Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
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SOME MEN
USE VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN
AND HOW CAN
WE PREVENT IT?
Quantitative Findings from the United Nations Multi-Country Study
onMenand Violence in Asia and the Pacific
partners for prevention. A UNDP, UNFPA, UN Women and UNV regional joint programme for gender-based violence prevention in Asia and the Pacific
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations, including
UNDP, UNFPA, UN Women, UNV or UN Member States.
UNDP partners with people at all levels of society to help build nations that can withstand crisis and drive and sustain the kind of
growth that improves the quality of life for everyone. On the ground in 177 countries and territories, we offer aglobal perspective and
local insight to help empower lives and build resilient nations.
The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) is an international development agency that works with countries to protect and
promote the sexual and reproductive health of women, men and young people.
The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) is aglobal champion for women and
girls; UN Women was established to accelerate progress on meeting their rights worldwide.
The United Nations Volunteers (UNV) programme, is the UN organization that contributes to peace and development through
volunteerism worldwide.
Partners for Prevention is aUNDP, UNFPA, UN Women and UNV regional joint programme for gender-based violence prevention in
Asia and the Pacific.
ISBN: 978-974-680-360-1
Proposed citation: Fulu, E., Warner, X., Miedema, S., Jewkes, R., Roselli, T. and Lang, J. (2013). Why Do Some Men Use Violence Against
Women and How Can We Prevent It? Quantitative Findings from the United Nations Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and
the Pacific. Bangkok: UNDP, UNFPA, UN Women and UNV.
WHY DO
SOME MEN
USE VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN
AND HOW CAN
WE PREVENT IT?
Quantitative Findings from the United Nations Multi-country Study
onMenand Violence in Asia and the Pacific
Emma Fulu, Xian Warner, Stephanie Miedema, Rachel Jewkes, Tim Roselli and James Lang
foreword
Violence against women constrains the enjoyment of womens human rights everywhere. We know that it
is amanifestation of power and control and a tool to maintain gender inequalities, disrupting the health,
survival, safety and freedom of women and their families around the world. We know that to end violence
against women and girls, we must ensure their full empowerment, promote and protect their rights, including
access to justice and support services, and end the discrimination they face in all aspects of their lives.
Changing cultures towards zero tolerance for violence against women, therefore, must be a priority for States,
communities and families. Over the past few decades, much has been done in legal and policy reform and
the extension of services to support and protect women and their families from domestic and sexual violence,
while prevention efforts have focused on campaigns and advocacy that have brought the issue into public
consciousness.
Preventing violence requires the sustained involvement of socializing institutions at the community and state
levels, including schools, faith-based organizations, media and popular culture. This is recognized in the
Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, which calls for States to modify the social and
cultural patterns of conduct of men and women and to eliminate prejudices and customary practices.
The elimination of harmful gender norms and practices can only be achieved through the engagement of men
and boys. Understanding mens own diverse experiences, within the context of deep-rooted patriarchal systems
and structures that enable men to assert power and control over women, will help us target the underlying
drivers of violence against women and girls to stop violence before it starts.
Through our regional joint programme, Partners for Prevention, UNDP, UNFPA, UN Women and UNV have
worked together to undertake the UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific.
Thestudy, which collected and analysed data from thousands of women and men across the region, provides
the largest multi-country data set on mens perpetration of violence against women and can inform more
evidence-based interventions to prevent such violence.
Ending violence against women requires coherent policies and programmes that emphasize gender equality
as non-negotiable and the transformation of social norms. Sustainable development, peace and security can
only be achieved when caring and respectful relations among women, men, boys and girls become the norm.
We hope that you will use this UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence as a part of your efforts to achieve
these goals.
iii
Acknowledgements
This report on the United Nations Multi-country Study on Men and Violence was written by Emma Fulu,
Xian Warner, Stephanie Miedema, Rachel Jewkes, Tim Roselli and James Lang on behalf of the UNDP, UNFPA,
UN Women and UN Volunteers regional joint programme, Partners for Prevention. Thecontents, however,
reflect the collaborative efforts of all the organizations and individuals involved, both internationally and
in each country in the study. First and foremost, we want to thank the more than 10,000 men and 3,000
women who gave their time to participate in our study and generously shared their life experiences with us.
The partner institutions and organizations in each of the study countries were instrumental in the imple-
mentation of the study and contributed to the adaptation and development of the questionnaires and meth-
odology in their local settings. Theinsights from each study informed how the study was carried out in
the next site and thus the local partners involvement truly shaped the final methodology. Special thanks
go to the principal investigators and their teams, specifically Ruchira Tabassum Naved (PI Bangladesh),
Hamidul Huque, Subrina Farah, Muhammad Mizanur Rashid Shuvra, Wang Xiangxian (PI China),
FangGang, LiHongtao, Saba Moussavi, Neloufer de Mel (PI Sri Lanka), Pradeep Peiris, Shyamala Gome,
Elli Nurhayati (PI Indonesia), Saeroni (PI Indonesia), Nurul Kodriati (PI Indonesia), Mohammad Hakimi,
Dewi Haryani Susilastuti, Rachel Jewkes (PI Papua New Guinea), Yandisa Sikweyiya, Nwabisa Shai and
Francesca Drapuluvik-Tinabar. We also want to thank the interviewers and supervisors in each study site
who worked tirelessly, and often under difficult circumstances, to collect the data for this study.
We gratefully acknowledge the UnitedNations and NGO national partners who funded and coordinated the
studies in each country. Funding for the national studies was shared by UNFPA in Bangladesh and China, UN
Women in Cambodia and Indonesia and the UNDP Pacific Centre and the UNDP Country Office in Papua New
Guinea.The study in Sri Lanka was funded by CARE Sri Lanka, with support from CARE Norway. Special
thanks go to Anthony Agyenta, Anne Dixon, Arthur Erken, Dwi Faiz, Wen Hua, KamaniJinadasa, Wenny
Kusuma, Freya Larsen, Peterson Magoola, Clara Magario Manero, ZeljkaMudrovcic, ThomasShanahan,
Tracy Vienings and Elena Williams. We extend great appreciation to the National Working Groups in each
country, which included government, civil society and UnitedNations representatives and researchers who
supported the implementation and dissemination of the study.
We want to give special thanks to the studys Technical Advisory Group of renowned experts, who advised
on the study design, and the Steering Committee, with representatives from each study site, who made
technical decisions on data analysis and ethical standards. Specifically, we thank Gary Barker, Raewyn
Connell, Arthur Erken, Michael Flood, Claudia Garcia-Moreno, Alan Grieg, Henriette Jansen, Rachel Jewkes,
Kamani Jinadasa, Mariam Khan, Wenny Kusuma, Zeljka Mudrovcic, Ita Nadia, Ruchira Tabassum Naved,
Rahul Roy, Kalyani Menon Sen, Amelia Siamomua, Ros Sopheap, Ravi Verma and Tracy Vienings. Huge
gratitude also goes to the PDA programmer, Scott Johnson and his team, who worked amazingly to over-
come many technical challenges and deliver asystem that enabled the collection of sensitive information
in an ethical manner, no doubt contributing to the overall quality of the data.
The Partners for Prevention Technical Advisory Group and the steering committee deserve particular
thanks for providing invaluable guidance and support throughout the research project. We thank the
Steering Committee current members Nicholas Rosellini, Lubna Baqi, Roberta Clarke and Alan Jennings
and former members, Ibrahim Hussein, Shoko Ishikawa, Eriko Hibi, Sezin Sinanoglu, Najib Assifi and
Moni Pizani. We thank the UN Technical Advisory Group, including Kiran Bhatia, Riet Groenen, Galanne
Deressa, Kim Henderson, Omar Siddique, Anna-Karin Jatfors, Anju Pandey, Sara de la Pena, Janet Wong,
Gitanjali Singh and Yvonne Maharoof.
iv
We also thank the Partners for Prevention team, especially Chetpon Changcharoen, Khamsavath
Chanthavysouk, Raymond Brandes, Anastasija Lamont and Caroline Liou. We also want to acknowledge
the graphic designer of the report, Daniel Feary, and the copy editor, Karen Emmons.
Finally, we are very grateful to all the reviewers whose comments greatly enhanced the quality of this
report: Estefania Guallar Ario, Gary Barker, Suki Beavers, Verity Boaro, Roberta Clarke, RaewynConnell,
Paul Dover, Arthur Erken, Dwi Faiz, Michael Flood, Kim Henderson, Wen Hua, Henriette Jansen,
Anna-KarinJatfors, Kamani Jindasa, Nurul Kodriati, Freya Larsen, Helen McDermott, Clara Magario
Manero, Zeljka Mudrovcic, Ruchira Naved, Sara de la Pena, Belissa Guerrero Rivas, Dahlia Saibil, Rose Sarr,
Angelica Serna and Jeanne Ward.
The study was funded and coordinated by Partners for Prevention (P4P), aUNDP, UNFPA, UN Women and
UNV regional joint programme in Asia and the Pacific. Over the past five years, P4P received financial
support from the Governments of Australia, the United Kingdom, Norway and Sweden, and we are truly
grateful for their kind support.
v
contents
page section
iii foreword
iv Acknowledgements
1 executive summary
8 chapter 1: introduction
9 Literature
11 Background and objectives of the UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence
Quantitative survey
12 An epidemiological study informed by agender, power and masculinities perspective
14 What is included in this report?
17 chapter 2: methodology
18 Participating countries and selected sites
21 Sample
21 Questionnaires
22 Conducting the survey
22 Ethical considerations
23 Strengths and limitations of the study
23 Response rates and demographic characteristics
26 chapter 3: Prevalence and patterns of intimate partner violence perpetration and experiences
Mens and womens responses
28 Mens perpetration and womens experiences of physical and/or sexual partner violence
33 Differences in mens and womens reporting of intimate partner violence
36 Discussion
vi
50 chapter 5: Mens gender norms, attitudes, household practices and experiences with violence
andadversity
52 Mens gender norms, attitudes and household practices
60 Mens experiences of violence and adversity
66 Discussion
68 chapter 6: Factors associated with mens perpetration of physical and/or sexual intimate
partner violence
71 Factors associated with partner violence perpetration for the combined sample
72 Factors associated with intimate partner violence perpetration by country
72 Gender-based attitudes and violence perpetration
76 Discussion
86 chapter 8: Understanding factors associated with mens violence in abroader social context
88 Which clusters of factors are most strongly related to violence perpetration and what does
this mean for prevention priorities?
92 Understanding these factors within their larger social, political, economic and historical
contexts
96 chapter 9: Recommendations
102 REFERENCES
106 GLOSSARY
Annexes I, II and III and the statistical appendix are available online at
www.partners4prevention.org/about-prevention/research/men-and-violence-study/regional-findings
vii
tables
10 Table 1.1 Existing legislation on violence against women in countries where the study
was conducted
18 Table 2.1 The UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence researchsites
20 Table 2.2 Items used to measure intimate partner violence
21 Table 2.3 Items used to measure male rape perpetration against women and men
24 Table 2.4 Response rates for male and female samples, by site
29 Table 3.1 Mens perpetration and womens experiences of physical or sexual violence
(rape) or both in an intimate relationship, bysite
31 Table 3.2 Mens use of emotional abuse and womens experiences of it inan intimate
relationship, by site
26 Table 3.3 Percentage of ever-partnered men and women who reported having
perpetrated or experienced economically abusive acts, by site
40 Table 4.1 Percentage of men reporting perpetration of rape against female partners and
non-partners, by type and site
43 Table 4.2 Frequency of rape perpetration and age of first rape perpetration among men
who reported ever perpetrating rape against awoman or girl (partner or non-
partner), bysite
45 Table 4.3 Percentage of male perpetrators of any rape against awoman or girl who
reported experiencing the following consequences, among men who had
perpetrated rape, by site
47 Table 4.4 Mens rape perpetration of other men, by site
53 Table 5.1 Mens and womens reported attitudes regarding gendernorms, by site
55 Table 5.2 Mens knowledge of violence against women laws
59 Table 5.3 Mens reporting on the number of sexual partners and use of sex workers or
transactional sex, by site
62 Table 5.4 Percentage of male respondents reporting experiences ofsexual victimization
by another man, by site
65 Table 5.5 Percentage of male respondents reporting alow, medium orhigh level of
work-related stress, by site
73 Table 6.1 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated with lifetime
physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence perpetration, in the
combined data set, adjusted by age, partnership status and site
81 Table 7.1 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated with lifetime
perpetration of non-partner rape, for the combined data set and adjusted for
age and site
84 Table 7.2 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated with lifetime
perpetration of rape against aman among the combined data set and adjusted
for age and site and all other factors in the model
viii
boxes
figures
14 Figure 1.1 The socio-ecological model for understanding violence against women6
25 Figure 2.1 Feelings of respondents after the interview, by site and sex
30 Figure 3.1 Prevalence of mens lifetime perpetration of physical and/or sexual partner
violence, by site
34 Figure 3.2 Prevalence of physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence by site,
comparing mens and womens reports
41 Figure 4.1 Percentage of different types of rape perpetration against awoman or girl,
among ever-partnered men who had perpetrated rape, by site
42 Figure 4.2 Overlap of partner and non-partner rape perpetration among men who
reported ever having raped awoman or girl, by site
44 Figure 4.3 Motivations for rape, by men who reported ever raping any woman or girl,
including partners and non-partners, by site
47 Figure 4.4 Overlap between reports of raping aman and raping any woman, partner or
non-partner, combined data set
48 Figure 4.5 Overlap between rape of aman and rape of anon-partner woman, combined
data set
54 Figure 5.1 Mens gender-equitable attitude tertiles, by site
(highly, moderately or least equitable)
56 Figure 5.2 Mens responses on equality in domestic decision-making between partners,
by site
56 Figure 5.3 Mens responses on equality in domestic duties between partners, by site
ix
figures
57 Figure 5.4 Percentage of men reporting alow, medium or high level of engagement with
their children, by site
61 Figure 5.5 Percentage of men reporting that they experienced some form of abuse when
they were younger than 18, by site
63 Figure 5.6 Percentage of male respondents reporting alcohol abuse currently and past
year drug-use, by site
64 Figure 5.7 Mens self-reporting of high and very high levels of depressive symptoms in
the four weeks prior to the survey, by site
74 Figure 6.1 Multivariate logistic regression model for lifetime physical and/or sexual
partner violence perpetration, by country and adjusted by age, partnership
status and site
82 Figure 7.1 Factors associated with non-partner rape perpetration, bycountry, adjusted
for age and site
90 Figure 8.1 Summary of relative importance of different clusters of factors in explaining
and addressing intimate partner violence perpetration
91 Figure 8.2 Summary of relative importance of different factors in explaining and
addressing non-partner rape perpetration
93 Figure 8.3 Understanding factors associated with mens perpetration of violence against
women across the socio-ecological model
x
executive
summary
Background
In 2008, four United Nations agenciesthe United identify factors associated with mens
Nations Development Programme, the United perpetration of different forms of violence
Nations Population Fund, the United Nations against women;
Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment
of Women and United Nations Volunteerscame promote evidence-based policies and
together through the joint programme Partners programmes to prevent violence against women.
for Prevention (P4P). Together they launched the
UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in The study was acollaborative effort involving
Asia and the Pacific to generate knowledge on how partners from academia, research institutes,
masculinitiesidentities and patterns of practices civil society, the United Nations family and
that shape gender norms for menrelate to mens governments around the globe. It was developed
perceptions and perpetration of violence against and coordinated by Partners for Prevention with
women in order to prevent it. Thestudy aimed the Medical Research Council of South Africa and
to deepen the understanding of the meaning study teams in each country who led the surveying.
and causes of mens violence against women. This report is based upon the population-based
Thestudy was premised on the well-documented quantitative survey component of the study,
hypothesis that violence against women is which was conducted from 2010 to 2013 with more
amanifestation of unequal gender relations and than 10,000 men and 3,000 women in nine sites
harmful manifestations of hegemonic masculinity across six countries in the region (Bangladesh,
governed by patriarchal beliefs, institutions and Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and
systems. Yet, it is afact that not all men perpetrate Papua New Guinea). Thedata were collected
violence against women and so the study sought and analysed from ascientific epidemiological
to elicit the factors that may be implicated in why perspective. To ensure data comparability across
some men are more or less likely to abuse women. sites, the study used astandardized structured
Theresearch was also conceptualized to ascertain questionnaire. Male subjects were interviewed
mens own experiences of violence as victims and/ by male interviewers and female subjects were
or as witnesses and to assess how that may be interviewed by female interviewers. Thestudy
related to mens perpetration of different types of used personal digital assistants (PDAs) for data
violence. collection in all sites to address ethical issues
and to maximize disclosure. Thestudy followed
Theobjectives of the study were to: rigorous international ethical and safety standards
for research on violence against women.
better understand mens use of different forms
of violence against women (specifically, intimate The research sites were selected to reflect the
partner violence and non-partner rape) in the diversity of the region, with sites in South Asia,
AsiaPacific region; South-East Asia, East Asia and the Pacific,
including two post-conflict sites.The selection
assess mens own experience of violence as well of research sites was also dependent on demand,
as their perpetration of violence against other the availability of funding in those sites and
men and how it relates to the perpetration of having partner institutions in each location
violence against women; with the capacity to conduct the surveys. In
all sites, arepresentative sample of men aged
1849 was obtained using amulti-stage cluster
1
sampling strategy; in four sites, women also were Finding: Mens use of violence against intimate
sampled. Thesamples, however, are not nationally female partners was pervasive across the
representative (except Cambodia), nor were they AsiaPacific region, but prevalence varied
designed to represent the AsiaPacific region. across sites.
The proportion of ever-partnered men who report-
The sites are labelled: Bangladesh-urban, ed ever having perpetrated physical and/or sexual
Bangladesh-rural, Cambodia-national, intimate partner violence in their lifetime varied
China-urban/rural (indicating one site from 26percent in Indonesia-rural to 80percent in
that encompassed both urban and rural Papua New Guinea-Bougainville; in most sites, it
characteristics), Indonesia-urban, Indonesia-rural, was 3057percent. Although not the primary focus
Indonesia-Papua, Sri Lanka-national and Papua of this report, the study also collected data on eco-
New Guinea-Bougainville. Most of the findings nomic and emotional violence within an intimate
presented in the report refer to the nine research relationship. From 16percent (Bangladesh-urban)
sites, except where the sample was national. to 57percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of
Theanalysis on factors associated with intimate ever-partnered men reported perpetration of eco-
partner violence and rape are presented by country nomically abusive acts against afemale intimate
and as acombined sample, adjusted by site. This partner in their lifetime, while between 41percent
was done to assess the variations among sites (Sri Lanka-national) and 83percent (Papua New
and also to explore common themes across the Guinea-Bougainville) reported using at least one
countries in the study. emotionally abusive act against apartner in their
lifetime.
The study did not explore all forms of violence
against women but focused on intimate partner Finding: Patterns of intimate partner violence
violence and non-partner rape. Thesurvey perpetration varied across sites.
collected data on mens perpetration of physical In Sri Lanka and both sites in Bangladesh, almost
violence against apartner and partner rape. It also all the reported partner violence occurred within
examined mens perpetration of emotional and marriage, and physical violence perpetration was
economic abuse against afemale partner. Mens more common than sexual violence perpetration.
reports are compared with womens reports of In Cambodia and all sites in Indonesia, alarger
their experiences of intimate partner violence as proportion of men reported perpetrating sexual
aform of validation. Mens perpetration of rape violence against an intimate partner than physical
against awoman or girl who was not an intimate partner violence.
partner (non-partner) is also explored as is mens
perpetration of rape against other men.
Prevalence and patterns of non-partner and
The main findings are grouped into the following partnerrape
thematic subheadings:
Finding: Male rape of women was pervasive
Prevalence and patterns of intimate partner across the region but prevalence varied
violence across sites.
From 10percent (Bangladesh-urban) to 62percent
Prevalence and patterns of non-partner and (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of all men
partner rape interviewed reported perpetrating some form
of rape against awoman or girl in their lifetime.
The diversity of mens lives: gender practices, Theprevalence of different types of rape also
experiences of violence and adversity varied greatly across sites, with non-partner rape
and gang rape much more common in some sites
Factors associated with violence perpetration. (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, Indonesia-Papua
and Cambodia-national) than in others.
2
Finding: Rape of an intimate partner was more Finding: Although not nearly as prevalent as the
common than non-partner rape in most sites. rape of women, some men also perpetrate
In all sites except Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, rape against other men.
partner rape was more common than rape of In China-urban/rural, Bangladesh-urban and
anon-partner. Although asignificant proportion all three Indonesian sites, around 2percent of
of men who had raped anon-partner had also the surveyed men reported having perpetrated
raped apartner, intimate partner rape was more rape against another man. In Sri Lanka-national,
likely to occur on its own. Cambodia-national and Bangladesh-rural, this
was disclosed by 34percent of the male respon-
Finding: Rape perpetration started early in life. dents; in Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, the
Overall, half (49percent) of the men who reported finding was 8percent. Most men who had raped
having raped awoman did so for the first another man or men also had raped afemale
time when they were teenagers, varying from non-partner. Thegreatest overlap in reporting was
25percent (China-urban/rural) to 64percent between male rape and gang rape perpetration
(Papua New Guinea-Bougainville). In some against women.
sites, specifically Cambodia-national, Papua
New Guinea-Bougainville and Indonesia-Papua,
arelatively large proportion of men reported that The diversity of mens lives: gender practices,
they were younger than 15 years at the time they experiences of violence and adversity
first perpetrated rape.
Finding: Not all men used violence.
Finding: Rape was most commonly motivated Although some men use violence against women,
by asense of sexual entitlement. the findings illustrate that many men do not.
Across all sites in the study, the most common There was great diversity in mens lives across the
motivation that men reported for rape perpetration region: Some men expressed frustration with the
was related to sexual entitlementmens belief dominant notions of what it means to be aman;
that they have the right to sex, regardless of others embodied and practised alternative forms
consent. In most sites, this was reported by of masculinities that promote equitable power-
7080percent of men who had raped. Thesecond sharing arrangements between men and women.
most frequently reported motivation was related to Thefindings suggest some entry points in the
entertainment-seekingfun or due to boredom countries under study for transformation of social
followed by anger or punishment. Although norms that build on or reinforce constructions of
alcohol is often assumed to be acommon trigger masculinity that are conducive to respectful and
for violence perpetration, it was the least common equal relationships with women.
response given by men, across all sites, when asked
about their possible reasons for raping. Finding: Men and women supported gender
equality in the abstract but less so in
Finding: Themajority of men who perpetrated practice.
rape did not experience any legal A large majority (between 84 and 99percent)
consequences. of respondents, both men and women, believed
The study found that the vast majority of men in the abstract idea of equalitysupporting the
who had perpetrated rape (7297percent in most statement that people should be treated the same
sites) did not experience any legal consequences. whether they are male or female. Nonetheless,
Men who had perpetrated non-partner rape faced when asked about specific norms related to family
more consequences compared with men who had and household practices and womens position,
perpetrated intimate partner rape. This reconfirms their views were considerably more inequitable.
that impunity remains amajor issue in the region, Acceptability of violence against women varied
particularly for marital rape, which is the most widely across the sites, which appears to reflect
common form of rape but is not criminalized in genuine differences in how violence against
many countries. women is viewed across diverse socio-cultural
contexts. For example, only 5percent of men in
3
Indonesia-urban believed that there are times Finding: Alarge proportion of men suffered
when awoman deserves to be beaten, compared from work-related stress, depression and
with 62percent of men in Bangladesh-rural. suicidal tendencies.
Theattitudes among the women surveyed tended A substantial proportion of men in all sites
to be more conservative and gender inequitable reported high or very high depressive symptoms,
than their male counterparts, demonstrating how with 14percent (Sri Lanka-national) to
gender norms, including those that contribute to 43percent (Cambodia-national and Papua New
mens use of violence, can be reinforced by women Guinea-Bougainville) of men reporting this.
as well as men. While men generally reported From 2percent (Indonesia-rural) to 18percent
that household decision-making was shared (China-urban/rural) of men reported that they
within households, the division of labour within had thought about suicide in their lifetime. From
households gave women the responsibility for 12percent to 53percent of men reported having
household work and the care of children. high levels of work-related stress.
4
food insecurity (reflecting lower socio-economic rape of anon-partner woman was associated with
status), alcohol abuse problems, gender inequitable childhood experiences of violence, depression and
attitudes and controlling behaviour over apartner alcohol abuse, which were not associated with the
were also associated with intimate partner violence rape of aman.
perpetration, although not across all sites. Many of
these factors can be linked to larger social norms Finding: Factors associated with mens use of
and patterns of gender inequality and notions of violence against women varied by type of
masculinity in society. violence across sites, thus it is crucial to
know your situation to know your response.
Finding: Mens rape of women was strongly The rates of violence perpetration varied
associated with having more sexual dramatically across sites. Across all sites anumber
partners, transactional sex, using physical of factors and environmental drivers appeared
violence against female partners, mens own to be consistently related to violence, including
victimization and participation in violence factors related to gender inequality, violent
outside the home. masculinity and experiences of child abuse.
Rape perpetration was strongly associated However the socio-cultural, economic, political
with having more sexual partners, having had and historical contexts varied widely and thus the
transactional sex or sex with asex worker and specific factors we see as being related to violence
using physical violence against female partners. understandably varied across sites and need to be
These behaviours are interpreted as not merely addressed through site-specific interventions. For
expressing sex seeking but more so as ideas example, current food insecurity and low levels
of masculinity that emphasize heterosexual of education, which reflect economic inequality
performance and dominance over women. These and may be atrigger for violence in certain
masculine ideals also commonly emphasize contexts are only relevant in the least developed
performances of strength and toughness, which country settings. Alcohol abuse, another trigger
are expressed in gang membership and fights for violence, is only relevant in some contexts and
between men with weapons and are significantly understandably not found to be of significance in
associated with rape perpetration. Thestudy Muslim-majority settings. Dowry, which reflects
shows that rape is about the exertion of power but abroader environment of gender inequality
it can also be the performance of acertain type of and power issues is only culturally relevant in
masculinity. Bangladesh, but there it is afactor that is strongly
correlated with violence and thus needs to be
Rape perpetration also was associated with addressed.
mens own victimization, particularly abuse in
childhood. Low socioeconomic status, indicated Both partner violence and non-partner rape were
by current food insecurity and low educational found to be fundamentally related to unequal
attainment were associated as was alcohol abuse gender norms, power inequalities and dominant
and drug use. Also associated was alow level of ideals of manhood that support violence and
empathy. control over women. However there were also
some unique drivers or triggers of these different
Finding: Rape of aman was strongly associated types of violence. Intimate partner violence is
with having more sexual partners, mens own more strongly associated with gender inequality
victimization and participation in violence in the home and experiences of child abuse while
outside the home. non-partner rape is more strongly correlated with
The factors associated with rape of aman notions of manhood that promote heterosexual
were similar to those of rape of anon-partner dominance and participation in violence outside
woman, such as those related to sexual practices, the home.
victimization history, particularly having been
raped by aman or experienced homophobic
violence, and participation in gangs and fights
with weapons. Of the notable differences, the
5
What do the findings mean in abroader
socialcontext?
6
Abbreviations and
acronyms
AUDIT Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test PNG Papua New Guinea
CEDAW Convention to Eliminate All Forms of PPS probability proportional to size (quantita-
Discrimination Against Women tive sampling method)
CES Centre for Epidemiologic Studies SPC Secretariat of the Pacific Community
Depression Scale
UN United Nations
CI confidence interval
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
GAM Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, or the Free Aceh
Movement UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
GEMS Gender-Equitable Men Scale UN Women United Nations Entity for Gender Equality
and the Empowerment of Women
ICDDR,B International Centre for Diarrhoeal
Disease Research, Bangladesh UNV United Nations Volunteers
7
1
INTRODUCTION
8
Literature Throughout the region, rape, defined as forced
or coerced sex,1 most frequently occurs within
V
iolence against women is prevalent in marriage. It is difficult to obtain accurate rates
every corner of the globe. Research has of rape within marriage, as this form of violence
shown that it is aphenomenon rooted in against women is generally not criminalized (see
unequal power relations between women and table 1.1, which shows that marital rape is not
men and experienced across cultures, across criminalized in four of the six countries in the
socio-economic status, ethnicities and other study). Even where laws against marital rape do
demographic diversities. Violence against exist, they are rarely enforced, and many health
women reinforces gender hierarchies and power and legal services in the region lack the capacity
imbalances between women and men within to effectively respond to women reporting rape by
families and communities. an intimate partner, which may also contribute to
low rates of reporting to the police (Government
Nonetheless, obtaining accurate statistical of VietNam, 2010; Puri, Tamang and Shah, 2011).
prevalence data on violence against women in Furthermore, many women may be reluctant to
all its forms is complicated by underreporting name forced sex within marriage as rape, given
and under-documentation, although recent social norms and pressures around womens
methodological consistency continues to inform sexuality and presumed sexual availability within
ongoing research (Garcia-Moreno, 2005). the relationship space. Compounding these
According to most recent estimates, 30percent of realities, rape is notoriously underreported given
women aged 15 years or older have experienced, the associated stigma and culture of victim blaming
during their lifetime, physical and/or sexual surrounding this form of violence. Still, some data
intimate partner violence (Devries et al., 2013). has been collected on rape within marriage in the
It is aleading cause of homicide death in women Asia-Pacific region. Previous studies found that
globally (Stockl et al., 2013) and has many other 12percent of women respondents in mainland
health consequences (WHO, 2013). China (Chan, 2007) and aquarter of women
respondents in eastern India reported having
The AsiaPacific region has more than half ever experienced sexual abuse, including rape,
the worlds population and records high levels by their husband (Babu and Kar, 2010). Similarly,
of various forms of violence against women, more than afifth of women in Indonesia reported
although with significant variation among ever experiencing sexual partner violence, and
countries. Reports range from 15percent of 12percent said they had been sexually abused in
women in Japan to 68percent of women in Kiribati the year prior to the study (Hayati et al., 2011).
reporting having ever experienced physical and/ Rates of lifetime sexual intimate partner violence
or sexual partner violence (Garcia-Moreno et al., across the Pacific range from 17percent in Tonga
2005; SPC, 2010). In astudy in eastern India, (Maa Fafine mo e Famili, 2012) to 55percent in
16percent of women reported ever experiencing the Solomon Islands (SPC, 2009). Actual rates of
physical partner violence, and 25percent reported marital rape are likely to be much higher because
ever experiencing sexual partner violence (Babu of the reasons discussed above.
and Kar, 2010). In other research, physical partner
violence was reported by about one third of women Rates of reported non-partner violence also vary
in China and VietNam, and more than half of greatly from site to site, with 2percent of women
women in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu (Parish surveyed in both Hong Kong, China and VietNam
et al., 2004; Government of VietNam, 2010; Lewis, and 11percent of women in anational sample
Maruia and Walker, 2008). Although one study in Samoa reporting ever having experienced
in Hong Kong, China, found that rates of physical non-partner sexual violence (Chan, 2007;
violence were higher among same-sex couples Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005; Government of
than opposite-sex couples, few studies have VietNam, 2010).
examined same-sex intimate partner violence in
Asia and the Pacific. This is an area that requires There has been much less research conducted with
further research (Mak, Chong and Kwong, 2010). men on mens perpetration of partner violence
9
Table 1.1 Existing legislation on violence against women in countries
where the study was conducted
Bangladesh Legislation on domestic violence: Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Rules, 2013; Domestic
Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act, 2010; Suppression of Violence against Women and
Children Act, 2000 (amended 2003); Dowry Prohibition Act, 1980; Penal Code, 1860; Acid Crime
Control Act, 2002; Acid Crime Prevention Act, 2000.
Legislation on rape: Penal Code, 1860; Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898; Evidence Act, 1872;
Suppression of Violence against Women and Children Act, 2000 (amended 2003).
Marital rape is not criminalized unless the wife is younger than 13 years (Penal Code, 1860).
Cambodia Legislation on domestic violence: Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the Protection of
Victims, 2005.
Marital rape is not specifically mentioned in the Penal Code. Marital rape could be included
under sexual aggression in the domestic violence legislation; however, this law does not have
penalty provisions (Article 7, Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the Protection of
Victims, 2005).
China Some general legislation on domestic violence: Marriage Law, 2001; Law on the Protection of Rights and
Interests of Women, 2005; Constitution of the Peoples Republic of China, 1982. Adraft law
specifically on domestic violence is in discussion but has not yet been passed.
Indonesia Legislation on domestic violence: Law No. 23/2004 on the Elimination of Domestic Violence.
Legislation covers rape, although the legal definition of rape covers only forced penetration of
sexual organs, and filing acase requires corroboration and two witnesses, unless the victim is
younger than 15 years.
Marital rape is not acriminal offence in Indonesias Penal Code but is covered under forcing
sexual intercourse in legislation on domestic violence (Article 8 of Law No. 23/2004 on the
Elimination of Domestic Violence) and can be punished with criminal penalties.
Papua New Legislation covers domestic violence but no specific domestic violence provision in the criminal
Guinea code. However, if implemented, the recent Family Protection Bill 2013 will make domestic
violence acriminal offence.
Legislation on rape: Sexual Offences and Crimes against Children Act, 2002; Criminal Code 2003
Amendment.
Marital rape is criminalized (Sexual Offences and Crimes against Children Act, 2002; Criminal
Code 2003 Amendment).
Sri Lanka Legislation on domestic violence: Prevention of Domestic Violence Act, No. 34 of 2005; Penal Code.
Legislation on rape: Sections 363(e) and 364(2)(a) of the Penal Code, as amended by Act No. 22
of 1995. Grave sexual abuse is also acriminal offence (Section 365(b) of the Penal Code
(Amendment) Act No. 22 of 1995) and includes all sexual acts without consent that do not come
within the definition of rape.
Marital rape is not criminalized unless the wife and husband are judicially separated.
10
and rape than there has been of womens experi- and improving access and quality of health, legal
ences of such violence. Population-based studies and social services. Nevertheless, responding to
among men globally have found aprevalence of the effects of violence alone cannot stop all new
ever perpetrating physical partner violence, rang- occurrences. Prevention requires redressing the
ing from 22percent in eastern India (Babu and structural causes that enable men to assert power
Kar, 2010) to 42percent in South Africa (Jewkes, and control over women (and use violence to do
Sikweyiya, Morrell and Dunkle, 2011). Studies on so) alongside ensuring awell-functioning justice
the perpetration of non-partner2 rape of women system and response mechanisms. Theprevention
reveal aprevalence ranging from 9percent in approaches in this region have focused largely
Chile to 37percent in South Africa (Barker et al., on advocacy campaigns and awareness-raising.
2011; Machisa, Jewkes, Lowe-Morna and Rama, Increasingly globally, there is growing attention
2011; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and Dunkle, not only to engaging men and boys as advocates to
2011; Senn, Desmarais, Verberg and Wood, 2000; end violence against women but also to understand
Abbey et al., 2006; Tsai et al., 2011). Overwhelm- context-specific constructions of masculinities
ingly, rape is perpetrated by men, with women that contribute to and explain violence.
or girls usually the victims, whether partners or
non-partners. To deepen the effectiveness of responses to end
violence against women, four UnitedNations
Even though men are also raped, the prevalence agenciesthe United Nations Development
rates are much lower than those of women. Programme (UNDP), the United Nations
Thephenomenon of male rape of men has not Population Fund (UNFPA), the United Nations
been much researched, although it is starting to Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment
be documented more in armed conflict contexts of Women (UN Women) and United Nations
(Sivakumaran, 2007; Baaz and Stern, 2010; Volunteers (UNV)came together through the
Sonke Gender Justice Network and Promundo, joint programme, Partners for Prevention (P4P),
2012). Apopulation-based study in South Africa to gather robust evidence regarding the extent,
found 3percent of the men interviewed reported nature and effect of mens use of violence against
perpetration and 3.3percent had been raped by women in Asia and the Pacific, to inform evidence-
aman (involving non-consensual oral or anal based policy and programming and to assist
penetration) (Dunkle et al., forthcoming). development partners to address violence against
women and ultimately lead to strengthened
prevention of violence against women.
Background and objectives of the UN Multi-country
Study on Men and ViolenceQuantitative survey The study objectives were to:
The information on male perpetration of violence better understand mens use of different forms
against women globally has been limited by of violence against women (specifically, intimate
differences in research design and methods, partner violence and non-partner rape) in the
making comparisons of findings among settings AsiaPacific region;
difficult. Despite decades of work and the
commitment of many that have led to significant assess mens own experience of violence as
advances in awareness, laws and policies to end well as their perpetration of violence against
violence against women, under-reporting still other men and how it relates to the perpetration
characterizes the phenomenon and there has of violence against women;
not been an overall decrease in the prevalence
of violence against women and girls. Until now, identify factors associated with mens
efforts to address violence against women and perpetration of different forms of violence
girls have, for the most part, rightly focused on against women;
improving services and responses to violence:
strengthening legislation and the criminal justice promote evidence-based policies and
system overall, particularly to end impunity, programmes to prevent violence against women.
11
The United Nations Multi-country Study on An epidemiological study informed by agender,
Men and Violence was carried out from 2010 power and masculinities perspective
to 2013 and used multiple methodologies
quantitative, qualitative and policy analysisat The Commission affirms that violence against
the national and regional levels to build anuanced women and girls is rooted in historical and structural
understanding of violence against women and inequality in power relations between women and
masculinity across the region.3 Specifically, the men, and persists in every country in the world as
study was based on the premise that, because men apervasive violation of the enjoyment of human rights
are the primary perpetrators of violence, research Violence against women and girls is characterized
directly with men was needed to understand by the use and abuse of power and control in public
the underlying drivers of violence perpetration and private spheres, and is intrinsically linked with
in order to transform the culture which makes gender stereotypes that underlie and perpetuate such
violence by men against women asocietal norm, violence, as well as other factors that can increase
even when sanctioned. womens and girls vulnerability to such violence.
Agreed Conclusions, 57th Commission on the Status of Women
This report focuses on the quantitative study,
conducted with more than 10,000 men and This report is based on the quantitative population-
3,000 women4 in nine sites across six countries based household survey with individual men and
(Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Papua women and the data was analysed from ascientific
New Guinea and Sri Lanka) in the region. This epidemiological perspective. However, it was
quantitative survey provides the largest cross- premised on the well-documented hypothesis
country comparable data set focused on mens that violence against women is amanifestation
perpetration of violence against women in the of unequal gender relations and harmful
AsiaPacific region, complementing existing manifestations of hegemonic masculinity
studies done with women. In particular, the governed by patriarchal beliefs, institutions and
quantitative study aimed to answer the following systems. It is an epidemiological study informed by
broad research questions: feminist theory, including the following concepts.
What is the prevalence and frequency of mens The research uses theories of masculinities to
use of different forms of violence against women better understand the connections between
(specifically, intimate partner violence and non- men, gender, power and violence. Men are
partner rape5) in the AsiaPacific region? overwhelmingly involved in all types of violence,
and they are the primary perpetrators of violence
What is the prevalence and frequency of mens against women and girls. Exploring masculinities
own experiences of violence as well as their helps shed light on the complexity of how gender
perpetration of sexual violence against other norms shape individual attitudes and practices
men and how does it relate to the perpetration of and how individuals and institutions can shape
violence against women? gender norms across the region.
What are the factors associated with mens Masculinities can be defined as ways of living for
perpetration of different forms of violence men, both identities and patterns of practices asso-
against women? ciated with the positions of men in various gender
systems. There is no one masculinity; masculini-
How does this inform evidence-based policies ties vary over time and across and within cultures.
and programmes to prevent violence against However, there is often ahierarchy of masculini-
women? ties in which one (or more) pattern of masculinity
is socially dominant and others are marginalized
(IDS, 2007). Theconcept of hegemonic masculin-
ity has been globally influential after it was intro-
duced in the 1980s through the work of Raewyn
Connell. Hegemonic masculinity may not be the
12
most common pattern in the everyday lives of boys use of violence against women (presented in Chap-
and men; only aminority of men might enact it. ters 6 and 7). Informed by feminist theory, the
But it is normative in the sense that it embodies first premise of this analysis is that these individ-
the currently most honoured way of being aman ual- and family-level factors exist within, and are
and requires other men to position themselves in formed by, broader community norms and social
relation to it (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). environments of patriarchy and gender inequality,
which is also borne out by the data, as discussed in
While some masculinities are inextricably linked Chapter 8.
to mens use of violence, there is great diversity
in mens lives across the region, and not all men While this study predominantly focused on mens
perpetrate violence. Further, there is agrowing use of intimate partner violence against women
body of literature on how the patriarchal system, and rape of women who are not partners, given
as well as the power of individual men, works that these are the most common forms of gender-
not only to the detriment of women but also, in based violence (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005), the
certain specific instances, to the detriment of study also explored mens own experiences of vio-
some men themselves (Connell, 2005; Cleaver, lence including sexual violence and homophobic
2002; Breines et. al., 2000). This research was bullying and mens perpetration of sexual violence
designed to explore both how masculinities against other men. This enabled the examination
contribute to inequalities, violence and oppression of associations between mens own experiences of
and also how some forms of masculinities some specific types of violence and mens use of
can shape settings in which more men are violence against women.7
partners in gender justice and ending violence.
The study sought to elicit the factors that may For the purposes of the study, aworking definition
be implicated in why some men are more or less of gender-based violence was applied as an um-
likely to abuse women. Thestudy hypothesized
that within the broader environment, founded
on widespread gender inequality, mens use of
violence against women is influenced by anumber Causes of violence versus associated factors
of interconnected factors operating at different
levels of society. From atechnical perspective, individual factors
found to be correlated with violence against
While gender inequality, power and violent forms women cannot be interpreted as providing the
of masculinity may be understood as the root causes of violence against women. This is be-
causes of violence against women, current under- cause it is not always clear whether the specific
standing of violence against women also suggests characteristic or experience being measured
that womens experiences and mens perpetration occurred before or after aviolent event. Further,
of violence are associated with acomplex array of while one factor, such as childhood experiences
individual, household, community and societal of violence, may be strongly correlated with
level factors. Thesocio-ecological model is acom- violence perpetration, not all men who experi-
monly used conceptual framework that maps the ence child abuse will go on to use violence
factors associated with womens and mens experi- against women.
ences of violence across the different levels of soci-
ety, as represented in figure 1.1 (OToole, Schiffman However, clusters of strongly correlated fac-
and Edwards, 2007; Gage, 2005; UnitedNations tors point to broader underlying causes, such
General Assembly, 2006; Heise, 1998; WHO and as gender inequality and patriarchy, which are
LSHTM, 2010). discussed in the report, particularly in Chapter
8. Further, if the multiple associated factors,
Given that this is an epidemiological study con- and the societal forces that influence them, are
ducted with individual men and women, the addressed, it is likely that adecrease in the rates
findings provide evidence of the individual- and of violence perpetration may result.
family-level factors that are correlated with mens
13
society, the United Nations family and govern-
Figure The socio-ecological model ments around the globe. It was developed and
1.1 for understanding violence coordinated by P4P in collaboration with the MRC
against women6 of South Africa, and study teams in each country
who conducted the surveys. Thenational study
teams comprised experts from aresearch institu-
tion or government agency with experience in
population surveys, and aUnited Nations or civil
so ci et y
society agency that provided funding and coordi-
nation. Atechnical advisory group of renowned
c o mm u n i t y experts on gender-based violence and mascu-
linities, including the World Health Organization,
/ relation advised on the methodology. Aresearch steering
ly
committee, with representatives from each study
i
shi
fam
14
Box 1.1 Regional and national study teams and advisers
Partners for Prevention: Emma Fulu (Study Coordinator), James Lang (P4P), Rachel Jewkes (Medical
James Lang, Stephanie Miedema, Tim Roselli and Research Council, South Africa), Claudia Garcia-
Xian Warner. Moreno (WHO), Ruchira Tabassum Naved (icddr,b),
Kamani Jinadasa (CARE Sri Lanka), Tracy Vienings
(UNDP Pacific Centre), Wenny Kusuma (UN Women
Country study teams Cambodia), Arthur Erken (UNFPA Bangladesh),
Zeljka Mudrovcic (UNFPA China), Carol Flore
Bangladesh: Ruchira Tabassum Naved (principle in- (UNDP Papua New Guinea) and Ita Nadia (UN
vestigator (PI)), Hamidul Huque, Subrina Farah and Women Indonesia)
Muhammad Mizanur Rashid Shuvra (icddr,b) and
Arthur Erken (UNFPA Bangladesh)
Research Technical Advisory Group
China: Dr. Wang Xiangxian (PI) (Tianjin Normal Univer-
sity, China), Fang Gang (Beijing Forestry University), Senior Technical Adviser: Rachel Jewkes (Medi-
Li Hongtao (Chinese Womens College and Anti- cal Research Council, South Africa). Gary Barker
Domestic Violence Network), Zeljka Mudrovcic, (Instituto Promundo, USA and Brazil), Raewyn
Wen Hua, Arie Hoekman, Elina Nikulainen, Bernard Connell (University of Sydney, Australia), Michael
Coquelin and Mariam Khan (UNFPA China) Flood (University of Wollongong, Australia), Alan
Grieg (independent consultant), Henriette Jansen
Cambodia: Wenny Kusuma, Clara Magario Man- (independent consultant), Kalyani Menon Sen (in-
ero and Freya Larsen (UN Women Cambodia), dependent consultant), Rahul Roy (Aakar, India),
EmmaFulu (PI) and Xian Warner (P4P) and Saba RaviVerma (International Center for Research on
Moussavi (independent consultant) Women Asia Office, India)
Papua New Guinea (Bougainville): Rachel Jewkes (PI), Yandi- Scott Johnson (University of Kentucky)
sa Sikweyiya and Nwabisa Shai (Medical Research
Council, South Africa), Francesca Drapuluvik-Tina-
bar (National Statistics Office), Peterson Magoola
and Anthony Agyenta (UNDP Papua New Guinea),
Thomas Shanahan and Tracy Vienings (UNDP Re-
gional Pacific Centre)
15
in household work, childcare and decision-making, appendix includes all additional tables and figures
sexual practices, mens health and vulnerabilities that are not presented in the main report. The
and experiences of violence as children. Chapters annexes and statistical appendix are not included
6 and 7 analyse the factors associated with mens in this report; they are all available online at
perpetration of intimate partner violence and www.partners4prevention.org/about-prevention/
non-partner rape respectively. Chapter 8 discusses research/men-and-violence-study/regional.
the findings in relation to the broader conceptual
framework related to power, gender and masculini- Data from the womens survey is not the focus
ties that informed the study, and the final chapter of this report and is only presented to provide
presents recommendations. Chapters 35 present apoint of comparison for the mens responses,
the data, including prevalence rates by site, except specifically regarding rates of intimate partner
where the sample was nationally representative. violence and gender-based attitudes. This report
When presenting factors associated with violence also includes case studies from the qualitative
perpetration in Chapters 6 and 7, the data was com- research to triangulate the quantitative findings,
bined within acountry, and adjusted by site. provide ahuman context to the statistics and add
to the depth of the analysis. Amore comprehensive
Annex I presents more details of the study analysis of the qualitative research,12 which
methodology. Annex II presents the questionnaires requires its own report, will be released in late
and annex III is the Ethical and Safety Guidelines for 2013. For details on the qualitative methodology,
Research on Gender-based Violence. The statistical see annex I.
1 See the glossary at the end of the report for a more detailed definition.
2 The term non-partner is used here to indicate any relationship between persons that is not spousal (or ex-spousal) or an intimate partner relationship.
3 Although this report represents the quantitative component, the study consists of three complementary research pieces, the other two being qualitative research
and political analysis. For more on the three pieces, see the research protocol (link).Although this report represents the quantitative component, the study
consists of three complementary research pieces, the other two being qualitative research and political analysis. For more on the three pieces, see the Toolkit for
Replicating the United Nations Multi-country Study on Men and Violence which will be available in October 2013 at www.partners4prevention.org.
4 The purpose of the survey was to interview men; however, a smaller sample of women was also interviewed in Cambodia, China, Papua New Guinea and Sri
Lanka to validate mens reports and provide data on womens experiences of violence where such data was limited. In countries in which extensive research on
violence against women had already been done with women (Bangladesh) or was planned for the near future (Indonesia and Cambodia are both doing a national
prevalence study with women in 2013-2014), women were not interviewed to avoid duplication.
5 The focus of the study is on mens use of intimate partner violence and sexual violence against non-partner females because these are the most common types of
violence against women in the region. Although the existence of many other types of violence is recognized, such as dowry or honour-related crimes, researching
them would require different methodologies. Understanding such specific types of violence is not suited to household surveys with the general population.
7 When discussing the research findings, this report uses the most specific and technically accurate terms for different acts of violence. For the operational defini-
tions of the types of violence, see tables 2.2 and 2.3.
8 We acknowledge that there are various and contested definitions of gender-based violence. There is some debate around whether the umbrella term of gender-based
violence was introduced to emphasize the gender inequalities that women experience and that lie at the roots of all forms of violence against women, or to also in-
clude other forms of violence that are perpetrated by men against some other men and boys. Often these forms of violence are influenced by constructions of gender
and harmful masculinities, gender relations and stereotypes, although, arguably they are not the result of systemic gender-based discrimination that exists (albeit
to differing degrees) for all females, across all cultures, because of the conditions of patriarchy.These debates continue to shape and refine our understanding of
gender-based violence. However, due to the nature of this study, we continue to use the term to understand and explore the connections between structural gender
inequalities, masculinities, and violence perpetrated by men against women, and how it relates to violence perpetrated and experienced among men.
9 For more information, see the study findings in Understanding Mens Health and Use of Violence: Interface of Rape and HIV in South Africa, in MRC Policy Brief,
available from www.mrc.ac.za/gender/violence_hiv.pdf (accessed 14 July 2013).
10 For more information on the Men and Gender Equality Policy Project, see:www.promundo.org.br/en/activities/activities-posts/projetos-especiais/
11 For more information on the WHO Multi-country Study on Womens Health and Domestic Violence against Women, see: www.who.int/gender/violence/who_
multicountry_study/en/
12 Detailed analyses of the qualitative and policy research components are ongoing, and the reports for these components are forthcoming.
16
2
METHODOLOGY
17
T
his chapter explains the research methodology, Participating countries and selected sites
with more comprehensive details available
in annex I. TheUN Multi-country Study on The research sites were selected to reflect the diver-
Men and Violence quantitative component was sity of the region, with sites from South Asia, South-
conducted in nine sites across six countries in Asia East Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, including two
and the Pacific from 2010 to 2013 and comprised post-conflict sites.The countries that were included
standardized household surveys with men and, in also required available funding and partner institu-
most sites, women (table 2.1).13 tions with the capacity to conduct the surveys. Given
that this was amulti-country study with afocus on
comparisons across sites, the aim was not to obtain
nationally representative samples, which would
Dhaka
Matlab
BANGLADESH
Cambodia
Sri Lanka
Jayapura
indonesia
Jakarta Purworejo Bougainville
papua new guinea
Bangladesh Urban site Dhaka: Thecountrys capital, Rural site Matlab: Adensely populated rural
urban, rural largest city and commercial centre, it district, it is dominated by subsistence
is situated in the middle of the country. agriculture and widespread landlessness.
Thepopulation of metropolitan Dhaka Thepopulation of Matlab is 225,038 and
is approximately 12.8 million, and it is it is asite of the Health and Demographic
predominantly Muslim. Surveillance System of the International
Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research,
Bangladesh.
Cambodia National: Cambodia is aSouth-East Asian country bordered by VietNam, Thailand, Lao
national Peoples Democratic Republic and the Gulf of Thailand. Cambodia has had atumultuous
recent history, first in the American war with VietNam, then under the Khmer Rouge
regime, during which an estimated one quarter of the population died, and then under
Vietnamese occupation from 1980 to 1989. Although the Khmer Rouge regime officially
ended in 1979, conflict continued in many parts of the country until as late as 1992.
Thepopulation of 14.9 million is predominantly Buddhist and of Khmer ethnicity.
Thesample was nationally representative, with the study conducted in Phnom Penh (the
capital and largest city in Cambodia) and in four other randomly selected districts of
Siem Reap, Battambang, Kampot and Sihanoukville.
18
have been too costly and time consuming. In most was sampled in China, but it was acounty that had
sites, either the whole area was sampled (Cambodia both urban and rural characteristics; that site also
and Bougainville, Papua New Guinea) or one urban was particular in that it represents only asmall
sitethe capital cityand one or two rural sites were proportion of the population, although the selected
selected (Bangladesh and Indonesia). In Indonesia, county has standard characteristics. In Sri Lanka,
one of the rural sites selected was Papua, which the survey was conducted in the capital city and
was chosen because, culturally, it is substantially three other districts in three unique regions. Table
different from the rest of Indonesia and it is one of 2.1 provides amap and short description of the re-
the sites for aUN joint programme on elimination of search sites (along with the label used for each site as
violence against women and children, implemented it appears throughout the report, in terms of urban,
by UN Women, UNFPA and UNICEF. Only one site rural, national or aspecific place).
China Urban/rural site: One site was selected in China, acounty in the central region that had both urban
urban/rural and rural characteristics. Approximately two thirds of its 1.4 million population lives in rural
areas and one third in urban areas. Themajority of the population is ethnically Han Chinese.
Theaverage annual income of residents is slightly higher than the national average. Thesite was
selected because it is astandard county that could be considered reflective of the general cen-
tral China region, and it was asite where UNFPA had programming work. In addition to the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which took place from 1966 to 1976, Chinas dramatic and dras-
tic economic reform and socio-cultural and transformation over the past 30 years would have
had amajor impact on the lives of many people in the areas where the research was conducted.
Indonesia Urban site Jakarta: The Rural sitePurworejo: Located in Papua siteJayapura:Theprovincial capital
urban, rural, papua capital and largest the southern part of Central of Papua, it is situated on the northern
city in Indonesia is the Java Province, Purworejo side of the island of New Guinea in the
countrys economic, includes both mountainous Pacific Ocean. It has apopulation of
cultural and political and coastal areas. Its popu- more than 260,000, with one in four
centre. With apopu- lation is more than 760 000. people aged 1524. Papua Province
lation of more than 10 Although it has both agricul- consists of various ethnic groups
million, it is also the ture and livestock industries, speaking different languages and
most populous city Purworejo also has become concentrated in several geographic
in South-East Asia aplace for retirees, with many areas. In Jayapura, many migrants
and continues to grow younger citizens moving to from Java and nearby islands, such
rapidly. Jakarta for work. It is asite as Sulawesi and Bali, have settled.
of the Health Demographic Aconflict has been ongoing in the
Surveillance System. province since the early 1960s.
Papua new Autonomous Region of Bougainville was selected because it is an island; located near the Solo-
guinea mon Islands, it has apopulation of about 175,000. It is the site of alengthy armed conflict from
bougainville 1988 to 1998 that was sparked by disputes over land ownership surrounding amine. Although the
war formally ended in 1998, peacebuilding has been incremental, and areas remain fragile. Elec-
tions for the first autonomous government took place in 2005. Social infrastructure and economic
development were greatly damaged by the civil war, and access to health services and schools is
very poor. Theislands main subsistence is agriculture, based on bananas, fishing and coconuts.
Sri Lanka National: aSouth Asian island nation, Sri Lanka has amulti-ethnic population of more than 21 mil-
national lion. It is predominantly Buddhist, with large Muslim, Hindu and Christian populations, and the
national literacy rate is more than 90percent. Sri Lanka recently ended athree-decade-long civil
war, with rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts ongoing. Theaisland nation was badly hit by
the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. Thestudy was conducted across the four regions of the country:
Colombo: the largest city in Sri Lanka and the countrys commercial, industrial and cultural capital;
Hambantota: adistrict in the South that was affected by the 2004 tsunami; Nuwara Eliya: adistrict in
the Eastern Province and atea plantation area; and Batticaloa: adistrict in the Eastern Province that
experienced recent conflict and was affected by the 2004 tsunami. Although the sites were not
randomly selected, for the purposes of this report, the data were pooled for anational sample
because they were representative of those districts and cover the main regions of the country.
19
Table 2.2 Items used to measure intimate partner violence
men women
Emotional abuse Insulted his partner or deliberately Was insulted or made to feel bad
made her feel bad about herself about herself
Hurt people his partner cares about Partner threatened to hurt people she
as away of hurting her or damaged cares about as away of hurting her or
things of importance to her damaged things of importance to her
economic abuse Prohibited his partner from getting Was prohibited from getting ajob,
ajob, going to work, trading or earning going to work, trading or earning
money money
Took his partners earnings against Had her earnings taken from her
herwill against her will
Forced his partner out of the house Partner forced her or her children out
of the house where she was living
Kept money from his earnings for Partner refused to give her money she
alcohol, tobacco or other things when needed for household expenses even
he knew his partner was finding it hard when he had money for other things
to afford the household expenses
physical violence Slapped his partner or threw Was slapped or had something thrown
something at her that could hurt her at her that could hurt her
Hit his partner with afist or with Was hit with afist or something else
something else that could hurt her that could hurt her
Sexual violence Forced his partner to have sexual Was physically forced to have sexual
(partner rape) intercourse when she did not want to intercourse when she did not want to
Had sexual intercourse with his partner Had sexual intercourse when she did
when he knew she didnt want it but not want to because she was afraid of
believed she should agree because she what partner might do
was his wife/partner
20
Sample Intotal, 10,178 men and 3,106 women aged 1849
were interviewed. Full details of the methods and
In all sites, arepresentative sample of men aged detailed sampling strategy by site are presented
1849 years was obtained from households se- in table A1 in annex I.
lected through amulti-stage cluster sampling
strategy. Aminimum sample size of 1,000 was The samples are representative of the specified sites,
established on the basis of required levels of although in most countries are not nationally repre-
statistical power to meet the primary study objec- sentative. Thestudy sample in no way represents the
tives, but some countries chose to have alarger whole AsiaPacific region.
sample size. Theresearchers relied on census
enumeration areas, with aprobability proportion-
ate to size, and systematically selected households Questionnaires
within those areas. In each household, aman aged
1849 years (where necessary, randomly selected) To ensure data comparability across sites, the
was invited for the interview with atrained male study used astandardized structured question-
interviewer. Men aged 50 and older were excluded naire, which drew from the South African Medi-
to reduce recall bias and avoid the heightened cal Research Councils Study on Mens Health and
sensitivity of discussion of sexual matters. Most Relationships, the WHO Multi-country Study on
interviews were face to face, but answers to the Womens Health and Domestic Violence against
most sensitive questions were self-completed Women and the International Men and Gender
on audio-enhanced personal digital assistants Equality Survey (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005;
(PDAs). In China, ahousehold list of individuals Barker et al. 2011; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell
in each cluster by age and sex was available and and Dunkle, 2011). Thequestionnaires were
was used for sampling within selected clusters, translated into eight languages, validated in each
and the entire questionnaire was self-completed. context through cognitive interviewing and ad-
Where the survey with women was also conduct- ministered in the local language.14 Each country
ed, additional clusters were selected for the inter- subsequently field tested the questionnaires with
views, which were handled by atrained female asample of 100150 men and women (where ap-
interviewer. There was no replacement of absent plicable). Thefinal questionnaires were piloted in
or non-responding households or individuals. each site prior to data collection.
Table 2.3 Items used to measure male rape perpetration against women
and men
Respondent had sex with a woman or Respondent and other men had sex with
girl when she was too drunk or drugged a woman at the same time when she was
to say whether she wanted it or not too drunk or drugged to stop them
Rape of a man or boy Rape of a man or boysingle perpetrator Gang rape of a boy or man
Respondent did something sexual with Respondent and other men had sex with
a boy or man by putting his penis in the a boy or man at the same time when he
others mouth or anus when he didnt didnt consent or they forced him
consent
21
The mens questionnaire included eight sections Conducting the survey
and covered perpetration of violence against
women, socio-demographic characteristics and In each country, acore research team was
employment, childhood experience, gender at- assembled through aselected research institution.
titudes, fatherhood, health and well-being and Male subjects were interviewed by male
sexuality. Thewomens questionnaire contained interviewers and female subjects were interviewed
11 sections, which included questions on socio- by female interviewers. Thestudy used PDAs for
demographic characteristics, childhood experi- data collection in all sites to address ethical issues
ences, gender attitudes, physical, mental and and to maximize disclosure. Thedata sets were
reproductive health, experiences of violence and combined and analysed centrally by P4P using
related consequences and coping strategies. For Stata, version 11.2. For more details on the data
full versions of the questionnaires, see annex II. analysis, see annex I.
The word rape was not used in the questionnaire, The study followed these overall guidelines:
rather it was operationalized by responses to
questions on specific acts. Two questions on non- The safety of respondents and the research team
partner rape asked about having forced a woman is paramount and guides all project decisions.
who was not your wife or girlfriend at the time to
have sex or having had sex with a woman who Ensure that all methods used build upon current
was too drunk or drugged to indicate whether she research experience on how to minimize the
wanted it, and how often. Two more asked about underreporting of violence and abuse.
having done these with other men (gang rape).
Men were asked whether they had raped in the last Establish mechanisms that will ensure the
12 months, how many different women they had confidentiality of mens and womens responses.
ever raped and their age the first time. We did not
collect data on the relationship of non-partner rape Carefully select all research team members and
victims to the male interviewee, but the questions provide specialized training and support. For
precluded them from being former partners. Two more on interviewer training, see the Toolkit for
items asked about male rape perpetration (oral or Replicating the United Nations Multi-country Study
anal penetration that was forced or without con- on Men and Violence, which will be available in
sent) and male gang rape (see table 2.3). October 2013 at www.partners4prevention.org.
22
Minimize any possible distress caused to the sample does not represent the region. Although all
participants by the research. countries met the minimum sample requirements,
the sample sizes varied among the countries, re-
Train the fieldworkers to refer men and women flecting overall population size and the number of
requesting or needing assistance to available sites where the survey was conducted. Such vari-
local services and sources of support. Where ations are unlikely to have influenced the results
few resources exist, the study should create because all methods resulted in arepresentative
short-term support mechanisms. sample with no particular biases related to the
outcomes. There may have been non-response bias,
Arrange for the most sensitive questions on but response rates were high. Violence perpetra-
sexual violence perpetration and other criminal tion, particularly sexual violence, may have been
activities to be self-administered using the underreported because it is perceived as aprivate,
audio-enhanced function of the PDAs, thus anti-social behaviour, although most womens
avoiding any potential ethical dilemmas for the reports appear to validate the findings from men.
interviewers about obligations to report criminal Bangladesh was the first country to undertake the
behaviour to the police. study and, following that experience, the questions
on sexual partner violence were expanded to include
Destroy all documents with identifying details of aquestion on coerced sex. As aresult, there is some
respondents after use. disparity between the sexual violence questions
administered in Bangladesh and the other sites, and
Conduct interviews in aprivate setting. this may impact on reported prevalence there.
Onlychildren younger than 2 years are permitted
to be present. The researchers compared the standard
prevalence rates of all types of violence with
All participants provided informed consent. prevalence weighted for the number of eligible
Participation in the study was voluntary and men in ahousehold in all countries except China
respondents were not paid. (where sampling was of individuals) and found
no significant difference. Thus, the analysis
presented in this report is not weighted (annex I).
Strengths and limitations of the study Thecross-sectional nature of the survey means
that causation of violence perpetration cannot be
The data set reflected in this report represents the determined; however, the analysis of associated
largest and most comprehensive multi-country re- factors still provides astrong evidence base to
search from the general population on mens use of inform prevention interventions.
gender-based violence in the AsiaPacific region.
This study has advanced the body of evidence on
the prevalence, patterns and factors associated with Response rates and demographic characteristics
mens perpetration of violence against women,
which complements the comprehensive body of In almost all the research sites, there was ahigh
existing data from women. Agreat strength of response rate, with more than 70percent of selected
this study was the use of self-completion for data men and women completing the interviews (table
collection on sensitive issues, likely reducing un- 2.4). Theexception was Sri Lanka, which had an
derreporting. individual response rate for men of 59percent. In
Sri Lanka, the response rate was lowest in Colombo
Nonetheless, the study had afew limitations. and was related to men being away at work much
Thesamples in most countries were not nationally of the time and people being hesitant to invite
representative (Cambodia is the exception) and thus unknown interviewers into their homes, given the
the findings only reflect the sampled sites. Not all personal security considerations.
countries in Asia and the Pacific were included in
the study because it was not financially or logisti- At the end of each interview, all respondents
cally feasible; thus the analysis of the combined were asked if they felt the same, better or worse
23
Table 2.4 Response rates for male and female samples, by site
note *Total number of completed interviews as apercentage of the number of households with eli-
giblemen. The sample in China was adirect sample of individuals rather than households.
male female
than before they started the interview. Figure 2.1 the sites there was arelatively even split among the
indicates that, by far, the majority of respondents three age groups, 1824, 2534 and 3549 years.
felt better or the same after completing the Theexceptions were China-urban/rural and
interview, suggesting that when handled in Indonesia-rural, where alarger proportion of men
arigorous and thoughtful manner, research with (58 and 56percent, respectively) were in the 3549
men and women on violence can be carried out year range; this is consistent with the population
without doing harm to those interviewed. There demographics. In most sites, from 70 to 80percent
was no significant variation in feelings after of the male sample had asecondary education or
the interview among men who had perpetrated higher. Theexceptions were Bangladesh-rural,
partner violence and those who had not (data not Papua New Guinea-Bougainville and Cambodia-
shown). national, which is to be expected because those
countries have lower levels of education overall.
Statistical appendix table 1 shows the age and Thecomparisons with population age and
education level of all men in the sample by site and education distributions from available censuses
comparesthedistributionswithexistingpopulation found that in Banglaadesh-rural, the sample was
data. From 60percent (Bangladesh-urban) to alittle older and in Sri Lanka-national it was
97percent (China-urban/rural) of the sample had younger. For other sites, the age structure was very
ever been married or had apartner. Overall, across similar to the sample. In all settings, the sample
24
Figure 2.1 Feelings of respondents after the interview, by site and sex
Bangladesh rural 94 5 1
Bangladesh urban 86 11 3
Cambodia national 57 42 1
China urban/rural 60 37 3
Indonesia rural 43 55 2
Indonesia urban 50 49 1
Indonesia Papua 55 41 5
women
Cambodia national 80 18 2
China urban/rural 62 35 3
was more educated than the overall population, rural, where the younger population represented
as documented by national census reports, except asmaller portion of the sample and the upper-age
in Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, where there group was overrepresented when compared with
was no data. Thelimitations on comparisons are the overall population. This likely relates to the
discussed in statistical appendix tables 1 and 2. demographics of that particular region in China
in which there is much external migration, with
Statistical appendix table 2 shows the age and younger people having left for urban centres
education level of all women in the sample by and thus not around to have been included in
site and compares the distributions with existing the sample. Thewomens sample generally was
population data. As with the mens data, there less educated than the mens sample. Sri Lanka-
was arelatively even split among the age groups national had the most educated female sample,
for women. Theexception was China-urban/ followed by China-urban/rural.
12 Detailed analyses of the qualitative and policy research components are ongoing, and the reports for these components are forthcoming.
13 In countries in which a comparable study with women (WHO MCS) had recently been conductedor was planned to soon be conducted the study did not
sample women to avoid unnecessary replication.
14 Bangla (Bangladesh), Mandarin Chinese (China), Khmer (Cambodia), Indonesian and the local Papuan language (Indonesia), Pijin English (Papua New Guin-
ea) and Singhala and Tamil (Sri Lanka).
25
3
PREVALENCE AND PATTERNS OF
INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
PERPETRATION AND EXPERIENCES
MENS AND WOMENS RESPONSES
26
main Chapter findings
26%
80%
8%
256
27
I
ntimate partner violence is the most common
form of violence against women globally, Sexual violence versus rape
with major health consequences for women
and significant social and economic costs for In this study, all sexual violence questions fo-
families, communities and governments (United cused on forced or coerced sexual intercourse,
Nations General Assembly, 2006; Ellsberg et al., which was defined as rape and which follow
2008). This chapter presents data on mens use international definitions (Krug et al., 2002). This
of different forms of violence against afemale may also occur when the person aggressed is
intimate partner. It also compares mens response unable to give consent, such as while drunk,
on violence perpetration with womens responses drugged, asleep or mentally incapable of under-
on experiencing such violence (see table 2.2 for standing the situation (Krug et al., 2002).
how intimate partner violence was measured and
defined). Thus, as far as possible, the term rape is used
in the report, usually with specific mention to
the type of rape: partner rape, non-partner
Mens perpetration and womens experiences of rape, gang rape or rape of aman. For intimate
physical and/or sexual partner violence partner violence, however, the term physical
and/or sexual violence is used when describ-
Table 3.1 presents the prevalence rates of male ing the overall prevalence rates because it is the
perpetration and female victimization (where standard terminology. Nevertheless, it should
data exists) of physical and/or sexual partner be recognized that in this case, sexual violence
violence, by site.15 Thestudy found that mens refers only to forced or coerced sexnot other
perpetration of physical and/or sexual violence types of sexual violence that may occur within
against an intimate partner was common across an intimate relationship.
the region, although there was wide variation by
site. Theproportion of ever-partnered men who
reported perpetrating physical and/or sexual
partner violence in their lifetime varied from
26percent (Indonesia-rural) to 80percent (Papua
New Guinea-Bougainville), but in most sites it was Lifetime versus current intimate partner violence
3057percent. Lifetime prevalence of physical prevalence
partner violence perpetration ranged from
12percent to 62percent, and physical violence Lifetime prevalence of intimate partner violence
in the 12 months prior to the survey ranged from perpetration is defined as the proportion of
2percent to 19percent. Lifetime prevalence of rape male respondents (who had had at least one
perpetration against female intimate partners intimate partner/relationship) and who reported
ranged from 10percent (Bangladesh-urban) to having perpetrated one or more acts of physical
59percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville), or sexual violence at any point in their lives
with rape perpetration in the 12 months prior to (against acurrent or ex-wife or girlfriend).
the survey ranging from 311percent. Current prevalence is the proportion of ever-
partnered respondents reporting at least one
From 25percent (Cambodia-national) to 68per- act of physical or sexual violence against an
cent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of women intimate partner in the 12 months prior to the
reported experiencing at least one act of physical interview. For female respondents, lifetime
or sexual violence or both by an intimate partner. intimate partner violence prevalence measured
Reports of ever experiencing physical violence the proportion of women (who had had at least
by an intimate partner ranged from 21percent one intimate partner/relationship) and who had
(SriLanka-national) to 52percent (Papua New experienced one or more acts of physical or
Guinea-Bougainville), and partner rape experi- sexual violence at any point in their lives (by
ences ranged from 10percent (Cambodia-national) acurrent or ex-husband or boyfriend).
to 58percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville).
28
Table 3.1 Percentage of ever-partnered men and women who reported
having perpetrated or experienced physical or sexual partner
violence, by site
note *The definition of sexual violence in Bangladesh only included forced sex, whereas other
countries included forced and coerced sex, as outlined in box 2.1. Current refers to the
12-month period prior to the survey;
n.a. = not applicable because the Bangladesh survey did not ask about current partner rape.
Papua new Bougainville Men 741 61.9 19.2 59.1 11.2 80.4
guinea
Sri Lanka national Men 1 176 24.2 4.9 15.5 2.8 32.9
Total for combined sample of Men 8 380 32.9 8.7 24.3 6.0 45.6
men
Total for combined sample of
women Women 2 850 35.2 10.7 26.9 5.2 42.9
29
Figure 3.1 Prevalence of men's lifetime perpetration of physical and/or
sexual partner violence, by site
physical violence only both physical and sexual violence sexual violence only
Bangladesh rural 42 10 5
Bangladesh urban 45 8 3
Cambodia national 12 5 17
China urban/rural 32 13 7
Indonesia rural 7 4 14
Indonesia urban 6 6 18
Indonesia Papua 16 21 22
Figure 3.1 presents the prevalence of physical and/ and in all three sites in Indonesia, sexual violence
or sexual violence perpetration in order from lowest was more common than physical violence.
to highest and shows the overlap of these two types
of violence. In all sites there was overlap between Across all six countries, the vast majority (between
physical violence and rape perpetration; how- 65 and 85percent) of men who reported using
ever, the degree of overlap varied, from 4percent physical or sexual partner violence had commit-
(Indonesia-rural) to 41percent (Papua New Guinea- ted more than one act or such acts multiple times
Bougainville) of ever-partnered men reporting that (statistical appendix figure 1).
they had used both physical and sexual violence.
Where the overall rates of violence perpetration In addition to asking about physical and sexual
were higher (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville and violence, the study collected information on
Indonesia-Papua), the proportion of men who had emotional abuse using questions from the WHO
used both forms of violence was also greater. MCS (see table 2.2). Given the challenges of
measuring emotionally abusive acts across cultural
In some sites, more than half of the men who settings (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005, p. 35), table
reported partner violence perpetration reported 3.2 presents mens and womens reports of various
either physical violence only or physical violence emotionally abusive actsbut it does not assume
accompanied by sexual violence, meaning that the that the findings represent the overall prevalence
sexual partner violence rarely occurred in isolation of emotional abuse. Theexperience of emotional
from physical violence in those sites. Butin other abuse may be considered aparticularly subjective
sites, the opposite was truein Cambodia-national experience on the part of the victim, which makes
30
Table 3.2 Percentage of ever-partnered men and women who reported having
perpetrated or experienced emotionally abusive acts, by site
note Current refers to the 12 months prior to the survey
Total no. At least one act At least Insults Belittlement intimidation Threats of Hurting
of ever- listed (%) 3 differ- (%) /humiliation (%) harm (%) others/
partnered ent acts (%) damaging
men/women (%) things
(%)
Bangladesh rural 830 46.4 19.7 25.7 21.9 16.7 25.9 28.2 8.4
Men
Bangladesh urban 742 51.6 18.0 33.5 30.1 27.4 35.4 32.3 11.5
Men
Cambodia national 1 474 54.3 15.8 31.6 34.9 14.9 30.8 29.1 6.7
Men
Women
China urban/rural 970 43.1 19.0 18.0 22.3 14.2 28.6 9.5 6.0
Men
Women
Indonesia rural 769 46.8 14.1 17.0 32.8 6.9 28.6 4.3 4.6
Men
Indonesia urban 820 55.8 24.4 23.2 43.8 9.4 34.1 5.6 4.7
Men
Indonesia Papua 858 64.5 24.8 37.8 48.5 14.5 44.6 17.5 18.4
Men
Papua new Bougainville 741 83.2 32.1 66.6 70.7 39.1 53.2 68.0 28.7
Men
guinea
Women
Sri Lanka national 1 176 40.7 14.3 21.2 14.8 11.0 30.9 17.8 9.6
Men
Women
Total 8 380 53.2 19.6 29.7 34.2 16.4 34.0 23.1 10.4
Men
Women
31
Table 3.3 Percentage of ever-partnered men and women who reported
having perpetrated or experienced economically abusive acts,
by site
note Current refers to the 12 months prior to the survey
Total no. of ever- Any act listed (%) Prohibited Took Forced Withheld
partnered men or partner partners partner out earnings
women from earnings (%) of the house from
working (%) (%) partner (%)
Bangladesh rural Men 830 17.7 6.0 9.4 2.2 6.6 3.3
Bangladesh urban Men 742 15.6 3.5 10.4 2.8 6.6 4.3
Cambodia national Men 1 474 53.2 25.2 25.6 16.9 7.8 30.6
China urban/rural Men 970 22.7 10.5 10.6 3.8 7.2 7.7
Indonesia rural Men 769 33.3 13.1 17.6 4.5 2.1 14.8
Indonesia urban Men 820 32.6 15.5 19.1 2.9 4.9 13.0
Indonesia Papua Men 858 49.8 26.2 17.2 13.1 13.7 33.2
Papua new guinea Bougainville Men 741 56.9 29.0 18.6 23.9 24.3 42.9
Sri Lanka national Men 1 176 18.0 6.4 9.1 5.9 5.1 8.0
32
the challenge of measuring emotional violence 16percent (Bangladesh-urban) to 57percent
perpetration even greater. (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of men reported
perpetration of economically abusive acts against
A range from 41percent (Sri Lanka-national) an intimate partner in their lifetime. Four sites,
to 83percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) however, ranged from 16percent to 23percent, with
of men reported using at least one emotionally Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, Indonesia-Papua
abusive act against apartner in their lifetime, and and Cambodia-national significantly greater.
1432percent reported doing so in the 12 months Thereported perpetration of current economic
prior to the interview. Emotional abuse was often abuse ranged from 4percent to 29percent of ever-
arepeated pattern of behaviour, with 17percent partnered men across sites. For most sites, the most
(Indonesia-rural) to 67percent (Papua New commonly reported act was aman prohibiting his
Guinea-Bougainville) of men reporting that they partner from working or earning an income or
had perpetrated three or more different acts of withholding earnings from apartner for household
emotional abuse against apartner in their lifetime. expenses.
In terms of specific acts, mens use of insults and
intimidation were relatively common across sites,
while hurting others or damaging things was Differences in mens and womens reporting of
least common across sites. Threats of harm and intimate partner violence
intimidation were most common in Papua New
Guinea-Bougainville, Bangladesh-urban and rural Although the focus of this study was on male
and Cambodia-national but less so in all three perpetration of violence, in all but two countries
Indonesia sites, China-urban/rural and Sri Lanka- (Bangladesh and Indonesia), asmall sample of
national. women were also interviewed about their experi-
ences of violence in order to compare findings.
From 30percent (Sri Lanka-national) to 69percent Theprevalence of physical and/or sexual partner
(Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of women violence disclosed in interviews by women was very
reported experiencing at least one emotionally similar to mens reports in Sri Lanka, Cambodia
abusive act by amale intimate partner in their and both sites in Bangladesh, with the 95percent
lifetime, which was somewhat less than what confidence intervals overlapping (see Figure 3.2).
the men reported. From 10percent to 28percent However, significant differences were seen in Papua
across sites reported experiencing such abuse in New Guinea-Bougainville and China-urban/rural,
the 12 months prior to the interview. As with men, with men reporting ahigher prevalence of intimate
the use of insults and intimidation were the most partner violence. In almost all sites where women
commonly reported acts that women across sites were interviewed (the exception being Cambodia),
had experienced. men reported higher rates of physical partner
violence perpetration than women reported vic-
Economic abuse is increasingly recognized as an timization. Also, comparing with other equivalent
important element of intimate partner violence. studies with women in the same countries, mens
Economic violence includes denying awoman access reports of physical violence in this study were
to and control over basic resources (UnitedNations greater than the corresponding womens reports
General Assembly, 2006). This includes such (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Hayati et al., 2011).
acts as the denial of funds, refusal to contribute In all sites where they were interviewed (except
financially, denial of food and basic needs and Sri Lanka-national), the women also reported
controlling access to health care and employment. lower rates of lifetime sexual violence than the
In this study, men and women were asked about men reported. In Papua New Guinea-Bougainville,
their perpetration or experiences of economically women reported higher rates of sexual violence in
abusive acts, as outlined in table 2.2. Like emotional the 12 months prior to the interview than what the
abuse, the questions asked on economic abuse men reported.
did not constitute acomprehensive list of all
possible abuses, and thus it was not categorized There has been speculation as to whether women
as aprevalence rate. Table 3.3 shows that from tend to exaggerate or overreport violence or
33
Figure 3.2 Prevalence of physical and/or sexual intimate partner
violence by site, comparing mens and womens reports
note *Reports from women in Bangladesh are based on findings from the WHO Multi-country
Study on Womens Health and Domestic Violence against Women, which was conducted
in exactly the same sites as the UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence, although
in 2003. TheWHO definition of sexual violence is also broader than the UN Multi-country
Study which only includes partner rape, thus it would be expected that womens reports
would be slightly higher.
men women
95% ci
0 % of ever-partnered men or women, aged 1849 100 lci uci
56.9
53.5 60.2
Bangladesh rural 61.7
58.6 64.8
54.9
48.9 60.9
Bangladesh urban
53.4
49.3 57.4
32.8
30.2 35.5
Cambodia national
25.3
19.6 31.7
51.5
48.1 54.8
China urban/rural
38.7
34.7 42.9
60.2
Indonesia Papua 53.9 66.3
80.4
75.6 84.4
Papua new guinea Bougainville
67.5
63.7 71.1
32.9
29.9 36.1
Sri Lanka national
27.8
22.9 33.3
34
underreport experiences of violence due to shame,
stigma and perhaps fear of consequences (Garcia- Box 3.1 Case study 1
Moreno et al., 2005). The findings provide evidence
of the external validity of the measures but suggest
that in some settings women may report alower A womans experiences of
prevalence of partner violence. Astudy in eastern intimate partner violence
India that interviewed both men and women also in Buka, Bougainville, Papua
found that men reported higher prevalence of all New Guinea
forms of violence apart from sexual violence (Babu
and Kar, 2010). Some disparity may be due to
minor questionnaire wording differences for men Sarah* experienced multiple forms of violence
and women that were necessary because of the across her life, most notably from her father and
different perspectives investigated. Theuse of self- then her husband. Sarah remembers having adiffi-
completion for the sexual violence questions may cult relationship with her father. He was very strict
have influenced men to report more openly than and didnt whip me properly [for children]. He
women, but the lower reporting of violence from used to really kill [whip] me until blood poured
Chinese women who also self-completed suggests out. Her father was an alcoholic, she says. She
that identified disparities may reflect adifferent would lie awake listening for him to return at night.
interpretation of events by men and women, or If he came in and his voice was good [sober],
adesire by women to protect men. Iwould go to sleep. If he was drunk, she would
run away. These experiences have affected her
The higher rates of reporting by men may indicate current relationship. Even now that I am married,
that in contexts in which partner violence is rela- when my husband fights me, I usually run away.
tively normalized, there is less shame and stigma Ithink there is alink, the same fear. I am awoman
for men to admit perpetrating violence than for who runs away.
women to admit experiencing it. Where impunity is
common, womens fear of further violence is likely Describing her husband, she says, Hes atype
greater than mens fear of legal repercussions, which of colonial ruler, the same as my father. Sarah
may also contribute to womens lower rate of report- says he controls what she wears in public and
ing. It may also reflect normalization or acceptance who she sees. All the time he tells me that I am
of violence among some women, reducing their ugly, so in the mirror I look and just see that I am
likelihood to report it. Thevast majority of partner so ugly. Her relationship with her husband has
violence in this study occurred within marital re- had an impact on her perception of self-worth.
lationships; in most countries investigated, there is He changed me really, this man, my husband,
astrong expectation that awife is obliged to have she adds. Aside from emotional and economic
sex with her husband or does not have the right to abuse, Sarahs husband perpetrates severe physi-
refuse (Hadi, 2000; Idrus and Bennett, 2003; Lewis, cal and sexual violence within the relationship. He
Maruia and Walker, 2008; Kingdom of Cambodia, doesnt have sex properly but rather pushes
2009; Bennett, Andajani-Sutjahjo and Idrus, 2011). objects in (such as achilds toy) and then has
This is particularly true for Bangladesh, where sex with her. Ifshe screams, hell just say stay
marital rape is not acrime (Naved et al., 2011). In quiet, stay quiet. Sarah knows this is marital rape
this context, men (and women) may fail to recog- and that all our children are unplanned because
nize the coercive nature of their (or their partners) he rapes me and has sex with me. But she stays
behaviour when it comes to sex within marriage. in the relationship because of her children. She
feels sorry for them. Broken homes only break
For current and lifetime emotional abuse, men again children, she says. For me, thats why I think I
reported higher rates than women did in all sites ex- stick to my marriage. Because my parents broke
cept Cambodia, and the types of acts reported most up and I suffered.
frequently were consistent. For economic abuse,
overall rates of reported abuse were relatively con- *Pseudonym
sistent among men and women; however, the types
35
of abuse they reported varied. Asmaller proportion however, violence appears to be more sexualized,
of women in Papua New Guinea-Bougainville and with sexual partner violence more common than
Cambodia-national reported that their partner had physical partner violence. This finding is echoed
withheld earnings from them, compared with their in other studies in Thailand and Indonesia (Garcia-
male counterparts responses, perhaps because Moreno et al., 2005; Hayati et al., 2011). In Papua
they were not aware of their partners behaviour in New Guinea-Bougainville and Indonesia-Papua,
this regard. On the other hand, women were more perpetration that includes both physical and sexual
likely to report that their partners had taken their violence was particularly common. This highlights
earnings from them against their will and prohib- the need to understand and respond to the specific
ited them from working, compared with what the patterns of partner violence in unique contexts.
male sample reported, suggesting the interpreta- As noted, the differences in mens and womens
tion of these behaviours may be different. reporting of partner violence suggest that there are
cultural and gendered distinctions in the ways in
The case study in box 3.1 provides an example of which such violence is viewed. This requires further
one womans experiences of partner violence in research and should be taken into account in terms
Papua New Guinea-Bougainville. Thenarrative of interventions with men or women.
highlights the complex relationship between
childhood experiences of violence and later Variations in prevalence and patterns of violence
experiences of violence during adulthood. perpetration across sites may be accounted
for in part by socio-cultural differences as
discussed here and in the following chapters.
Discussion Perpetration rates were lowest in Sri Lanka
and Indonesia-rural and urban and highest in
This study provides country-comparable data on Papua New Guinea-Bougainville. Papua New
male perpetration of intimate partner violence, Guinea-Bougainville and Indonesia-Papua are
including partner rape, from alarge representa- both in the Pacific, and the high rates of violence
tive sample of men in the general population, perpetration found there are supported by other
which complements the global body of research on population-based studies from the Pacific in
womens victimization ( Jewkes, Levin and Penn- which between 40percent (Tonga) and 68percent
Kekana, 2002; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005), and (Kiribati) of ever-partnered women report
mens perpetration (Barker et al., 2011). Thestudy experiencing physical or sexual partner violence
shows that intimate partner violence perpetration or both (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005; SPC, 2010;
is common in Asia and the Pacific but that there SPC, 2009). This indicates that the Pacific may
is wide variation in the prevalence by site, ranging have common social norms, environments and
from 26percent to 80percent. This is supported by practices that normalize or condone mens use of
other studies, such as the WHO MCS, which found violence against women. Other studies suggest
aglobal range of womens experiences of intimate that high rates of violence in this region are
partner violence of 1571percent, with most sites related to awidespread normalization of violence
ranging from 30percent to 60percent. Thefind- against women, tension related to socio-economic
ings are also consistent with, although at slightly transitions across the region, youth culture related
higher rates, other studies on mens perpetration of to urban crime and violence, and histories of
physical partner violence, which range globally from colonization and colonial violence, among other
24percent in Brazil to 42percent in South Africa. potential factors (Eves, 2006; Robert, 2007; Capie,
2011; PIFS, 2011; Jolly, Stewart and Brewer, 2012).
The study also found that not just rates but patterns
of partner violence vary significantly among Variations in the status of women and gender
sites. In Sri Lanka-national and both Bangladesh inequality across sites may also contribute to the
sites, almost all partner violence occurred within diverse prevalence rates, as supported by other
marriage, and physical violence perpetration was studies (Heise, 2012; Fulu, forthcoming). For
more common than sexual violence perpetration. example, countries with higher equality scores
In Cambodia-national and all three Indonesia sites, on the UNDP Gender-related Development Index
36
and Gender Inequality Index (UNDP, 2010) tend
to have lower levels of perpetration of intimate Box 3.2 Case study 2
partner violence against women. Although, this is
not the case for China-urban/rural nor is it true for
other measures, such as the Gender Empowerment Masculinities in militarized
Measure, which does not align with the prevalence Aceh, Indonesia
rates of intimate partner violence in this study.
This suggests that gender inequality issues alone
are not sufficient to explain mens violence against Teguh* lived in Aceh during the armed conflict
women, and other factors may have arole in period when the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, or
different settings. Thecultural acceptability of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), amilitarized
the use of violence in interpersonal relationships separatist group fought for independence from
is also an important factor (Jewkes, 2002), as are Indonesia. He recalls that it was cruel in the
other influences, as discussed in Chapters 6 and 7. conflict zone. Thelaw was not imposed. Before
his exposure to the conflict in 2000, he remembers
Armed conflict has been afeature of many thinking that he would like to see the war and
countries in Asia and the Pacific over the past three experience the gun fights. But when the houses
to four decades. In this study, two sites, Papua burned and I saw people beaten and then when I
New Guinea-Bougainville and Indonesia-Papua, heard the gun fights, I was afraid. He remembers
were selected specifically because they had been seeing incidents of shooting, ambushes, torture
through recent or had ongoing conflict. Therates and killings. and describes this as hard. Teguhs
of violence, particularly rape (discussed in the grandmother was shot and killed in front of him,
next chapter) tended to be higher in these conflict- and many of his childhood friends joined the
affected sites. Although it is impossible to know GAM and were killed in clashes with the military
to what extent this common feature is aproduct forces. Sometimes our friends [were tortured] but
of their being in asimilar geographic area and we could not help them. We did not have power
possibly having cultural commonalities, especially or influence, so we just witnessed [the torture].
because very high levels of violence against women
were also reported in the mainland of Papua New Teguhs ideas of what it means to be aman very
Guinea (NSRRT and Jenkins, 1994), which has not much reference this period in his life. Men, he
experienced any conflict. Several of the countries says should be strong mentally. They should be
and sites had fairly recently ended conflict (notably responsible to themselves, their family and their
Sri Lanka) and yet were among the lowest prevalence relatives. Men also need to be brave in the face
countries for intimate partner violence. This of conflict. Teguh remembers his experiences
suggests that the relationship between the impact during the conflict when we often worried about
of armed conflict and the perpetration of violence gun clashes, but when one erupted, brave men
against women is far from asimple one. Thehigh would run, possibly through aclash, to get to
rates of violence within conflict settings support safety.
other literature on the impact of militarization on
masculinities and the larger gender order within *Pseudonym
conflict (Enloe, 2007; Goldstein, 2001). Thecase
study in box 3.2 from Indonesia-Aceh (one of the
post-conflict sites where the qualitative life history
research was conducted) indicates how militarized
environments and witnessing violence during
conflict affect how men understand norms around
what it means to be aman.
15 See statistical appendix tables 3 and 4 for mens reports of specific acts of
physical and sexual violence perpetration against an intimate partner.
37
4
NON-PARTNER AND PARTNER RAPE
PERPETRATION:
PREVALENCE, MOTIVATIONS
AND CONSEQUENCES
38
main Chapter findings
10-62 4-41
A range of 10percent to
62percent of the men
interviewed across the Non-partner rape
sites reported that they perpetration prevalence
had perpetrated rape ranged from 4percent
Mens perpetration of
against awoman or girl to 41percent across the
rape against women
in their lifetime. nine sites surveyed.
and girls was relatively
common across the
region; however,
prevalence rates varied 14
significantly across sites.
A range of 2percent to
8percent of the men
interviewed reported
that they had raped an-
other man or boy in their
lifetime. Theoverlap of
The most commonly rape of aman and the
reported motivation for rape of awoman is very
perpetrating rape across The majority of men who pronounced. Most men
sites was related to perpetrated rape did not who had raped aman
mens sense of sexual experience any legal had also raped afemale
entitlement. consequences. non-partner.
39
R
ape is aglobal problem, violating the human of another boy or man, defined as forced or coerced
rights of victims and causing enduring health sex acting alone or with multiple perpetrators
and socio-psychological consequences (Jewkes, (penetration of apenis into amouth or anus). Men
Sen and Garcia-Moreno, 2002). This chapter who had raped were asked whether they had done
presents the findings on mens perpetration of rape so in the 12 months prior to the survey, how many
against non-partner women and girls, including women or men they had raped and their age at the
gang rape as well as data on male rape of other first rape. In the questionnaires, the word rape
men across the nine research sites. Prevalence data was not used in the questions, although reference
on the rape of an intimate partner was presented in was made to the specific acts.
the previous chapter, although it is discussed again
in this chapter to compare with non-partner rape
and to look at motivations and consequences. For Prevalence and patterns of non-partner rape and
definitions and measurements of rape used in this gang rape perpetration
study, see table 2.3. They include forced or coerced
sex, including having sex with awoman or girl As discussed in the previous chapter, from
when she was too drunk or drugged to consent. 10percent (Bangladesh-urban) to 59percent
Gang rape is defined as forced or coerced sex (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of ever-
perpetrated by more than one person at the same partnered men reported that they had perpetrated
time. Men were also asked about rape perpetration rape against afemale intimate partner in their
Partner No. of ever- Non-partner Gang rape Any rape of apartner or No. of men
rape (%) partnered men rape (%) (%) non-partner (%) surveyed
Papua new guinea Bougainville 59.1 741 40.7 14.0 62.4 25.2 864
Sri Lanka national 15.5 1 176 6.2 1.6 14.5 4.9 1 533
Total for combined 24.3 8 380 10.9 3.9 24.1 9.2 10 178
male sample
40
Figure 4.1 Percentage of different types of rape perpetration against
awoman or girl, among ever-partnered men who had
perpetrated rape, by site*
note *To directly compare the proportions of different types of rape, the data in this graph is
among ever-partnered men only. Thepercentage of never-partnered men who had perpe-
trated rape was so small that it did not affect the overall proportions significantly. Where
there is overlap between partner rape and non-partner rape, it is reported in the non-
partner category. Where there is overlap with gang rape and the other types of rape, it is
reported in the gang rape category.
71 16 13
Bangladesh rural
Bangladesh urban 69 19 11
Cambodia national 64 13 23
China urban/rural 65 26 9
Indonesia rural 71 22 7
Indonesia urban 68 25 7
Indonesia Papua 53 33 14
lifetime. Table 4.1 shows that there is also wide all men reported perpetrating some form of rape
variation in mens perpetration of rape against against awoman or girl in their lifetime. From
afemale non-partner, ranging from 4percent 1percent to 25percent of men across sites reported
(Bangladesh-urban and rural) to 41percent (Papua doing so in the 12 months prior to the interview.
New Guinea-Bougainville). In most sites, the Partner rape was measured among ever-partnered
prevalence of gang rape ranged from 1percent to men whereas non-partner rape, gang rape and
2percent; however Cambodia-national (5percent) any rape were measured among all men. Given
and Indonesia-Papua (7percent) were considerably the different denominators, it is possible for the
higher, and the highest of all was Papua New reported rate of any rape to be lower than that of
Guinea-Bougainville (14percent). partner rape.
Combining all forms of rape, the study found Figure 4.1 presents the percentage of ever-partnered
that arange of 10percent (Bangladesh-urban) to men (among those who had ever raped) who
62percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of perpetrated different types of rape. Thedata reveal
41
Figure 4.2 Overlap of partner and non-partner rape perpetration among
men who reported ever having raped awoman or girl, by site
Intimate partner rape Both Intimate & Non-partner rape Non-Partner rape only
Bangladesh rural 71 17 12
Bangladesh urban 69 18 13
Cambodia national 64 22 14
China urban/rural 65 18 17
Indonesia rural 71 15 14
Indonesia urban 68 19 13
Indonesia Papua 53 35 12
that, in most sites, men were more likely to rape the same woman anumber of times (table 4.2).
an intimate partner than anon-partner. In Papua Overall, half (49percent) of the men who had raped
New Guinea-Bougainville, however, non-partner did so for the first time when they were teenagers,
rape was more common than partner rape. Gang varying from 25percent (China-urban/rural) to
rape was the least common form of rape except in 64percent (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville).
Cambodia, where it was more common than non- Among all men who had raped, 123percent of
partner rape by aperpetrator acting alone. them across sites were younger than 15 the first
time they did so (table 4.2).
A significant proportion of men who had raped
anon-partner had also raped apartner, as shown
in figure 4.2. Yet, intimate partner rape was more Rape motivations and consequences among men who
likely to occur on its own. Among the men who perpetrated any rape
had perpetrated rape (partner or non-partner),
2148percent of them reported having raped more All men who had raped were asked about their
than one woman or girl. Alarger proportion of motivations for the last rape they perpetrated.
men (4169percent) said they had perpetrated Given that in some sites non-partner rape
rape more than once, suggesting that they raped perpetration was relatively rare, the motivations
42
Table 4.2 Frequency of rape perpetration and age of first rape
perpetration among men who reported ever perpetrating rape
against awoman or girl (partner or non-partner), bysite
Papua new guinea Bougainville 69.3 36.6 15.5 63.6 23.1 530
and consequences among men who perpetrated her) and drinking (I had been drinking). They
any type of rape against afemale partner could answer with more than one motivation for
or non-partner are presented together here. perpetrating rape.
Thedifferences, if any, between partner and non-
partner rape are presented in statistical appendix Figure 4.3 shows that across all sites, the
tables 5 and 6. most commonly reported motivation for rape
perpetration was related to feeling entitled
Men who had raped were presented with aseries to have sex, regardless of consent (sexual
of statements and asked if they strongly agreed, entitlement). Inmost countries, this was reported
agreed, disagreed or strongly disagreed with by 7080percent of men who had ever raped
the statements about why they did what they awoman or girl. For Cambodia, the proportion
did. Thestatements were grouped as expressing was 45percent of men who had raped, although
sexual entitlement (I wanted her, I wanted it was still the most common motivation given
to have sex or I wanted to show I could do it), by Cambodian men. Thesecond most frequently
seeking entertainment (I wanted to have fun, reported motivation in most countries was related
Iwas bored), arising from anger or punishment to entertainment seeking. Theexception was
(I wanted to punish her, I was angry with Cambodia, where anger and punishment was
43
Figure 4.3 Motivations for rape, by men who reported ever raping any
woman or girl, including partners and non-partners, by site
Sexual entitlement Fun/bored Anger/punishment Drinking
0 % of men reporting 90
82
Bangladesh rural
66
N 161 36
9
79
Bangladesh urban
58
N 119 30
9
45
cambodia national
27
N 369 42
14
86
china urban/rural
57
N 222 43
23
58
indonesia rural
29
N 156 23
9
75
indonesia urban
23
N 224 36
10
75
indonesia papua
43
N 428 24
23
71
papua new guinea bougainville
63
N 530 50
23
66
sri lanka national
20
N 209 13
10
71
total
44
N 2 418 35
17
44
Table 4.3 Percentage of male perpetrators of any rape against awoman
or girl who reported experiencing the following consequences,
among men who had perpetrated rape, by site*
*Respondents were asked to select all responses that applied.
notes
**Includes men who reported punishment from family or friends, threats from someone
supporting the victim or violence from someone seeking revenge.
***Totalpercentage of men who reported perpetrating rape but reported that they had not
been arrested or jailed as aconsequence.
Worried or Punishment, Arrested (%) Jailed (%) No legal conse- No. of men who
felt guilty threats or quences*** (%) had raped
Site (%) violence** (%)
46
Table 4.4 Mens rape perpetration of other men, by site
male sample
Bangladesh
urban/rural
Bougainville
Indonesia
Indonesia
Indonesia
Sri Lanka
Cambodia
national
national
China
urban
Papua
rural
rural
Number of men 1 130 1 244 1 774 969 800 855 880 850 1 432 9 934
Male rape of men 3.7 1.8 3.3 1.7 1.8 1.5 1.5 7.6 2.7 2.8
(perpetration%)
Most men who had raped another man or men had also raped awoman.
Figure 4.4 Overlap between reports of raping aman and raping any
woman, partner or non-partner, combined data set
71%
22%
of all respondents who had never raped aman, of all respondents who had raped aman,
22%had raped awoman in his lifetime 71%had also raped awoman in his lifetime
47
Figure 4.5 Overlap between rape of aman and rape of anon-partner
woman, combined data set
never raped anon-partner woman single perpetrator rape of awoman
gang rape of a woman
raped aman 43 15 42
sites, however, the proportion of men who had may have alarger role. In Papua New Guinea, many
perpetrated non-partner rape was nearly one in forms of violence are highly prevalent, including
ten, and in the Pacific sites, more than one in four non-partner rape in non-conflict-affected parts,
men reported raping anon-partner. Theglobal general interpersonal violence and sorcery-related
evidence base on rape perpetration is very limited; violence (NSRRT, 1994; Bradley, 2001; Braithwaite,
where population-based research does exist, Charlesworth, Reddy and Dunn, 2010). Research
itreveals aprevalence of rape perpetration against with women in other Pacific island countries also
awoman that ranges from 9percent in Chile to found non-partner sexual violence (including
37percent in South Africa (Senn, Desmarais, but not exclusively rape) prevalence since age 15
Verberg and Wood, 2000; Abbey et al., 2006; ranging from 11percent in Samoa to 18percent in
Barker et al., 2011; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and the Solomon Islands (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005;
Dunkle, 2011; Tsai et al., 2011). Fulu, Sauni, Titchener and Rore, 2009).
48
(NSRRT and Jenkins, 1994). Indeed reports of in the following chapter, which suggest that female
multiple perpetrator rape as a(sub-)cultural victims are often blamed for the rape.
practice has also been reported in Cambodia (bauk)
and South Africa (streamlining) and it seems The acknowledged motivations for rape further
more likely that high rape prevalence is rooted in highlight its foundations in gender inequality:
aspects of culture related to sexual entitlement and men reported that they raped because they wanted
gender relations (Wilkinson, Bearup and Soprach, to and felt entitled to, felt it was entertaining or saw
2005; Wood, 2005). Recent research from both it as deserved punishment for women. Thesurvey
Cambodia and Papua New Guinea also highlight questions certainly did not capture all of the
the issue of gang rape and illustrated links with reasons why men raped; and in some countries
male delinquency and young mens attempts to there may have been other reasons that were
define their masculine identity (Bearup, 2003; common motivators. Nonetheless, the findings
Dinnen and Thompson, 2004; Wilkinson, Bearup provide insight into the mindset of men who rape,
and Soprach, 2005; Zorn, 2012). and the findings are comparable to those from
the South African study in which these questions
also were asked (Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and
Dunkle, 2011). Theyoung age of first perpetration
highlights that working with young boys in rape
Rape of apartner was prevention is imperative.
more common than rape of The pronounced overlap between mens rape of
anonpartner in almost other men and their rape of non-partner women
is an important finding and suggests that these
allsites. types of violence cannot be dealt with in isolation.
Thestrength of the association between the gang
rape of women and male rape of men suggests
acommon social context for these two acts,
likely the shared anti-social peer group context.
The majority of men in this study who perpetrated Although further analysis of the data is needed,
rape did not experience any legal consequences, the initial analysis finds that gay or effeminate
reconfirming that impunity is still amajor issue men were more likely than other men to be victims
in the region. This is particularly true for marital of rape; however, perpetrators predominantly
rape, which is the most common form of rape but identified as being attracted only to women (data
has yet to be criminalized in many countries. not shown). This suggests that, in some cases, male
Theabsence of legal sanction is important because rape of men may express heterosexual dominance
it reinforces the socialization that awomans body rather than homosexuality, which is supported by
belongs to her husband upon marriage, and is how the similar study in South Africa (Dunkle et al.,
mens entitlement is encoded in legal provision. forthcoming).
In Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, well more
than half of all men who had perpetrated rape
reported experiencing legal consequences (likely
through the use of informal justice mechanisms);
however, given the high prevalence of rape
perpetration, such mechanisms do not appear
to be acting as adeterrent. Thefact that in many
sites only asmall proportion of men reported
feeling guilty for perpetrating rape, especially
men who perpetrated partner rape, suggests that
such violence remains normalized. This is further
reflected in the strength of sexual entitlement as
amotivation for rape and the attitudes discussed
49
5
MENS GENDER NORMS, ATTITUDES,
HOUSEHOLD PRACTICES AND
EXPERIENCES WITH VIOLENCE
ANDADVERSITY
50
main chapter findings
Gender inequalities in
Women were more domestic duties were
likely, than the male obvious in most sites,
Men and women believed sample, to prescribe to although household
in gender equality in the dominant social norms decision-making was
abstract sense but less so that legitimize gender generally more equally
when it came to specific inequality and the use of shared between male and
practices. violence against women. female partners.
51
A
lthough the purpose of this report is to bet- disagree or strongly disagree with the statements.
ter understand male perpetration of violence Tertiles were created to separate respondents who
against women in order to better prevent it, had low, medium and high levels of gender equita-
these practices exist within abroader gender con- ble attitudes and beliefs. Theinternal consistency
text and need to be understood within the larger of the scale was tested and found to be strong, with
situation of mens lives. In addition to questions aCronbachs alpha of 0.72.
about violence perpetration, the study question-
naire covered many topics related to attitudes
about gender norms, household and parenting
practices, health and mens own experiences of
violence. This chapter presents some of the broader
findings related to gender norms and patterns to
help understand mens lives. Specifically present-
women often held more conservative
ed are data on mens and womens gender-based or gender-inequitable views than
attitudes, mens involvement in household work,
childcare and decision-making, sexual practices, their male counterparts. gender
mens health and vulnerabilities and experiences norms, including those that
of violence as children. Theassociation between
such practices and violence perpetration are ex- contribute to inequality and mens
plored in Chapters 6 and 7; thus this chapter helps
provide abasis for that discussion.
use of violence, can be reinforced by
women as well as men.
Mens gender norms, attitudes and household
practices
Gender attitudes and norms Table 5.1 presents the proportions of men and
women who agreed or strongly agreed with
It is well established that violence against women the gender statements. Thelarge majority of
is fundamentally related to gender inequality and respondents (8198percent across sites), both
rigid and inequitable gender norms (UN Economic men and women, believed in the abstract idea of
and Social Council, 2013). It is widely believed that equalitysupporting the statement that people
mens attitudes and beliefs related to womens should be treated the same whether they are male
rights and gender equality reflect broader struc- or female. Yet, when asked about specific norms
tural inequalities and are thus directly related to related to family and household practices and
mens use of violence. Measuring attitudes about womens position, their views were considerably
gender norms, which are not always consistent or more inequitable; for example, in all sites except
static, can be difficult in aquantitative household China-urban/rural, more than 72percent of both
survey. It is questionable whether such attitudes men and women believed that a woman should
actually represent broader social norms or the obey her husband.
gender order. Nevertheless, this study adapted two
well-known scales to measure attitudes about gen- Acceptability of violence against women varied
der norms: the Gender-Equitable Men (GEM) Scale widely across the sites. For example, only 5percent
and questions on mens attitudes towards power of men in Indonesia-urban believed that there
and gender from the Medical Research Councils are times when awoman deserves to be beaten,
Study on Mens Health and Relationships (Puler- compared with 62percent of men in Bangladesh-
witz and Barker, 2008; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell rural. Across all sites, however, there was general
and Dunkle, 2011). Aseries of gender-related state- acceptance of the rape myth: If awoman doesnt
ments were read out to the study participants, and physically fight back, its not rape. This supports
they were asked whether they strongly agree, agree, the findings related to male sexual entitlement
52
Table 5.1 Percentage of men and women who agreed or strongly agreed
with the gender statements, by site
note The study was not conducted with women in all sites, and thus female data is only
presented forsites where it was available.
n.a. = not applicable; the questions were not asked in Sri Lanka.
Bangladesh Cambodia (%) China (%) Indonesia (%) Papua new Sri Lanka (%)
(%) guinea (%)
rural urban national urban/rural rural urban papua bougainville national
Men Men Men Women Men Women Men Men Men Men Women Men Women
It is awomans responsibility
to avoid getting pregnant 59.1 36.9 65.7 67.4 21.8 29.2 35.5 40.6 44.7 39.5 42.2 31.8 54.3
53
Figure 5.1 Mens gender-equitable attitude tertiles, by site
(highly, moderately or least equitable)
low middle high
Bangladesh rural 25 75 1
Bangladesh urban 14 83 4
Cambodia national 21 75 4
China urban/rural 2 65 33
Indonesia rural 4 94 2
Indonesia urban 5 95 0
Indonesia Papua 19 80 1
and rape highlighted in the previous chapter. in all sites in both Bangladesh and Indonesia, very
In sites where they were also interviewed, few men had highly equitable attitudes.
women often held more conservative or gender-
inequitable views than the male sample. This was Further analysis of the attitudes regarding gender
particularly evident in Sri Lanka-national and norms by age reveals that more older men had
Cambodia-national, clearly demonstrating how more gender-inequitable attitudes, except in
gender norms, including those that contribute Papua New Guinea-Bougainville and Indonesia-
to inequality and mens use of violence, can be urban and rural. Gender-based attitudes by
reinforced by women as well as men. education level show that generally the higher the
level of education, the higher the level of gender-
Figure 5.1 reflects how the men scored in terms equitable attitudesthis was true for all sites,
of gender-equitable attitudes. Across most sites, except Indonesia-urban and rural. Gender-based
the majority of men fell into the middle group- attitudes were also more equitable among men
ing. However there were large differences by site who were married or cohabitating, even after
in terms of the proportions of men in the highly adjusting for age (data not shown).
and least equitable groupings. For example, in
China-urban/rural, very few men scored low in The relationship between mens gender-based
the gender-equitable category, with many more attitudes and their use of violence is discussed in
in the highly equitable group. On the other hand, detail in Chapter 6.
54
Table 5.2 Mens knowledge of violence against women laws
note n.a. = not applicable; this question was not asked in Cambodia and Papua New Guinea.
Knew about existence of Total number Believes that the law Total number
alaw on violence against of men makes it too easy for of men who
women (%) women to bring charges knew about the
against aman (%) existence of a
Site law
Knowledge and support for laws on violence expected to be the breadwinners and women and
againstwomen girls expected to be responsible for reproductive
aspects of family life. Yet, the study also shows
In all countries men were asked if they knew that there is variance across the region in how the
about the existence of any laws on violence against gendered division of labour manifests in household
women in their country and how they felt about decision-making, household tasks and child care.
such laws. In all the countries presented in table
5.2 adomestic violence law does exist. Thetable Regarding their current or most recent relationship,
shows that, across sites, the majority of men (59 men were asked four questions about who in their
94percent) knew about the existence of the law. household usually had the final say (himself,
However, in all sites except China-urban/rural, his female partner or both equally) in terms of:
the majority of men believed that the law or laws i)the health of women in the family, ii) decisions
make it too easy for awoman to bring aviolence involving their children, iii) how the family
charge against aman. spends money on food and clothing and iv) how
the family spends money on large investments.
Household decision-making and domestic duties Theresponses to these questions were grouped
together into tertiles, reflecting the proportion of
The study findings illustrate how agendered men who reported that they dominated decision-
division of labour endures in many places in making, their wife did or they were equal (figure
the AsiaPacific region, with men generally 5.2). Themajority of men, across all sites, reported
55
Figure 5.2 Mens responses on equality in domestic decision-making
between partners, by site
man dominates decision-making equal Woman dominates decision-making
Bangladesh rural
Bangladesh urban
Cambodia national
China urban/rural
Indonesia rural
Indonesia urban
Indonesia Papua
Bangladesh rural
Bangladesh urban
Cambodia national
China urban/rural
Indonesia rural
Indonesia urban
Indonesia Papua
56
Figure 5.4 Percentage of men reporting alow, medium or high level of
engagement with their children, by site
low medium high
Bangladesh rural
Bangladesh urban
Cambodia national
China urban/rural
Indonesia rural
Indonesia urban
Indonesia Papua
equal decision-making in the household, although Men who had children younger than 18 years
there was variation by site among those who living with them were asked three questions
reported that the man dominated or the woman about how much time (never, sometimes, often
dominated. In both sites in Bangladesh, men were and very often) they spend doing the following
more likely to report that they had the final say in things with their children: i) playing or doing
such decisions, whereas in Cambodia-national, activities ii) talking about personal matters, such
Indonesia-Papua and Sri Lanka-national, men as their relationships, worries or feelings and iii)
were more likely to report that their partner helping them with their homework. Based on the
dominated such decisions. mens responses, figure 5.4 shows the proportions
of men who had alow, medium or high level of
Men were also asked how they and their partner engagement with their children, by site. From
divided household tasks, such as preparing food, 40percent to 68percent of men reported alow
cleaning, washing clothes and taking care of the level of engagement with their children, and across
children. Combining the responses to the four all sites except Papua New Guinea-Bougainville,
questions, figure 5.3 presents the proportion of less than 10percent of men reported ahigh level
men who reported that their partner does most of engagement. Engagement with children was
of the housework, they share it equally or he highest in Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, but
does most, by site. There was great diversity in still, only 14percent of the men there reported
gender practices in this sphere across sites, with ahigh level of engagement.
more than 90percent of men in Papua New
Guinea-Bougainville reporting that they had an The case study in box 5.1 (from Aceh, Indonesia
equal or greater role in domestic duties than their and Bangladesh) illustrates the range of mens
female partner, compared with less than 5percent engagement with household responsibilities and
of men in Bangladesh-rural. their attitudes towards the gendered division of
labour within the family. Thelife history narratives
57
Box 5.1 Case study 3
This case study looks at the lives of two menfrom Aceh, Indonesia and Bangladesh. Their stories illustrate
the different ways in which masculinities are performed and the tension between mens beliefs and their
practices.
Syatir* works for a womens empowerment NGO and credits his exposure to messages around equality and
non-violence with many of his more equitable beliefs around womens role in society. Syatirs wife works and
he encouraged her career development, noting that household management (traditionally the womans role
in Aceh) should be jointly shared and flexible. However, although Syatir is adamant about his wifes abilities
to make decisions, as the male head of the household, he has the ability to push certain agendas within his
family, such as decisions around their childrens education. He does not see this as unusual, demonstrating
the extent to which norms of masculine entitlement subconsciously influence his expectations around
power in the home. In contrast, Syatir speaks differently about his job at a womens empowerment NGO.
Syatirs supervisor at work is a woman, and he speaks condescendingly of womens abilities in positions of
power. Syatir feels less at ease within his work environment, possibly because gender hierarchies have been
dismantled or even reversed.
On the other hand, Hasan* holds openly rigid beliefs of what it means to be a man or a woman. He thinks
women shall do their job and men shall do theirs women cannot do the jobs that men do. He associates
mens work with the financial responsibilities for the wife and children. I am her husband. I shall earn to
feed them. We shall live properly. We shall live a good life. He identifies womens work as household
management and care taking. After a long day of work, men return to the home. Thewife should cook for
her husband, should prepare water for the shower, then take meals and sleep together, show some affection.
I always want this. Yet, these beliefs around the ideal scenario do not seem to be practised in Hasans
relationship. Early in his marriage, Hasan travelled to the Middle East as a migrant worker to earn money for
his family. After a long series of bad work experiences, he came home to Bangladesh, having lost money.
Since his return, he complains, his wife has not followed his orders. I have taught her how to behave [but]
she is not able to understand things, he says, although he concedes that she does the cooking and [child
care] is a lot of work. He believes that his in-laws dislike him because I cannot provide my wife clothes,
food and maintenance. His wife frequently takes the children and leaves to stay with her family.
This case study does not intend to compare men in Aceh versus men in Bangladesh. Rather, it illustrates how
individual men hold contradictory and complex notions of what it means to be a man and that these beliefs
can be at odds with how men practice masculinity in their daily life and within their relationships.
*Pseudonym
58
Table 5.3 Mens reporting on the number of sexual partners and use of
sex workers or transactional sex, by site
men with 4 or more lifetime men who ever had men who ever had men who had
sexual partners (%) sex with asex transactional sex (%) had sex with
worker (%) asex worker or
transactional
Site sex (%)
of Syatir and Hasan demonstrate the diverse ways transportation; somewhere to stay; something for
to do masculinity or be aman within the home her children or family; or money to pay her bills
space and the complex and contradictory nature of or school fees. It is important to point out that
gender-based attitudes and beliefs versus practices while the intention of the question on the num-
in mens lives. ber of sexual partners was to determine the total
number of people that each man had ever had sex
Sexual practices with, most men appeared to interpret this question
as the number of intimate relationships they had
Most men in the study sample were married or had, particularly marriage partners. For example,
partnered, as discussed in Chapter 2. Table 5.2 pre- many men reported that they only had one sexual
sents the data on how men reported on the number partner in their lifetime, even though they were
of sexual partners they had had in their lifetime married and also reported visiting asex worker.
and their use of sex workers and transactional It seems that many men did not necessarily count
sex. Men were asked if they had ever had sex with sex with sex workers or transactional sex in their
asex worker. Transactional sex was defined as ever number of sexual partners. Thus, the overall
having had sex with awoman or girl in exchange number of sexual partners appears relatively low;
for drugs, food, cosmetics, clothes, acell phone, but this may also reflect the reality in the region
59
in which sex outside of marriage is socially unac-
ceptable in many countries. Box 5.2 Operational
definitions of
In many of the sites, men did not report having many childabuse
lifetime sexual partners. In fact, in all sites, at least
70percent of the men reported that they had had
fewer than four sexual partners in their lifetime. Using amodified version of the Childhood
Yet, the proportions of men who reported that they Trauma Events Scale (Bernstein et al., 1994,
had ever had sex with asex worker or ever engaged Jewkes et al., 2012), the researchers asked men
in transactional sex was relatively high in many about their experiences of trauma in childhood.
sites, with approximately half of all men reporting For each type of abuse, respondents are
this in Cambodia-national, China-urban/rural and considered to have experienced these types of
in all three Indonesian sites. Having sex with asex abuse if they reported at least one of the listed
worker or transactional sex was much less common experiences sometimes, often or very often:
in both Bangladesh sites and in Sri Lanka-national.
There is no data on the frequency with which men Childhood emotional abuse or neglect: lived in different
engaged in sex with asex worker or transactional households at different times; was told he was
sex. Regardless of frequency, however, having had lazy or stupid or weak by someone in his family;
sex with asex worker or transactional sex was was insulted or humiliated by someone in his
generally found to be associated with depression, family in front of other people; both of his
alcohol and drug abuse, gang involvement, gender- parents were too drunk or drugged to take care
inequitable attitudes and having experienced of him; spent time outside the home and none
homophobic or sexual violence (data not shown). of the adults at home knew where he was.
Those relationships with violence perpetration are
discussed in Chapters 6 and 7. Physical abuse: beaten at home with abelt, stick,
whip or something else that was hard; beaten so
hard at home that it left amark or bruise.
Mens experiences of violence and adversity
Sexual abuse: someone touched his buttocks or
Mens own experiences of abuse or neglect aschildren genitals or made him touch them when he did
not want to; had sex with someone because he
Although the focus of this report is primarily on was threatened or frightened or forced.
mens perpetration of violence against women,
men also experience violence in various forms and, Witnessed abuse: saw or heard mother being beaten
as pointed out in Chapters 6 and 7, there are strong by her husband or boyfriend.
associations between mens own experiences of
violence and their use of violence. One of the most
common forms of violence and abuse that men en-
dure is in their homes and at school when they are
children. Figure 5.5 presents thepercentages of men
who reported experiencing abuse as children, by
type and by site. Thestudy found that child abuse
was acommon phenomenon across the region,
with 50percent (Sri Lanka-national) to 86percent
(Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of men reporting
experiences of emotional abuse or neglect. From
13percent (Bangladesh-rural) to 67percent (Papua
New Guinea-Bougainville) reported experiencing
physical abuse, and 6percent (Indonesia-rural) to
37percent (Bangladesh-urban and rural) reported
experiencing sexual abuse before the age of 18.
60
Figure 5.5 Percentage of men reporting that they experienced some form
of abuse when they were younger than 18, by site
emotional abuse physical abuse sexual abuse witnessed abuse of mother
78
13
Bangladesh rural
22
23
80
19
Bangladesh urban
37
32
76
45
Cambodia national
15
24
68
26
China urban/rural
12
21
51
18
Indonesia rural
6
8
64
33
Indonesia urban
7
9
74
50
Indonesia Papua
12
25
86
67
papua new guinea Bougainville
32
56
50
38
Sri Lanka national
14
31
70
34
total
18
26
61
Thestudy did not collect data on the perpetrators
Table 5.4 Percentage of male of such child abuse.
respondents reporting
experiences ofsexual Many other studies have highlighted the extremely
victimization by another serious health and psychosocial consequences
man, by site of child abuse (Schoedl et al., 2010; Fry, McCoy
and Swales, 2012; Cashmore and Shackel, 2013;).
This study confirms such findings. Across the
whole data set, mens experiences of child abuse
(physical, sexual and emotional) were strongly as-
Site Number of Was raped sociated with depression, low life satisfaction, poor
men by aman health, gang membership, involvement in fights
(victimization
%) with weapons, alcohol and drug abuse and/or use
of transactional sex (statistical appendix table 8).
Bangladesh rural 1 130 4.4 Theensuing two Chapters explore the associations
between the experiences of child abuse and the
perpetration of violence against women.
Bangladesh urban 1 246 5.0
Mens experiences of sexual violence
Cambodia national 1 769 3.7
The male respondents were also asked about
China urban/rural 966 2.8
their experiences of sexual violence, including
rape, by other men as adults. Specifically, they
Indonesia rural 798 2.9 were asked if aman had ever persuaded or
forced them to have sex or do something sexual
Indonesia urban 846 6.4 when they did not want to and how often this
had happened (once, two to three times, or more
Indonesia Papua 879 4.6 than three times). Table 5.4 shows that from
3percent to 7percent of men reported that they
Papua new Bougainville 850 6.6 had experienced sexual victimization (including
guinea rape) by another man. Generally, the reported
Sri Lanka national 1 427 3.5 rates of sexual victimization (including rape) were
slightly higher than the reported rates of male
total 9 911 4.3 rape of men (discussed in Chapter 4), particularly
in all sites in Bangladesh and Indonesia-urban
and Indonesia-Papua. This may be related to the
broader definition of sexual violence victimization
rather than male rape perpetration of other men.
Theassociation with sexual violence victimization
There are extremely high and violence perpetration is discussed in Chapters
rates of violence against male 6 and 7.
62
Figure 5.6 Percentage of male respondents reporting alcohol abuse
currently and past year drug-use, by site
Sri Lanka
indonesia national
8.8%
papua
25.9%
china
urban/rural
5.5%
indonesia
Papua new guinea
urban bougainville
bangladesh
urban
cambodia
national
8.8%
35.4%
1.1%
15.1% indonesia
bangladesh rural
rural 2.8%
0.0%
63
Figure 5.7 Mens self-reporting of high and very high levels of depressive
symptoms in the four weeks prior to the survey, by site
men who report high depression men who report very high depression
0 % of men reporting 50
Bangladesh rural 17 23
Bangladesh urban 17 22
Cambodia national 18 25
China urban/rural 15 12
Indonesia rural 10 6
Indonesia urban 12 8
Indonesia Papua 13 11
search consistently affirms that practices related and feelings of guilt or remorse after drinking
to health and well-being, living conditions and and failure to do what was normally expected
access to health services are closely linked to soci- (of you) because of drinking. Rates of alcohol use
etal constructs of masculinity and femininity and varied significantly across sites; and in some
the power and resource inequalities between men Muslim majority societies, such as Bangladesh
and women and within specific groups of men and and Indonesia (urban and rural sites), its use
women (Barker et al., 2011, p. 35). Across the world, was reported to be minimal. In Indonesia-Papua
men have lower life expectancies than women, and Papua New Guinea-Bougainville, however,
which are in part related to their higher rates of thepercentage of men who had alcohol abuse
death by violence, industrial accidents, poor eating problems was much larger, at 25percent and
habits and higher levels of alcohol and drug abuse 36percent, respectively. Therates of drug use
(Pyne, Claeson and Correia, 2002; WHO, 2004). in the past year were highest in Papua New
Guinea-Bougainville and Sri Lanka-national
This study examined anumber of mens health (figure 5.6).
practices and experiences of adversity. Current
alcohol abuse was measured using the AUDIT Men were asked aseries of questions to assess
scale, which combines questions of frequency of their current depressive symptoms, using the
drinking, number of drinks usually consumed, full Centre for Epidemiologic Studies (CES)
frequency of binge drinking (six or more drinks) Depression Scale in all sites (cut off point: >15),
64
Table 5.5 Percentage of male respondents reporting alow, medium
orhigh level of work-related stress, by site
men who report being High stress (%) Mild stress (%) Low stress (%)
Site unemployed (%)
except Sri Lanka-national and Papua New and among men who had sex with men (data
Guinea-Bougainville, where an abbreviated scale not shown). From 2percent (Indonesia-rural)
was used (cut off point: >7). See table 2 of annex I to 18percent (China-urban/rural) of the men
for details of the measure. Figure 5.7 presents the reported that they had thought about suicide in
proportions of men who reported high and very their lifetime (see statistical appendix table 9).
high levels of depressive symptoms, indicating the
existence of clinical depression, by site. Men were Men were asked about their unemployment
also asked about suicidal thoughts and attempts status and work-related stress; specifically, they
(see statistical appendix table 9 for the responses). were asked whether they had ever experienced
Overall, asubstantial proportion of men in all stress or depression because of not having enough
countries reported high or very high depressive income or enough work. Table 5.5 shows arange
symptoms, with 14percent (Sri Lanka-national) of 3percent (Bangladesh-urban) to 31percent
to 43percent (Cambodia-national and Papua New (Papua New Guinea-Bougainville) of the men as
Guinea-Bougainville) of men reporting this (figure unemployed. Regardless of their unemployment
5.7). Thehigh rates of depression in some sites status, 1253 per cent of the men across the survey
may be related to traumatic historical experiences sites reported ahigh level of work-related stress.
during armed conflict. Depression was strongly Work-related stress tended to be higher in the low-
associated with current food insecurity, lower income sites of Cambodia-national, Papua New
levels of education, work stress, unemployment Guinea-Bougainville and Bangladesh-rural.
65
The case study from China in box 5.3 provides is supported by findings from the IMAGES study
alife history narrative on how mens work-related in which the researchers suggested that men
stress and perceived disempowerment within who are married may learn to soften or modify
their career trajectory can manifest in mens their attitudes as they acquire experience in
display of power in other spaces in their lives. cohabitating relationships with women (Barker
Li Mas narrative reveals the complex interplay et al., 2011, p. 21). Interestingly, in sites in which
between feelings of inadequacy and powerlessness women were interviewed, their attitudes were
alongside his gendered attitude of womens and often more conservative and gender inequitable
mens roles in society. than the male sample, suggesting that they appear
to be more accepting of the subordinated status
of women in the public and private spheres. This
Discussion highlights the importance of working with women
and girls alongside men and boys to promote
Overall, it is clear that mens lives and gender gender equality.
patterns are diverse. Not all men, even within
the same sites, had the same beliefs or acted in Mens gender practices in their personal lives, in
the same ways. Although there were multiple terms of their sharing of household work, child
manifestations of manhood evident in the data, care and decision-making, varied across sites.
some important patterns emerged. Inequalities in domestic duties were obvious in
all sites except Papua New Guinea-Bougainville,
with the vast majority of men reporting that their
female partners did more than they did when
it comes to household work and care-giving.
men suffer from high rates of Consistently, mens involvement in their childrens
lives was reported as minimal. Nevertheless, none
work-related stress, depression of these variables were found to be predictive of
andsuicidal tendencies as well mens use of violence against women in any site
(see the next chapter). In fact, the site in which
as experiencing high rates of men reported the most equitable household
violence aschildren. practices is Papua New Guinea-Bougainville,16
where violence against women is most common.
Themeaning of equal household practices seems
to be culturally specific, constantly changing and
While men and women tended to support the not always gendered in the way assumed, with
abstract idea of gender equality, their more men as breadwinners and women as carers. Thus,
nuanced beliefs and practices told adifferent story. the assumption that profound transformations in
In many sites, this story appeared to be one of male the gender order and decreased rates of violence
dominance over women, especially in the family against women will result from men becoming
sphere, and normalization of violence as aform of more involved in caregiving and household work
disciplining women and children. Still, there was may be too simplistic and may ignore the realities
wide variation by site in gender attitudes, which of mens experiences. Engaging men in caregiving
appears to reflect genuine differences in how is thus not asimple violence prevention tool but
violence against women is viewed across diverse rather part of the broader gender changes that
socio-cultural contexts. This may be related to should be pursued.
differing social norms, different levels of male
domination, gender inequality and patriarchy Although the majority of men in the study reported
across these diverse settings. Generally, younger arelatively few number of lifetime sexual partners,
men, men with ahigher level of education and mens use of sex workers and transactional sex
married men had more equitable gender attitudes, was common in all sites except Sri Lanka-national
which highlights the fact that gender attitudes and Bangladesh-rural and urban. More research is
can and do change for the better over time. This needed to understand mens use of transactional
66
sex and how it relates to gender inequality and use
of violence (discussed more in Chapters 6 and 7). Box 5.3 Case study 4
There are extremely high rates of violence against
male children in the region, indicating that there Masculinities
are fundamental rights and child development and alternative
issues at play. Theconsequences of mens professions inChina
experiences of violence as children are severe,
and thus the protecting of childrens rights and
the raising of children in non-violent (including Li Ma* is amale nurse working in Beijing. Li
emotionally abusive settings) must be prioritized. Ma was amediocre student during his early
This study also found that men suffer from education. Although he wanted to be class
high rates of work-related stress, depression and monitor, his low grades prevented him from being
suicidal tendencies as well as experiencing high elected, despite his efforts to improve his work.
rates of violence as children. Such findings are When he failed to test into high school, his older
supported by other studies (WHO, 2004; Barker sister (a nurse also) urged him to study psychiatric
et al., 2011). Alcohol or drug abuse appears to nursing at medical school instead. During those
be relatively common in some sites, such as studies, he envisioned his future career as easy,
Papua New Guinea-Bougainville and Sri Lanka- with relatively good pay. He began working as
national, but much less so in both the rural and apsychiatric nurse in 2010, and he finds now
urban sites of Bangladesh and Indonesia, which that he is overworked, stressed and underpaid.
is understandable, given the Muslim-majority He speaks at length about his unhappiness with
populations. his current job, but he does not want to change
jobs because he does not imagine he is suitable
The findings on work-related stress suggests for another profession. He believes he would not
that given the prevailing socially expected role be good at other types of work because he was
of men as providers, work stress reveals more specifically trained as anurse.
about mens life experiences than simply asking
about income or employment status (Barker et al., Li Ma seems to have an inferiority complex about
2011). Thefact that men who have current food his profession. He believes that because there are
insecurity, low levels of education, high levels of few male nurses, society looks down on people
work stress, are unemployed or have sex with men like him. This contributes to his job dissatisfaction.
are more likely to suffer from depression indicates Li Ma also seems to make up for his perceived
that specific groups of men, particularly those disempowerment as amale nurse by emphasizing
who are economically and socially marginalized, his superiority over women. Although he says
face specific gendered health risks (WHO, 2007). that he supports gender equality and that women
Other studies suggest that stoic and rigid notions are equally capable as men, he believes that men
of masculinitythat aman should not show should be the main breadwinners and handle
vulnerabilities or seek helpcontribute to suicidal external matters while women should be in charge
behaviour and depression (Moller-Leimkuhler, of the household. He believes that real men
2003; Emslie, Ridge, Ziebland and Hunt, 2006). should be mature, calm, not afraid and should
Theharmful effects of hegemonic masculinity are be able to make their loved ones feel safe, which
obviously detrimental to men but also to women, suggests that he finds affirmation of his masculinity
as discussed in the next chapter, which examines within the relationship space.
the relationship between these gender patterns
and mens perpetration of different types of *Pseudonym
violence against women.
67
6
FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH MENS
PERPETRATION OF PHYSICAL AND/OR
SEXUAL INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE
68
main Chapter findings
69
T
his chapter presents the findings on the fac-
tors associated with lifetime physical and/or Box 6.1 What is multivariate
sexual intimate partner violence perpetration, logistic regression and
obtained using multivariate logistic regression why is it used?
modelling and adjusting for age, partnership status,
site and all other significant variables in the model.17
For details of the data analysis techniques, see annex Multivariate logistic regression is astatistical
I. Thefactors presented in the chapter and the follow- technique used for this analysis to determine
ing chapter are primarily at the individual and fam- which factors (characteristics or experiences
ily levels of the socio-ecological model. These factors of men interviewed) are associated with mens
are informed by and reflect broader social contexts perpetration of intimate partner violence and non-
and environments, including gender equality and partner rape. Astatistically significant association
patriarchy, as discussed in Chapter 8. Further, these (when the p-value is less than 0.05) emerges when
factors do not operate in isolation from one another the proportion of people who perpetrate violence
and are interconnected. is significantly greater for those with the factor
being considered, compared with people without
This chapter first presents the analysis for the it. For example, the proportion of men who use
combined data set to show the broader trends across violence is larger among those who have expe-
the sites in the region, adjusting for age and site. rienced emotional abuse as achild, compared
Then the data is presented by country for alook at the with those who have not. In the tables and figures
unique patterns in each cultural context, adjusting presented in this chapter, there is reference to
by age, partnership status and site. Themodelling odds ratios, which can be directly interpreted as
was done by country because the prevention strategy how many times, on average, someone is more
decisions will be made at acountry level; differences likely to perpetrate violence if they have this fac-
by site within the country are accounted for in the tor, compared with someone without this factor.
regression model. All factors presented are statistically For example, for childhood emotional abuse, the
significant (p<0.05). Many of the practices that relate adjusted odds ratios (AOR) = 1.53, meaning that
to mens lives that were discussed in the previous men who have experienced such abuse are one
chapter informed this chapters analysis. and half times more likely to perpetrate intimate
partner violence than men who have not experi-
The explanatory factors that were explored in the enced childhood emotional abuse. Amultivariate
analysis were selected on the basis of analysis in the model takes into account all the factors at the
available literature (Martin et al., 1999; Jewkes, 2002; same time and accounts for correlations between
Jewkes, Levin and Penn-Kekana, 2002; Abrahams, the different factors, thus it gives abetter picture
Jewkes, Hoffman and Laubsher, 2004; Silverman et of the complex nature of violence against women
al., 2007; Abramsky et al., 2011; Barker et al., 2011; than individual factors considered separately.
Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and Dunkle, 2011), and the
definition of each is described in table 2A of annex I. This kind of data analysis gives asnapshot of
Research suggests that the key factors associated with asituation at agiven time and does not provide
the perpetration of intimate partner violence include information on the temporal nature of these
poverty, alow level of education, witnessing abuse at factors or what happens when. This means it is
home, exposure to childhood trauma, alcohol abuse, not possible to say that afactor causes violence
anti-social personality disorder, attitudes that are because, technically, that is not known if that
accepting of violence, relationship discord and having characteristic or experience occurred before
multiple partners (Martin et al., 1999; Jewkes, 2002; or after aviolent event. Thefindings suggest,
Abrahams, Jewkes, Hoffman and Laubsher, 2004; however, that if the multiple associated factors
Silverman et al., 2007). Factors related to gendered are addressed, it is likely that adecrease in the
practices in the home, such as equitable decision- rates of violence perpetration may result. Thus,
making and household work, and factors related to this model is extremely useful to inform violence
income and employment status, including mens prevention interventions.
work stress and unemployment, were also explored
70
Box 6.2 How and why factors associated with violence perpetration are clustered
Individual factors explored in this analysis do not necessarily cause violence and do not operate in isolation. In
fact, anumber of individual factors together reflect abroader underlying concept, and thus it is more meaningful
to understand the drivers of violence as clusters of factors that are interconnected. Theanalysis explored
the data in anumber of ways to determine how best to cluster the various factors associated with violence
perpetration. First analysed was how the factors logically fit together and what the literature suggests in terms
of the bigger patterns these factors are understood to represent. Then the analysis looked at possible violence
prevention interventions, grouping factors that would suggest asimilar response. Finally, factor analysis was
applied to check the groupings and whether they could be considered to be representing asingle concept.
Based on this exercise, the following five clusters of factors are used in the remaining chapters of the report:
Social characteristics: no high school education; sometimes or often people at home go without food because
of lack of money (current food insecurity).
Victimization history: childhood physical abuse; childhood sexual abuse; childhood emotional abuse; witnessed
mother being beaten by father or stepfather (all measured using the Childhood Trauma Events Scale); sexual
victimization (including rape) by another man or experiences of homophobic abuse.
Gender norms and sexual practices: medium to highly controlling behaviour over female partner; frequent
quarrelling with partner; attitudes that reflect gender inequality; number of lifetime sexual partners; having
ever had sex with asex worker or transactional sex (transactional sex); ever perpetrated physical violence
against apartner (as afactor for non-partner rape perpetration only).
Psychological factors and substance abuse: high level of depressive symptoms, measured using the Center for
Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale; life satisfaction based on measure of satisfaction with current life
circumstances; alcohol abuse measured using amodification of the AUDIT scale; low levels of empathy;
used drugs in the 12 months prior to the survey.
Involvement in violence outside the home: has ever participated in agang; has ever been involved in afight with
aknife, gun or other weapon.
but not found to be associated with partner violence than those who had a high school education or more.
perpetration in any sites and thus not included in the Thepercentage of men, for the combined sample,
final models. with each characteristic (such as no high school
education), comparing the group who had used
physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence
Factors associated with partner violence perpetration with those who had not, is presented in statistical
for the combined sample appendix table 10.
The full multivariate model is presented in table 6.1, Male perpetration of intimate partner violence was
which reflects all the factors that are significantly strongly associated with all forms of childhood
associated with lifetime intimate partner violence abuse; the strongest association was with experiences
perpetration, adjusted for all the other variables of childhood emotional abuse or neglect. It was also
in the model and for age, partnership status and associated with lower levels of education and current
site. Theadjusted odds ratios indicate how greatly food insecurity.
the odds of violence perpetration are increased
among men who have that characteristic compared Men who reported using intimate partner violence
with men who do not have that characteristic. For also reported more gender-inequitable attitudes,
example, men who had no high school education the use of more highly controlling behaviour and
were 1.3 times more likely to use partner violence frequently quarrelling with their partner. Approxi-
71
mately 50percent of men who used violence also significantly associated with violence perpetration
reported that they frequently quarrelled with their in three countries (Bangladesh, Cambodia and Sri
partner, compared with 32percent of men who had Lanka), and frequent quarrelling in four countries
not used partner violence, which reflects one aspect (Bangladesh, Cambodia, China and SriLanka). Men
of marital discord (statistical appendix table 10). having more sexual partners was found to be associ-
Men who used violence also had agreater number ated with partner violence perpetration in all coun-
of lifetime sexual partners and were more likely to tries except Sri Lanka, and having transactional
have had sex with asex worker or transactional sex. sex was associated in four countries (Bangladesh,
Cambodia, Indonesia and Sri Lanka). Men whose
Rates of depression were significantly higher among marriage involved a dowry payment were more
men who used violence. They were also more likely likely to use partner violence in Bangladesh, espe-
to have alow life satisfaction score and have alcohol cially if the dowry was not paid in full.
problems. Men who used physical and/or sexual
violence against apartner were 1.4 times more likely Depression19 was found to be a significant factor
to have been involved in agang and 1.4 times more associated with partner violence perpetration in
likely to have been in fights with weapons (table 6.1). four countries (Bangladesh, Cambodia, China
and Indonesia), and low life satisfaction in three
countries (Bangladesh, Indonesia and Sri Lanka).
Factors associated with intimate partner violence Men who had current alcohol abuse problems were
perpetration by country more likely to have perpetrated partner violence in
Cambodia and China. For more detailed national
Factors associated with lifetime physical and/or analysis, see the national reports (Naved et al., 2011;
sexual partner violence perpetration are presented de Mel, Peiris and Gomez, 2013).
by country and adjusted by age, partnership status
and site, in figure 6.1.18 Thefigures show the factors The case study in box 6.3 provides alife history
found to be significant in each country, and the narrative of aBangladeshi mans trajectory into
length of the bar illustrates the odds ratiothat is, adowry-paid, arranged marriage and his reflections
the strength of the association. For more detailed on the consequences for the relationship, including
national analysis, see the national reports. his perpetration of partner violence against his wife.
72
Table 6.1 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated
with lifetime physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence
perpetration, in the combined data set, adjusted by age,
partnership status and site
notes AOR=adjusted odds ratio
Victimization history Childhood emotional abuse or neglect 1.53 1.34 1.74 <0.0001
Gender norms and sexual Inequitable gender attitudes 1.42 1.20 1.68 <0.0001
practices
73
Figure 6.1 Multivariate logistic regression model for lifetime physical
and/or sexual partner violence perpetration, by country and
adjusted by age, partnership status and site
note AOR=adjusted odds ratio
social characteristics
No high school education
Victimization history
Childhood emotional abuse or neglect
Controlling behaviour
Transactional sex
Dowryall paid
Alcohol abuse
74
indonesia papua new guinea sri lanka
Risk factors 0 AOR 10 0 AOR 10 0 AOR 10
social characteristics
No high school education
Victimization history
Childhood emotional abuse or neglect
Controlling behaviour
Transactional sex
Dowryall paid
Alcohol abuse
75
no clear association with violence perpetration. This
Box 6.3 case study 5 is particularly evident in China-urban/rural, where
only ninepercent of men agreed with the statement
There are times when awoman deserves to be beaten
Marital violence in even though 52percent reported that they had used
Bangladesh physical or sexual violence against afemale intimate
partner in their lifetime. Further, as mentioned in the
previous chapter, mens gender-based practices in
Noor* is a25-year-old man living in Dhaka. As the home, for example sharing household work and
ateenager, he was in love with agirl in his commu- child-caring responsibilities, were not associated with
nity; yet, his family never accepted the relationship. violence perpetration in any site.
She was my love. But, there were barriers from all
sides. Noors family arranged his marriage to agirl These findings are supported by other studies that
of their choice, against his wishes. Noors family also found gender-based attitudes to be associated
took adowry from the brides family. I consented with violence in some countries but not all. For
to marry her because my parents convinced me example, analysis of womens reporting of current
that I would get quite agood amount of cash as intimate partner violence in the WHO MCS found
dowry. His new brides family paid 30,000 taka asignificant association between womens attitudes
(approximately $400). Although now, after being that were supportive of ahusband beating his wife
married to his wife, he says, I believe I deserved and experiences of intimate partner violence in
even more dowry. When speaking of the dowry 8 of 15 sites; in 7 sites, there was no significant
tradition, Noor de-emphasizes the role of force or association. Other studies have found that men are
coercion in the practice, noting that most dowry more likely to use violence if they have hostile and
exchanges take place congeniallywith one or two negative attitudes towards women and identify with
exceptional cases of force. traditional images of masculinity and male privilege
(Alder, 1992; ONeil and Harway, 1997; Heise, 1998;
Nevertheless, Noor blames the trajectory into this Anderson, Simpson-Taylor and Hermann, 2004).
relationship as responsible for his unsatisfactory
marriage. He believes that a good marriage means It may be the case that this studys scale did
aloving, caring, devoted and dedicated wife who not measure gender-based attitudes well or
can always put the husbands family interest on top that individual attitudes alone, as measured in
of anything else. As for the relationship between quantitative surveys, may not fully capture the
he and his wife, Noor says, Our husbandwife complex and dynamic nature of social norms
relationship never worked. I am married but not and dominant ideals of masculinity that promote
happy at all. He thinks that this is something that violence against women.
is regular to millions of married men.
Although changing individual attitudes should be
This lack of happiness and mutual respect may one target of prevention interventions, on its own it
contribute to Noors perpetration of violence is unlikely to have asignificant impact on the rates
within the relationship. Noor notes that if I am of violence; there is aneed to simultaneously address
angry, I prefer to teach her an instant lesson. broader social norms and structural inequalities.
Although I sometimes feel bad about my conduct, Further work is also needed to find better ways to
its not abig deal. If she disobeys, she must be measure attitudes and social norms and indicators
punished. That is not wrong at all. He thinks of gender inequality and discrimination that drive
domestic violence is normal and natural within the violence against women.
relationships, but at the same time, he says,
I know I and others do bad things domestic
violence is the most common form of violence. Discussion
We are not angels, just ordinary human beings.
*Pseudonym The factors that were found to be most consistently
associated with intimate partner violence
76
perpetration across multiple countries include: substantially across countries. This emphasizes the
frequent quarrelling, having had alarge number importance of country-specific data to inform inter-
of sexual partners, having had transactional sex or ventions. For example, gender-inequitable attitudes
depression (all significant in four of the six countries). are associated with partner violence perpetration
There is some debate as to whether quarrelling and for the combined data set but not consistently across
controlling behaviour should be considered apart countries. Current food insecurity (a measure of
of violence, but other major studies have considered low socio-economic status) and alow level of edu-
them as potential factors associated with violence cation were associated with violence perpetration,
(Abramsky et al., 2011; Jewkes, 2002; Heise, 2012). but only in the least developed country settings
Quarrelling is not itself inherently pathological in Bangladesh, Cambodia and Papua New Guinea. In
arelationship and can be considered an indicator more developed sites, such as China and Indonesia,
of marital discord. Controlling behaviour is very they were not relevant. Theassociations with com-
closely related conceptually to emotional abuse munity violence (involvement in agang and fights
but does not always occur with physical or sexual with weapons) were also site-specific, reflecting the
violence. Further, it is possible to reduce these socio-cultural environments in which these prac-
behaviours by teaching relationship skills and tices are more common, such as Cambodia, Papua
promoting respect and greater equity, and thus New Guinea and Sri Lanka, but not in Bangladesh
they have important programming implications and China where gang culture is rare. High levels
(Jewkes, Nduna and Levin, 2008). More analysis of depressive symptoms, while strongly associated
of relationship disharmony and quarrelling as it with partner violence, were predominantly relevant
relates to intimate partner violence is needed to see in Bangladesh and Cambodia, and therefore also
if this is merely part of the outcome or if it apotential needs to be understood in context. Themeasure of
pathway to such violence. Other literature suggests depression was current depression, and thus it is not
that having more sexual partners and sex with sex clear whether it occurred before or after violence
workers reflects acombination of apreoccupation perpetration, although other literature suggests it is
with demonstrating (hetero)sexual performance bidirectional (Nduna et al., 2010). This is an impor-
or sexual dominance over women, with adesire for tant new finding not examined in other literature
emotionally detached sex (Malamuth, 2003). These and points to the need to improve mental health
patterns are also connected to masculinities that services for men as part of violence prevention
stress strength, toughness and dominance over other (Knerr, Gardner and Cluver, 2013).
men, reflected in engagement with agang, fighting
with weapons and associated drug use (Knight and Alcohol abuse was also found to be asite-specific
Sims-Knight, 2003). factor and, understandably, not of significance in
the Muslim-majority societies of Bangladesh and
At least one form of childhood abuse was associ- Indonesia. This is consistent with the literature on
ated with intimate partner violence perpetration womens experience of partner violence (Abramsky
in all countries, with emotional abuse or neglect, et al., 2011; Botts, Guedes, Goodwin and Mendoza,
sexual abuse and witnessing the abuse of ones 2012), which indicates that the role of alcohol is
mother the most common. This highlights the context specific, and its emphasis in violence
need to prevent all forms of abuse, including emo- prevention should vary among settings. Many of
tional abuse of boys in childhood and in early ado- the associated factors are not necessarily directly
lescence, and to promote positive and non-violent causal. That is, violence is not caused by alcohol or
family and school environments. poverty, but these can be considered catalytic in the
context of womens subordination, or reflective of
An important finding of this study is that the factors broader environmental contexts that contribute to
associated with partner violence perpetration vary violence perpetration, as discussed in Chapter 8.
17 This chapter does not include analysis of the data on womens experiences of violence because they were limited to a select number of sites.
18 The prevalence of factors associated with perpetration of partner violence is presented for each country in statistical appendix table 11. Thefull multivariate
models by country are presented in statistical appendix table 12.
19 The measure of depression is current depression and thus the direction of the association is not clear, although other literature suggests it occurs both before
and after violence perpetration (Nduna et al., 2010).
77
7
FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH
MALE PERPETRATION
OF NON-PARTNER RAPE
78
main Chapter findings
79
T
his chapter presents the findings on factors perpetrated rape were more likely to have experi-
associated with non-partner rape perpetration, enced abuse as achild. For example, 33percent of
based on the multivariate logistic regression men who had ever perpetrated non-partner rape
modelling and adjusting for age, education and had experienced childhood sexual abuse, com-
site.20 For details of data analysis techniques, see pared with 16percent of men who had never raped
annex I. This chapter first presents the analysis anon-partner. Men who had raped anon-partner
for the combined data set to introduce the broader woman were more likely to have alcohol abuse
trends across the sites in the region, adjusting for problems and to have lower empathy levels. They
age and site. Then the data is presented by country were more likely to have been physically violent
to understand the unique patterns in each cultural towards an intimate partner. Men who had ever
context, adjusting by age and site. Themodelling had sex with asex worker or transactional sex were
was done by country because prevention strategy three times more likely to have perpetrated non-
decisions will be made at acountry level, and partner rape. Men who had raped had more lifetime
differences by site within the country are sexual partners, with that association strengthen-
accounted for in the regression model. ing with increasing numbers of partners. Men who
had engaged in other forms of violence and illegal
The explanatory factors that were explored in practices outside the home, including having been
the analysis were selected in response to issues involved in fights with weapons, participating in
highlighted in the available literature, and the agang and recent drug use, were more likely to
definition of each is described in table 2A of annex perpetrate non-partner rape.
I. Even though there is limited global research
on mens perpetration of non-partner rape,
research from North American and South Africa Factors associated with the perpetration of
suggests that childhood trauma exposure, having nonpartner rape by country
delinquent peers and ideals of masculinity that
emphasize heterosexual performance and control Factors associated with non-partner rape perpe-
of women are key factors for rape perpetration tration by country are presented in figure 7.1.21 Cur-
(Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss and Tanaka, 1991; rent food insecurity was found to be significantly
Knight and Sims-Knight, 2003; Abbey et al., 2006; associated with non-partner rape perpetration in
Jewkes et al., 2006; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and two countries (Indonesia and Papua New Guinea).
Dunkle, 2011) as well as other factors, including Men who had ever married or lived with a woman
lack of empathy (Abbey et al., 2006). in China-urban/rural were less likely to perpetrate
non-partner rape, however this was not the case
in other settings. Mens experience of emotional
Factors associated with non-partner rape abuse and neglect as children was associated with
perpetration among the combined sample non-partner rape perpetration in two countries
(China and Sri Lanka), childhood physical abuse
The full multivariate model is presented in table 7.1, was associated in one country (Papua New Guinea)
which shows all the factors that are significantly and childhood sexual abuse in two countries
associated with lifetime perpetration of non-part- (China and Indonesia). Men who had experienced
ner rape, adjusted for all the other variables in the homophobic abuse22 were more likely to perpetrate
model and for age and site. Thepercentages of men non-partner rape in two countries (Bangladesh and
in the combined sample for each characteristic, Cambodia), and experiencing sexual victimization
comparing the group that had perpetrated non- (including rape) as an adult was associated with
partner rape with those who had not are presented non-partner rape perpetration in three countries
in statistical appendix table 13. (China, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea).
For the combined data set, non-partner rape perpe- Men who used physical violence against a female
tration was associated with current food insecu- partner were more likely to perpetrate rape against
rity, reflecting low socio-economic status and ever a non-partner in three countries (Bangladesh,
being married or living with apartner. Men who Indonesia and Sri Lanka). Having more sexual
80
Table 7.1 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated
with lifetime perpetration of non-partner rape, for the
combined data set and adjusted for age and site
note AOR=adjusted odds ratio; CI-confidence interval
Victimization history Childhood emotional abuse or neglect 1.40 1.11 1.76 0.005
Childhood sexual abuse 1.62 1.32 1.98 0.000
Experienced homophobic abuse 1.72 1.20 2.46 0.003
Sexual victimization (including rape) 1.95 1.45 2.64 <0.0001
Gender-based attitudes and Any physical intimate partner violence 1.76 1.46 2.13 <0.0001
relationship practices
23 lifetime sexual partners 3.27 2.65 4.04 <0.0001
4+ lifetime sexual partners 5.16 4.11 6.49 <0.0001
Transactional sex 3.02 2.49 3.67 <0.0001
partners was associated with non-partner rape in to be a protective factor in two countries (Papua
all countries and having transactional sex was also New Guinea and Bangladesh), that is, men who had
associated in all countries except China. higher levels of empathy were less likely to perpe-
trate non-partner rape.
Men who had high depressive symptoms were more
likely to perpetrate non-partner rape in Cambodia. Men who had participated in a gang were more like-
Having alcohol abuse problems was significantly ly to perpetrate non-partner rape in three countries
associated with rape of a non-partner in four (Cambodia, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea), and
countries (Cambodia, China, Indonesia and Papua those who had participated in fights with weapons
New Guinea) and current drug use was associated were more likely to perpetrate non-partner rape in
in one country (Cambodia). Empathy was found two countries (Indonesia and Papua New Guinea).
81
Figure 7.1 Factors associated with non-partner rape perpetration,
bycountry, adjusted for age and site
note Empathy is a continuous variable but presented as low empathy here for ease of reference
Social characteristics
Current food insecurity
victimization history
Childhood emotional abuse or neglect
Transactional sex
Depression
Alcohol abuse
82
indonesia papua new guinea sri lanka
0 AOR 10 0 AOR 10 0 AOR 10
Risk factors
Social characteristics
Current food insecurity
victimization history
Childhood emotional abuse or neglect
Transactional sex
Depression
Alcohol abuse
83
Table 7.2 Multivariate logistic regression model of factors associated
with lifetime perpetration of rape against aman among the
combined data set and adjusted for age and site and all other
factors in the model
Victimization history Sexual victimization (including rape) 3.50 2.43 5.04 <0.0001
84
and fighting with weapons, and related to gang boys from abuse is critical for the long-term
rape in particular (Connell, 1987; Morrell, 2001). prevention of violence against women and girls.
Although income and unemployment were not The factors associated with the rape of aman are
found to be associated with non-partner rape per- very similar to those of the rape of anon-partner
petration, current food insecurity (a proxy measure womansexual practices, victimization history
of low socio-economic status) was found to increase and experiences of violence outside the home.
the likelihood of non-partner rape perpetration. This is not surprising, given the considerable
This has been previously asserted but not consist- overlap shown between the perpetrations of
ently found in generally low-resource settings the two types of rape, as discussed in Chapter 4.
(Bourgois, 1996; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell and Some notable differences are that rape of anon-
Dunkle, 2006; Jewkes et al., 2011; Jewkes et al., partner woman was associated with childhood
2012). In the context of poverty, subcultures may experiences of violence, depression and alcohol
develop with gang membership and drug use, and abuse, which were not associated with the rape of
this provides acontext in which dominance over aman. It is not clear whether the larger number
women and other men may be emphasized to com- of partners reported and acts of transactional sex
pensate for otherwise perceived disempowerment were with male or female partners, but 58percent
(Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss and Tanaka, 1991; of men who had raped aman had had consensual
Bourgois, 1996; Borowsky, Hogan and Ireland, 1997; sex with aman and 88percent had had sex with
Calhoun, Bernat, Clum and Frame, 1997; Knight and awoman (63percent were currently married).23
Sims-Knight, 2003; Jewkes et al., 2012). This suggests that men who rape men commonly
have had male and female sexual partners. It is
Rape perpetration was associated with mens own possible that some of the male rape perpetration
victimization, particularly abuse in childhood. was perpetrated against amale sexual intimate
Sexual abuse in childhood has been previously partner. This finding was also seen in arecent
linked to increased likelihood of mens adult South Africa study (Dunkle et al., forthcoming).
perpetration of sexual violence (Knight and Sims-
Knight, 2003; Whitaker et al., 2008; Seto and This study highlights the importance of prevent-
Lalumiere, 2010). Emotional abuse and neglect in ing rape perpetration, particularly though inter-
childhood has not been shown in the literature ventions targeted during childhood and the teen-
to be associated with rape perpetration (Casey, age years. Complex interventions are required,
Beadnell and Lindhorst, 2009), but it was afactor including structural interventions to support
for non-partner rape perpetration in two countries better parenting, reduce child abuse exposure
and for intimate partner violence in four countries and build more gender-equitable masculinities
(as discussed in the previous chapter). Literature as well as interventions to strengthen laws and
from the field of developmental psychology has criminal justice responses to rape. Effective rape
clearly established that childhood abuse exposure prevention clearly requires long-term strategies,
has along-term impact on brain development and including challenging the practices that are
results in lower levels of self-esteem and empathy deeply rooted in cultural ideals of masculinity
and more insecurity and anger, which increase and agender hierarchy. Research into effective
the likelihood of boys associating with anti-social interventions and how to develop national preven-
peers, especially as they reach the teenage years. tion programmes is urgently needed.
This studys findings underscore that protecting
20 This chapter does not include analysis of the data on womens experiences of violence because they were limited to a select number of sites.
21 See statistical appendix table 14 for the prevalence of factors associated with non-partner rape, presentedfor each country. See statistical appendix table 15 for
the multivariate logistic regression models of factors associated with non-partner rape perpetration, presented for each country.
22 Defined as having been called names, endured derogatory remarks or been subjected to violence or threats because they were thought to be effeminate or
attracted to men.
85
8
UNDERSTANDING FACTORS
ASSOCIATED WITH MENS VIOLENCE IN
ABROADER SOCIAL CONTEXT
86
main Chapter findings
87
T
he previous chapters presented findings on Which clusters of factors are most strongly related
mens perpetration of violence and explored to violence perpetration and what does this mean
the various individual and family factors for prevention priorities?
found to be associated with mens intimate partner
violence and non-partner rape perpetration. Yet, Addressing violence against women requires
these individual factors do not alone necessarily addressing multiple factors at multiple levels,
cause violence, nor do they operate in isolation. from the individual to the greater society. It is
Rather, the many factors associated with mens well recognized that coordinated and multisector
perpetration of violence are interrelated and approaches are needed. But given the limited
complex. Further, these interrelated, individual resources for violence prevention, there is interest
factors exist withinand reflecta larger social in better understanding what particular areas
environment characterized by gender inequalities should be prioritized in this relatively new field
and power imbalances between women and men. and why. Thepriorities for violence prevention will
This chapter links groups of individual factors inevitably change across countries and settings
with the broad social context, to show how factors and should be based on site-specific data (Naved
reproduce and imitate social norms, structures, et al., 2011; de Mel, Peiris and Gomez, 2013; Fulu,
beliefs and values related to gender and power that Warner and Moussavi, 2013). There is also aset of
also need to be addressed to prevent violence. common factors that are strongly and consistently
linked to violence perpetration across sites.
Box 6.2 in Chapter 6 explained, first, why it is Thefollowing figures (8.1 and 8.2) were developed
useful to cluster anumber of individual factors to summarize the relative importance of different
together to reflect abroad category and then how clusters of factors in terms of their relationship to
the factors were clustered into five subsequent intimate partner violence and non-partner rape,
categories for this studys analysis: respectively.24 These are not technical statistical
graphs but visual representations that are designed
social characteristics to help map the complex range of factors associated
with violence perpetration. These figures should
victimization history not be understood as reflective of the whole Asia-
Pacific region, but rather, they summarize the
gender norms and sexual or relationship findings from the men interviewed across the nine
practices research sites.
involvement in violence outside the home. As shown in figure 8.1, factors related to gender
norms and sexual and/or relationship practices
This chapter begins by exploring the relative (orange colour) are particularly important, with
importance of the clusters of associated factors frequent quarrelling, more sexual partners and
in terms of violence perpetration. TheChapter having transactional sex all having alarge impact
then discusses the findings in relation to broader on mens perpetration of intimate partner violence
concepts of power, gender and masculinities in most of the research sites. Some literature
that informed the study. Finally, the chapter il- suggests that these factors may reflect individual
lustrates how each factor or cluster of factors is mens desire to demonstrate sexual performance
related to mens use of violence, across the indi- or sexual dominance over women and/or with
vidual, family, community and social levels of the emotionally detached sex (Knight and Sims-
socio-ecological model, and how they reflect the Knight, 2003; Dunkle et al., 2007; Decker et al.,
gender inequalities that remain the underlying, 2010; Nduna et al., 2010). To prevent intimate
foundational drivers of violence against women. partner violence, programmes need to focus on
TheChapter summarizes what this means for working with individual men and women as well
violence prevention prioritization before offering as communities and institutions to redress these
recommendations in the final Chapter. gender issues. Although frequent quarrelling,
88
as discussed in Chapter 6, could be apotential of social inequality through holistic social
component of violence, its significance in the model development. Being involved in violence outside
suggests that addressing relationship disharmony the home, although associated with intimate
and communication skills could have an impact partner violence, is not so important in addressing
on intimate partner violence. Further research is its overall prevalence; as discussed further on,
needed into relationship discord to assess if this is however, it is more important for addressing non-
just merely part of the violence or if it is apotential partner rape perpetration.
pathway to intimate partner violence. For example,
frequent quarrelling may be related to unequal Non-partner rape perpetration
gendered relations within the partnership.
Figure 8.2 shows that, as with intimate partner
Mens own experiences of violence (green colour), violence perpetration, the variables related to
particularly childhood emotional abuse and gender norms and sexual or relationship practices
witnessing their mother being beaten, also have (orange colour), in particular having agreater
avery large impact on the perpetration of intimate number of sexual partners and transactional sex,
partner violence. Theliterature suggests this is are the most strongly associated to mens rape of
because of the major physical and psychological non-partners. This suggests that for non-partner
effects of such abuse, including the impact of rape, addressing the notions of manhood that
trauma on child brain development and that support (hetero)sexual dominance and promoting
witnessing or experiencing violence also teaches healthy sexual practices should be prioritized.
children that violence is normal and acceptable. Mens own experiences of violence (green colour)
Thus, preventing violence against children is are also very important, particularly childhood
imperative for addressing violence against women
and should be achief priority.
89
Figure 8.1 Summary of relative importance of different clusters of
factors in explaining and addressing intimate partner violence
perpetration
gender norms and practices victimization history psychological factors and substanceabuse
involvement in violence outside the home social characteristics
Current food
insecurity
Gang
involvement frequent alcohol abuse
quarrelling with
partner
fights Childhood Childhood
physical abuse sexual abuse
intimate
partner
transactional sex violence
controlling
behaviour
Childhood
emotional abuse
orneglect
Low gender-
equitable attitudes
2+ lifetime sexual
partners
Witness abuse of
mother
90
Figure 8.2 Summary of relative importance of different factors in
explaining and addressing non-partner rape perpetration
gender norms and practices victimization history psychological factors and substanceabuse
involvement in violence outside the home social characteristics
involvement
depression
alcohol abuse
Childhood
emotional abuse Sexual
victimization
non-partner orneglect
rape
2+ lifetime Childhood
sexual abuse
sexual partners
transactional sex
91
emotional abuse or neglect and childhood sexual men must be held accountable for their own violent
abuse, again highlighting the need to address and oppressive behaviour. But to truly understand
childhood trauma as apart of violence prevention. this issue and frame overall prevention strategies,
As with intimate partner violence, psychological mens individual acts must be analysed within
factors and substance abuse (purple colour) are the larger historical and societal contexts that also
third most important grouping. For non-partner contribute to violence.
rape, however, involvement in violence outside
the home (dark blue colour) is more influential This study underscores that violence is complex,
than social characteristics. Combined with and different forms and types of violence are
drug use, these factors reflect asocial context or interrelated. For example, mens experiences of
subculture in which violence against women, childhood abuse or neglect are associated with
particularly non-partner rape, is more common. their perpetration of violence against women. Men
It appears related to aparticular manifestation also experience violence during adulthoodfrom
of masculinity that celebrates violence and uses sexual violence, such as rape or homophobic bullying,
violence as atool to reaffirm and bolster this to participation in agang and fights with weapons.
masculinity within the subculture. This suggests These experiences are also associated with mens
that confronting subcultures that promote ideals perpetration of violence against women, suggesting
of manhood linked with violence, such as gangs, that mens use of violence cannot be addressed in
should be apriority. isolation from their own experiences of trauma.
Figures 8.1 and 8.2 illustrate the commonalities Many decades of work by activists and scholars
and different priorities for addressing the unique have shown how gender inequality, patriarchy
types of violenceintimate partner violence and and mens power over women create an
non-partner rape. Addressing gender inequalities environment in which violence against women
and power imbalances within relationship and is widespread and accepted. Figures 8.1 and
sexual practices should be priorities for both types 8.2 show that factors related to unequal gender
of violence, as should be addressing mens own norms and relationship and sexual practices
experiences of violence, particularly as children. are in fact the most important in accounting for
Improving mens access to mental health services mens perpetration of violence against women.
as part of prevention is also key, along with Measures of gender-inequitable attitudes in this
addressing substance abuse problems. For intimate study represent individual mens beliefs that
partner violence, addressing intersections between condone mens use of violence and dominance
gender inequality and other forms of social over women. But they also reflect broader social
inequality is important, and for non-partner rape, norms and patterns of gender inequality, which
addressing violent gang subcultures is necessary. are directly related to violence perpetration.
This reaffirms that violence against women is
fundamentally an issue of gender inequality,
Understanding these factors within their larger reflecting the larger structures that shape society.
social, political, economic and historical contexts
Although individual men must be held
Given the cross-sectional nature of the survey, accountable for their use of violence, mens
as noted, it is not clear if the factors described attitudes and practices are shaped by prescribed
necessarily cause violence. Simply stopping narratives in any given society of what it means
one factorfor example, alcohol abusewill to be aman, or masculinities. Thefactors
not end violence against women. Thefollowing found to be associated with violence in this
section and figure 8.3 illustrate how the factors study reflect narratives of masculinity that
associated with violence perpetration operate at justify and celebrate male strength, the use
the individual and family levels of the ecological of violence, mens control over women and
model but are also related to broader community heterosexual performance. For example, mens
and society issues. Such acontextualization does participation in agang and fights with weapons
not excuse individual men from their actions, and and mens controlling behaviour over their
92
Figure 8.3 Understanding factors associated with mens perpetration of
violence against women across the socio-ecological model
factors associated with violence
participation in a gang
depression so ciet y
alcohol abuse
ly / relation
mi s
h ip
fa
individual
translation of factors into social context
93
intimate partners was associated with intimate The study finds that mens use of violence
partner violence perpetration across many of against women is pervasive across all levels of
the study sites. Further, sexual entitlement was society and exists across socio-economic groups
the most commonly reported motivation for and diverse settings. The study also found that
mens perpetration of rape. In many cases, such mens perpetration of violence against women is
narratives of masculinity were also supported by more common among men who are less socially
women. powerful compared with other men, or who
experience social stresses as indicated by the levels
of education, food insecurity, substance abuse or
gang involvement. Still, while social exclusion or
Work to prevent violence inequalities may be a trigger of violent behaviour,
this violence is not perpetrated indiscriminately.
against women must expand Rather, it is used against those over whom the
beyond efforts to change perpetrator perceives he has power and in a
context where that kind of violence is normalized
individual men and towards because of cultural acceptance and impunity.
change objectives that aim Unequal power dynamics are reflected not only
to transform larger social in mens violence against women but also in
mens violence against other men. Importantly,
norms around masculinities the majority of men who had been raped
and promote non-violent reported being attracted to men or having had
consensual sex with men; however, the majority
ways to bemen. of men who had perpetrated rape against
aman reported being attracted only to women.
Ittherefore appears that male rape may be used
as ameans of asserting power over another group
These findings reflect broader social patterns of of men who are perceived as not living up to the
gender inequality and patriarchy that promote dominant heterosexual notions of manhood
male dominance and power over women. Multiple (Dunkle et al., forthcoming). Further, men who
sexual partnerships and having sex with asex had experienced homophobic violence were more
worker or engaging in transactional sex were likely to perpetrate gang rape against women
also associated with mens perpetration of and girls, perhaps as ameans of reclaiming
violence and are manifestations of adominant masculine status by demonstrating heterosexual
form of masculinity that promote mens sexual performance. Although further research is
entitlement and the value of mens sexual needed, this suggests that mens use of violence
heterosexual performance. This may contribute may be related to attempts to reassert power
to adegree of social acceptance or justification over individual women, girls or marginalized
of mens use of sexual violence. On the other men when they feel that they have little power in
hand, the research also demonstrates that there society overall.
are multiple ways of being aman and that many
men do not use violence. There is great diversity Violence against women may also be triggered
in mens lives across the region, and the study by mens perceived disempowerment in
suggests that some masculinities may be more environments in which rapid social and economic
or less violent than the dominant narratives structural changes impact perceptions around
described here. Some men expressed frustration womens and mens roles and rights within the
with the dominant notions of what it means to be society. For example, the case study in box 8.1
aman. Others embodied and practised alternative provides an example of how rapid social and
forms of masculinities that promote equitable economic shifts in Vietnamese society have
power-sharing arrangements between men and created atension in how men imagine their role in
women. relation to womens role.
94
Looking at mens lives through alens of larger
social and historical contexts points to how Box 8.1 Case study 6
mens practices and experiences reported in
the findings are situated within abroader
environment of structural inequalities. Although One mans perspective
individual men need to be held accountable for in VietNam25
their violent actions, it is critical to recognize that
these individual men do not necessarily have the
power to change systems of gender inequality Dich* was born in 1975, the year the American war
or other systems of social injustice alone. These with VietNam ended, when the US-backed South
changes must also be taken up by relevant Vietnamese army fell in Saigon. VietNam, Dich
institutions and governments. Thefindings says, has changed the old family lifestyle has
from this study point to the need for further been lost. He recalls that his father taught me
research and programmatic and policy work to the old Confucian [lessons] about [mens] career
better understandand subsequently be better and reputation . He taught me [how to act] even
placed to changeinequitable and violent social when my family was in difficult conditions.
norms and structures and to create amore
peaceful, equitable society. Work to prevent In particular, Dich believes, the old ways are also
violence must expand beyond efforts to change lost when it comes to feminine norms. Afew
individual men and towards change objectives generations back, despite his grandmothers
that aim to transform larger social norms around husbands widely known and devastating infidelity,
masculinities and promote non-violent ways to be Dich recalls that his grandmother said nothing.
menmany of which are already adhered to by She acted like it was normal. She was areally
boys and men in the region. forgiving person. Back then, [A woman] would
stand down even if she knew [her husband] was
wrong. Today, its not that common.
25 The quantitative survey was not conducted in Viet Nam, however, Viet Nam Some things, Dich believes, have not changed.
was one of the seven overall countries where the UN Multi-country Study The husband is always the authority. Thedeci-
was implemented, as the qualitative life history component was conducted
sion-making right is always the mans has been,
in two sites there. For more on the Viet Nam qualitative study, visit www.
partners4prevention.org/about-prevention/research/men-and-violence- will be, still is. *Pseudonym
study/vietnam.
95
9
RECOMMENDATIONS
96
T
he findings of this study provide insights national laws and policies for gender equality,
into the drivers of mens perpetration of human rights and womens empowerment
violence against women and are intended to are therefore the foundation for these
inform prevention policies and programmes. In recommendations. Mens violence against women
a comprehensive system that responds to such is about mens power and control over women, and
violence, prevention is a critical component. these structural issues must be addressed at every
Prevention is the nucleus of these recommendations level of society, including the macro-policy level.
because of the high prevalence of violence Governments have a particular responsibility
perpetration found across the survey sites and to ensure the modification of, in the language of
because the findings indicate that the majority of CEDAW: Social and cultural patterns of conduct
the factors associated with mens perpetration of of men and women, with a view to achieving the
violence can be changed. Thestudy provides new elimination of prejudices and customary and all
evidence from men themselves on what needs other practices which are based on the idea of the
to change and the specific entry points for these inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes
changes. or on stereotyped roles for men and women.
The following recommendations reflect the key It is important to emphasize that these
findings of this studynew insights into mens recommendations are based on the common
perpetration of violence against women in Asia findings across the survey sites and the
and the Pacific and the subsequent priorities for most significant trends that emerged in the
action. There are a number of other documents that analysis. Thestudy also found diversity across
outline more comprehensive recommendations sites regarding violence perpetration, which
for prevention, which should be considered along underscores the need for site-specific programme
with these recommendations.26 These specific and policy responses.
recommendations are meant to complement and
support broader comprehensive systems and The following recommendations first present the
approaches for prevention and response that also key findings from the analysis and what needs
include protection, services and justice support for to change, based on those findings. Examples of
survivors of violence. programmes and approaches are then presented
for each recommendation. Thesuggested
Structural inequalities and harmful gender norms programmes and approaches are but a few of
underlie violence against women. International the possible interventions needed and are based
mechanisms and normative frameworkssuch on existing evidence of what interventions are
as the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms promising or effective for prevention of violence
of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), against women.27 Entry points for change are
the International Conference on Population outlined to give an overview of the domains in
and Development Platform for Action and the which changes are needed, with some policy areas
Convention on the Rights of the Childand related suggested that could support the changes.
The study provides new evidence from men themselves on what needs
to change and the specific entry points for these changes.
97
1 Change social norms related to the acceptability of violence
and the subordination of women
Mens use of violence against women is highly Examples of programmes and approaches
Key findings
26 For example, see the Agreed Conclusions from the 57th session of the Commission on the Status of Women (www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/csw57/
CSW57_Agreed_Conclusions_(CSW_report_excerpt).pdf) and the PREVENT Framework (www.partners4prevention.org/sites/default/files/documents/pre-
vent_framework_v5a.pdf).
27 For recent reviews of promising prevention interventions, see WHO and LSHTM, 2010 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2010/9789241564007_eng.pdf)
and Heise, 2011 (http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/Gender/60887-PartnerViolenceEvidenceOverview.pdf).
28 If you are interested to learn more about the study or if you would like to learn how you can apply for access and use of this regional data set, please visit www.
partners4prevention.org.
101
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GLOSSARY
AUDIT: A series of questions included in the Ever-partnered men:Male respondents who, at the
questionnaire to measure current alcohol abuse. time of the survey, were currentlyor had ever
beenmarried, living with awoman or had
Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale:A agirlfriend.
20-item self-reporting scale used to measure
depressive symptomatology, which asks Factor analysis:Is astatistical method used to
respondents about their mood in the previous describe variability among observed, correlated
week. variables in terms of apotentially lower number of
unobserved variables called factors. In other words,
Childhood Trauma Events Scale: A series of 13 questions it aims to ascertain whether agroup of questions
included in the questionnaire to measure mens (for example making up ascale) actually reflect
and womens exposure to physical, sexual, asingle underlying concept.
emotional abuse and neglect when they were
under age 18. Probability proportional to size:A quantitative
sampling technique which takes varying
Cluster: a cluster is, in this case of multi-stage sample sizes into account. This helps to
sampling used in this study, agroup of arelatively avoid underrepresenting one subgroup in
similar number of households in ageographical astudy and yields more accurate results.
area. In most cases this is based on pre-determined Gender-Equitable Men (GEM) Scale:a
groupings called enumeration areas that are used standardized attitude scale used to measure
for censuses. respondents attitudes towards sexual and
reproductive health, violence, sexual relations,
Combined sample:The combined sample in this domestic work and homophobia. See table 2 in
report is the combined data from all nine sites in annex I for afull list of the GEM Scale items used
the study. in this study.
106
Odds ratio (OR): In this report, an odds ratio describes or friends, threatening to harm the individual
the strength of association of the selectedfactorsto or someone they care about, repeated yelling or
the outcomes of intimate partner violence and degradation, inducing fear through intimidating
rape. It can be directly interpreted as how many words or gestures, controlling behaviour and the
times more likely someone is to perpetrate violence destruction of possessions.
if they have this factor, compared with someone
without this factor. Some odds ratios were adjusted Intimate partner violence:The physical, sexual,
for other variables in which case they are called economic or emotional abuse by acurrent or
adjusted odss ratios. former spouse or partner constitutes intimate
partner violence. It can occur within heterosexual
P value:The probability that the strength of or homosexual relationships and does not require
association between factors occurred by chance. sexual relations. Garcia-Moreno et al. (2005)
Usually aprobability of 0.05 or less means it is defines intimate partner violence as any behaviour
unlikely to have occurred by chance and therefore in an intimate relationship that causes physical,
is considered statistically significant. sexual or psychological harm, including physical
aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse
Response rate:Measures how many respondents and controlling behaviours.
completed the questionnaire among those who
were asked to complete it. Physical violence: Physical violence is the intentional
use of physical force with the potential for causing
Sex act: Contact between the penis and vulva or death, injury or harm. Physical violence includes
the penis and the anus, involving penetration, but is not limited to: scratching, pushing, shoving,
however slight; contact between the mouth and throwing, grabbing, biting, choking, shaking,
the penis, vulva or anus; or penetration of the anal poking, hair pulling, slapping, punching, hitting,
or genital opening of another person by ahand, burning, the use of restraints or ones body size
finger or other object. or strength to detain another person or the use of
aweapon (gun, knife or object) (CDC, 2002).
Sex work:The exchange of money for sexual
services, either regularly or occasionally. rape: Rape is defined as forced or coerced sex; the
use of force, coercion or psychological intimidation
Transactional sex:Sex in exchange for goods or by one person that requires another person to
services, either regularly or occasionally. engage in asex act against her or his will, whether
or not the act is completed.
Typologies of abuse and violence (see tables 2.2 Sexual violence: Sexual violence is any act in which
and 2.3 for the operational definitions of these one person in apower relationship uses force,
forms of violence, which were used in the survey coercion or psychological intimidation to force
questionnaires) another to carry out asexual act against her or his
will or participate in unwanted sexual relations
Economic abuse:Economic abuse includes denying from which the offender obtains gratification.
awoman access to and control over basic resources Abusive sexual contact occurs in avariety of
(UN General Assembly, 2006). It includes such situations, including within marriage, on dates,
acts as the denial of funds, refusal to contribute at work, in school and in families (such as incest).
financially, denial of food and basic needs and Other manifestations include undesired touching,
controlling access to health care, employment, etc. the oral, anal or vaginal penetration of apenis or
objects and obligatory exposure to pornographic
Emotional or psychological abuse: Psychological abuse material (WHO, 2004).
is any act or omission that damages the self-esteem,
identity or development of an individual. It includes
but is not limited to humiliation, threatening loss
of custody of children, forced isolation from family
107
ISBN: 978-974-680-360-1