Regionalism in Omani Architecture

During the Petroleum Era

A Muscat Case-Study

Regionalism in Omani Architecture
During the Petroleum Era
A Muscat Case-Study

Jamal Alzeedi
The University of Queensland
Bachelor of Architecture Thesis
Supervised by Dr. Paul Memmott,
19.Nov.2007
Figure 1: Entrance of the Ministry of Finance and Economy
Source: Damluji 1998, 63.
Abstract
This thesis aims to explore the Regionalism architectural
movement experienced in the Sultanate of Oman in the last
three decades. Through field investigations and analysis of
legislative governmental building codes the dissertation
explores the reasons and forces that established this
architectural trend, and the factors that maintained it to
present day,2007. The thesis also presents the architectural
consequences caused by the rapid transformation in the
Omani built environment, which resulted from the intensive
modernisation programs underpinned by the Omani
Renaissance in 1970, when oil was discovered in large
quantities. The role of the State, thereafter, in generating and
constructing a national identity is examined.
Through literature analysis, this thesis evaluates
theoretical architectural defects in many buildings in Muscat
which have been caused by adopting Regionalism as an
architectural trend. The author attempts to present the basic
knowledge and the necessary associated theories needed to
mediate the paradox between localism and internationalism
experienced in Oman. It is proposed that a successful
mediation could reveal a possible resolution for modern
architecture that acknowledges the essence of the place and
its inherited historical and cultural values without conflicting
with globalization, or committing to complete adherence to
traditionalism.
the
i
 Acknowledgments

The author would like to acknowledge, thank and show his Cowi&Partners L.L.C.
appreciation to the listed individuals and organisations for Hilal Salim Alzeedi
their invaluable time, assistance, support, encouragement and Khalid Alyahmadi
corporation. I am indebted to you for your guidance, effort and Nasser Salim Alzeedi
invaluable time without which this thesis might not have come Nigel Craven
to fruition. Salim Nasser Alzeedi
The Helpful librarians at
Brisbane: the Sultan Qaboos University

Annie Yen
DesignInc Brisbane A special thanks to my thesis advisor Dr. Paul Memmott for
James Davidson his time, wisdom and patience. Finally I send a warm thanks
John Giles to my lovely parents for their love and continuous support.
Paul Memmott
Philip Collins
Stephen Long
The Supportive Librarians at
the University of Queensland

Oman: Peace Be Upon You All
[Islamic Greeting]
Amjad Project Management
Anwar Alshiyady
Bader Abdullah Alzeedi

ii
Statement of Authentication

This Thesis is presented in partial fulfillment of the

requirements of the degree of Bachelor of Architecture at the
University of Queensland

The work presented within this thesis is, to the best of my

knowledge and belief, original, except where acknowledged in
the text. It has not been submitted, either in whole or in part,
for a degree at this university or any other educational
institute.

Jamal Salim Alzeedi, 2007.

iii

Contents
Abstract.................................................................................. i
Acknowledgments ...................................................................ii
Statement of Authentication ................................................... iii
Contents.................................................................................iv
Figures ................................................................................... v
Authors Preface.....................................................................vi
Terminology ........................................................................ viii
Chapter One Introduction .............................................. 01
Aims.................................................................................. 02
Specific Aims................................................................. 02
Secondary Aims ............................................................ 02
Methodology and Literature Sources ................................ 03
Outline of the Argument.................................................... 05
The Sultanate of Oman..................................................... 06
Location, Geography and Climate.......................... 06
Vernacular Architecture ......................................... 09
History.................................................................... 10
The Omani Renaissance........................................ 16
People, Culture and Religion Beliefs...................... 17
Summary .......................................................................... 19
Chapter Two The Birth of Omani Regionalism.............. 20
Introduction ....................................................................... 21
The Enlightened Speeches and Commands of Sultan
Qaboos bin Saeed ............................................................ 21
Urban Planning Proposals of Makiya and Harris in the
1970s ............................................................................... 24
Building Regulation Manuals and Guidelines ................... 26
Chapter Summary ............................................................ 37
Chapter Three Heritage Structures and Influential
Districts. ......... 39
Introduction....................................................................... 40
Vernacular Structures in Muscat ...................................... 40
Influential Precincts in Muscat ......................................... 44
a. Old Muscat District 44
b. Ministries District. ...................................................... 48
Chapter Summary ............................................................ 55
Chapter Four Oman between Traditions and
Modernity.. ...... 57
Introduction....................................................................... 58
Traditional Regionalism .................................................... 58
Regionalism of the Building Codes................................... 59
Critical Regionalism .......................................................... 64
Chapter Summary ............................................................ 68
Conclusion.......................................................................... 70
Bibliography.73
Appendix 1 Vernacular Structures in Muscat .................... 83
Appendix 2: State Administrative Buildings in the Ministries
Precinct ................................................................................ 88
Appendix 3 Contemporary Buildings in Old Muscat Precinct
............................................................................................. 91
iv
Figures

Unless otherwise referenced, most of the images in this thesis

are the property of the author. A second principle source of
images is the online ArchNet Digital Library, an organization
developed at the MIT School of Architecture and Planning,
and the School of Architecture at the University of Texas,
Austin, with cooperation and support from The Aga Khan
Trust for Culture. It is an organization focusing on Muslim
cultures and civilisation.

Description and references of each illustration are provided

within close proximity to the image. The detailed references
are listed in the Bibliography.

v
Authors Preface

To be raised in a remote, rural area has provided me with a

useful experience of the way vernaculars, buildings and
traditional living patterns respond to cultural and
environmental factors. When I was a young boy, traveling
from my tiny village in the countryside going to Muscat, the
capital of Oman (and case study for this thesis), was always
an exciting trip as it provided the opportunity to experience the
business of the city and see the tall and new buildings in
comparison to the quiet and abandoned mud-brick houses of
which my village is comprised. It was even more fascinating to
go for family or business visits to Abu Dhabi and Dubai, major
cities in the United Arab Emirates. It was an experience that
allowed me to appreciate the significant differences between
my small village, the capital of Muscat, and the cities of the
neighboring states.

Fig 2: Right, Aerial view of a traditional settlement at Izki; typical

Omani mud-brick houses settlement surrounded by palm-tree oasis.
Source: Archnet Digital Library: http://archnet.org/library/images/one-
image.tcl?image_id=18551
vi
Not until I started my architectural studies did I begin to
question the reasons why Muscat was visually dissimilar to
Dubai, or the cities of other adjacent states. Most of the states
in the Arabian Gulf Peninsula excelled in architectural
modernisation about the same time as Oman, mainly as a
result of the discovery of large quantities of oil. Most of these
states attempted to appear like a "contemporary" international
cities in terms of architectural style, yet Muscat, despite its
comprehensive modernisation developments, still retained its
long lasting, familiar appearance. This question appeared and
re-appeared several times during my undergraduate studies
and I thought that this thesis was the opportunity to explore it.

Most of the thesis questions and arguments, as well as my

sensitivity towards heritage structures, were further developed
during a year of professional experience undertaken in
Muscat in 2005. It was a time when I had the opportunity to be
involved in a particular style of addressing building design and
particular elevation treatments, which were a response to
obtaining a culturally unique form of local authority approval.

vii
 after personal matters related to His Majesty Sultan Qaboos.
*1
Terminology They also have a sound voice on other governmental parties
regarding national issues.

Areesh : is a traditional building typology commonly used in

the coastal areas in Oman during the pre-oil era. It is made of Falaj: small water channel extracted from subterranean water

woven palm-tree leaves, perforated to allow for cross at the foot of a mountain and channelled underground to a

ventilation (see fig 42 in Chapter 4). nearby village. It was one of the principal water resources for
traditional Omani settlements (see fig 3).

Bin (as in Ahmed Bin Said) : means "the Son of". It is the
naming method in Oman and most Arabian countries. Gulf States or Arabian States: Arabian countries located at
the shore of the Arabian Gulf water. They consist of Oman,

Crenellation: a rampart built around the top of defensive UAE, Qatar, Bahrian, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait and they

structures with regular gaps which was originally used for formed the Gulf Countries Cooperation (GCC). Even though

firing arrows or guns. It is a prominent architectural feature on Yemen is geographically within the Arabian Peninsula, it is not

the traditional Omani skyline. considered one of the Gulf States, yet it recently joined the
GCC. Thus, the architectural discussions concerning the Gulf

Diwan of the Royal Court : could be translated as the Royal States presented in this thesis exclude Yemen.

Court Office. It is a governmental body concerned in looking

1
The ( * ) refers to terminologies proposed by the author.

viii
Fig 3, Left, Schematic plan and section of a Falaj. Source: Damluji 1998, 44.
Fig 4, Left Bottom, Plan and section of a traditional house in Sohar showing
the Majlis space. The house has two separate Majlises and courtyards it is
expected to be inhabited by two inter-related families. modified by author.
Source: Al-Lawati 2005, 21.

Imam: originally refers to a mosque leader or a leader of an

Islamic prayer. In this thesis Imam is the ruler of a country.

Majlis: is the houses public space dedicated for welcoming

and entertaining guests. It is possibly the most important
space in the Omani/Arab dwelling as it reveals the wealth and
social power of the host (see fig 4).

Majlis A'Shura : is a Consultation Council established in

1994 and consists of at least one member from each Walayat
(town). Members are elected by people of that Walayat.

Mashrabiyyah: wooden window grilled or screened. It is

normally used to visually screen off balconies while allowing
for ventilation.

ix
Mihrab: is a niche in the wall of a mosque that indicates the
qibla, i.e. the direction of Kaaba that Muslims should face
when praying. The wall is called the qibla wall.
Post-Renaissance Architecture*: is an architectural
manifestation underpinned by the authorities'
experimentations in tailoring building codes from the early
1980s. It is characterised by direct incorporation of derived
elements from Arab/Islamic architecture. It also terminated the
use of Modernism or Post-Modernism building treatments in
Muscat.
Regionalism: in this thesis refers to a contemporary
architecture employing new technologies and materials to
produce regionally responsive buildings.
Renaissance Architecture*: architecture established in the
1970s during the intensive development programs and the
introduction of new materials, mass transportation and new
construction methods. It has no defined characteristics as it
was purely the decision of the architect (depending on his/her
architectural training) to produce either regionally responsive
architecture or a random global design. The main concern at
that time was to intensify the construction with less emphasis
on a particular style.
The Petroleum-Era : is the time when oil was discovered and
extracted in large quantities in Oman. Even though oil was
first discovered in Oman around mid 1920s, the utilisation of
oil revenues were modest and not reflective on the national
economy until the accession of Sultan Qaboos to power in
1970. The oil-era is thus 1970 to present.
The Omani Renaissance : a significant shift in the political,
economical, educational and in most aspects of Omanis life
underpinned by the accession of Sultan Qaboos to power in
1970.
Traditional Regionalism: is in this thesis referring to the
vernacular architecture of the Omani region.
x
Wadi : a rocky and dry riverbed that contains water only Liberation of Oman". The war ended with victory to Sultan
during rainy seasons, although flash flooding is normally Qaboos against the communists in 1975.
experienced in wadis. The base of Wadi normally has sub-
surface water which is a major source of water for traditional Qaboosian Architecture*: an outstanding contemporary
settlements. architecture that implements traditional Omani-Arab features
harmoniously. It is recognisable style in private and public
Walayat or Wilayah: an administrative division or a province. buildings accomplish by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos.
In this thesis refers to a town.
Sultan: ruler or sovereign of an Islamic country.
Wali: a governor who has the political responsibility over his
Walayat. He represents his Walayats needs and issues in
front of the government.

War against repellents : after Sultan Qaboos assumed

power in 1970, he was confronted by repelling tribes who in
Omani political history are now referred to as the 'repellents'
to maintain their anonymity, since they still form part of the
society. Most of the repellents, especially the ones in Dhofar
Region, were supported by communist regimes and were
advocating themselves as the "Popular Front for the

xi
 Introduction

Chapter One Introduction

Fig 5: Entry Portico of the Great Mosque of Manah in A'Dakhliyah.

Source: Archnet Digital Library, http://archnet.org/library/images/one-
image.tcl?location_id=11762&image_id=105728&start=10&limit=9

1

Aims
Specific Aims
This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the current
distinct and uniform architectural manifestation in Oman. It
analyses the causal factors, the main drivers and the policies
behind the emergence of modern architectural style around
the 1970s, and the way in which it was maintained to 2007 at
the time of writing this thesis. The dissertation critically
evaluates the outcomes of Oman's current architectural trend.
This thesis involves a review of the Royal and governmental
efforts in establishing this architectural movement. It includes
examination and analysis of the building regulatory guidelines
produced by several governmental authorities during the last
37 years during which the country experienced an intensive
transformation period underpinned by the Omani Renaissance
in 1970. This thesis traces the development processes that
these building guidelines went through in order to reach this
current state. It also examines their effects on the national
architecture during this particular period. This thesis critically
Introduction
evaluates the consequences of these building codes on the
current architecture in Oman with reference to relevant
architectural theories.
Secondary Aims
This thesis also aims to highlight the role of the State in
promoting and enhancing cultural identity and its effort in
bridging the gap between localisation and globalisation. A
broader secondary aim of the thesis is to lay down a
milestone for a larger body of research that explores
alternative ways of designing contemporary buildings in Oman
which respects its sense of place and its historical values. It is
hoping to set a benchmark for further debates on the
architecture of Oman during the "Oil era", a subject not yet
being comprehensively explored in architectural literature. The
dilemma between traditions and modernity in the global arena
is becoming a debatable subject and an item of sensitive
consideration, especially for governmental, architectural and
the other concerned parties in Oman, the Arab World and
beyond; thus a mediation for such dilemma is of importance.
2

Methodology and Literature Sources
A large body of literature related to the case study was
gathered from public and private libraries in Oman. With few
exceptions, many of those literature items were produced or
edited by scholars with Western oriented education and with
particular interests in the traditions of the country. Despite this
relatively small, but important, body of architectural literature,
gathered mainly from the libraries of the Sultan Qaboos
1
University and the Petroleum Development Oman , almost
none is dedicated to exploring the contemporary architectural
trends in Oman. Rather, most scholars have investigated
Omans architectural heritage and traditional structures.
For example, the Journal of Oman Studies is an invaluable
source of literature on the heritage of Oman. It is produced
with cooperation of the Ministry of Heritage and Culture and
1
They are the only two public libraries in Muscat that have Omani
architectural literature. Related books were also purchased from
bookshops in Muscat and relevant articles were ordered from other
institutes via the University of Queensland.
Introduction
written and edited mostly by Western educated scholars who
have been working in Oman for governmental or non-
governmental bodies. It was first established in 1975 and it
explores issues ranging from the Omani culture, history,
heritage, arts and crafts, traditional buildings and settlements,
archaeology, geography, nature, wild animal species, and
habitats. The several volumes of the journal were not used by
the author for the written part of the thesis, rather, they were
utilised to gain an informed understanding of the architectural
traditions in Oman, which assisted in briefly discussing the
vernacular architecture of Oman. 2
An important source for the thesis is the book, The
Architecture of Oman, by Salma Damluji (1998). Damluji
spent about four years studying and documenting the
traditional architecture of selected towns across all regions in
2
Detailed discussion of the Omani vernacular is out of the scope of this
thesis. For more detail about the traditional Omani architecture refer to
Damluji (1998), Al Harthy (2005), the architectural articles published in the
Journal of Oman. Several other relevant articles are also listed in the
Bibliography.
3

Oman. She produced a comprehensive study and analysis of
traditional buildings and vernacular structures in the Sultanate
as well as a brief study on contemporary buildings in Muscat.
Damluji dedicated an introductory portion of Chapter Two to
the Oil-era architecture. She discusses new buildings and
urban proposals for Muscat advanced by international
architects in 1970, as well as outlining some of the pervious
governmental building regulatory guidelines, which were of
high relevance to the thesis. A number of short articles
published throughout the last three decades concerning
developmental changes in Muscat and their effects on
architecture were also of relevance, the most recent of which
is which is Smith (1983).
Further investigations of the building regulation guidelines
were taken from the guidelines produced by several
governmental agents. The three building codes obtained by
the author are:
a. Building Regulation for Muscat produced by Muscat
Municipality (1992);
Introduction
b. Regulations for Organizing Building compiled by Omans
Ministry of Regional Municipality, Environment and Water
Resources (MRMEW 2000) ; and
c. Omans Developmental Planning Guidelines produced by
the Supreme Committee of Town Planning (2000).
Other older building guidelines were not available but were
summarised by both Building Regulation for Muscat (1992)
and by Dumluji (1998).
Most of the photographic images and literature resources
were gathered during a field trip to Muscat in the fall of 2006.
Photographic analysis of new and old buildings was employed
to gain an understanding of the contemporary architectural
trends in Muscat. Post-trip analysis then allowed for the
consolidation of initial arguments and the formulation of new
opinions.
Even though the literature was first reviewed by the author at
the initial stages of formulating the thesis aims, it is essential
to note that the critical discussion of these architectural
4

theories has been positioned last in this dissertation as it is
more crucial to begin with a thorough examination of the
current architectural trends in Oman. Therefore, discussing
the theory of localism and its paradoxical dilemma with
internationalism was derived from papers in the subject of
Regionalism and Critical Regionalism. The relevant books and
papers from this field of study were prepared by Liane
Lefaivre and Alexander Tzonis
(1981,1990,1991a,1991b,2003), and Kenneth Frampton
(1980,1983a,1983b,1983c,1991), as well as, Ricoeur (1961),
Guernier (1999), Colquhoun (1997) and others.
Outline of the Argument
Chapter 1 introduces Oman the country and nation, and
describes (i) the location, geography and climate, (ii) relevant
aspect of past and contemporary history, and (iii) the radical
developments marked by the Omani Renaissance catalysed
when Sultan Qaboos Bin Saeed assumed leadership in 1970,
and finally (iv) population characteristics and religious beliefs.
Introduction
Chapter 2 focuses on analysing the direct reasons behind the
emergence of the current regional architectural trend in
Oman. It analyses the Royal and governmental emphasis on
preserving the traditions while allowing for modernisation. It
also provides a thorough examination of the processes that
the various governmental building codes went through in the
last 37 years with particular interest in the clauses of
architectural preservation policies. References are made to
the building regulation guidelines produced by the government
(Muscat Municipality 1992, MRMEW 2000) and Salma S.
Damluji (1998) in her summary of the older policies.
Chapter 3 highlights the outcomes from a three month field
trip to Muscat undertaken at the fall of 2006. It analyses the
indirect influences on maintaining and preserving Omans
regionalism. It provides an analysis of the existing traditional
and heritage buildings widely spread in Muscat. The chapter
also provides an analysis of two districts with geographical,
political and historical significance in Muscat. The analysis
5

brings to light the strategies used to address traditional
architectural elements in contemporary buildings.
Chapter 4 provides a critical perspective on the discussed
architectural preservation policies and the architecture
produced with reference to the values of Regionalism and
Critical Regionalism. It critically evaluates the outcomes of
these policies in the recent architecture of Muscat. Omans
architectural position is established in Chapter 4 after drawing
on the outcomes from chapter 2 and 3. The final conclusion
collates the preceding chapters summaries and establishes
the thesis findings and possible resolutions.
Introduction
The Sultanate of Oman
Location, Geography and Climate
Oman is located in the far east side of the Arabian Peninsula
and is boarded by the Indian Ocean. From the northern,
western and southern sides, Oman is boarded by the United
Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, respectively. It is
the third largest country in the Arabian Peninsula after Saudi
Arabia and Yemen.
Geographically, the Sultanate encompasses a diverse range
of topography, including mountain ranges, arid deserts,
coastal areas and fertile plains. There are five distinct
geographical regions: Musandam peninsula, Albatinah coastal
strip, Alhajjar mountains, Naj desert and Dhofar (Petersen
1996, 212) (see fig 6).
6
 Introduction

Fig 6 : Above, Map of Oman showing its different geographical areas.

Right, Oman's international geographical location.
Source: World Atlas 2007,(modified by the author)

7

Located at the far north part of Oman, Musandam peninsula is
a rough rocky headland with a hot and humid climate. It is
separated from the rest of the Sultanate by a strip of United
Arab Emirates (UAE) land and encompasses the famous
Straits of Hormuz where 90% of the Arabian Gulf's oil is
shipped, to all over the world (Omani Ministry of Information
2007). The Batinah coastal strip is also a hot and humid area
located at the northern part of the country and is framed by
the mountain ranges and the Gulf of Oman. The availability of
water and land fertility, perhaps, were the reasons for making
Batinah the most densely populated region of Oman. The
Alhajjar mountains belt is a prominent topographical feature,
starting from Musandam and running parallel to the coast and
ending at the outer fringes of Sur. Through Falajs and Wadis 3
the mountains are the main source of Oman's fresh water
supply (Parry 1998, 38). Furthermore, some villages at these
mountains enjoy a moderate and relatively cold climate with
fertile lands. The Najd desert, however, is a hot and arid area
comprising of mostly desert and sandy dunes such as
3
Refer to terminology for description.
Introduction
Alwahiba sand, Um Asamim the mother of poison and Rub Al
Khali Desert the empty quarter. Finally, Dhofar is a
mountainous region in the far south-eastern part of Oman. It is
characterised by its tropical climate and it is the only area in
the Arabian Peninsula that experiences the summer monsoon
(Petersen, 1996, 212).
With some reflection on the geographic divisions, Oman
politically consists of nine Governorates and regions. The
Governorates are: Dhofar, Muscat, Musandam and AlBuraimi,
and the Regions are: AlBatinah, A'Dhahira, A'Dakhliyah, Ash-
Sharqiyah and AlWusta. Each governorate or region consists
of several Wilayat (a state or a town), and each Wilayat is
managed by a Wali (a governor), who represents his Wilayat
as part of the Government (see fig 7).
8

Fig 7 : Governorates and Regions of Oman.
Source: World Atlas 2007, modified by the author
Introduction
Vernacular Architecture 4
Due to the diverse climate and topography across the
Sultanate, the country encompasses various vernacular
typologies. The hot and humid climates of the coastal areas
are characterised, mostly, by Areesh houses. 5 They are
mainly made of light and perforated materials, commonly palm
tree leaves, to catch sea breezes. On the other hand, the
desert areas were mainly occupied by nomadic tribes that
used temporary tents and shelters. Their impermanent
buildings were mainly made of light structure and materials.
The Bedouins inhabit the desert or the barren land, a vast
beige-coloured gravel plain, and their camps often consist of a
4
There are overlaps and more complexity in the locality and settings of
traditional Omani buildings. Detailed discussion of the Omani Vernacular is
out of the scope of this thesis. For more details about the traditional Omani
architecture refer to Damluji (1998), Al Harthy (2005), the architectural
related articles published in the Journal of Oman and several other
relevant articles listed in the Bibliography.
5
This is commonly seen in AlBatinah Region. Other costal areas
developed heavier materials of clay and mud-brick with big balconies to
catch sea breezes.
9
 Introduction

rough shelter under an acacia tree. 6 Conversely, the buildings In the fourth century, the Persian Empire occupied Oman and
in the interior and mountainous areas are normally houses remained in control of the country until Oman embraced Islam
constructed of stone and mud-brick. However, despite the in 630 CE. With the unification established by Islam, the
climatic and geographical differences in Oman, the defensive Persians were defeated, and a period of peace, prosperity
and heavy structure fortification is a common element in most and stability prevailed (Petersen 1996, 213). The maritime
of the regions; it is an architecture that evokes stories and trade, therefore, flourished and the Omani sailors reached
past historical events about the country. India, South-East Asia, China, and East Africa. During that
period, several Omani cities thrived, the most important of
History
which were: Muscat, Sohar, Tiwi, Qalhat and Albalid, with
The earliest settlements in Oman have been dated to 3000 Sohar becoming the greatest sea port in the Islamic world at
BCE, and by 2000 BCE copper was being exported to that time (Oman Information Centre 2007).
Mesopotamia (Petersen 1996, 212). Due to its strategic
location and its long coasts overlooking the Indian Ocean,
seafaring was a major expertise of the Omanis. This,
however, led to commercial, political and military contacts with
several empires and civilisations throughout the history of the
country which led to the construction of numerous defensive
structures.

6
The classical black tent, however, is not a common building typology of
the Omani desert architecture. Source: Oman Information Centre 2007.

10
 Introduction

Fig 8, Above, Diagrammatic map showing which the route the Portugueses navy took
while controlling over the area. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ottoman_Empire
, modified by author.

Fig 9, Right, Major contemporary and historical Walayat in Oman. Source: Enchanted
Learning 2007 (outlines only), modified by author.

11

During the 16th century, the Portuguese government decided
to control the Eastern sea trade and overthrew Arab
commercial supremacy over the Indian Ocean (Hawley 2005,
41). Their aim was to control the Red Sea and the Arabian
Gulf. After blockading the Red Sea by seizing Socotra in
1506, the Portuguese moved to Oman with the aim of
capturing the Strait of Hurmoz. In order to weaken
competition, they destroyed most of the Omanis strong
coastal cities such as Qalhat, Muscat, Qurayat, Sohar and
Khor Fakkan 7 . Upon arrival at Hurmoz, the Portuguese
defeated the locals, and started building several forts which
enabled them to control the Arabian Gulf and Mesopotamia
sea trade (Hawley 2005, 41). (see fig 8, 9)
In 1517 the Ottoman Turks military supremacy ended the
Portuguese blockade of the Red Sea and in 1550 they
captured Muscat and temporarily drove the Portuguese away.
In 1581 the Ottomans seized Muscat again and the
Portuguese fled to the interior of Oman until the Turks
7 8
Khor Fakkan is now a town belonging to the United Arab Emirates.
Introduction
withdrew (Hawley 2005, 41). Perhaps this disgraceful
sequence of failures led the Portuguese to increase their
fortifications in Oman by constructing many defensible
structures over the ruins of Omani forts (Barrault 1997, 42). 8
The continuous destructive battles in the coastal areas made
the interior cities of Oman grow stronger. The most important
of these were: Nizwa, Bahal, and Rustaq. In 1643, the great
and influential Imam Nasir Bin Murshid Alya'rubi succeeded in
uniting most of the coastal and interior cities and therefore
finally succeeded in driving the Portuguese out of their second
stronghold of Sohar and weakening their power in all parts of
Oman. However, the Portuguese remained protected in their
very defensible forts in Muscat, until Imam Sultan Bin Saif
Alya'rubi, successor of Imam Nasir bin Murshid Alya'rubhi,
captured Muscat in 1649 and finally ended the Portuguese
occupation of the country (Oman Information Centre 2007).
Sultan also followed the Portuguese and defeated them in
Examples are, Forts of Jalali, Mirani, Mutrah and many others.
12

their settlements in West India and East Africa 9 , and this
established the Ya'rubi Dynasty as a ruling family in Oman.
A period of peace and prosperity prevailed and lasted for a
century. With the stronghold of many coastal and interior
cities, Oman rapidly advanced in its military and economic
power (Hawley 2005, 45). Several other rulers from the
Ya'rubi family encouraged unity, supported education and built
strong, beautiful and elegant forts 10 . However, the peace was
disturbed by a civil war which started with the death Sultan
Bin Saif 11 in 1718. Conflict over who should succeed Sultan
as a ruler was the main cause. Tribal wars exploded and
continued for about 30 years, which further intensified
fortification practices in architecture.
9
Such as Bombay and Gugrat in India and Mombasa, Zanzibar and
Mozambique in East Africa
10
Examples are the fort of : Nizwa, Rustaq, Hazim, Jibrin, Barka and many
others.
11
Not to be confused with Sultan Bin Saif who drove the Portuguese out of
Oman in 1649.
Introduction
The civil wars, however, were reduced by the efforts of
Ahmed bin Said who gained a reputation when he got rid of
the Persians who occupied Sohar for nine months in 1747. He
re-united the country and was elected as Imam in 1748. This
ended the one century long Ya'rubi Dynasty in Oman and
established the Al bu Said Dynasty, of which the ruling family
in the current day is a branch.
During the 16th and 17th centuries, at the time when the
European merchants were thriving in the Eastern world spices
trade, Oman had commercial and political contacts with the
British, French and Dutch trading companies. Although the
French had plans to seize Muscat and convert it to a French
colony, these plans were never carried out. Therefore Oman
and France maintained their friendly commercial and political
relationship (Hawley 2005, 44). This friendly relationship with
the Europeans was further enhanced during the Al bu Said
Dynasty under the leadership of Imam Ahmed Bin Said, and
after that, by his son Imam Sultan Bin Ahmed.
13

Oman reached its political, economical and military apogee
during the reign of Imam Said Bin Sultan Al bu Saidi who
ruled Oman between 1807 and 1856 (Barrault 1997, 42). At
this time, Oman became a kingdom spreading not only from
Hurmoz to Dhofar but having colonies in Persia (Bandar
Abbas 12 ) and East Africa, with Muscat as the capital city.
13
Zanzibar in East Africa received special attention from Imam
Said Bin Sultan. This was because Zanzibar was a rich and
fertile island that Imam Said exploited with the clove spice
trade which guaranteed a third of the kingdom's income
(Barrault, 1997, 42). Zanzibar was also where most of the
ruler's family lived, although it was by no means the richest
part of the Omani kingdom (Barrault, 1997, 42). Therefore,
12
A strategic and wealthy province in southern coast of Iran
13
Zanzibar is an island in Tanzania in East Africa. Its people appealed for
help to Imam Sultan Bin Saif, the second Imam of the Ya'rubi dynasty,
after he drove the Portuguese out of Oman. After Imam Sultan destroyed
the Portuguese force in Zanzibar, he appointed an Omani Wali (governor)
over Zanzibar and other adjacent towns and therefore established an
Omani military force in the area. Source: Hawley, 2005, 62.
Introduction
during the rule of Imam Said the capital of Oman was moved
to Zanzibar. 14
The death of Imam Said marked the beginning of disputes in
the kingdom. His two sons divided the country: Zanzibar was
ruled by Majid and Oman was ruled by Thuwaini. Tension
between the rulers followed, ending in the declaration of
independence of the two sovereign Imams in 1862. The
kingdom started to fail and its maritime, military and
commercial power declined as most of the ships happened to
be anchored in Zanzibar when Imam Said died (Barrault,
1997, p44). Some other reasons for the decline in Omani
power were: the splitting of the country, its internal instability,
the abolition of slavery 15 , the advancement of steam ships by
the Europeans and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1860
(Barrault 1997, 42).
14
Other historians have explained that the Imam Said declared Zanzibar
as his second capital.
15
Slavery was a prime source of labour for agriculture in Oman and
Zanzibar. Source: Cooper 1947, 183.
14

Internal disputes and tribal disturbances slowly cut Oman off
from the rest of the world, while also dividing Muscat from the
interior of Oman. Furthermore, while the rest of the world was
advancing in the industrial revolution that swept through
Europe, Oman was oblivious to such global changes. The
First World War isolated Oman ever further (Oman
Information Centre 2007). The country was closed to foreign
visitors and even the simple accessories of Western culture
such as sunglass or the riding of bicycles were outlawed as a
measure to protect the culture from foreign intrusions. Women
were not allowed to attend school and Omanis who managed
to go abroad for work or education were not able to return.
Everyday, three hours after sunset, Muscat would close its
gates, and those who came late would have to sleep outside
the city. 16
16
This is general knowledge that is normally broadcast in the Omani
media during most national celebrations. It has been translated and edited
by the current author. Refer to the author's unpublished research proposal,
(Alzeedi 2006, 3).
Introduction
This historical 'prcis' is necessary to clarify related issues
raised in the remaining of this thesis. It reveals cultural and
past historical events that the current government had to
acknowledge in the modernisation developments. In
summary, this prcis has revealed Oman's association to
many of the historical events linked to the history of the
European sea trade and exploration. It briefly reveals Oman's
involvement with Western civilisation in the shaping of the
history of a number of countries at the shores of the Indian
Ocean. It also shows the highest and lowest points in Oman's
political, economic and social history and their corresponding
impacts on architecture. Thus, it unravels the reasons behind
the intensive and widely spread fortifications in Oman. This
historical review also reveals famous past events that
continue to impose themselves on contemporary Omanis and
demand acknowledgment. This pressure was translated by
the current government through education, via restoration and
conservation of heritage buildings, as well as obliging new
buildings to reflect on the older structures, which will be
further detailed in Chapter 2.
15
 Introduction

by the pervious government, its revenues had not been

properly utilised. With the wisdom of the new government,
The Omani Renaissance
Sultan Qaboos initiated intensive modernisation programs and
Prior to 1970, in Oman there were no radios, no cars, no large scale investments into the key sectors of education,
newspapers, and only three schools, one hospital with 12 health care, housing, commerce and an extensive
beds, and 10 kms of asphalted roads (Smith 1983, 18). News construction of infrastructure, transportation, and
that travelled by word of mouth was the only means of telecommunications.
communication. The country's name was The Sultanate of
Muscat and Oman which suggested a clear lack of unity. One year later, in 1971, the Sultanate celebrated the opening
Worse, the tribal rebellions in the Dhofar provinces, which of 16 schools and that number jumped to 45 in 1972 and
were supported by the communists, were advocating for continued doubling each year thereafter. In the health field,
liberation of the country and aimed for regional independence. the number of dispensaries increased to 25, and 12 hospitals
Before 1970, the people of Oman were poor, and illiterate, were in operation in 1972. An international airport and Qaboos
with intertribal tensions, living in an invisible, isolated and Sea port were also completed in 1972. Thousands of
desert oasis (Alzeedi 2006, 3). asphalted roads and highways were laid down which
connected major cities, eased communication, and advanced
The turning point was when His Majesty Sultan Qaboos Bin the mass transportation needed for the new developments
Saeed assumed power in 1970. Modernising the country was (Omani Ministry of Information, 2007).
his central concern, which had to be started on the basis of
virtually 'groundzero'. Even though oil was being extracted

16
 Introduction

Even though the new government was inevitability involved in authorities (such as the Public Authority for Craft Industries
a war against the repellents in Dhofar, it still did not stop from and others), a number of women members in Majlis Ash'shura
continuing to construct infrastructure and provide necessary and two female ambassadors (one of which is the
public services. The victory over the communists in 1975 ambassador to the United States). (Omani Ministry of
relieved the government and allowed it to direct all of its Information, 2007)
efforts to intensify the development programs which were
carried out in five-year plans. This review attempts to highlight the significant shift in Oman's
history established by the Omani Renaissance in 1970. The
Today, the Sultanate enjoys a stable government, a constant construction growth was rapid, and the development
and managed growth rate, and good political relationships investments were intense and widely spread. Where
with almost all of the neighbouring Gulf States, Arab countries previously the Omani people were living a very primitive life
and beyond. The Sultanate has a good social welfare with almost no basic services, now each village in the
structure as well as an advanced and free health, and countryside enjoys or has easy access to all necessary,
education system. The government also involves its citizens in modern facilities.
national and international issues through the Majlis Ash'Shura
(Consultative Committee) 17 which is formed by at least one
People, Culture and Religious Beliefs.
periodically elected representative from each Walayat in the
Sultanate. It is one of the few Arab States that has three
According to the 2005 census, Oman's population is just over
ministries lead by women, female presidents of governmental
3 million, of which 16% is expatriate labourers (Omani Ministry
17
Refer to Terminologies.

17

of Foreign Affairs 2007). The Omanis are deeply rooted in
their religion which is the central driver of their culture. The
culture of Oman is very strongly ordered by Islam which most
Omanis accepted and embraced willingly in the sixth century,
without even meeting the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) 18
(Oman Information Centre 2007). Ibadhism is a dominant
doctrine of Islam in Oman consisting of 70% of the total
population. Suni and Shi'a Muslims make up the majority of
the remaining population percentages. Other religions such as
Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism and others form a small slice
of the population and are mainly formed by foreign labourers.
The Omanis are not only tolerant towards the belief of
different Muslim divisions but they are also tolerant towards
other religions, and the followers of different religion are
allowed to go to the temples and churches (Oman Information
Centre 2007).
18
PBUM is an abbreviation for Peace Be Upon Him; a respectable clause
which is always stated after mentioning the Prophet's name.
Introduction
Arabic is the principal, and official language in all inner parts
of Oman. English, Swahili 19 and Baluchi 20 are also prominent
but mainly in the capital, and other languages such as Urdu,
Indian dialects and South East Asian languages are also
spoken but primarily by expatriates.
In contrast to the other Gulf States, the Sultanate retained its
name as Oman throughout its history. 21 Furthermore, its
population continues to consist of a diverse collection of tribes
who have inhabited the land for thousands of years. They also
share the same history, cultural values and religious beliefs,
and thus, Omanis generally have a strong sense of belonging
to their land.
19
Swahili is spoken in East Africa and it was brought to the country by
Omanis returning from Zanzibar.
20
Similarly Baluchis was brought from west Iran.
21
The Persian however used to name Oman as Majan which mean the
land of copper.
18
 Introduction

Summary tensions. However, this self-detachment was ended when

Sultan Qaboos acceded to the throne in 1970 and marked the
Omanis are proud of their culture, history and heritage, and
birth of the Omani Renaissance and re-emerged of the
the glory of their ancestors has always been a source of
Sultanate to international recognition.
honour, pride and dignity. Their history, dating back
thousands of years announces glorious events and
To provide its people with the necessary, basic, modern living
achievements. Along with the bright and peak periods of
facilities, the Renaissance brought with it massive
Oman's political, military and commercial past, the Sultanate's
infrastructural developments, long-term investment plans and
history is also characterised by low points. The peaks were
a rapid construction growth. This intensive modernisation
when the country lived in peace and economic prosperity and
process also brought with it inevitable globalisation. The
they correlated with the construction of great and elegant
effects of this were predicted to negatively interrupt the
buildings. The lowest points were when the country was
culture, environment, indigenous architecture, heritage urban
occupied by external powers, or when the country
fabric, and the long established living patterns of the Omani
experienced internal disputes. In either case these also
people.
marked the construction of highly defensible structures.

The most recent decline in the country's political and

economic strength was during the second half of the 19th
century and first half of 20th century, when Oman was
segregated from the world and experienced inter-tribal

19
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Chapter Two The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Fig 10 : Entrance of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor,

designed by John Harris in the 1970s
Source: Archnet Digital Library http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-
site.tcl?site_id=5421 20
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Introduction state, which include His Majesty's commands, and the related
governmental authorities' orders.
Oman is one of many developing countries that have been
going through significant changes, caused by modernisation
Thus, this chapter provides a review of the Royal emphasis on
and globalisation. From the early stages of the Omani
preserving traditions. It also provides an examination of the
Renaissance in 1970, there was a strong tendency to
processes that the various governmental building codes
preserve the inherited Omani traditions while developing the
underwent in the last 37 years, with particular attention to the
nation. The rich cultural heritage, numerous widely spread
clauses of architectural preservation policies.
vernacular structures, and the Omanis conservative way of
living forced authorities to take a central role in preserving the
traditions. As a measure to achieve this, the government The Enlightened Speeches and Commands of Sultan
produced several polices for heritage conservation with a Qaboos bin Saeed
particular emphasis on the preservation of architectural
When Sultan Qaboos bin Saeed came to power in 1970, it
traditions.
was evident that a lot of work had to be done to uphold the
country and develop the nation. Enormous efforts needed to
Chapter 2 focuses on analysing the direct reasons and the
be exerted to provide basic, modern facilities ranging from
main focus for establishing the current regional architectural
housing, electricity and water to education, health, and public
trend in Oman. It draws attention to the role of the state in
amenities as well as the provision of transportation and
creating and maintaining cultural identities. It also highlights
communication services. On the other hand, the rich history
the emphasis on preserving the traditions undertaken by the

21

and national heritage was not to be compromised. In his first
anniversary speech in 1970 he stated:
Our internal plan is to build our country and to provide its
people with good standard of living We have left open the
doors for our citizens to reach this goal. We shall work in a
serious manner to establish a democratic and just rule in our
country, within the framework of our Arab Omani reality, our
social traditions and the teachings of Islam [author's
emphasis] (Qaboos 2007c).
Peoples' traditional way of living, being bound and attached to
their land, and their pride, culture and beliefs were strongly
evident. Therefore it was of importance to the state to
mediate the expected significant changes caused by
modernisation.
In the Second National Day celebration, after addressing and
praising his people, His Majesty commenced his speech with:
"Our [original emphasis] principal aim is to restore the past
glories of our country. Our aim is to see that Oman has
restored its past civilization and has occupied its great
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
position among its Arab brothers in the second half of the 20th
Century, and to see the Omani citizen living in happiness and
dignity in his land." (Qaboos, 2007b)
However, with the exception of His Majesty's speeches, there
is no evidence of any formal piece of legislation in terms of
cultural and heritage preservation until 1977. 1 Perhaps this
was because most of the government's efforts were devoted
to both the construction of basic modern facilities in the major
cities across Oman, and to the war against the repellents
which did not end until 1975. In 1977, Sultan Qaboos bin
Saeed issued a royal decree (Royal Decree no. 77/20, 1977)
commanding the creation of the Ministry of National Heritage
and Culture which was to start its role in protecting and
safeguarding the heritage and historical remains of the
Omanis' ancestors. It was also obliged to protect traditional
professions, scientific and intellectual achievements, and all
1
Author's statement.
22

similar tangible or intangible traditional properties (Gugolz
1996, 291).
On another occasion, His Majesty stated that A nation that
loses its roots and its memory, also loses its soul and its faith
in the future (Barrault 1997, 75), which recalls the importance
of preserving and acknowledging the inherited traditions.
Furthermore, in his speech on the 10th National Day
Anniversary in 1980 he stated that:
We must bear in mind that our strength does not lie in
material prosperity alone. Our strength lies in the great
traditions of our glorious Omani culture, and the teachings
and laws of our Holy Religion [author's emphasis] (Qaboos
2007a).
This praised the success of the first 5-Year-Plan in terms of
construction and provision for public facilities. It also remarked
on the restoration works that the Ministry of National Heritage
and Culture had been undertaking during its three years of
operation. More importantly, it established a point from which
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
the related authorities would start a serious revision of their
tradition preservation policies, through new buildings, which
will be discussed shortly.
Furthermore, His Majesty himself took a personal
responsibility 2 to preserve the heritage through his own
private and public buildings. It is obvious, through the
treatment of his buildings, that the architectural briefing
outlined the importance of paying respect to traditional
architecture. This is evident in several of his buildings such as
Alalam Palace (Fig 23), AlBaraka Palace, Alshomokh Palace
and in almost all of the Sultan's privately own residences. This
is also clearly apparent in most of the mosques and public
structures that he built under his own expenses.
2
Public awareness is also important to protect the heritage; however it
was not a major issue in the 1970s as people were already living with their
traditions. After the intensive developments during the 1980-90s, public
awareness become crucial and that led to officially declare the year of
1994 as the "Year of National Heritage"(Gugolz 1996, 291).
23
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Therefore, from the early Omani Renaissance in 1970, Sultan
Qaboos has emphasised the importance of preserving the
national heritage and its inherited traditions. His Majestys
emphasis was then translated in Royal Decrees and
Ministerial commands that started formulating rules to
regulate the modernisation development.
Urban Planning Proposals of Makiya and Harris in
the 1970s 3
offices in Oman. The first appointment was in 1970 of a British
firm, John R. Harris Architects, who then established an office
in Muscat in 1971 (Smith 1983, 18). The second appointment
was in 1973 of Mohammed Makiya Associates, an Iraqi
architectural firm with offices in Muscat and London and which
was recognised by its distinctive contemporary style based on
traditional Islamic architectural principles (Kultermann, 1999).
The proposals prepared by both architects were slightly
different in content, however both shared a similar

In response to His Majesty's speeches and Royal Orders to fundamental concept: "To define the status and role of the old

start the modernisation processes, the government started city of Muscat in the context of national politics and

approaching international architectural firms to submit urban economics; to preserve the [centuries old] walls and traditional

development proposals for Muscat. The government, buildings of the old city; to set out guidelines for buildings in

represented by the Diwan 4 of the Royal Court, appointed at the new districts; and to propose plans for the expanding

two separate times two firms that had recently established metropolitan region" (Damluji 1998, 58). Noticeably, both
proposals allowed for future urban expansion and
development but with a particular emphasis on preserving and
3
This section is exclusively extracted from Damluji (1998) which she got protecting the inherited, traditional, architecture and cultural
the information from various (mostly unpublished or not easily obtainable) heritage.
reports prepared by Harris and Makiya in the 1970s. Refer to bibliography
for their references.
4
Refer to Terminology for description.

24

Makiya Associates, with their two-volume report titled Muscat
City Planning, viewed the city as a cul-de-sac city, an
enclave of historic buildings that should be kept intact. Their
report emphasised the invaluable heritage of Muscat, which
they proposed to renovate, preserve, and protect from the
intrusion of future urban developments. They recommended
old Muscat to house minimal governmental buildings and to
relocate most of the other state administrative departments to
a larger precinct which was capable of withstanding extensive
developments. They believed that this functional restriction for
old Muscat would assist in retaining the citys original identity
and its unique characteristics. Therefore, Makiyas approach
prescribed minimal impact on the heritage city and proposed
to relocate the required future developments to alternative
areas with less historical values. (Damluji 1998, 58).
John R Harris Architects report, however, although having
similar aims, had a slightly different approach. Harris
considered the possibility of Muscat continuing to hold the
seat of government as well as constructing public buildings so
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
as to create a cultural centre, albeit with very limited
commercial development. This suggested that Old Muscat
would be reserved mainly for public squares and buildings
with residences for the elite and the royal family. Furthermore,
Harris proposed that old Muscat and the surrounding district
of Sidab be devoted to tourism by retaining as many heritage
buildings as possible, with sympathetic renovation of older
buildings and the larger ones being appropriated for hotel
functions Consequently, a new capital with the needed state
administrative buildings would be established elsewhere.
Harriss proposal, therefore, was to devote old Muscat to
tourism and public attraction making it a district that would
display heritage buildings and the countrys established
culture. (Damluji 1998, 59).
Considering the larger scale of Muscat and its fringes, both
Harriss and Makiyas proposals emphasised the importance
of providing and improving basic, modern facilities such as
educational centres, health centres, public services, and
housing, along with the necessary provisions for electricity,
25
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

drainage, fresh water, roads and car parking. They proposed Even though neither of the two discussed proposals were
to provide all of these facilities without negatively affecting the carried out, their influences clearly prevailed in the later
indigenous architecture. (Damluji 1998, 59) decisions made by the Diwan of the Royal Court and the
Municipality. The regulation manuals produced later by these
Through their urban proposals for Muscat, both architectural authorities clearly addressed several elements of the Makiya
practices encouraged the incorporation of traditional features and Harris proposals. This will be further elaborated shortly.
in contemporary designs, modern approaches and
contemporary interpretations of traditional, regional
architecture. Additionally, both proposals recommended the Building Regulation Manuals and Guidelines
establishment of certain authorities to control and regulate the
upcoming developments by formulating strategic planning Perhaps the most significant factor in generating and

regulations and stylistic restrictions. Makiya Associates went sustaining Omans new regionalism were the policies and

into detail in this section by specifying height restrictions for building codes proposed by the relative authorities. As in the

certain zones and recommending the use of local materials. case of any man-made rules and regulations, the Oman

They also laid down guidelines for particular space layouts to architectural building guidelines have undergone continuous

incorporate the traditional courtyard element in private processes of development, refinement, and evaluation. Rules

dwellings, and to ensure adequate space between buildings. and codes were never written to last but to be evaluated

(Damluji 1998, 59). during application and to be regularly updated after monitoring
their shortcomings. Therefore, these policies went through

26

several stages of development and evaluation to reach their
current state.
In the early stages of Omans Renaissance in the early 1970s,
there was no written and approved building regulatory
guideline for Muscat city (Muscat Municipality 1992, 5).
Perhaps the unstable political situation in Oman due to the
war against the repellents was part of the reason. At that time,
the concerned authorities were also at the stage of gathering
information from international architectural firms for urban
development.
The Ministry of Lands, however, initiated the first step. Since it
was responsible for land distribution, the Ministry was also in
charge of reviewing and approving the urban planning
schemes and their associated building guidelines, which were
produced by design consultants for particular sites. In other
words, architectural firms themselves specified the building
regulations that they were proposing to adopt for their building
proposals, which the ministry was to review and approve.
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
These consultant-made rules were mainly concerned with
setbacks, construction floor area percentages, building
heights, numbers of floors, and building usages. At the time,
the Capital Municipality (currently called the Muscat
Municipality) did not have enough authority, staff, or technical
equipment to enable it to control the future scope of the large-
scale developments (Muscat Municipality 1992, 5).
The year 1974 marked the production of the first building
regulation guidelines in Oman titled The Building Regulations
for Muscat. It was compiled by Muscat Municipality and
implemented as the Municipal Local Order No.1/74. This
Municipal Order led to the transformation of responsibilities for
issuing building permits from the Ministry of Lands to Muscat
Municipality. The local order was issued to reduce the
pressure on the Ministry of Lands caused by the noticeable
construction growth rate experienced at that time. (Muscat
Municipality 1992, 6)
27

Since the Local Order No.1 was premature at the time, and
lacked much technical building information,
Municipality borrowed the same technique employed by the
Ministry of Land to issue building permits. In addition, the
Municipality also started to create supplementary building
regulatory rules and distributed them as memos in pamphlets
to all planning and architectural consultancy offices in Muscat.
This technique was developed to continue evaluating the
Local Order No.1, and to try to minimise its negative
outcomes. (Muscat Municipality 1992, 6)
Therefore, despite the content of His Majestys speeches
regarding heritage conservation, there were no written or
approved building regulation guidelines that were concerned
with preserving the architectural traditions
contemporary buildings from 1970 to 1980. Thus, this
established what I shall call the Renaissance Architecture 5 . It
5
Refer to Terminology.
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
is the architecture established during that period, by the
Muscat intensive developments, which lacked the authorities'
architectural guidance. It had no particular characteristics,
however it was either conforming rigidly to the tradition, since
it was a focal point of design inspiration for valued architects,
or totally foreign to the country, the climate, and the existing
urban fabric.
Moving towards the 1980s, an overview of the construction
processes in Muscat until the mid 1980s reveals that the city
experienced rapid, chaotic developments that threatened the
behavioural, cultural, and architectural traditions of the city
(Smith 1983, 18). In his article in 1983 titled, Desert
Developments, John Alexander Smith 6 , explained that the
through overall picture of Alkuwair, an area in Muscat, was "a
bewildering array of building types, each vying with its
6
Smith also worked with John R. Harris in the 70s and early 80s. Currently
he is the Professor and Chairman of the Department of Interior Design at
the American University in Dubai. Source: Lecture titled Designing in
Dubai given by Smith on 18-07-2007 at RAIA headquarters, Brisbane.
28

neighbour in terms of originality and taste, real or imagined".
Smith also highlighted numerous design faults in several
housing developments in Muscat in terms of climatic, cultural,
and technical aspects.
By that time, it seems that the local authorities, the Ministry of
Housing, and the Muscat Municipality, realised that it was time
to initiate serious revisions to, and evaluations of the
construction development processes in Muscat, and to
properly re-direct them. They formulated building guidelines to
regulate the construction process so as to allow it to move
parallel with modernity, but not detach from its roots at the
same time. The aim was to clean Muscat from the
aggregates and the imported styles and inappropriate
spatial organisation (Muscat Municipality 1992, 6). Therefore,
the major aim of this manual was the emphasis on strictly
following His Majestys commands in maintaining the Omani
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
identity by preserving the traditional architectural style
7
(Muscat Municipality, 1992, p6).
Even though Sultan Qabooss speeches appeared to stress
the importance of preserving traditions while allowing for
modernisation, indicating a Critical Regionalist approach, the
related authorities might have misinterpreted his speeches.
The consequence was an evolutionary manual that strictly
limited architectural inventions. The new policy obliged any
new building to fully conform to prescribed Islamic elements
and forms, even if they had to be structurally fake (Damluji
1998, 67).
7
Even though there is a debate in the literature about who proposed the
discussed aims, it appears that the Ministry of Housing initiated it and
forwarded a proposal to Muscat Municipality with their concerns of the
threat on the heritage buildings caused by modernisation. Then Muscat
Municipality took on the role of studying the building regulation manuals
created by the neighbouring states as to enable them to revise and
evaluate the existing policies.
29
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

According to some architects, the Building Regulation

Guidelines of 1981 contained a set of regulations that were
too extreme, demanding fairly arbitrary requirements for
castellation on building parapets, gothic, and curved arches
over windows, and a general reference to a type of building
which never really existed in Muscat (Damluji 1998, 67).
Buildings that were constructed according to these rules, such
as the Development Council and the Mercedes Benz Service
Building, showed little synergy between the old style and the
new materials, the use of castellation, in particular, is Fig 11, Mercedes-Benz Showroom
redundant at best (Damluji 1998, 67 ) (fig 11). Even the
already-built modern buildings that needed external
While the 1981 manual was in application, the Royal Court
renovations were required to comply with these stringent
Office produced another manual in 1987 for a specific area
rules. The result was, according to some architects, a
that had a political and geographical importance in Muscat
resolution that no further modern buildings would receive
called Shati Alqurm. It had similar restrictions to the previous
Municipality approval, and this effectively meant an end to
one but with wider alternatives. Its main aim was to "ensure
anti-solar glazing, metal cladding and postmodernist
the high quality of architectural design, in the modern and
treatments of buildings which reflected available technology.
unique Arab/Omani and Islamic architectural style, while using
(Damluji 1998, 67)
modern building materials; and to establish the origins of
cultural values in contemporary Arab architecture by

30
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

acknowledging the Arab and Islamic social values in

architecture" (Rahamn 2003, 106; Damluji 1998, 67). The
manual laid out particular requirements for the style of the
boundary walls and gates, the main doors, railings, roof
parapets, and screens to protect privacy on balconies or to
hide air-conditioning units. It also provided templates for
constructing ten different types of pointed, segmental, or
semicircular arches (Fig12). In addition, it provided
illustrations showing the faade treatments, and specified the
type of masonry used as being either concrete, block-work, or
Omani calcium silicate bricks. Finally, the manual limited the
exterior colours to be either white, light buff or silver grey
(Damluji 1998, 67).

Fig 12, Examples of different types of arches in Shati Alqurm area.

Top : segmental arch.
Above : semicircular arch.
Next Page : pointed arch.

31
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

advancements in building and construction technologies.

Furthermore, following the Royal Order from His Majesty
emphasizing again that building specifications and
architectural design should be a combination of Omani, Arab,
Islamic and contemporary style and character (Damluji 1998,
67)), Muscat Municipality (1992) set up another set of building
guidelines for the city of Muscat in 1992 with similar aims as
the previous ones but fewer prescriptions. Even though the
new regulations did not have templates or models of faade
treatments prescribed, they clearly stated in Article 33 section
The Elevational Guidelines for Shati Al Qurm did not
2 that the architectural design of facades/elevations of any
supersede the 1981 Buildings Regulation Guidelines. Both
industrial, commercial and residential buildings shall be
were legitimate, but the former was limited to where it was
according to the local, Arabs (sic) or Islamic style". This
originally created. The building guidelines for Shati Al Qurm,
provided architects with the opportunity to explore other
however, were eventually applied to other surrounding areas
options for elevational appearance however they still had to
(Damluji 1998, 67), probably because these guidelines
be reviewed and approved by the concerned department.
contained slightly less restrictions and wider options.
Moreover, in addition to its new remarkable rule of banning
the use of the Western-style totally inclined roofs (i.e gable
By the beginning of the 1990s, it was evident that the previous
or skillion roofs or the like), it introduced new sections
manuals were too tight, limiting and out-dated. They also
concerned with privacy and zoning that paid some attention to
lacked much of the technical information required for the new

32

certain Islamic architectural values (Muscat Municipality 1992,
22).
For the first time, this building regulation manual touched on
alternative elements of the Omani-Islamic architecture other
than the facades. For example, it specified in Article 14, that
internal space layouts in residential buildings should be
planned in such a way that the building conforms with social
norms of the Arabs (sic) Muslim families. The houses public
spaces and their needed circulation routes should not be
exposed to, or interfere with, the private family spaces, for
example the kitchen, living-dining room, and bedrooms. In
other words, a clear visual and acoustical segregation had to
be maintained between the public and private realms in a
dwelling, which is a fundamental element in Islamic residential
architecture. To achieve the necessary acoustics rating, it
specified a minimum thickness of 200mm for masonry
boundary walls, walls between two residential apartments,
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
and walls separating the Majlis 8 space from the living-family
spaces. The manual also required the consultant to submit
technical information on this matter.
The 1992 regulations manual was not only concerned with
privacy issues in internal treatments, but also external ones. It
specified the minimum distance between windows/balconies
of different units overlooking one another, or overlooking an
open-to-sky public courtyard. If this minimum dimension was
9
not achieved, the Mashrabiyyah had to be incorporated.
Mashrabiyyah do not only allow occupants to see outside and
prevent them from being seen by those outside; they also
allow for natural ventilation and controlled daylight (fig 13).
Even though the Mashrabiyyah might be considered an
8
A Majlis is the houses public space dedicated for welcoming and
entertaining guests. It is almost the most important space in the
Omani/Arab dwelling as it reveals the wealth and social power of the host.
Refer to Terminologies.
9
Mashrabiyyah is a wooden structure that normally encloses balconies so
as to provide inhabitants with visual privacy. Refer to Terminologies.
33
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

uncommon element to the vernacular Omani architecture, it is areas. Perhaps, due to the dramatic increase in the
still an observable traditional strategy in Islamic architecture. construction rate and the need to bring labourers, mainly men,
from overseas, there was a fear that this might negatively
interfere with families cultural morals which were prominently
based on Islamic values. Therefore, the Municipality outlawed
the construction of any building with a prescribed function of
labour or bachelor accommodation in residential or
residential-commercial areas and any proposals revealing
such mixed used would not be approved (Muscat
Municipality1992, Article 31, 21). Article 31, section D, also
prohibited proposing mixed use buildings of residential units
10
for family and bachelor accommodation.

Fig 13, Left, Example of a Mashrabiyyah at Shati Clearly, the Building Regulation Manual of 1992 contained
Alqurm area.
several elements of preserving the traditions, faith, heritage,
and cultural values from wider perspectives. As well as

Another new rule worth mentioning in the 1992 building

regulation manual was urban zoning to segregate family 10
This rule was perhaps limited to workers camp accommodation
residential areas from single or bachelor accommodation because it fails to stop students or other bachelors to rent large
apartments adjacent to units rented by families.

34

prohibiting imported styles with obvious Western features and
emphasising the importance of incorporating traditional Omani
elevations and certain Arab-Islamic architectural elements, the
manual also introduced the preservation of cultural values
through internal space layouts, external space relationships,
and urban zoning.
Finally the last building regulation manual was compiled by
the Ministry of Regional Municipalities, Environment and
Water Resources in 2000 11 , which conferred the necessity for
a unity in rules and regulations for the whole country by not
being limited to Muscat. This manual did not contain dramatic
changes from the pervious one. It was merely a detailed
version of it with more technical rules that filled in the gaps
and the shortfalls of the older one. Therefore, it is
characterised as being more specific in most technical
11
Even though the previous manual was made by Muscat Municipality for
regulating buildings in Muscat, many of its conditions and rules were also
applied in all other cities in Oman.
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
conditions. Several new technical rules were introduced which
are beyond the scope of this discussion. Furthermore,
preserving the architectural traditions is still evident as a
fundamental principle in this manual. What is noticeable,
however, this time is the language used is slightly flexible and
seems to lose its previous conservative emphasis. For
example, Article 23 in Chapter 2 Buildings (sic) Architectural
and Technical Conditions - states: Islamic and Arab
architectural style shall be considered when preparing
designs for all buildings (Omani Mins.RMEWR 2000, 9). A
more remarkable change in this manual was in article 22 in
the same chapter stating: No construction of buildings
resembling or similar to the Omani forts and castles is
permitted in buildings and fences (Omani Mins.RMEWR
2000, 9). Perhaps, the authorities came to the realisation that
globalisation and internationalism were not the biggest threat
to the national heritage anymore; rather that replication and
imitation threatened the authenticity of genuine architectural
traditions.
35
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Reviewing the last manual in particular reveals that the

authorities started to become more informed in current global
architectural discourses. The necessity of allowing for
flexibility and possible re-interpretations of their stylistic rules
started prevailing, an approach that seemed to be totally
excluded in almost all of their previous building codes. This
might also explain approving the construction of new buildings
that have very little or subtle response to the established
regional architecture. These buildings could be easily
categorised into the International Style architectural trend, yet
they still have very pale, regional character (fig 14, 15).

Fig 14, Top right BMW Showroom, built around 2001

Fig 15, Right, Nissan Showroom, completed in 2005
Note the extensive glazing required for such function, yet with a lightly
recessed pointed or semicircular arches.(these two buildings were
designed by the same firm: Cowi&Partners LLC)
Other buildings such as Toyota Showroom in Wattayya completed in
2006, and the Wave Headquarter Office (Property Information Centre)
in Seeb are also expressing similar attitude.

36

Chapter Summary
The consistency in the architectural manifestation in Oman in
general and in Muscat in particular has been derived from
several direct and interlinking reasons. These factors were
mainly concerned with protecting the heritage, while allowing
for modernisation. Through his speeches and commands, His
Majesty Sultan Qaboos Bin Said emphasised the importance
of preserving the traditions and not compromising them with
the expected urbanisation processes. His commands were
translated by the relevant authorities by seeking international
architectural firms to submit developmental urban proposals
for the city of Muscat. The influences from these proposals
prevailed in the decisions made by the government in later
stages when compiling the building codes.
It was apparent that the process of refining the building codes
went through three phases. Phase one was during the 1970s
when the main concern was only intensifying the construction
of infrastructure and public facilities without submitting to any
The Birth of Omani Regionalism
particular architectural trend, and this established what was
called the Renaissance Architecture. The second phase was
during the 1980s-90s when the related authorities tailored
three manuals at different times introducing strict rules for
incorporating traditional architectural elements into new
buildings. This phase will be distinguished as the Post-
Renaissance Architecture. The last phase of the building
codes development was from 2000 to present when the
government loosened the previous restrictions and conversely
started outlawing the construction of new buildings that simply
replicated heritage structures. Even though influences from
the Post-Renaissance Architecture were still prevailing, this
phase also underpinned the construction of new buildings that
attempt to off-set themselves from the usual Regionalism.
Due to their functional requirements they tried to implement
Internationalism as a design base; however the building
codes still enforced them to subtlety incorporate regional
elements.
37
 The Birth of Omani Regionalism

Whereas some rules were revised dramatically in the last 37

years, others were modified only slightly to suit contemporary
issues. Nonetheless, the general underlying purpose of these
governmental policies was to preserve traditions while moving
forward towards modernity. However, it is evident that the
building codes, which produced the Post-Renaissance
Architecture in particular, obliged the employment of
traditional and heritage architectural elements within new
buildings. This implementation of regionally defining features
oversimplified the architectural traditions.

Even though oversimplification was strongly apparent in the

Post-Renaissance Architecture, it was also prevailing back in
Renaissance Architecture, and in fact the current building
codes still encourage over-familiarisation in more recent
architecture. Nonetheless, the several building regulation
guidelines and His Majesties commands made very
substantial contributions to creating the current Regionalism
trend in Oman. Thus, the role of the state in generating,
constructing and sustaining national identity is clearly evident.

38
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Chapter Three Heritage Structures and Influential

Districts

Fig 16: The Mihrab of the Central Mosque of Manah in A'Dakhliyah prior to
restoration in 1993. Source: ArchNet Digital Library,
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.tcl?site_id=9771

39
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Introduction This chapter highlights the author's observations made on a

two and half months field trip to Muscat that focused on its
Along with the discussed direct reasons that generated the
current, expressive architecture. Some of the arguments,
architectural identity of Oman, there are several indirect
however, were formulated throughout the last two years,
factors that also influenced the oil-time architecture, and
especially during a professional work experience year which
enhanced the importance of preserving the heritage via
the author undertook in Muscat in 2005.
contemporary buildings. This chapter discusses these indirect
influences chronologically.
1
Vernacular Structures in Muscat
There might be several other indirect forces for Muscat's
After the emergence of Critical Regionalism and its significant
regional expression but, for the sake of limiting the scope of
contribution to architectural discourse, architects started to
the thesis I have identified only two major ones which will be
take a sensitive view of the regional architectural pattern. A
discussed separately. The first is the numerous and attractive
valued architect would then always pay attention to the
heritage structures widely spread around Muscat and in
existing building fabric of the particular locality by analysing
almost every village in Oman. These have strong regional
the site and its extended context and history. Drawing from
influences on the sensitivity of many architects working in the
the local architecture, designers are inspired; a 'considerate'
country whether local or international. The second is the
architect would always acknowledge existing heritages and
construction of several highly prestigious precincts in Muscat
that offer strong architectural inspirations.
1
More images of vernacular structures in Muscat Governorate are
provided in Appendix 1.

40
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

perhaps take them as a major, if not a central, design and. They captured Muscat and built Jalali and Mirani forts
inspiration for his/her proposed building. next to each other which made the city impregnable; however,
after long wars the Omanis re-captured Muscat and drove the
The uniqueness of Muscat is due to its numerous and widely invaders out in the middle of the 17thcentury. 2
spread centuries-old structures. The city is rich with heritage
buildings that tell a story about the history of the place, its
bright and dark periods, its culture, economy, society,
inhabitants, values, and religious faith. Along with the small
but dense residential houses, larger ones occupy the
mountains and establish themselves as prominent and un-
defeat-able features in Muscat's skyline. The vernacular visual
character of Muscat could start from the Jalali and Mirani forts
(fig17). They are two significant forts crowning two adjacent
mountains, overlooking the sea and providing protections for
the inhabitants occupying the valleys of Old Muscat. They
evoke political and military stories dating to the end of the 16th
Fig 17 , Jalali fort, foreground and Mirani fort at the background.
century, when they were first built. During their empire
Source: Al-Riyami 2006.
expansion, and ambitious to rule the Indian Ocean, the
Portuguese found it essential to conquer the country that
enjoyed the most strategic location in controlling the sea trade 2
Refer to the History section in the Chapter One for further information.

41
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Oman also had military and non-military contacts with the number of vernacular buildings with astonishing architecture
Persian Empire, the British, Dutch, and the French forces and that were inhabited by notable people such as the royal elite,
also numerous trading companies. Inter-tribal wars were also merchants, ambassadors and other governmental personnel. 3
documented throughout the history of Oman and this perhaps
explains the enormous and intensive defensive structures in
the country.

Mutrah fort is also prominent in Mutrah's skyline (fig 20). At

the top of the mountain, it provided protection for Mutrahs
people and their centuries-old harbour and seaport. Mutrah is
also known for its old houses that faced the harbour and were
previously occupied by wealthy sea merchants. A few
kilometres away is Alfalaj Fort with its strategic location and
outstanding architecture. Heritage boundary walls and
numerous watchtowers and citadels are scattered at the top of
the mountains, and are also significant old features. Along
with the aforementioned military structures, there is a large

3
Examples of traditional houses (beit) are: Beit Nadir , Old British Council,
Fig 18 , Right: Mutrah fort. Source: Al-Riyami 2006.
Beit Muzna, Beit Greiza, Beit Zawawi and Bait Nasib and Beit Fransa
which was built in 1896 and became the office and residence of the
French consul in 1906. Refer to Appendix 1 for images.

42
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

It is expected that it would be relatively 'difficult' for a 'valued'

architect to disregard these existing and clearly observable
vernacular structures. Perhaps, before commencing a design,
a sensitive architect might study these buildings to gain an
understanding of the local architectural patterns and their
associated socio-political forces. Therefore, it is considered
that these old buildings have played a notable role in
generating and retaining the countrys current regionalism.

Fig 19 , Top: a small fort and a watch tower in Old Muscat. Source:
Al-Riyami 2006.
Fig 20, Top left: : a watch tower at the top of a mountain area Mutrah.
Source: Al-Riyami 2006.
Fig 21 ,Left Watch tower in Hamria 43
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

4 7
Influential Precincts in Muscat a. Old Muscat District: The Qaboosian Architecture

Under the commands of Sultan Qaboos and the power of the

Qaboosian architecture in this context shall be defined as a
discussed stylistic policies, and the influences from Makiya's
novel and outstanding architecture that combines traditional
and Harris's proposals, several distinguished areas in Muscat
Omani-Islamic style with contemporary materials. It is
were constructed which have become a source of
architecture that the Sultan Qaboos bin Said is recognised for,
architectural inspirations. Some of these areas are known for
and expressed in almost all of his private buildings. Perhaps
their heritage structures and historical value, but others were
His Majesty was intentionally planning to make Old Muscat
completely newly constructed districts. Due to their political,
district a role model for a contemporary architecture that
cultural, and economical significance as well as their strong
blends harmoniously with significant heritage buildings. It was
influence on the nations architectural expression, two districts
probably intended to remain as a Royal City, through several
are identified and will be briefly and separately discussed.
architectural strategies that have retained the uniqueness of
These areas are: Old Muscat District and the Ministries
the old city and acknowledged its novelty (Barrault 1997,75).
District 5 . 6

4
Other cities with historical, cultural values and with influential
architectural importance, such as Nizwa, Bahla, Rustaq and Sohar and
others, were excluded as to limit the discussion on Muscat only.
5
Shati Alqurm Area and Madinat Sultan Qaboos, and the Diplomatic
Precinct are also interesting districts in Muscat and each could become by
itself an interesting case study. However, they were excluded for scope
limitation and inadequate gathered information.
6
These two precincts do not represent the overall national architecture,
rather a sample of "modern" architecture that attempts to evoke a cultural
7
architectural identity. Refer to Appendix 3 for more images.

44
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

building and the heritage one is a means of paying respect

and attention to the older entry structure (Fig 22).

With careful design all of the new buildings constructed in old

Muscat district incorporate elements from traditional
architecture. For example Al Alam Palace, His Majestys
private house, expresses a complex and contemporarily
heavy structural system while incorporating vernacular
elements. The arched windows in particular are clearly
conveyed. Despite its expected functional complexity as a
Royal Palace, its simple box form appears to draw its
Fig 22, Old Muscat entry gate, note its relationship to the small inspiration from the simple Omani mountain house (fig 23).
watchtower at the top right corner. Source: Barrault 1997,75
Being at the valley of a maintain range and overlooked by the
Jalali and Mirani forts and surrounded by several heritage
The journey to Old Muscat starts through a substantial arched boundary walls and watch towers, the government seat,
gateway over the entry road, which also functions as a represented by Alalam Palace, symbolically, enjoys
museum. Not only does this gate visibly express the impregnable and formidable protection.
traditional architecture of a fort entry gate, it is also located so
as to be aligned with an old watchtower on the mountain
(Barrault 1997,75). The obvious relationship between the new

45
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Fig 23: Above: Alalam Palace

Fig 24 top right: Alzawawi Mosque
Fig 25, Right: Ministry of Finance in brown colour,
blending with traditional structure in background

46
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Similar methods were employed in designing several of the

other buildings in this district. What is noticeable is the
deliberate relationship between these new buildings and
existing vernacular buildings. For example, Alzawawi Mosque
blends its colour and form, and parapet crenellation with the
Jalali fort at the top of the mountain (fig 24). A similar strategy
is employed in the Ministry of Finance building (fig 25).

Another strategy used in this district to draw attention to the

existing traditional structures is the establishment of a
background distance relationship between the new and old
buildings. For example the entry and exit arched ways to
Royal Welcoming Plaza as well as incorporating traditional
elements make a strong visual relationship to the distance
watchtowers at the top of the mountains (fig 26 & 27).

Fig 26 Top right

Fig 27 Right
The arched way in the Royal Welcoming Plaza, note
the watchtower at the background of both images.

47
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

b. Ministries District.
The Ministries District is located in the Alkuwair area, 25 km
away from Old Muscat. The construction of this precinct was
influenced by the early 1970s urban proposals to relocate the
state administrative buildings from the Old
8
elsewhere. Alkuwair is a new area with less heritage
features, and consists of several zones ranging from
residential, to commercial/residential and even governmental
areas.
Noticeably, the Sultan Qaboos Road, that connects the only
international airport to Old Muscat, bisects the privately-
owned lands of Alkuwair from the governmentally-owned
ones. This provided the opportunity for the precinct not to be
just a row of new governmental buildings facing a highway,
but rather a deliberate scheme that expresses Omans
regional architectural identity (fig 28),
Since the district function is limited for Ministries and
governmental administrative buildings, it is highly developed
in termes of infrastructure, landscaping services, and facilities.
As this district contains more than 20 governmental buildings,
Muscat three selected ones with notable architectural expression and
internal layout will also be briefly discussed. These include:
The Ministry of Housing, Electricity and Water, The Ministry of
Petroleum, and The Ministry of Regional Municipalities,
Environment and Water Resources. A brief photographic
analysis is also of importance to convey the architectural
expression of the area. This, however, is included in
Appendix 2.

8
Further information was provided in Chapter 2, section Urban Planning
Proposals of Makiya and Harris in the 1970s. Further Images are provided
in Appendix 2

48
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Fig 28, Aerial image of Alkuwair area

49

Fig 29, Top, Aerial image of the Ministry of Housing. Source: Google Earth.
Fig 30, Above, Faade of the Ministry of Housing
Heritage Structures and Influential Districts
The Ministry of Housing is of interest, not only because of its
regional architectural features, but also because of the
environmental features in its form and planning. The building
is of a large scale and wide footprint. Its plan is formed by an
octagonal central space contained within a larger one and
connected to it by a series of circulation paths branching
radially from the central ring (fig 29&30). Thus the building
has relatively complex circulation routes. To provide daylight
for internal offices and allowing for internal pleasant
passageways, the building incorporates the traditional
courtyard element in its planning. The courtyards are formed
by radial passageways; a larger one is at the centre of the
building, which collectively acts as an orientating device, and
delightful staff lunch spaces.
In terms of its architectural expression, The Ministry of
Housing building is one of the very few large scale buildings in
Muscat that responds to environmental concerns. Its green
and vegetated faade softens the internal spaces from the
harsh external climate. Apertures are deeply recessed and the
50
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

planter boxes also provide shade for the bellowed openings. clearly conveys a traditional, regional, Islamic, and balanced
Interestingly, the forecourt fighting bastion, commonly used in expression.
most forts, is resembled in the main entry; and the fort-like
towers are clearly expressed in almost all of its external
corners. In this way parapet crenellation is incorporated in the
structure.

A few meters away is the Ministry of Petroleum building with

its balanced and handsome facade. Its relatively low scale, of
only two storeys, has perhaps determined its large footprint.
The building is organised by four connected polygonal blocks
and their composition form a central courtyard; each block is
organised by several octagonal column-free office spaces
(ArchNet Digital Library, 2007).

In this way the building offers a different method of creating

and interpreting the traditional enclosed courtyard. It also
provided a new interpretation for the traditional parapet
crenellation (fig 31&32). Having said this, the building faade Fig 31: Ministry of Petroleum plan. Source: ArchNet Digital Library,
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.tcl?site_id=437

51

Fig 32: Ministry of Petroleum. Source: ArchNet Digital Library,
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.tcl?site_id=437
The Islamic expression is also clearly expressed in the faade
of the Ministry of Regional Municipality, Environment and
Water Resources (Mins.RMEWR), building, yet with a slightly
different approach from the previous case study. Located just
behind the Ministry of Petroleum, the Mins.RMEWR, building
Heritage Structures and Influential Districts
has distinctly attempted to break the usual complete
symmetry of other buildings. With the exception of some
balancing elements that emphasise the main entry, the
buildings internal functional layouts have, noticeably,
overridden the importance of the external symmetrical
appearance.
Due to the many attached segments, and several projected
elements in the facade, its crenellation is notably not
continuous, rather, expressed in intervals, which is, arguably,
another method employing traditional features without direct
imitation. Even though the Mins.RMEWR, building attempts to
depart from the usual design approaches by employing new
design techniques and a contemporary interpretation of some
traditional features, its Islamic and regional expression is
clearly manifested.
52
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

Fig 33,34,35: Above, right, top right: Mins.RMEWR Facades.

53
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

A final, and very brief case study in the Ministries District is

the Office for the Representative of His Majesty (ORHM)
which is located near the MRMEWR building. Noticeably, this
building has what looks like a recessed version of the
traditional crenellation coped with concrete lintel. Furthermore,
along with the Islamic arches that convey a regional
character, this building also has what could be read as un-
shut-able and uninhabitable mashrabiyyah-like wooden
projections (fig 36&37).

In summary, most of these state administrative buildings in

the Ministries District were completed, under construction or
their design was just about to go to tender, before the
implication of the strict stylistic rules in 1980(Smith 1983, 18). 9
Furthermore, most of these buildings were designed by
international architects, most of whom were British (Smith

Fig 36, Above, 1983, 18). Despite these facts, almost all of these buildings
Fig 37, Top: Office for the Representative of His Majesty. have well defined regional characteristics. Perhaps, this is
Note the wooden mashrabiyyah.

9
Refer to Chapter 2, section Building Regulation Manuals and Guidelines
for details on dates and policies.

54
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

either because they were designed by value architects who Chapter Summary
always paid attention to the locality of the place, or simply
Along with the direct reasons discussed in chapter 2 which
because the brief demanded incorporating regional
enforced the creation of Muscat's current regional
architectural traditional features. Evidently, some of these
architectural manifestation, there are two indirect causes that
buildings incorporate traditional internal organising elements,
also made a noticeable contribution. 10 The first indirect
such as the courtyard, with balanced and symmetrical plans
causes are the numerous, prominently located and widely
and elevations. Others use a modern design methodology of
spread vernacular structures. These heritage buildings have
prioritising internal requirements over complete visual external
significantly influenced the architecture during the last three
balance; yet they still incorporate, with new interpretation,
decades and their influential power is expected to continue.
several place defining elements. On the other hand, other
The second indirect cause is the construction of several
buildings just integrate or attach some decorative and un-
districts that were highly influenced by the traditional regional
functional traditional features to achieve the same aim of a
or local architectural language. Due to their prominent
regional looking building.
location, dominant expression, elevated legislative function,
and high construction budgets, these districts have become
Nonetheless, the Ministries District is a well developed area
with delightful and elegant buildings. The overall regional
expression, as well as the high construction budget and rich 10
Some may, arguably, consider these factors as direct causes instead,
due to their high influence and association with the creation of direct
internal materials, possibly justify the reason of this precinct causes discussed in chapter 1. Nevertheless, they were considered as
indirect in this thesis as they carried no legislative power; rather, they only
being a popular tourist destination and an architectural
provide spiritual, ethical and moral architectural influences and even
inspirational area for local and international designers. supremacy.

55
 Heritage Structures and Influential Districts

inspirational benchmarks for a modern architecture that

attempts to blend harmoniously with past traditions.

This chapter also attempted to reveal the regional

architectural trend that Muscat, and Oman in general, has
been experiencing in the last three decades. It is evident that
this regional expression was achieved by appropriating and
applying traditional architectural features, mainly on the
exterior of buildings. Whereas some new buildings have a
smart relationship to the existing vernacular structures,
others express new or contemporary interpretations of the
areas heritage. Conversely, other buildings have mimicked,
oversimplified, or over-familiarised traditional elevational
architectural elements and expressed them decoratively with
no functional purposes.

56
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

Chapter Four Oman between Traditions and

Modernity

Fig 38 Dhofar Bank, Headquarter Building, CBD

57
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

Introduction comparable architectural movements such as Regionalism

and Critical Regionalism. Juxtaposing Oman's architecture
Taking a role in the modern universal civilisation is predicted
with the values of Regionalism from one side against the
to transform the basis of regionally rooted cultures. This often
values of Critical Regionalism from another side, as based in
generates a fear which necessitates the creation, formation,
architectural theory, will assist in locating Oman's
adoption, or revitalisation of a national identity. The previous
contemporary architectural position. The consequences of the
glimpses of the Oil Era built environment in Oman suggests
discussed policies on current architecture will be drawn
the struggle and the on going debates between traditions and
throughout the discussion.
modernity.
Traditional Regionalism
Chapter four provides a critical perspective on the restrictive
Traditional settlements often evolved over centuries and came
stylistic policies discussed in Chapter Two with reference to
to express a true, honest and inside reflection to local climate,
the values of relevant architectural movements around the
landscape, topographical constraints, as well as being guided
world. It will also critically evaluate the outcomes of these
by cultural faith values (Taleb 2006, 6). Traditional regional
policies on recent architecture. The chapter will locate Oman's
design methodology expressed the uniqueness of the
position in the paradox of continuing traditions while
particular place, and since it was applied communally and
participating in globalisation.
collectively in a certain area, it underpinned a recognisable
local identity. The use of domestic labourers, utilisation of a
This will be achieved by reading Oman's Oil-epoch
limited choice of natural materials, and a direct response to
architecture (briefly outlined in chapters 2 and 3) against
environmental, cultural, and topographical contexts produces

58
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

identifiable structures and familiar patterns. These factors in the case of many other nations, the revitalization of past
created an authentic built environment that appealed to the heritage was part of the strategy for resisting universalism.
senses and related to individuals on a psychological and However, the tight regulations not only led to a direct
physical level (Cann 2005, 9). In Oman, traditional replication and reproduction of the past traditions but also
regionalism was a design approach by default in the Pre-Oil rejuvenated overdue historical styles from other parts of the
era. world such as Greek, Roman, Gothic and Classical styles
(Rahman 2003, 107). The stylistic extreme of the
Regionalism of the Building Codes
Renaissance saw buildings that visually mimicked old Omani
structures, but did not reflect them contextually, materially,
The significant growth-rate of construction experienced during
functionally, or in terms of spatial configuration (fig 39).
the Renaissance period introduced the mass-production of
materials, new methods of construction, and the provision for
mass transportation between regions and across borders.
Therefore, global influences, universal norms, and
international ideals started to intrude into the countrys long
established architectural patterns.

The relevant authorities in Oman, through their building

codes, attempted to react in a stylistic way against the
inevitable consequences of the modernisation processes. As
Fig 39 Right: This new fort was built the in mid 1990s of concrete
and located in a mountain valley to function as a petroleum museum
for the biggest oil company in Oman.

59
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

Such architecture not only employs fake materials and architecture rendered consciousness insensible (Tzonis and
craftsmanship, it also fails to articulate its specific social and Lefaivre 1990, 31). Therefore, it became a design
historical circumstances (Guernier 1999, 24). Walter Benjamin methodology that implemented a regressive nostalgia and
explains that even the most perfect reproduction of a work of was an advocate for nationalism, ethnocentric, and
art is lacking in one element: its presence in space and time, chauvinistic regionalism. This might not be appropriate in a
its unique existence at the place where it happens to be world that is rapidly becoming a global village with the
(Benjamin 1973, 222). This confirms that any contemporary advancement of transportation and communication
regionalist design in Oman, regardless of its craftsmanship technologies. Even though such methodology could
perfection, would always struggle to attain the authenticity of accomplish national uniqueness, which may assist in
tradition. achieving some political, economical, or social goals, it
attempts to re-establish a collective set of scenographic
Additionally, this new Regionalism is not only considered as traditions within contemporary structures without reflecting the
an outdated style and an overdue return to the past, but also initial reasons and the contexts that established the former
an inappropriate design approach in most of the contemporary traditional regionalism.
architectural academia. This Regionalism was an architecture
that selected regional elements linked in memory with forlorn Unfortunately, and due to tight building codes, many recent
eras and inserted them into new buildings constructing buildings in Muscat could be easily accused of expressing a
scenographic settings for arousing affinity and sympathy in simplistic evocation of a sentimental vernacular and nostalgia
the viewer, forming familiarized scenes which, although for the collective past. Despite the respectful relationships
contrasting mostly emotionally, with the actual despotic between some new buildings and the vernacular outlined in

60

the case studies in Chapter 3, it is evident that many still
employ "familiar" traditional elements. These long-established
features were constructed in the past with consideration to
limited available local resources, pre-industrial labour skills,
and a reflection of climatic and cultural constraints. This is a
subject that is completely missing in the new buildings.
Rather, what has been recently produced is a desire for a
direct experience of the popular vernacular.
Additionally, and looking from a more detailed perspective, it
is acknowledgeable that the building codes in Oman
attempted to respect and enhance the general existing
architectural features by reducing the intrusion of
internationalism. However, the generalisation of the codes
and their inaccurate clauses lead to two main architectural
defects. Firstly, as discussed previously, it led to the
replication and the rejuvenation of past architectural trends.
Secondly, and with equal importance, the generalisation in
rejecting some Western architectural features also led to the
rejecting of local features. For instance the elimination of
Oman between Traditions and Modernity
1
using what was described as "totally inclined roofs" was
intended to terminate the construction of any sort of pitched
roofs, commonly recognised in the domestic architecture of
Western and Asian societies, which were introduced to
Muscat through several residential buildings in the late 1970s
(figs 40&41). However by default, this also rejected the
traditional Areesh 2 style with its gable roofs that had been
used extensively by locals occupying the coastal plains in pre-
Renaissance time (fig 42). Thus, the building codes with their
Regionalism advocacy not only, unintentionally, introduced old
foreign styles, they also diminished the significance of some
local traditional architectural features.
1
Refer to section Building Regulation Manuals and Guidelines in Chapter
2.
2
Areesh is fully made of dried palm tree fronds, and it is climatically ideal
for coastal areas in Oman with high temperatures and humidity. The
permeable character of the palm-tree-leaf-walls and roofs and the pitched
roof shape provide visual security and increases cross ventilation (which is
a significant element to reach thermal comfort in these climatic conditions).
61
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

Fig 40&41, Above: Example of pitched (gable and pyramid) Fig 42 Above: Traditional Areesh dwellings in the Seeb area in
roofs in residential houses in Muscat. They are suspected to Muscat. The gable roof which is made of permeable palm tree
have been built in Muscat before these types of roof structure leaves, works better than a flat one in catching sea breezes and
were banned in 1980. expelling hot air. Source: Abdulak 1977,19-21.

62
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

The building regulations also encouraged the oversimplifying

and over-familiarising of regional elements. For instance, the
use of crenellation, which was for centuries employed in
defensive structures for firing arrows and guns, is now
replicated on commercial and office buildings 3 (see fig 43,
44). Similarly, mashrabiyyahs are now seen on the faades of
retail and ministerial buildings, purely as decoration, instead of
being used as climatic and visual shield devices for domestic
spaces (see fig 45).

Fig 43 Right top: AlHashar Cars and Trucks Showroom in

Gala,Muscat. Note the use of new extensive curtain walls in the
eastern (front) facade, "modern" cladding materials and the
incorporation of decorative Islamic arches and crenellation on the
parapet walls.

Fig 44 Right: Note the crenellation on the AlHashar showroom.

3
It should be admitted though that crenellation was , and has become, a
noticeable element in the Omani traditional and contemporary skyline
(Smith 1983, 18 ; Perking 1982, 16).

63

Fig 45 Above: Diwan office building in Old Muscat Precinct. Note
the inhabitable (less than 1m deep) decorative mashrabiyyah.
Oman between Traditions and Modernity
Critical Regionalism
Despite the strong tides of globalisation experienced in
Muscat from 1970, it is still evident that there is a need for a
countervailing force of localism. Due to the reasons discussed
in Chapters 2 and 3, the strong globalisation trends did not
result in a deterioration of regional identities. Such identity
persisted both urbanistically, architecturally, and
behaviourally. The heritage culture and the past traditions
could not be abandoned, ignored, or worse destroyed. Rather
they remained to be preserved, reappropriated, and critiqued.
Omans progress towards modernity and its insistence at the
same time to maintain and sustain the cultural and
architectural traditions is an expression of nationally sincere
intentions. However, the execution to achieve that aim might
have been misleading and inappropriate. In considering how
to achieve the objective of preserving the traditions while
accepting internationalism, it would be useful to recall Paul
Ricoeur's paradox of how to become modern and return to
64

sources, how to revive an old dormant civilization and take
part in universal civilization (Ricoeur 1961, 283). A successful
mediation of such a paradox suggests an escape from that
debate in Oman through an architectural resolution that
acknowledges the sense of place, the sense of nature, and
the integrity of its history and culture, without conflicting with
universalism and fully adhering to traditionalism.
As an interpretation of Ricoeur's paradox, Kenneth Frampton
explains that to enable regional cultures to play a role in the
universal civilization, it is important that they have the capacity
"to recreate a rooted tradition while appropriating foreign
influences at the level of both culture and civilization." Hence
a necessity for cross-fertilisation and reinterpretation between
rooted-cultures and universal civilisation is needed to achieve
the aim of a "hybrid world culture" (Frampton 1984, 148). Both
Regionalism from one side, and Modernism and Post-
Modernism from the other fail to reconcile the paradox and
lack cultural cross-fertilisation. Rather, each leaned to one
stream and opposed the other.
Oman between Traditions and Modernity
Critical Regionalism, however, with its various principles (of
which a full discussion is out of the scope of this thesis) was
developed as an attempt to bridge that gap and reconcile
Ricoeur's paradox. One aspect of Critical Regionalism (which
is one of the main reasons for its emergence) is not only its
confrontational attitude towards both regional elements and
the anomic and atopic modernism, but its confrontation with
itself by self-examining, self-questioning and self-evaluating
(Lefaivre and Tzonis 1990, 29). This is an attitude which was
missing in Regionalism, Modernism and Post-Modernism.
Rejecting history as the basis for design which Modernism
and Post-Modernism were propagandising is another
insensitive principle that Critical Regionalism attempted to
reconcile. However, this appears to not be a major issue in
Oman any more as the Modernism and Post-Modernism
building treatments were terminated by the building codes in
the 1980s. 4
4
Refer to Chapter 2, section Building Regulation Manuals and Guidelines
65
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

However, a more relevant principle of Critical Regionalism to long-established patterns through contemporary buildings,
this thesis aim is what Tzonis and Lefaivre highlighted as "its which is a central theme of Critical Regionalism.
self-reflective function through the method of "de-
familiarisation" (Lefaivre and Tzonis 1990, 31). They Furthermore, just as much as Critical Regionalism opposes
explained that Critical Regionalism selects regional elements "the alien occupation army of technocracy and bureaucracy
or place defining features that offer opportunities to advocate, imposing the illegitimate rule of anomie and atopy [of
conceptually or physically, human contact and community and Modernism]"; it also opposes the emancipation of a regional
incorporate them in new buildings "strangely" rather than set of architectural features or prioritising one set against
"familiarly". another (Lefaivre and Tzonis 1990, 31). Therefore, not only
does Critical Regionalism have the potential to resolve the
Since many buildings in Muscat currently oversimplify theoretical defect of oversimplifying architecture in Oman, it
traditional elements and incorporate place defining features in also offers protection from insensitive foreign trends. As each
a familiar way which may compound into more architectural geographical region in Oman differs from the other, Critical
defects, considering Critical Regionalism's approach might Regionalism acknowledges the dissimilarities in traditional
offer potentials and opportunities. Critical Regionalism's architecture.
attitude could fulfil the authorities' requirement by employing
strategies anchored to the specific place, while Conversely, in his writing The Concept of Regionalism, Alan
reappropriating internationalism. In other words, one of the Colquhoun (1997), presented a counter opinion on Critical
main concerns for the relevant authorities is to draw reference Regionalism (and Regionalism in general). He argued that
to the existing heritage building fabric and to acknowledge the Critical Regionalism is another form of Regionalism since both

66

advocate for uniqueness and authenticity, attempt to preserve
endangered cultures and oppose the incursions of
universalisation experienced in a rapidly changing world. He
saw Lefaivre and Tzoniss several definitions of the term
Critical as a contradiction. Colquhoun argued that the
detachment of regional elements from their natural contexts
so as to defamiliarise them would eventually result in a sort of
kitsch.
Yet, later in his writing, Colquhoun clarifies that he only
opposes the use of the term regionalism as it represents a
well-trodden critical tradition that no longer has the relevance
that it may have had in the past. Thus, he viewed several
buildings that referred to local materials and typologies as not
an attempt to convey the spirit of a particular region, rather, a
way of using local features as motifs in a compositional
process in order to produce original, unique, and context-
relevant architectural ideas. (Colquhoun 1997, 19)
Oman between Traditions and Modernity
Furthermore, despite his previous opposition of
Regionalism/Critical Regionalism, Colquhoun drew an
exception. He stated that it might be desirable to satisfy the
demand for traditional forms with their socially embedded
[and] allegorical meanings in some of the third world
countries, especially those with ancient cultures such as the
Indian and the Islamic, where people are, arguably, living
cultural traditions - especially if these traditions are in conflict
with modernisation. (Colquhoun 1997, 21,22. )
Thus, this exception granted by Colquhoun may justify the
regionalism trend in Oman during the pre-oil times and only
the early stages of the Omani Renaissance. That is because
the extensive modernisation process experienced thereafter
resulted in abandoning the use of old building techniques and,
thus, some inherited living patterns which had begun to
atrophy. Nevertheless, despite this deterioration of the
traditional built environment, people are still practicing many
of their cultural and behavioural traditions in the present day.
67

This positions Oman in a middle ground, neither being
authentically traditional nor culturally modern.
Therefore, with attempts to generate a regional identity
through building codes, it was decided that Muscat should be
expressed as an Arab/Islamic city with strong bounds to the
traditions. Even though buildings do not normally use
traditional materials, they are encouraged to employ local
resources and most either conform or refer to regional
features. On the other hand, Glass Boxes, which are
normally a recognised building typology
Western/International cities, have not been detected in
Muscat. Even the buildings that require extensive glazing,
such as showrooms, have been enforced to incorporate
traditional elements.
Chapter Summary
Due to the direct and indirect causes and reasons discussed
in Chapters 2 and 3, Oman has been, and still is, undergoing
Oman between Traditions and Modernity
a well defined Regionalism movement. Whereas Tradition
Regionalism was a trend by default during the Pre-Petroleum
times in Oman, its power continued to dominate the Oil Era
architecture. However, replications, oversimplification, and
over-familiarisation of regional features were evident
strategies employed in many current buildings in Muscat.
Additionally, the building codes with their tight stylistic rules
revealed many other theoretical architectural defects
necessitating a need to reconcile the paradox between the
desired localism and inevitable globalisation.
in
Critical Regionalism as an architectural philosophy has the
potential to continue re-examining and re-evaluating itself, and
to produce architecture that acknowledges the cultural,
historical, topographical, and socio-cultural forces bounding a
particular place, while still negotiating and re-appropriating
globalisation. However, Alan Colquhoun, presented a counter
opinion by categorising Critical Regionalism as another
branch of Regionalism. He also viewed the attempts of re-
establishing regional defining features in a strange and
68
 Oman between Traditions and Modernity

unfamiliar way to be tasteless, meaningless and resulting in acceptable by the concerned authorities as it conforms to
kitsch-type architecture. traditional regional features.

Colquhoun, however later acknowledged that

Regionalism/Critical Regionalism might be justified in rural
based, ancient cultures where traditions are still practiced.
Even though traditional building methods have been
abandoned in Oman, inherited behavioural and cultural
customs are still prevailing. Thus, this has positioned Oman
within the middle portion of the equation, being no more
traditionally authentic, but neither fully culturally,
behaviourally, or politically modern.

Nevertheless, unlike its neighbouring sister cities, Muscat has

expressed and positioned itself as an Omani/Arabic/Islamic
city. Its regional architectural identity was maintained with
minimal incursions of Internationalism. Yet, this identity was
manufactured in new buildings from local traditional elements
or imported from countries in close proximities that share
similar cultural values. Therefore this architecture is seen as

69

Conclusion
It should be admitted that the current unified traditional
regional architectural manifestation in Oman has not only
generated a national architectural identity distinguished from
the neighbouring Gulf States, but its attempts to enhance and
enrich the traditions also resulted in attracting and fostering a
booming tourist industry, particularly for those who seek to
experience remains of an authentic culture and heritage
vernacular. Muscat has specifically attempted to position itself
as an Arab city with minimal insensitive Internationalist
intrusions.
The Regionalism movement experienced in Oman in the last
three decades is the consequence of many direct and indirect
factors. The state legislative rules outlined in building codes
form a direct reason for generating the current architectural
identity. The commands and guidance of the creator of
Omans Renaissance, and his view of globalised architecture
Conclusion
as Visual Pollution (Ingram 2006), is also another direct
reason.
These direct factors might not have evolved without the highly
influential, prominently located, and widely spread vernacular
structures. These indirect caused factors, together with the
former direct reasons, resulted in the construction of several
influential districts with elevated political status, high budget
costs and developed services and facilities. These areas
were, perhaps, planned to be models for expressing
architecture that attempts to blend, respect, or acknowledge
the countrys heritage and traditions. Certainly, they lead and
evoke the Sultanates regional architectural trend, and are to
be viewed as an inspirational architectural benchmark of
Omans Regionalism.
Even though, Oman has been, and still is, undergoing a well
defined Regionalism movement, the current author does not
submit to any "ism". Yet, he opposes the imitation or
rejuvenation of past traditions, and equally rejects any
70

insensitive architectural trend that does not respect the long
established cultural heritage, vernacular architecture and
living patterns of the area.
Yet, several theoretical architectural defects were detected in
many buildings in Muscat caused by the building codes and
the resulted application of the Regionalism trend. This
necessitated the need to mediate the paradox between
Internationalism and Localism. Perhaps, this reconciliation
could be accomplished if a Post-Critical Regionalism evolved;
one which has the ability to re-examine, re-evaluate, and re-
define itself, along with the capability to offer possibilities for
creating architecture bound to the particular site and place,
draw attention to its heritage, history and tradition, run in
parallel with its culture, belief and societal forces and at the
same time negotiate technology and re-incorporate
internationalism and re-appropriate globalisation, without any
hidden expression of traditional nostalgia. It is proposed that
such an architectural approach be tested in Muscat.
Conclusion
Globalisation is normally viewed as a hidden agenda for
Westernisation, and creates a fear that it could adversely
touch the regional culture; one which is generally resisted by
popular traditions. Therefore, following the steps of the
neighbouring states by 'manufacturing' 'international looking'
cities, it is certainly not desired, I believe, and perhaps
inappropriate for the historically deeply rooted Muscat. On the
other hand, oversimplification and over-familiarisation of the
heritage is also rejected in most of the recent architectural
academia.
This thesis was not an attempt to problematise an issue, but a
way of questioning architectural matters and evaluating
current available solutions as to achieve best possible or at
least potential resolutions. The paradox between traditions
and modernity is not only valid in Oman, but it is a steaming
architectural issue in most of the Arab countries as well as a
debatable topic in contemporary world architecture. Taking
Oman as a reference point and a departure benchmark, the
debate between globalisation and localism continues. Do we
71
 Conclusion

need to maintain the stylistic restrictions or rather do we allow

for freedom in expression and support for individuality? Are
we revealing national identity or promoting for
tourism/commercialism purposes? Do we have a national
architectural identity in the first place or have we
manufactured it? Are we continuing the traditions or disturbing
the heritage authenticity? And finally have we enhanced the
traditions or created a hyper-real past or hyper-tradition within
contemporary building?

I hope that the new generation of Omani architects will

comprehend the discussed national architectural deficiencies,
and will also have the wisdom of learning from the
architectural mistakes of the neighbouring states.

72
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Appendix 1 Vernacular Structures in Muscat

(Images are the property of the author unless otherwise referenced)

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Beit Muzna built and inhabited by a wealth merchant's in

the18th c., restored 1981 87
Source: Archnet Digital Library,
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.tcl?site_id=1763
 Bibliography & Appendices

Beit Muzna built in the19th c., restored 1976

Source: Archnet Digital Library,
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.tcl?site_id=1763

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Appendix 2: State Administrative Buildings in the

Ministries Precinct

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90
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91
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Appendix 3 Contemporary Buildings in Old

Muscat Precinct

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95