cultures, and if the program

explicitly requires students to reflect on their gender perceptions and identity.

Sexual Identity. Unfortunately, even less research exists on the influence of study

abroad on queer identity development (Bryant & Soria, 2015). Students who identify as lesbian,

gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or questioning (LGBTQQ) may face unique challenges when

they study abroad. Laws and social attitudes regarding homosexuality and gender identity vary

widely between cultures, so queer students may feel uncertain when deciding whether to reveal
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their identities abroad. Students in the early stages of sexual identity development may fear their

identities will be rejected by the host culture, while students who have already come out to

family and friends in the U.S. could feel hesitant to go through that process again with host

families (Dunlap, 2003).

Given these challenges, one might expect queer students to avoid studying abroad.

However, a recent study by Bryant and Soria (2015) found that LGBTQQ students are not

significantly less likely to participate in study abroad experiences, and in fact may be more likely

on average to study abroad compared to their heterosexual peers. The researchers theorized that

LGBTQQ students may travel abroad in order to explore their sexual identity in a setting that

differs from their home. Away from the gender norms of their youth, queer students may feel

empowered to embrace new parts of themselves. In fact, some queer students may even find it

easier to manage a transition into a different culture because they are already familiar with the

role of outsider (Dunlap, 2003). These explanations are congruent with sexual identity theories,

which highlight the influence of environmental contexts (culture, gender socialization, religion)

on sexual identity development (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). Although these

studies are excellent starting points, it is clear that additional research on study abroad and sexual

identity is greatly needed.

Interacting Effectively with Diverse Others (Interpersonal Dimension)

Perhaps the most researched developmental outcome of study abroad is the ability to

interact effectively and appropriately with diverse people (Deardorff, 2011). Many study abroad

programs provide ample opportunities for students to engage in meaningful relationships with

host families or other host nationals. Through these relationships, students may come to

understand and appreciate different perspectives and begin to discover the ways that social
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systems influence intergroup relations. However, this interpersonal growth is largely dependent

on students cognitive and intrapersonal maturity. King and Baxter Magolda (2005) argued that

less complex levels of cognitive and intrapersonal (identity) development may hinder ones

ability to use ones intercultural skills (p. 573). Students must first develop a foundation of

cultural awareness and appreciation, as well as an internally defined sense of self that is not

threatened by difference, before they can truly develop in the interpersonal dimension. The

literature on cognitive and identity outcomes of study abroad programs reveals that study abroad

can indeed contribute to this foundation upon which interpersonal growth occurs.

Given this knowledge, it is not surprising that study abroad researchers have found much

evidence to suggest that students who study abroad develop considerably in their intercultural

skills. For example, Stebleton, Soria, and Cherneys (2013) multi-institutional study found that

students who had studied abroad or traveled abroad for service demonstrated a statistically

significant increase in their comfort and ability to work with people from other cultures.

Similarly, Doyles (2009) study found that students felt increasingly successful at navigating

other cultures based on positive feedback they had received from host nationals. In Dwyers

(2004) longitudinal study of study abroad alumni, 90% said their experience influenced them to

seek a greater diversity of friends, and 94% agreed that study abroad continued to impact their

interactions with diverse people. Each of these studies highlights the positive influence of study

abroad on students intercultural confidence and competence.

Of course, interpersonal gains are only possible if study abroad students actually engage

in meaningful interactions with people from the host culture. It is not uncommon to find study

abroad participants who spend all of their time with other US. Americans, speak English

constantly, and avoid interacting with locals (Vande Berg et al., 2009). Not surprisingly, Vande
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 15

Berg et al. found that students who spent more time with their host families made greater

intercultural gains than those who spent less time. Additionally, students who spent the least

amount of time with other U.S. nationals showed the most intercultural progress. However,

Vande Berg et al. also found that students who spent 26-50% of their time with host nationals

showed greater intercultural gains than students who spent 0-25% or 51 to 100% of their time

with host nationals. This research suggests that students need significant contact with host

nationals but also time with other Americans who provide a sense of familiarity and support

(Vande Berg et al., 2009). Clearly, study abroad can promote interpersonal development when

there is a proper balance of challenge and support.

Limitations

The body of research on study abroad outcomes is plentiful but not without limitations.

One significant weakness of most studies is the use of overwhelmingly White, female,

middle/upper class student samples (Willis, 2015). This is problematic because research

suggests that gender and socioeconomic status moderate the developmental outcomes of study

abroad participants, particularly in the area of intercultural competence (Vande Berg et al., 2009;

Stebleton et al., 2013). A wide gap exists in the literature on underrepresented students who

study abroad, particularly queer students and students of color (Bryant & Soria, 2015). Further

research is needed on the ways in which study abroad experiences shape marginalized students

cognitive, intrapersonal, interpersonal, and social identity development.

Another weakness of the study abroad literature is its relative lack of empirical rigor. For

example, many study abroad assessments do not utilize large sample sizes from a range of

institutions, limiting the generalizability of these findings (Dwyer, 2004). To make matters

worse, studies on education abroad often lack control groups by which to compare
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 16

developmental gains of study abroad students (Salisbury, 2011). In these studies, it is impossible

to know if any changes that study abroad participants exhibit can be uniquely attributed to study

abroad, or whether the changes would have similarly occurred back home. Furthermore, most

studies in this area employ quasi-experimental research methods that fail to account for pre-

departure traits of participants (Salisbury, 2011). Students who choose to study abroad could

possess certain characteristics (e.g., open-mindedness, interest in international affairs, previous

experience abroad) that differentiate them from students who choose to stay home, so any

developmental gains they accrue while abroad may occur by virtue of their unique, preexisting

traits. For example, students who study abroad may have a stronger than average sense of

intercultural wonderment, an underlying curiosityto seek out new and different experiences

while studying abroad which includes a willingness and capacity to deal with discomfort and

disequilibrium (Engberg, Jourian, & Davidson, 2016, p. 22). Study abroad researchers must

account for this selection bias in order to make confident claims about their findings.

An additional limitation of most study abroad research is the use of self-reported student

attitudes as a proxy for developmental gains (King & Baxter Magolda, 2005). Very few study

abroad assessments appear to measure students cognitive, intrapersonal, or interpersonal growth

by evaluating their actions. Students who return from study abroad may believe that they are

able to think more complexly or interact with diverse people more effectively, but their actions

could say otherwise. According to King and Baxter Magoldas (2005) model of intercultural

maturity, developing cultural awareness is an essential step toward cultural competence, but

successfully applying that awareness in an interaction with a diverse other is a better indication

that the student has mastered this outcome. It is important to distinguish between mere

attitudinal changes and demonstrable cognitive, intrapersonal, and interpersonal growth.

THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 17

Implications for Practice

Study abroad has long been thought to change students lives, but merely sending

students abroad is not sufficient to ensure learning and developmental outcomes (Engberg et al.,

2016). It is therefore essential for student affairs practitioners to understand which conditions are

necessary for development to occur during study abroad. Research suggests that certain student

characteristics and programmatic components are consistently associated with greater

developmental gains in study abroad programs. For example, Vande Berg et al. (2009) found

that factors such as gender (female), duration (at least 13 weeks in length), and time spent with

host families (51-75% of time spent) increased the likelihood of study abroad students

intercultural gains. Students who had studied the target language for five or more semesters, or

who enrolled in target language courses while abroad, were also more likely to demonstrate

intercultural growth. In light of these findings, college personnel would be wise to promote

programs of longer duration that include the option of living with a host family. Of course,

longer, more immersive programs require higher pre-departure levels of intercultural maturity

and are not developmentally appropriate for every student, so study abroad practitioners should

exercise caution in their recommendations. Educators should also encourage all students to

enroll in target language courses prior to and during their study abroad program to increase their

opportunities for meaningful cross-cultural dialogues (Vande Berg et al., 2009). Finally,

practitioners may need to offer additional support to male students to help them achieve the same

intercultural gains as their female peers.

Another important consideration when developing study abroad programs is the inclusion

of opportunities for intentional, critical self-reflection. Direct cultural encounters can trigger

intense emotions and cognitive dissonance, and students may need spaces where they can openly
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 18

discuss and reflect on what they are experiencing. Guided reflection before, during, and after the

study abroad experience can help students mentally prepare for the challenges of study abroad

and assist them in meaning-making throughout the journey (Stebleton et al., 2013). Faculty and

support staff can be instrumental in this reflection process. Vande Berg et al. (2009) found that

well-trained cultural mentors who met frequently with students abroad dramatically increased

students intercultural development scores. These mentors supported students as they made

sense of their experiences, but also challenged students when they were not fully engaging in the

host culture. Clearly, it is not enough to expect students to reflect on their own; they need

guiding questions and faculty interaction to truly reach new understandings of themselves and

the world around them (Pagano & Roselle, 2009).

Educators can further augment study abroad programs by increasing experiential learning

activities outside of the classroom. Numerous researchers recommend integrating service-

learning, volunteer, and internship opportunities into study abroad programming (Pagano &

Roselle, 2009; Stebleton et al., 2013; Engberg, 2013). These high-impact practices would offer

study abroad students additional opportunities to engage in real-world projects and collaborate

with diverse local peoples. Working on service projects or completing internships at local non-

profits would allow students to continuously practice and hone their intercultural skills in real

social contexts. Indeed, research findings suggest that study abroad and service-learning are

complementary educational pedagogies. Engberg (2013) found that study abroad is connected to

more complex ways of knowing, while service-learning has a stronger connection to social

responsibility and identity development. This finding indicates that study abroad experiences

may be even more influential on intrapersonal and interpersonal growth if they incorporate

elements of service-learning. In light of this research, student affairs professionals should

THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 19

consider researching and recommending study abroad programs that include experiential

learning activities like service-learning.

Finally, educators can do more to promote study abroad opportunities to students from

underrepresented groups. Research shows that historically underrepresented students benefit

significantly from study abroad experiences but face a variety of obstacles that prevent them

from participating in the first place (Willis, 2015). A study by Lu et al. (2015) revealed that

Black students were more likely to participate in study abroad if they were actively recruited by a

Black program leader with whom they had a strong relationship. This research suggests that

study abroad professionals must be intentional about recruiting underrepresented students in

ways that tap into their existing relationships and account for their particular developmental

needs.

Future Directions

Study abroad research is abundant but lacking in several notable areas. Of particular note

is the absence of research on underrepresented students their reasons for studying abroad and

their experiences while abroad (Lu et al., 2015). Researchers must ask, how do students with

marginalized identities navigate their study abroad experiences? What aspects of study abroad

programming help or hinder students ability to negotiate their social identities? In what ways

do race, gender, and sexual orientation intersect to uniquely shape ones study abroad

experience? Similarly, more research is needed on the development of dominant identities

during study abroad. For instance, what happens when White students study in non-Western

countries where their skin color suddenly makes them the minority? How does that experience

influence their White racial identity development?

THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 20

The study abroad literature also lacks conclusive findings on the distinct influences of

program location, duration, housing, and curriculum on student development (Vande Berg et al.,

2009). More research is needed on the specific elements of study abroad that are believed to

promote student learning and growth: language spoken (English versus foreign language),

amount of time spent with locals, opportunities for critical self-reflection, and

similarity/dissimilarity of host culture from U.S. values and norms. Additionally, there is little

research on the outcomes of short-term immersion programs (Dwyer, 2004). This gap in

research is problematic given that the majority of contemporary study abroad students (62%)

complete short-term programs lasting 8 weeks or less (IIE, 2015). Likewise, more longitudinal

studies are needed to measure the long-term impacts of study abroad (Stebleton et al., 2013).

With the exception of Dwyers (2004) study of alumni who participated in study abroad

programs between 1950 and 1999, no studies assessed students development six months or later

from the time they returned to the U.S.

Finally, there is a need for more research specifically focused on the holistic development

of college students who study abroad (King & Baxter Magolda, 2005; Braskamp et al., 2009).

Although many studies in this literature review measured multiple facets of intercultural

competence, none incorporated all four major areas of student development theories: cognitive,

personal identity, social identity, and interpersonal. Researchers could do more to explore how

these domains intersect and build upon one another in the context of study abroad.

Conclusion

Students often describe study abroad as amazing and life-changing. Although these

statements may sound vague and hyperbolic, it is apparent from the study abroad literature that

educational experiences abroad can indeed have a substantial impact on students lives. With
THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 21

varying degrees of success, study abroad programs appear to contribute to each domain of

student development cognitive, personal identity, social identity, and interpersonal. However,

questions still remain as to which elements of study abroad promote the most growth, and for

whom. In particular, there is still a great need for theoretically-grounded research on the

intersection of study abroad and social identity negotiation. Student affairs practitioners must

champion these research efforts in order to improve study abroad programming and spread the

benefits of study abroad to students of all identities.

THE IMPACT OF STUDY ABROAD ON STUDENT DEVELOPMENT 22

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