Recitation of the Qurn

The vocal rendition of the Qurn. Tilwat al-Qurn is to render the Arabic Qurn in
voice. It is a branch of the sciences of the readings (qirt) of the Qurn (see readings
of the qurn ). In the Qurn, the term tilwa (which appears in both nominal and verbal
forms) often refers to the signs (q.v.) of God that are rehearsed therein, i.e. the narration
of accounts of previous messengers and communities in sacred history (see narratives;
messenger; generations; punishment stories ), as well as the actual act of the recitation of
the Qurn itself. In general, when the word tilwa refers to the practice of reading the
Qurn aloud, it conveys a sense of following the qurnic message as it is rendered in
human voice.

The practice of reciting the Qurn is performed according to a set of guidelines known
as tajwd. Tajwd, although not a qurnic term, is the fundamental system of rules for the
correct pronunciation of the Qurn as it was understood to have been revealed to the
prophet Muammad (see revelation and inspiration ). Recitation of the Qurn according
to tajwd has many names across the Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority worlds.
Some of these terms are variants of the qurnic expression tartl, which conveys a sense
of measuring out the speech of the Qurn in a careful and deliberate manner.

Some recitation of the Qurn is always required of Muslims for the performance of one
of the canonical acts of Islamic worship (q.v.), prayer (q.v.; alt ); reading the Qurn
aloud is also a key observance of supererogatory Islamic piety. In Muslim traditions of
learning and education, the oral/aural recitation of the memorized Qurn is the most
authoritative mode of its transmission (see teaching and preaching the qurn ). In some
contemporary societies, promoting engagement with the recited Qurn is the basis of
popular Muslim revitalization movements (see orality; traditional disciplines of qurnic
study ).

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Reference to recitation
The Qurn on its recitation
The word Qurn is often said to be a form of the root q-r- meaning to read, to
recite. When understood in this sense, Qurn could be said to be as much an action as
an object. Besides the actual word, the Qurn includes other names for itself that also
emphasize the active components of engaging the Qurn in voice, such as dhikr,
reminder (see memory; remembrance; names of the qurn ). Characteristic of the self-
referentiality of qurnic content, the Qurn also contains many descriptions of its own
recitation. Because of the Qurn's unmatched authority as a guide to thought and action
in Islamic systems, the Qurn's own descriptions of the recited Qurn are also directives
for believers.

The Qurn conveys instructions about its proper recitation in general terms, although not
in specific or technical ones. The verses of the Qurn that are said to have been among
the very first to have been revealed to the Prophet, those that open q 96, are interpreted as
a command to voice the Qurn: Recite! In the name of your lord (q.v.) who created,
created humanity from a clot (see creation ). The Qurn provides some instruction
about how to perform its own recitation, in the form of tartl, as in q 73:4: Recite/read
the Qurn with tartl (wa-rattili l-Qurn tartlan). The verbal form tilwa appears in q
25:32, where it refers to the reading of the Qurn as an act of chanting distinctly. There
is also qurnic instruction on reading the Qurn, e.g. q 75:16-8: Do not move your
tongue concerning it in order to make haste with it; it is for us to collect it and to read it
(qurnahu); when we recite it (qaranhu), follow then its recitation (qurnahu).
Believers are also told in the Qurn to remember (i.e. udhkur), preserve, (i.e. taf
) and read [aloud] (i.e. qurn; tartl; tilwa) when reciting. The ideal reading of the
Qurn is described as occupying the full concentration of the reciter; this activity is said
to be one of which God, who is omniscient, is aware ( q 10:61). The Qurn also
recommends its reading at night as an act of supererogatory piety (q.v.; q 3:113-4; see
vigils ).

The Qurn contains many descriptions of its effects on listeners even as it is being
recited; these, naturally, also function prescriptively in a qurnic context (see ritual and
the qurn ). The Qurn provides numerous depictions of embodied, emotive responses
to itself when it describes the normative response among believers to hearing its message
recited to them. For instance, the recitation of the Qurn causes the senses of the faithful
to react with shivering skin, trembling heart (q.v.), and weeping (q.v.; e.g. q 19:58
and 39:23). Descriptions of such embodied responses to the recited Qurn's message are
often immediately followed with an affirmation of a corresponding change in the
listeners' moral state, such as the following: When it is recited to them, they fall down
upon their faces, prostrating (see bowing and prostration ), and say: Glory be to our lord
(see glorification of god; laudation )! Our lord's promise is fulfilled. And they fall down
upon their faces, weeping; and it increases them in humility ( q 17:107-9); and, And
when they hear what has been sent down to the messenger, you see their eyes overflow
with tears because of what they have recognized of truth (q.v.). They shout: Our lord!
We believe; so you will write us down among the witnesses [to the truth] ( q 5:83; see
witnessing and testifying ).

Traditions on recitation
Throughout the formative history of the development of the sciences of qurnic
readings (qirt) and tajwd up to the present day, Muslims have based the theory and
practice of the recited Qurn upon the most authoritative of sources: first, the Qurn
and accounts relating the practice of the prophet Muammad (adth; see adth and the
qurn ); and, second, accounts about the Companions of the Prophet (q.v.) and those
who followed them. Within this material, it is adth reports that convey the ideal
intensity of qurnic engagement through the ethico-legal injunction to follow the model
of the Prophet ( sunna [q.v.]; see also law and the qurn; ethics and the qurn ).

adth collections include many separate accounts indicating that Muammad valued
beautiful voices among readers of the Qurn, such as the following reports of statements
ascribed to the Prophet as collected by al-Bukhr (d. 256/870) and others: He is not one
of us who does not sing (yataghann) the Qurn, and, God has not heard anything
more pleasing than listening to a prophet reciting the Qurn in a sweet, loud voice. Also
transmitted in al-Bukhr and other collections, on the authority of Ab Ms l-Ash`ar,
there is the report that the Prophet said, O Ab Ms! You have been given one of the
musical instruments [voice] of the family of David (q.v.)! Compilers of traditions also
relate accounts about the Prophet's reaction to hearing the Qurn, such as his shedding
tears.

adth accounts also preserve information about the prophet Muammad's own
recitation of the Qurn. adth material includes detailed information about particular
sras (q.v.) recited by Muammad; they report, for example, which sras the Prophet
preferred to recite at particular times of day (see day, times of ), as well as which parts of
the Qurn the Prophet would repeat in his recitation (related to this is the abundant
adth material on the merits of the recitation of particular sras of the Qurn). adth
accounts provide some detail about the Prophet's comportment in recitation, such as the
following report in al-Bukhr: `isha (see `isha bint ab bakr ) narrated: Whenever
the Prophet went to bed every night, he used to cup his hands together and blow over
them after reciting Srat al-Ikhl ( q 112, Unity; also termed al-Tawd), Srat al-
Falaq ( q 113, The Dawn) and Srat al-Ns ( q 114, People), and then rub his hands
over whatever parts of his body he was able to rub, starting with his head, face and front
of his body. He used to do that three times. (a, viii, 110, no. 4372). The Prophet
also enjoyed listening to the recitation of others, and there are many reports about
weeping when hearing the Qurn recited (e.g. Bukhr, a, viii, 122-3, nos. 4411-3),
based on his practice.

In general, accepted adth accounts and other authoritative material from the earliest
period of Islam emphasize the occasions and merits of recitation rather than practical
technique. Later authorities continued the precedent of collecting reports about the
recitation practice of the prophet Muammad, also compiling further information about
the recitation habits of other pious people. This material on the proper comportment
(adab) of recitation documents the recitation practices of famous religious figures, such
as the first four caliphs in Sunn tradition (see caliph ). These reports provide information
on matters such as the desirability of completing the recitation of the entire Qurn at
nightfall, daybreak, and just before prayer times (see dawn; evening ); they also treat
common challenges that reciters face, like confusing pauses and starts in sectioning.
Issues that recur in this recitation literature include, for example, questions of how
rapidly to recite and what is the proper portion of the book to complete in a given amount
of time. One report transmitted by Ab Dwd (d. 275/889) and al-Tirmidh (d. 279/892),
for example, states, Whoever recites the Qurn in less than three days does not
understand it (Nawaw, Tibyn, 103). Al-Ghazl (d. 505/1111) sums up many such
reports that were in circulation about the reading of the Qurn, from canonical adth
collections and elsewhere, in his Iy `ulm al-dn (Book 8).

Much of the authoritative material on the adab (comportment) of recitation addresses the
intents behind recitation, such as that of seeking a worldly reward or payment for
teaching or performance (see reciters of the qurn ). It also includes strong prohibitions
against reciting the Qurn ostentatiously or for show, a matter addressed in accepted
adth traditions. For example, al-Bukhr reports (a, viii, 123, no. 4415): Ab
Sa`d al-Khudr narrated: I heard God's messenger saying: There will appear some
among you whose prayers will make you look down on yours, and whose fasting will
make you look down on yours, and whose (good) deeds will make you look down on
yours; but they will recite the Qurn and it will not exceed their throats. Another well-
known report in most collections compares the piety of Qurn readers with the sweet
and bitter smells and tastes of different plants and fruits. In this literature, the danger of
such hypocrisy is balanced by the instruction to focus on the voicing of the speech (q.v.)
of God (see also word of god ). There is a adth, for example, that the Prophet said:
Read the Qurn as long as your hearts are in harmony with it. When they are not in
harmony, get up and stop reading it (Bukhr, a, viii, 124, no. 4417; also reported
in Muslim's a).

Within the material known as Adab tilawt al-Qurn, Comportment of reciting the
Qurn, and Fail al-Qurn, Excellences of the Qurn, there is strong emphasis
on the idea that the recitation of the Qurn brings both individual and collective rewards.
This is, for example, expressed in the following statement of Ab Hurayra (d. ca.
58/678), cited in sources such as al-Ghazl's Iy `ulm al-dn (Book 8): Surely the
house in which the Qurn is recited provides easy circumstances for its people, its good
increases, angels come to it [in order to listen to the Qurn] and satans leave it. The
house in which the Book of God is not recited provides difficult circumstances for its
people, its good decreases, angels leave it, and satans come to it (Ghazl, Recitation,
25; there are many versions of this report). In addition to describing the immediate peace
and tranquility ( sakna; see shekhinah ) that descends when the Qurn is read by the
pious in this world, the results of the act of recitation, including knowing the Qurn by
heart and not forgetting it, as well as learning and teaching the Qurn, are emphasized
many times in numerous accounts found in the major adth collections. Such
consequences of piety and committed action are not only described in terms of this world,
but also with respect to the accounting of the day of judgment and future existence in
the world to come (see last judgment; reward and punishment ).

In an eschatological mode (see eschatology ) of devotional piety, it is said that the Qurn
itself will testify to the pious practice of the reader in his or her lifetime. In many adth
and other pious literature such as al-Ghazl's Iy `ulm al-dn (Book 8), rewards for
reciting the Qurn that will be credited on the day of judgment are calculated sra by
sra and even ya by ya, based on reports in collections such as Ab Dwd, Amad b.
anbal, Muslim, al-Nas` and al-Tirmidh (see Wensinck, Handbook, 131). Not only
sra by sra, or ya by ya, but there are even claims that rewards may be achieved letter
by letter (see arabic script; numerology; magic; popular and talismanic uses of the qurn
), such as the report transmitted by al-Tirmidh: For every letter that you read you will
get tenfold reward, and the report that Ibn Mas`d (d. 32/652-3) said: [The Prophet]
said Read the Qurn for you will be rewarded at the rate of [the recompense of] ten
good deeds (q.v.) for reading every letter of the Qurn. Take notice, I do not say that alif
lm mm [a combination of three letters that opens q 2; see mysterious letters ] constitute
one letter. Rather, I should say that alif is one letter, lm is another, and mm is [still]
another (Ghazl, Recitation, 24).
The development of early traditions of ascetic piety lent heightened emphasis to such
material within Islamic tradition (see asceticism ). Among the heirs to this early qurnic
tradition of piety, fs especially developed the soteriological and interiorized qurnic
traditions (see polysemy; fism and the qurn ). Statements of well-known fs
represent the Qurn as having a palpable presence for practitio- ners in their dreams as
well as in waking states (see dreams and sleep ). This presence is depicted as an ongoing
intimacy, at times framed in terms of the key concept of friendship ( wilya; see friends
and friendship; clients and clientage ). This is indicated by personal accounts, as well as
in prophetic narrations, such as: Those who are concerned with the Qurn ( ahl al-
Qurn) are friends of God ( awliy Allh) and are special to him, which al-Ghazl, for
example, relates on the authority of Amad b. anbal (d. 241/845). Ideally, engaging the
Qurn in practice should conform to the reciter's close and immediate experience of the
reading in his or her heart. This ideal is central to the tradition of the recitation of the
Qurn in pietistic circles.

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Tajwd and systems of recitation
History and development of qirt
Early readers and transmitters of the Qurn were known for their knowledge as well as
their piety (see scholar; knowledge and learning ). There are reports that the prophet
Muammad dispatched readers (qurr) in order to teach the Qurn to others. Such
figures held an important position throughout the earliest period of Islam and some
readers were also known for their religiously-inspired political leanings (see politics and
the qurn ). Those in the category of readers are listed in biographical dictionaries.
According to some Muslim historical narratives, the deaths of many of Muammad's
Companions in the wars of apostasy (q.v.), along with the spread of Islam to non-Arab
areas, precipitated the standardization of the text of the Qurn (see collection of the
qurn; codices of the qurn; orthography ), as well as the beginning of the development
of the qurnic sciences (see grammar and the qurn; exegesis of the qurn: classical
and medieval ). As Frederick Denny (Exegesis) has shown, the qurnic sciences of
grammar, exegesis and recitation (including qira, the study of variant readings or
vocalizations of the standard text) developed simultaneously and all in response to similar
circumstances and conditions. Like the standardization of the `Uthmnic text, the
technical guidelines for tilwa and readings of the Qurn were systematized as a reaction
to the potential variability of Muslim practices of recitation.

In technical and restricted usage, the term qirt usually denotes the accepted variant
readings of the Qurn. These readings do not relate to pitch variation or to alternate
texts. Rather, they are minor differences in the vocalization of the same `Uthmnic text,
and all deploy the same system of guidelines for recitation, tajwd. In a straightforward
example of variation among the readings, a word in the fourth verse from the opening
chapter, Srat al-Ftia ( q 1:4), may be rendered either as mliki or maliki but both
convey the same sense, which is God's dominion over the day of judgment. In another
example, q 5:6, which has generated differences of legal opinion on the ritual law for
ablution (see cleanliness and ablution; ritual purity ), may carry two meanings depending
on its vocalization. The vocalization and the nuances in the meaning depend on the
decision to read a verb with or without a related preposition. If the phrase your legs
(arjulakum) is read in the accusative, as according to Nfi` and af, it is understood as
the object of the verbal imperative amsa (yielding the meaning wash your legs).
If it is read in the genitive (arjulikum), as according to Ibn Kathr and Ab `Amr, your
legs are like the pre- ceding rusikum (your heads), the object of the verb
(amsa) with the preposition bi- and the phrase is glossed as wipe your legs. Some
scholars, including those in the European tradition of textual analysis (see textual
criticism of the qurn ), have considered the technical differences among the standard
readings to be an important source of information about qurnic language and its
historical parameters (see arabic language; dialects ).

There are seven accepted readings in the system of qirt. The number seven is based on
a well known adth of several variants, in which the Prophet is reported to have said:
This Qurn has been revealed to be recited in seven different modes (aruf), so recite
of it whichever is easiest for you (but cf. Melchert, Ibn Mujhid). Some versions of this
report narrate that the occasion of the revelation of the verse was a dispute over the
proper reading of q 25 (see occasions of revelation ). Another report, preserved by al-
Bukhr, relates that the Prophet stated that the angel Gabriel (q.v.) would recite the
Qurn in different ways for him. These reports have been open to a variety of
interpretations in Islamic tradition, including the ideas that the aruf may refer to
differing dialects among the Arabs at the time of the revelation of the Qurn, or to the
technical rules of tajwd. The dominant interpretation, however, is that the aruf refer to
what became known as the seven readings in tradition. Various reasons are given for
the diversity of these accepted readings. Among them is the claim that they make the
reception of the Qurn easier for those who are learning it. Another justification for their
existence is that they enhance the multifaceted layers of qurnic meanings, including the
proscriptive or legal (for elaboration of this last reason, see Burton, Collection; see
lawful and unlawful; boundaries and precepts; forbidden ).

Ab Bakr b. Mujhid (d. 324/936) is credited with the establishment of the accepted
range of variations in the readings of the text, although additional readings are recorded
and historically the content of actual enumerated lists has varied. The seven readings that
were standardized in Ibn Mujhid's time as the accepted qirt represented prominent
schools of recitation in five centers of Muslim learning in the early Islamic period:
Mecca, Medina, Damascus, Bara, and Kfa. Ibn Mujhid's selection includes the
following seven readers: Ibn Kathr (Mecca, d. 120/738), Nfi` (Medina, d. 169/785), Ibn
`mir (Damascus, d. 118/736), Ab `Amr (Bara, d. 154/770), `im (Kfa, d. 127/745),
amza (Kfa, d. 156/773), and al-Kis (Kfa, d. 189/804). This selection was justified
by taking independent lines of transmission from scholars who were spread over a large
geographic area. There was some controversy over the authority of this selection during
Ibn Mujhid's lifetime. It is also clear that there was continued development in the
enumeration of variant readings after the time of Ibn Mujhid since the later, influential
scholar Ibn al-Jazar (d. 833/1429) describes ten readings, while other scholars have cited
fourteen. Despite this variation, Ibn Mujhid's system of seven readings has continued to
prevail and is considered standard. Today, the most popular readings (of those listed
above) are those transmitted by af (d. 180/796) on the authority of `im and Warsh
(d. 197/812) on the authority of Nfi`.

The system of tajwd

Technical components of tilwa convey theory and practice for the proper recita- tion of
the Qurn. While not easily translated, there are two key terms for the applied aspects of
the recited Qurn: tartl and tajwd. The terms are closely related; for example, the
Qurn's instruction, Recite the Qurn with tartl ( q 73:4) has been taken to mean,
Recite the Qurn according to the rules of tajwd. The term tajwd refers to a rigorous
system of rules that establish the proper vocalization of the Qurn, thereby determining
its actual rhythm and sound (although not pitch variation, which is always improvised).
The root of the word tajwd (j-w-d) connotes to be correct and to improve. For the
reciter, the system of tajwd includes instructions on the correct articulation of phonetic
sounds, the assimilation of juxtaposed vowels or consonants, and the proper rhythmic
duration of vowel sounds. Tajwd also determines the parameters for non-melodic
improvisational flexibility. These include, for example, pauses and starts in reading,
which allow the reciter to stress specific words, phrases, or sections. Tajwd structures the
unique sound of qurnic recitation and thereby distinguishes it from ordinary Arabic
speech and singing. Overall, tajwd shapes the rhythm and cadences of Qurn recitation
and gives it a musical quality, although Muslims do not consider the recited Qurn to be
the equivalent of a human product such as music.

Tajwd is a classic qurnic science, part of the science of readings. It is treated in detail
in writings such as al-Suy's (d. 911/1505) Itqn f `ulm al-Qurn. Tajwd is often
defined in the sources by some variant of the phrase, giving each sound its correct
weight and measure. Formalization of the rules of tajwd may be seen as a solution to
the historical problem of standardizing style and sound in recitation with respect to the
great linguistic and geographical diversity of the Islamic world. The rules of tajwd
expressly provide clear guidelines, assuring a uniformity and consistency of
pronunciation of the divine speech. Being a native speaker of Arabic of any register or
dialect does not guarantee proficiency in the practice of tajwd. Even if the pronunciation
renders the word intelligible and grammatically correct, the rules of tajwd stipulate
further scrupulous attention to the technicalities of sound production. Tajwd is learned
implicitly when children repeat what they hear but is also taught as a formal course of
study. For the four-fifths of today's Muslims who are not native speakers of Arabic,
tajwd and the Arabic Qurn are learned together. Handbooks for elementary tajwd
instruction open by introducing students to the points of articulation ( makhrij al-awt),
i.e. the proper methods for the articulation of the letters of the Arabic alphabet (see Fig. i
for one such diagram).

Although, as mentioned above, the term tajwd does not appear in the Qurn, the
practice of recitation according to such guidelines is understood to have been a central
dimension of Islamic piety since the time of the Prophet. And, according to Muslim
tradition, the prophet Muammad learned the recitation of the Qurn, as well as the
rules for its vocalization, directly from the angel Gabriel, who delivered it from the divine
source (see heavenly book; preserved tablet ). Recitation manuals consolidated what had
certainly been long-accepted techniques and definitions, and systematic treatises on
tajwd, such as those of Ibn Mujhid and al-Dn (d. 444/1052), appeared in the
fourth/eleventh century and were circulated widely after that time. In later centuries,
tajwd was fully developed and qualified as both a term and a practice, particularly with
the work of Ibn al-Jazar. Most manuals and discussions after the time of Ibn al-Jazar
follow his systematization. The formal system of tajwd has two branches. These are,
first, the correct vocalization of letters, especially the letter nn, and, second, the proper
relative duration of vowels. In addition, the field covers the mandatory and recommended
points in the text where the reciter may pause and those where the recitation must
continue without interruption. The manuals of tajwd also discuss matters which deal with
the proper etiquette or comportment surrounding the Qurn ( adab al-Qurn), such as
ritual ablutions and respectful attention during recitation sessions.

In learning to read the Qurn aloud the student first studies the makhrij, or points of
articulation of letters. These are identified in classical terminology in relation to the
parts of the mouth in which they originate, such as lisn, tongue letters (i.e. qf, kf,
jm, shn, y, lm, nn, r, f) and shafaw , lip letters (b, mm, ww), as opposed
to alq, throat, or guttural letters (`ayn, , ghayn, kh and the hamza, the glottal
stop), which are articulated back in the throat. The systemization of phonemes in tajwd
contains far more information about the Arabic letters than is included in this basic
typology, however. For example, the alphabet is also grouped according to classes of
attributes (ift), which determine degrees of sound assimilation. These include
qualities such as elevation (isti`l), depression (istisfl), softness (tarqq) and heaviness
(tafkhm). These attributes may be classified as necessary or conditional, depending on
whether they are influenced by a given vowel (araka) combination. An individual letter
has at least five essential (lzim) or basic (al) attributes, each of which is expressed as
one of a pair of opposites (such as shadda, strong, or rikhwa, soft). In addition, there
are also ten (sometimes said to be seven) secondary but essential attributes which are not
arranged in pairs of opposites, and a letter may have one or two of these ten attributes
(such as the fira, sibilant or whistling letters, which are d, sn, and z; there is
also another important classification known as qalqala letters).

A first principle of tajwd is that consonants with the same point of articulation assimilate
or blend together. All letters are classified in terms of a basic type of this process; the
alphabet contains fourteen shams, solar, or sun letters and fourteen remaining qamar,
moon letters. Sun-letters are those that blend. For example, as in spoken Arabic, al-
rasl, the Prophet, is pronounced as ar-rasl because r is a blending sun-letter. In
tajwd, other kinds of consonantal assimilations (and partial assimilations), which are not
heard in ordinary spoken Arabic, also occur.

Unique to qurnic pronunciation are rules for particular letters, such as mm and
especially nn. There are special conventions for nasalized pronunciation (ghunna) of the
letters mm and nn when they are doubled in a word or if their doubling happens
between two words. There is also a class of rules related to changes that these letters
undergo based on adjacent consonants. For example mm and nn do not get clear
pronunciation (ihr) when they have been modified in the following ways: full
assimilation (idghm, when they are voiced as the adjacent consonant), suppressed
pronunciation ( ikhf, when the sound is influenced by letters with similar points of
articulation), and change or conversion ( qalb or iqlb, which applies to nn only when it
is pronounced as a mm). As an example of the latter case, abiy, prophets, is
pronounced as ambiy in the Qurn, since according to the rule of iqlb the nn is
changed to a mm by the following b. (Iqlb is marked in the text with a mm symbol
and some other types of assimilations are also marked; see manuscripts of the qurn;
ornamentation and illumination .)

Consonantal assimilation ( idghm, occurring with the letter nn), the first case given
above, receives a great deal of attention from the beginning student, in part because it
appears so frequently. (Indefinite case endings on nouns usually carry a terminal nn
sound, tanwn, which is not written as an explicit letter in the text.) An example of this
type of assimilation is the pronunciation of an-l, that no, which is voiced as al-l, as
in the testimony of faith the shahda, the first pillar of Islam (see witness to faith;
faith ) and heard, with the application of tajwd, in the dhn, the call to prayer:
ashhadu an l pronounced al-l ilha ill llh, I testify that there is no god
except God. In another example from the shahda, the final nasal nn of the indefinite
accusative case ending on the name of the Prophet is also assimilated: wa-anna
Muammadan rasl pronounced Muammadarrasl -ullh, and that Muammad
is the messenger of God. In addition, the nn may assimilate in ways that are not heard
in spoken Arabic and vowels may adapt according to the preceding sounds (such as the
long // in the name of God, Allh).

A second major area of elementary tajwd study pertains to the articulation of vowels.
There are three vowel sounds in Arabic: /a/, /i/, and /u/ in long and short forms. Adjacent
consonants affect not only their sound shape (as occurs in standard spoken Arabic) but, in
Qurn recitation, also their duration. In the system of tajwd, vowels are classified
according to their duration or elongation, which is called madd. Madd is measured in
terms of a basic unit or weight called madd al or madd far` of one short vowel (a
long vowel counts as two basic units, movements, or beats, called arakt). The
relative weight of a vowel may be extended through the rules of madd or shortened
through qar. For example, vowels before doubled consonants (two consonants together)
are shortened, as in the following: ashhadu an-l illha ill Allh pronounced
illallh , I testify that there is no god except God. Madd, or elongation of vowels,
occurs when a long vowel ( madda letter) and a condition of madd, such as a glottal
stop (hamza) appear together. For example, when a long vowel is followed by the glottal
stop it is subsequently lengthened, usually by a degree of 3-1 or 2-1. An instance of this is
the word al-malikatu, the angels, which is pronounced with an extended // counted
with three beats of measure: al-ma-la 1-a 2-a 3 -i-ka-tu. There are four kinds of extended
madd (madd far`). These are: wjib or muttail, compulsory or joint madd (occurring
within a single word); jiz or munfail, permissible or separating madd (occurring
between two adjacent words); ila or talaffu, temporary madd; and lzim,
permanent or essential madd, of which there are four additional sub-types. A further
rule is that a long vowel before a certain rare class of modified doubled consonants is
lengthened, such as in the word lln, the last word of Srat al-Ftia ( q 1). In this
case, the // of lln, those who have gone astray, with lms doubled from an original
form liln, astray, is pronounced drawn out with five original or fundamental
(al) weights of measure (arakt): a 1-a 2-a 3-a 4-a 5 -ll-i 1-i2-n.

Another rule relating to vowel durations is pausal abbreviations occurring on words at the
end of sectioned phrasings. These may occur at the marked ends of yas but this is not
always the case, as in yas which are too long to recite in one breath. In pausal form, the
final element is left unvoiced (skin) whether it be a case of tanwn (a nasalized ending
on indefinite nouns, as in Muammada above, which would be pronounced as
Muammada), a declensional or conjugational vowel ( i`rb, which could also include
final short vowels on pronoun suffixes), or a t marba, pronounced /t/ (as in al-
malikatu, which would be pronounced as al-malika). Because pausal abbreviation
may leave out grammatical cues to meaning, it is advised that after such abbreviation, the
reciter resume by repeating the final word of the previous phrase (which, now being the
first and not the last word to be voiced, would not be in pausal form). There are also rules
that pertain to giving a dropped terminal vowel (araka) some indication by a subtle
prolongation or by making the shape of the vowel with the lips but without voicing it.

A final class of rules in the system of tajwd pertains to stops and starts in sectioning or
phrasing (al- waqf wa-l-ibtid), which may only occur at the end of a complete word.
Stops are classified according to the reasons for the stop: forced (iirr), which is an
unplanned stop, like coughing; informative (ikhtibr), which would be a stop made in
order to teach or to explain meaning; and voluntary (ikhtiyr), such as taking a breath.
Stops are classified in terms of their desirability and appropriateness with respect to the
meaning at that particular place within the text: there are perfect stops (al-waqf al-
tmm), such as at the end of an ya when there is no connection in meaning to the one
that follows; sufficient stops (al-waqf al-kf), which occur at the end of a verse in
which the sense of meaning continues in the following verse; good stops (al-waqf al-
asan), which occur in the middle of an ya when a phrase is complete but when there is
still a meaningful relation to the remainder of the verse; and, there are also bad or ugly
stops (al-waqf al-qab). An example of the last is q 4:43, which is the place of an
impermissible stop. This is because reciting only the beginning part of the ya, Do not
approach prayer, and stopping there without completing the phrase with what follows
(when your mind is not clear), would render the meaning non-sensical.

[ii] Judging the Qurn memorization event, National Recitation Contest, Indonesia,
1997. Courtesy of Anna Gade, Oberlin College.

At certain points in the text of the Qurn, a range of permissible and impermissible stops
are marked, according to the classification of their desirability. There are seven most
general forms of stop, such as the lzim stop (marked mm), where a stop must be made
or else the meaning would be distorted. There are also places, as in the example of q 4:43
above, at which it is impermissible to stop (marked l, meaning no, i.e. no stop). In
between these classifications there are at least five levels of preference, such as
permissible to continue, but stopping is better (jm, symbol for jiz), or permissible to
stop but it would be better to continue (d, symbol for murakhkha ). Other passages
are designated as embracing, in which there is one meaning if a stop is made but
another if reading is continuous and both are allowed. In some manuscripts of the Qurn,
these are designated by the letters mm and `ayn, which stand for the term mu`niqa,
meaning that the phrase or the word may be understood to embrace either the passage
that precedes or follows it. They are sometimes also marked by three dots. One example
is in q 2:2. In addition, some scholars have also added approximately eight more marks in
common use, such as one that indicates that some authorities have said that there is to be
a stop while others have not (q-l-), marks for weak preferences, and places in which it is
permitted to pause but it is not permitted to take a breath (marked w-q-f-h). Finally, there
is a further stop, called waiting (intir), which covers a switch between one of the
seven standard qirt.

Norms of qurnic recitation and preservation

Differing styles of recitation are usually identified by their relative rapidity, although
terms for this vary across the Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority worlds. Usually,
adr is the expression for quick recitation, performed from memory or for the purpose of
reading large portions of the text aloud; recitation of the Qurn in canonical worship (
alt) tends to be fairly fast as well. Tartl (murattal) is at a slower pace, used for study
and practice (sometimes called tadarrus). In many places, the term tajwd has a non-
technical meaning of cantillated recitation. The term mujawwad refers to a slow recitation
that deploys heightened technical artistry and melodic modulation.

Reciting the Qurn is dictated by norms of practice known as adab. These include
respectful silence when listening, sitting facing the qibla (q.v.; the direction of prayer) if
possible, observing norms of ritual purity, repeating verses (q.v.), and reciting the
standard opening and closing formulae. These latter formula are, first, the opening
statement, the ta`awwudh: a`dhu bi-llhi mina l-shayni l-rajm, I take refuge in God
from the accursed Satan (see devil ), which is always followed by the basmala (q.v.): bi-
smi llhi l-ramni l-ram, In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, no
matter where in the Qurn the reader begins (the basmala also opens every sra except
the ninth, Srat al-Tawba, Repentance, with the contested case of its placement as the
first ya of Srat al-Ftia). Second, the reciter always closes a reading with the formula:
adaqa allhu l-`am, Thus almighty God has spoken truly. If the reciter is interrupted
by a greeting (salm) when reading, he or she is to stop to return the greeting; he or she is
also to stop when hearing the adhn, the call to prayer. While in some parts of the
Muslim world there is concern over men listening to the voices of women reciting the
Qurn, in other places, such as Indonesia, women reciters are very popular.

Reciters and listeners may observe sajdat al-tilwa, which is a prostration that, on the
basis of a adth, is to be performed at fourteen or fifteen yt in the Qurn. These are
yt that refer to created beings who bow before their creator ( q 7:206; 13:15; 16:49-50;
17:107; 19:58; 22:18; [22:27]; 25:60; 27:25-6; 32:15; 38:24-5; 41:38; 53:62; 84:20-1;
96:19). Sajda is performed by forming niyya, intention, for the act, saying the takbr
(allhu akbar) while facing the qibla, touching the ground while saying a formula to
glorify God and then rising with another statement of the takbr. After this, the reading
continues.

Memorization of the Qurn, which is known as its preservation (taf), was

encouraged from the earliest time of Islam. The wives of the Prophet (q.v.), for example,
were among those known especially for the memorization and preservation of the Qurn.
There are many adth reports that encourage Muslims to read and know the Qurn by
heart. According to traditions of Islamic law, memorization is a recommended act of piety
(see lawful and unlawful ); it is classified as far kifya, which means an obligation
always to be observed at least by some members of a community on behalf of the whole
community. This renders Qurn memorizers (uff) a special class of Qurn readers
and they command a special respect within their communities. Traditionally, formal
education begins with the memorization of the Qurn at an early age and then continues
with other subjects; this practice is still observed in many Islamic societies. Morocco, for
example, is especially well known for traditions of Qurn memorization. For educated
Muslims who do not memorize the Qurn, it is still is a basic goal to have memorized
the final, thirtieth part (juz) of the Qurn, as well as to have read the entire Qurn
through with a teacher; the latter, known as khatm al-Qurn, is marked by life-cycle
celebrations in some parts of the Muslim world.

There are life-long challenges that come with the responsibility of memorizing the
Qurn. First, there is the requirement not to forget any part of the Qurn already
memorized, which represents an ongoing task due to the uniquely nonlinear structure and
style of Qurn (see form and structure of the qurn; language and style of the qurn ),
continually demanding rehearsal. Memorizers often cite a adth of several variants on
this challenge, to the effect that the Prophet said that memorizing the Qurn is more
difficult than trying to tie up a camel (q.v.) that is always trying to run away. Memorizers
who have committed the entire Qurn to memory often repeat one-seventh of the Qurn
each day of the week for continual rehearsal. In addition, handbooks circulate among
students committing the text to memory for the first time, allowing them to study
particularly difficult aspects of the Qurn, such as certain verses that closely resemble
one another.

Memorizers and readers of the Qurn are said to be held to higher moral standards in
this world and the next by virtue of holding the entire Qurn in memory. More
specifically, literature on the norms of earning a livelihood by teaching or reading the
recited Qurn addresses the problem of receiving remuneration for this practice. adth
reports on this point cited by the pious in the formative period underscore that the Qurn
is to be cherished for its own sake and should not be deployed for worldly gain. As
preservers, those who carry the Qurn have a responsibility to contribute to the overall
ethical order of society. Moral responsibility to the community is often illustrated in the
classical literature through representations of the memorizer's or reciter's unending com-
mitment, portrayed as a practice continuing both night and day: Qurn reading by night
and constructive moral action by day. For example, there are many variants of the adth
which states, The best of believers are those who arise at night, found in the collections
of Ab Dwd and others. In addition to maintaining a direct relationship with the
Qurn, accomplished readers have special responsibilities to the community that involve
social interaction, as indicated in the well-known statement repeated by many
transmitters, including al-Fuayl b. `Iy (d. 187/803), a figure famous for his piety,
stating, A man bearing the Qurn is [in effect] bearing the standard of Islam, and thus
should be scrupulous in behavior in every situation.

^ Back to top
Practice, piety and the recited Qurn
Doctrine, worship and piety
The Qurn is the speech of God, according to Islamic tradition, and its recitation is thus
the actual voicing of divine speech. In the early period, philosophical controversies arose
regarding questions of temporality and agency in following divine speech in voice;
these disputes related to foundational controversies over the issue of the createdness of
the Qurn (q.v.) in time (see also philosophy and the qurn; theology and the qurn;
inimitability ). Similar questions have arisen as practical issues throughout the history of
qurnic tradition, such as the problem of the reciter's technical artistry potentially being
confused with the transcendent power of the Qurn. Al-Ghazl's rules for recitation in
the eighth book of the Iy `ulm al-dn resolve such an apparent tension by positing
both an external and an internal dimension to the act of voicing God's speech. In his
scheme, the intents, consciousness, and sensibilities of the reciter are subordinated to the
divine presence through purposive effort. The reciter is thus to strive to diminish the
aspects of performance that are not pure amplifications of the manifestation of an
idealized presence. Well-defined and specific techniques of presentation and performance
may be applied in order to achieve this ideal.

Many such theoretical and practical issues relating to the recited Qurn are connected to
the doctrine of i`jz, which is the idea of the inimitable nature of God's speech. This is
linked to the ontology of the Arabic text as a miraculous revelation and to the speech of
the Qurn as being a unique class of discourse (see miracles; revelation and inspiration ).

The practice of reciting the Qurn according to the rules of tajwd is a foundational
element of Islamic education, practice and piety. During the fasting (q.v.) month of
Raman (q.v.), the entire Qurn is read over the course of the month in night prayers
called tarw. One of the standard divisions of the Qurn is its partition into thirty
equal, consecutive parts, or juz (pl. ajz); this sectioning facilitates complete recitation
over the course of a month. In addition, during Raman or during the days of the
pilgrimage (q.v.; ajj), pious Muslims may recite the entire Qurn in one night. Muslims
read the Qurn frequently as an act of supererogatory piety, and recitation especially
at night is performed by committed Muslims.

Reciting the Qurn is a required component of one of the fundamental acts of worship in
Islam, alt, canonical prayer. Observant Muslims recite the opening sra, Srat al-
Ftia, seventeen times because of its liturgical use as a component of alt. This chapter
of the Qurn is also used in other contexts, such as blessings and the sealing of
contractual agreements (see ftia; contracts and alliances; blessing ). During
obligatory prayer, it is required to recite another, unspecified part of the Qurn besides
Srat al-Ftia. When the prayer is conducted in private, usually this is one of the short
Meccan sras that are the thirtieth juz of the Qurn; if the prayer is led by an imm
(q.v.), this reading will be his choice. In addition, it is common in worship and other
practices of Muslim piety to hear the well known Light Verse ( q 24:35; see light ) or
Throne Verse ( q 2:255; see throne of god ). The final juz of the Qurn as well as these
other passages are commonly memorized by Muslims. Srat al-Mulk (Kingship, q 67)
and Srat al-ujurt (Private Apartments, q 49) are also commonly memorized. Other
parts of the Qurn that are particularly well known and read on certain occasions include
Srat Y Sn ( q 36), read for the deceased or dying (see death and the dead; festivals and
commemorative days ) in a sometimes controversial practice, and Srat Ysuf (Joseph,
q 12; see joseph ) and Srat al-Kahf (The Cave, q 18; see men of the cave ) are also
often read communally.

The recitation of the Qurn is a prototype for the practice of dhikr, a qurnic word for
reminder and a practice associated with f piety. The Qurn is the basis of the
formulae used for such recitational piety, as well as the recitation of the ninety-nine
names of God (al- asm al-usn; see god and his attributes ). These beautiful names
are referred to in q 17:110, part of which reads: Say, Call on Allh or call on al-
Ramn. By whatever name you call [God], his are the most beautiful names (al-asm
al-usn). The Qurn provides a brief listing of some of the names in q 59:22-4. Not
all of the names are given directly in the Qurn, however.

Throughout Islamic tradition, the ap- preciation of the vocal artistry of trained reciters
has been part of Muslim religious and social life. Much of the theorization and practice
related to the aesthetics of Qurn recitation is connected to the key idea of spiritual
audition. This term, sam`, is usually associated with f traditions but in the case of
the recited Qurn multiple styles of classical piety overlap. In Islamic tradition
normative questions relating to musical practice and its application and acceptability are
tied to the issue of sam`. These legal debates usually center on the intents and contexts
of practice. For Qurn recitation, the most authoritative sources on what Kristina Nelson
has termed the sam` polemic highlight a tension between the cultivation of
experiential perceptions related to listening (sam`) on the one hand and the ideal of
the absolute separation of transcendent revelation and human components on the other.

Aesthetics and artistry

According to Islamic tradition, the melodic aspects of Qurn recitation may not be
fixed in any one performance or in an overall system. This is in order that God's speech in
the form of the revealed Qurn will not be associated with human technical artistry. It is
not known what melodic structures were used in the recitation of the Qurn in the
earliest period. It is documented, however, that practices of Qurn recitation developed
into something resembling the mujawwad style in the `Abbsid period, when reciters
began to deploy the emerging modal system of music ( maqm, pl. maqmt). It is in this
period that the issue of recitation with melody ( qira bi-l-aln) appears in the
literature, and the melodic structures deployed in this time were apparently those of Arab
art music. Today, the highly proficient style of recitation known as mujawwad also uses
melodic structures found in Arab art music.

Maqm (pl. maqmt) denotes a musical mode, both scalar pitch class and melody
type. This system of qurnic maqmt that became globally widespread in the latter
part of the twentieth century had developed over centuries from multiple and converging
branches of influence. It is difficult to prove that any of these branches is a continuous
line extending from the early Muslim community since little historical data on the
musical practices of the Arabs before the third/ninth century are available. The important
source, Kitb al-Aghn, Book of songs, by Ab l-Faraj al-Ifahn (d. 356/967), dates
to the fourth/tenth century and it is in this period that maqm developed as a theory and a
practice of art music by way of a synthesis of Arabic and Persian forms. Also in this
period, intellectuals analyzed the system, such as in the writings of the great philosophers
al-Frb (d. 338/949), Ibn Sn (d. 428/1037) and especially al-Kind (d. ca. 252/866),
whose treatise on music was foundational. The system also received more esoteric
formulations within cosmological frameworks (such as in the thought of the esoteric
group, the Brethren of Purity, the Ikhwn al-af), developing concepts like the Greek
idea of scale, analyzed along with rhythmic cycles, with reference to mode being made in
terms of the fretting board of the lute instrument, the `d .

Diversity and flexibility characterizes the modal system both diachronically and
synchronically. The treatises of the renowned musician and writer on the history of
music, `Abd al-Mumin af l-Dn al-Urmaw (d. 693/1294) formulated an analytical
framework for the system that was followed for centuries, deploying musical
characteristics in the identification of mode, such as initial and final pitch as well as, in
some cases, melody types. Not only are modes applied flexibly in practice, but also the
overall musical system itself is historically and geographically fluid and thus difficult to
formalize or classify. In the early nineteenth century, a system for analyzing scale (based
on quarter-tones) became widespread in the Middle East. An attempt was also made to
codify all of the maqmt used in Arab countries at the historic Cairo Congress on Arab
Music in 1932. This effort, however, along with subsequent ones, faced the challenge of
systematizing the diversity of the entire musical system as well as the problems of
notation and standardization.

Contemporary performers of the recited Qurn in the style called mujawwad have been
increasingly popular in recent decades due to broadcast and recording technologies and
other trends (see media and the qurn ). The development of the first recorded version of
the recited Qurn in Egypt is documented by Labb al-Sa`d. In The art of reciting the
Qurn, Kristina Nelson examines the practices of Egyptian reciters, the same figures
who have become influential the world over because of the dissemination of their
recordings. The singing of the great women vocalists from the Arab world, such as
Fayrz, Warda, and, above all, Umm Kulthm (as well as men like `Abd al-Wahhb)
have influenced the improvisational styles of these performers. Across the Muslim-
majority and Muslim-minority worlds of Islam in the later twentieth century, the
recitation recordings of a few Egyptian reciters (many of whom were trained in classical
Arabic music: e.g. `Abd al-Bsi `Abd al-amad) were the most influential models for
aspiring reciters.

Qurnic revitalization and contemporary da`wa

Since the late twentieth century, changes in technology have combined with the so-called
global Islamic awakening, to encourage a widespread revitalization of the practice of
the popular recitation of the Qurn. Evidence of this is the worldwide women's mosque
movement that focuses on reciting the Qurn and improving recitation technique.
Transnational connections support curricula for teaching recitation. For example, in the
1960s and 1970s, the Egyptian government, with official Indonesian support, brought
many of the most renowned Egyptian reciters to southeast Asia, a region of the world
with as many Muslims as the population of the entire Arabic-speaking world, in order to
teach and to perform.

Da`wa is a qurnic term interpreted and applied in different ways in different global
contexts (see invitation ). Most basically, the term means a call to deepen one's own or
encourage others' Islamic piety. As such, it has been a crucial concept in the historical
propagation of the Islamic religious tradition. Da`wa is key to understanding how the
Qurn functions as a basis of contemporary Islamic revitalization movements. Qurnic
da`wa promotes recitational aesthetics and schooling as the basis for programs among
Muslims of diverse orientations.

In the most populous Muslim-majority nation in the world, Indonesia, the recitation of
the Qurn was the focus of an energetic movement in Islamic revitalization in the late
twentieth century. Southeast Asia is well known for world-class recitation, evidenced in
the popularity of the woman reciter from Jakarta, Hajja Maria Ulfah. Southeast Asia also
has traditionally been known for the production of exceedingly clear and precise methods
and materials. In Indonesia in the 1990s, mainstream da`wa was viewed as an
invitation to voluntary Islamic piety issued to Muslims, and much da`wa highlighted
engagement with the recited Qurn. Examples of the energy of this movement are the
massive Baitul Quran exhibit near Jakarta, as well as the promotion of a wide array of
qurnic arts like recitation and calligraphy (q.v.).

As the Qurn increasingly became the focus of programs to promote Islamic

engagement, learning to read the Qurn became the basis of a widespread revitalization
movement in Indonesia, and new pedagogies blended with traditional methods of
teaching and learning recitation. Popular activities ranged from basic study of tajwd to
performance in the highly proficient mujawwad style of recitation. The phenomenon of
qurnic learning and engagement was not limited to young people; it also included
mature Muslims who labeled themselves as learners. As part of a resurgent movement
in the fundamentals of religious practice in Indonesia during the 1990s, religiously
oriented individuals actively adopted and promoted projects such as local and national
Qurn recitation competitions (see Fig. ii), a widespread movement in Qurn
kindergartens, revitalized efforts to memorize the Qurn, and lively women's mosque
groups trained in the development of reading skills. At this time, virtuoso readings in the
mujawwad style were not considered the most effective means of inducing heightened
experiential states. Rather, the emphasis was on the listeners' own efforts to emulate
actively such a performance. Expert performances from the Arab world and by
Indonesians doubled as pedagogy for ordinary practitioners, a pedagogy that was
disseminated and mediated by competition frameworks and other programs and interests.
Under these educationally oriented influences, a great variety of material including the
recordings of great Egyptian reciters became educational curriculum in Indonesia;
reciters at all levels were instructed to listen avidly to these performances in order to
improve their mujawwad Qurn recitation and especially to master the modal system.

The Indonesian term lagu, also denoting song, is used for musical qualities of
recitation, doubly conveying the ideas of scalar pitch class and melody type.
Contemporary Indonesian and Malaysian sources on recitation group the Arab-derived
maqmt (lagu) used in Qurn recitation into two principal types: misri and makawi.
Misri lagu are the maqmt that were introduced in the 1960s and after, denoting modes
that were known and used in Egypt (hence misri = Ar. mir). Makawi lagu are
understood to comprise an older system from the Middle East, reportedly deriving from
the recitational practices of Indonesian pilgrims and students who traveled to the Arabian
peninsula (and Mecca, hence the term makawi) earlier in the century and before. There
are also indigenous southeast Asian lagu daerah, local lagu. In Indonesia, the system of
mujawwad style Qurn recitation that developed in the 1990s was based on styles from
Egypt. Competition lagu were based on seven maqmt prototypes: bayati, rast, hijaz,
soba, sika, jiharka, and nahawand. Performances and pedagogies increasingly accepted
this style as normative for all readers, especially under the influence of competitional
readings and regimens.

Apart from the influence of the competition system, the adoption of Arabic, and more
specifically Egyptian (misri) modes, were supported in Indonesia by the perception that
they are more normatively qurnic. New kinds of theorization accompanied the
reception of the Arabic lagu, which became increasingly an aspect of the recited Qurn
in Indonesia in the 1990s. Partially because of the popularity of contests and in part also
due to the acceptance of the Egyptian-inspired model as the ideal, competence in these
seven modes has become the goal of intermedi- ate and advanced-level recitational
training in modern Indonesia. A competition system had a great deal to do with the
standardization and popularization of these structures.

Recitation contests in Indonesia were interpreted as a form of da`wa. The increasing

popularity of Qurn reciting and recitation contests and, since 1997, their promotion by
the Lembaga Pengembangan Tilawatil Quran, the Institute for the Development of the
Recitation of the Qurn (LPTQ), and other organizations, contributed to an explosion of
interest and the creation of new media and techniques for the study and appreciation of
the recited Qurn. Possible controversy over the voicing of the speech of God as a
competition was overcome in Indonesia by recognizing the positive effects of the events
for Islamic youth. Recitation tournaments, especially the Musabaqah tilawatil Qurn,
the National Contest for the Recitation of the Qurn (MTQ), have come to be viewed by
many in Indonesia as an avenue for syi`ar Islam, or the propagation and deepening of
Islamic practice through an appreciation of qurnic knowledge and ability, as well as an
avenue for the expression of distinctive aspects of Indonesian Islamic piety within the
context of the global Muslim community. Competitions as syi`ar Islam were understood
to be simultaneously a form of education and an invitation to Muslim practice.

Conclusion
The recitation of the Qurn is foundational to the history of Islamic worship and piety.
As such, it has served as the paradigm for the category of scripture in the academic
study of religion as developed by comparativists and Islamicists such as Mahmoud
Ayoub, Frederick Denny, Michael Sells, Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Marilyn Waldman, and
especially William Graham (see scripture and the qurn; post-enlightenment academic
study of the qurn ). These scholars have recognized not only the aural/oral nature of
religious texts based on the unique qurnic case, but they have also highlighted the
communal lifeworlds of the recited Qurn. This theme of the inherently social nature of
the recitation of the Qurn echoes throughout the classical literature, even in interiorized
systems such as al-Ghazl's. Al-Bukhr's a and other major collections of adth,
for example, relate the tradition in which the Prophet reportedly said, The best among
you are those who learn the Qurn and teach it to others (on the authority of `Uthmn b.
`Affn). In the contemporary world, teaching, learning, and practicing the Qurn are
voluntary open-ended projects, drawing inspiration from the models of others' piety. Al-
Bukhr relates, on the authority of Ab Hurayra, that the Prophet said, There is no envy
(q.v.) except of two kinds: First, a person whom God has taught the Qurn and who
recites it during the hours of the night and during the hours of the day and his neighbor
who listens to him and says, I wish I had been given what has been given to so-and-so,
so that I might do what he does; and, secondly, a person to whom God has given wealth
(q.v.) and he spends it on what is just and right whereupon another person may say, I
wish I had been given what so-and-so has been given for then I would do as he does
(Bukhr, a, viii, 113, nos. 4389-90). In reading the Qurn aloud, the Qurn states
that Muslims may affect others' religiosity and thereby build the religious community
(see community and society in the qurn ): The believers are only they whose hearts
tremble when God is mentioned; and, when his signs [or verses of the Qurn] are recited
to them, they multiply in faith (q.v.) and put their trust (see trust and patience ) in their
lord ( q 8:2).

Anna M. Gade

^ Back to top
Bibliography
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Dn, Taysr

al-Ghazl, Ab mid Muammad b. Muammad, The jewels of the Qurn. Al-

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1977

id., The recitation and interpretation of the Qurn. Al-Ghazl's theory, trans. M. Abul
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Ibn al-Jazar, Nashr, 2 vols., Damascus 1926

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Citation:
Gade, Anna M. "Recitation of the Qurn ." Encyclopaedia of the Qurn. General
Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Brill, 2008.
Brill Online. DUKE UNIVERSITY. 11 February 2008
<http://www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entry=q3_COM-00168>