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MUSICAL LEARNING
IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICO:
THE CASE OF FRANCISCOL?PEZ CAPILLAS
Lester D. BROTHERS
1
Antonio de la Calancha, Cronica moralizada del orden de San Agust?n en el Per?, ed.
Ignacio Prado Pastor, 6 vols., Lima, 1974, I, p. 164. Quoted in D. A. Brading, The First
America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State 1492-1867,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 296.
2
Calancha, p. 296.
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2815
Capillas is unrivalled in quantity and quality. With more music extant than
any other colonial composer, L?pez dominates the nine Mexico City
Cathedral archive choirbooks, and he is the only New World maestro with
a manuscript devoted solely to his works sent to Spain?deposited at
3
Michael C. Meyer and William L. Sherman, The Course of Mexican History, New
York, Oxford University Press, 31987, p. 226, 228.
4
Meyer and Sherman. For music (p. 230-231) not a single composer is named and only
secular entertainment is discussed, while art (p. 231-236), in which ?the seventeenth century
saw the epitome of colonial painting? (p. 236), no native artists are mentioned, only the
Spaniards they emulated.
5
Lester
See D. Brothers, ?The Hexachord Mass: 1600-1720,? 2 vols., Ph.D.
dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1973,1, p. 233-284; and ?A New-World
Hexachord Mass by Francisco L?pez Capillas,? Yearbook for Inter-American Musical
Research DC
(1973), 5-44; Robert Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music, 1600-1675,?
Inter-American Musical Review DC/1 (Fall-Winter 1987), 75-114 (especially 97-114)?it
should be noted that this is the definitive treatment of the subject to date, exceedingly rich in
paper; and Lester D. Brothers, ?Francisco L?pez Capillas, First Great Native New-World
Composer: Reflections on the Discovery of His Will,? Inter-American Musical Review X/2
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2816 LESTER D. BROTHERS
6
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. M. 2428.
7
Archivo General de Notar?as Federal, Francisco
del Distrito de Qui?ones, Libro 547Q
(olim 325) 1674, fols. 8-11 v. Announced in Robert Stevenson, ?Primeros Compositores
Nativos de Mexico,? Heterofon?a /3 (1977), 4; and ?Esteban Salas y Castro, Primer
L?pez, difunto, el qual fu? de los primeros descubridores que vinyenn a descubrir esta Nueva
Spa?a, con Francisco Hern?ndez, e despu?s se hall? en la toma desta ciudad de M?xico y
desta Nueva y que los dichos son ?inco, tres hijos y dos hijas, y son de
conquista Spa?a,
legitimo matrimonio; y que las dichas hijas est?n casadas pobremente, y los hijos, no.? (I, p.
127, n?. 228)
?Fran?isco L?pez, dize
Que es vezino desta ciudad y natural de la de Sevilla, y hijo legitimode Fran?isco
rrodriguez Mor?n y de Teresa L?pez de la Cruz: y que ha veynte y tres a?os y m?s tienpo, que
pas? a esta Nueva Spa?a; y sirui? en las velas e rrondas desta ciudad, y despu?s en las
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2817
The reassessment
engendered by the discovery that the ?most
profound and prolific composer of Masses inMexican history?n was a
creole, not the peninsular he was assumed to be, is well under way.12
Nevertheless, the ?profundity? of theMexican chapelmaster's Masses
deserves attention. It may be noted that all of L?pez's extant music is
Latin in text, liturgical in nature. We know he wrote vernacular
villancicos, but apparently none survive. All of the surviving music is
uniformly written in close renaissance counterpoint?stile antico?
betraying no characteristics of the baroque style he performed daily as a
singer, organist, and bassoonist at Puebla Cathedral for some seven
years (1641-1648) before takingup theprime post inhis nativeMexico
City. Not onlythat, he utilized obsolescent mensural practices and
particularly contrapuntal challenges and conundrums of a kind not
practiced since the age of Josquin des Prez at the end of the fifteenth
century. Here we confront music of undoubted learning?impressive
erudition?the nature of which was remarkable enough for a peninsular,
but which becomes astounding for a creole in seventeenth-century
Mexico. Sinceit provides a unique glimpse into musical learning at that
time, it is useful to explore first the sources of Lopez's erudition, then
the theoretical and finally the musical nature of that knowledge. Robert
Stevenson has wondered in print, ?Whence came his erudition?
Whatever he knew, he learned inMexico?for itwas there that he was
both born and bred.?13 The question fascinates because it challenges the
Euro-centric presumption that far-away Mexico could hardly foster
learning of this nature.
Creoles were usually well-educated in schools administered by
Jesuits, who catered particularly to the elite. As a native of Mexico City,
L?pez Capillas also very likely studied music privately, perhaps with the
Cathedral chapelmaster Antonio Rodriguez Mata (at the Cathedral from
con sus armas y cavallo; y nombra los capitanes; y en remunera?ion dello, en el rrepartimyen
to de Tuvasco le fueron encomendados ciertos pueblos, contenydos en la s?dula cuyo traslado
est? aqu?; y por se benir a casar, hizo dexaci?n dellos a Su Majestad; e ans? se cas? quinze
a?os ha, y tiene siete hijos leg?timos, los tres varones, y quatro hijas, y de hedad para casar, lo
qual no ha hecho por no tener posibilidad para ello1 y despu?s ac?, siempre ha tenydo sucasa
poblada con su famylia, armas y cavallos; y pedes?e necesidad.? ( , 141, p. n.? 849)
11
Robert Stevenson, ?L?pez Capillas, Francisco,? in New Catholic Encyclopedia, New
York, McGraw-Hill, 1967, VIII, p. 986.
12
See Brothers, ?Francisco L?pez Capillas.?
13
Robert Stevenson, ?The Music of Colonial Spanish America,? chapter 19 of Part
Four: Intellectual and Cultural Life, The Cambridge History of Latin America, 8 vols, to date,
ed. Leslie Bethell,Cambridge,CambridgeUniversityPress, 1984-1991, (1984), p. 782.
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2818 LESTER D. BROTHERS
The Jesuits were fast providing the Creoles with the reading, writing,
and Latin they had lacked, raising the level of theirhope and encoura
ging them to regard themselves as the intellectual, physical, and moral
equals of the peninsulars. The improvement was reflected at the
University inMexico City, which attained academic standards in this
period which impressed a number of European Spanish scholars.
V?squez de Espinosa, writing in the second decade of the century,
asserted that the accomplishments of the university students were of a
14
On Rodr?guez Mata see Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 80-82.
15
An itemized list sent on December 1, 1623, at the request of theGuatemala Cathedral.
At that time two of Rodriguez Mata's successors as chapelmaster were present: m?sico Luis
Coronado (chapelmaster 1643-1648), and second organist Fabi?n Ximeno (chapelmaster
1648-1654). If L?pez was born c. 1608, he would possibly?at age 13?have undergone
pubescent change of voice and been removed as a choirboy. If this were so, the third
successor would also have been a member of the Cathedral establishment 1654
(chapelmaster
1674). EitherXimeno or thefirstorganist,JuanXim?nez, could have taughtL?pez. In 1632
Rodriguez Mata cited Coronado as organist among the best soloists. He, too, might have
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2819
high order and cited this as proof that theMexican climate was not in
fact unconducive to intellectual development.18
18
J. I. Israel, Race,
Class, and Politics in Colonial Mexico 1610-1670, London, Oxford
University Press, 1975, p. 89-90. See also Descripci?n de la Nueva Espa?a en el siglo xviipor
el padre Fray Antonio V?squez de Espinosa y otros documentos del siglo xvii, ed. Mariano
Cuevas, Mexico, 1944, p. 127.
19
Reproduced in Brothers, ?A New-World Hexachord Mass,? 39-40, and Stevenson,
?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 113-114.
20
For detailed discussion of each notational issue, see Brothers, ?A New-World
Hexachord Mass,? 18-20, and examples 1-7.
21
Pedro de Guevara Loyola, Arte para componer canto llano, y para corregir y
emendar la cantur?a que esta compuesta fuera de arte, quitando todas las opiniones y
dificultades que hasta agora ? avido, por falta de los que le compusieron, Seville, Andrea
Pescioni, 1582. Fran?ois Lesure, ed., ?crits imprim?s concernant la musique, I [R?pertoire
International des Sources Musicales, VII], Duisburg, G. Herde Verlag, 1971, p. 385, lists
copies at theBrussels Biblioth?queRoyale de Belgique and theParis Biblioth?queNationale.
Stevenson reports the Brussels copy cannot be found.
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2820 LESTER D. BROTHERS
22
Almonte ?Guevara,
Howell, Pedro de Loyola,? The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic
and Musicians, 20 vols.,
ed. Stanley Sadie, London, Macmillan, 1980, VII, p. 792. Itmay be
noted that further interest in Guevara's Arte derives from that fact that 1) its publication in the
latter part of the sixteenth century indicates a continuing interest in composing original plain
chant in the Spanish orbit, and 2) the divergent plainchant traditions in Seville, Toledo,
Burgos, Granada, and Le?n deplored by Guevara contrasts sharply with the uniformity of
New-World Cathedrals, subject only to Seville.
23
Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 98.
24
Francisco A. de Icaza lists two possible relatives as Spanish settlers at mid-sixteenth
century, a Juan Guevara who hailed from Toledo (I, p. 127, n.? 816), and a Pedro de Guevara,
a native ofMadrid who enjoyed some distinction (II, p. 856, n.? 856):
?Don Pedrode Guevara,
Ques hijo de Don Ladr?n de Guevara, vezino de Madrid, e que vino a tierra por mandado
de los se?ores del Consejo de Indias, casado, diez a?os ha; e que tiene quatro hijos, e a servido
en la alteraz?i?n de la Nueva Galizia, y en lo dem?s que se ? ofres?iado; suplica se le haga
merced en el rrepartimyento.?
25
Stevenson, ?The Music of Colonial Spanish America,? p. 773.
26
It should be noted that Howell is unaware of any New-World connection with the
theorist, who previously was included among reference works only in Higinio Angl?s and
Joaqu?n Pena, Diccionario de laM?sica Labor, Barcelona, Editorial Labor, 1954,1, p. 1171.
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2821
27 en que
Pedro El melopeo
Cerone, y maestro: tractado de m?sica the?rica y pr?tica;
se pone por lo que uno para hazerse perfecto m?sico
extenso; ha menester saber, Naples,
Gio. Battista Gargano and Lucretio Nucci, 1613; facsimile reproduction in two volumes
[Bibliotheca Musica Bononiensis Sezione , .25], Bologna, Forni, 1969.
28
See Ruth Hannas, ?Cerone, Philosopher and Teacher,? The Musical Quarterly XXI
(1935), 408-422; and ?Cerone's Approach to the Teaching of Counterpoint,? Papers Read by
Members of the American Musicological Society at the Annual Meeting Held in Pittsburgh,
Pa., Dec. 29 and 30, 1937, 75-80; Robert*Stevenson, review of Pedro Cerone, El melopeo
tractado de musica theor?ca y practica, facsimile reproduction in two volumes of El melopeo
y maestro (Bologna: Forni, 1969), Journal of the American Musicological Society XXIV
(1971), 477-485; and Barton Hudson, ?Cerone, Pietro,? The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic
and Musicians, 20 vols., ed. Stanley Sadie, London, Macmillan, 1980, IV, p. 79-80.
29
According to Hudson, p. 79. Cerone indicates he personally knew Pedro de Loyola
Guevara on page 281, noted by Stevenson, review of El melopeo, 481.
30
See Robert Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas,
Washington, D.C., General Secretariat, Organization of the American States, 1970, p. 135;
and review of El melopeo, 483. Facsimile of this passage published in Ermilo Abreu G?mez,
Sor Juana In?s de la Cruz: Bibliograf?a y Biblioteca, M?xico, Monograf?as Bibliogr?ficas
Mexicanas n? 29, 1934, p. 447-448.
31
Pointed out by Stevenson, review of El melopeo, 483. See Poes?as Completas, ed. E.
Abreu G?mez, M?xico, Ediciones Botas, 1948, p. 178-184: ?Que escribe a la Excelent?sima
se?ora Condesa de Paredes, Excus?ndose de enviar un libro de m?sica.?
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2822 LESTER D. BROTHERS
32
Hudson, p. 79. Quote from Hannas, ?Cerone's Approach to the Teaching of
Counterpoint,? 76.
33
Stevenson, review of El melopeo, 478-479 (quote on 479).
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2823
and Jean Richafort (c. 1480-c. 1547) suggests familiarity with Flemish
works not at all to be found early New World archives.34
Furthermore, the only work by a Spanish-born composer drawn upon
by L?pez for a parody Mass was a canci?n by Juan de Riscos, for forty
five years (1598-1643) chapelmaster at Ja?n Cathedral, who never
traveled to theNew World. Queries Stevenson:
Did L?pez study with Riscos during a visit to Ja?n, and did he pay
tribute to his chief teacher by placing theRe Sol parody at the head of
his collected masses?just as Francisco Guerrero in 1566 and Alonso
Lobo in 1602 had honored their chief teachers with a parody to open
theircollected masses?35
34
Robert Stevenson, ?Cap?tulo I: La m?sica en el M?xico de los siglos xvi a xvm,? p.
7-74, in Jos? Antonio Guzm?n-Bravo and Robert Stevenson, La m?sica de M?xico I. Historia
2. Periodo virreinal (1530 a 1810), ed. Julio Estrada, Mexico, Universidad Nacional
Aut?noma de M?xico, 1986, p. 64-65.
?Los compositores cuyas obras cita L?pez en su 'Declaraci?n de la misa' constituyen un
testimonio m?s del exquisito repertorio que se interpretaba en la catedral antes de 1650: misas
L'Homme arm? de Morales y Palestrina; Missa super Peccata mea, a 4, de Lupus Hellinck
(Venecia, 1544), y el motete Beati omnes de Jean Richafort; Hic est pa?is, de Pierre
Manchicourt, y Gaude Barbara, a 5, de Palestrina (1572), s?lo para citar unas cuantas. Si las
referencias de L?pez nos dan una idea de la gran calidad del repertorio que se conoc?a en la
ciudad de M?xico en los comienzos del siglo xvn, podemos inferir que eran perfectamente
conocidas obras maestras que ahora se estudian en los seminarios de musicolog?a en las
position (of eightworks). Here pride of place is given his hexachordMass (which opens
Mexico CityCathedralChoirbookVII).
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2824 LESTER D. BROTHERS
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2825
36 It is
odd, but consistentinboth theMadrid andMexico Citymanuscripts,thatAgnus
II follows Agnus .This in Stevenson's of the final movement
apparently resulted indication
as ?Agnus II? in his edition and in suL^equeiu references (it is similarly indicated in the score
reproduced in Brothers, ?Francisco L?pez Capillas,? 111-113). Could it be that the composer,
realizing the difficulties of performing the canon, placed it in such a way that its performance
would notbe obligatory;thatis,plainchantcould be optionallysubstituted
forAgnus ?
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2826 LESTER D. BROTHERS
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2827
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2828 LESTER D. BROTHERS
(?Knock and itwill be opened for you?). The real puzzle involves the
tenor voice, for which the indication, ?Qui invenerit inveniet vitam? (?He
who finds [it] will find life?), is given without musical notation. Similarly
the Bassis reads ?Positus inmedio quo me vertam nescio? (?Placed in the
middle, I do not know where I should turn?).
The resolution is not so obvious; one can arrive at the lower two
voices only by trial and error. Since the second eleven bars of Altus I
combine contrapuntally with the first eleven bars, the entire canon
revolves perpetually around a mere eleven bars of counterpoint. Thus the
Tenor commences from the middle of Alto I, at ?miserere nobis,? and
then, arriving at the end of the notes, returns to the beginning, producing a
canon at the unison with Alto I. The Bassis reads the notes of Alto I,
beginning also at the ?miserere
nobis,? but at a fourth below and
returning only ?in medio,? that is back to themid-point at which it started,
at ?miserere.? (For the resultant eleven-bar scheme, see Example 4.) The
?Tree of Life,? that which gives structural sustenance to this music, is
located in the mid-point of an inner voice. The whole structure is
perpetual, and a conclusion is nowhere indicated. If themovement is to be
performed, such an ending must be invented.37
Finally, as if this were not impressive enough, L?pez augmented the
voices yet again to six for Agnus III and manifoldly increased the
contrapuntal challenge by fashioning a triple crab canon. Three parts are
notated, each with a puzzle inscription indicating that the second,
unnotated voice is to sing the notes of the first in reverse (Example 5).
Superius I reads: ?Ego sum Alpha & Omega? (?I am the Alpha and the
Omega?), Altus , ?Incipiat in novissimo loco? (?It should begin in the
newest?most recent?place?) and Tenor I, ?Ad locum unde exeunt
revertuntur? (?They return to the place from which they go out [finish]?).
As a result, the second half of the movement is a retrograde of the first
half with voice exchange. The learning here is impressive enough, but the
artistic result, given the nearly unbelievable restrictions, validates L?pez as
the paramount contrapuntist among New-World composers.
The case
of Francisco L?pez Capillas is exceedingly valuable for
assessing musical learning in seventeenth-century Mexico. It provides
unique musical and theoretical documentation of the musical climate
during this epoch. But does this uniqueness, in fact, condemn the case
37
Example 4 suggests with fermatas the only possible point of cadential repose within
the scheme. Unless this niodally possible but less frequent cadence on A is taken for the con
clusion, a Mixolydian ending more probably on G must be fashioned. No other section in the
Mass ends on A.
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THECASEOF FRANCISCO
L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2829
? fi
?ii?i'ir m
0
rn
lf '
V1' M '|
f ) fH f l|rT
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2830 LESTER D. BROTHERS
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THE CASE OF FRANCISCO L?PEZ CAPILLAS 2831
made here as the veritable exception that in fact proves the opposite rule?
L?pez himself was well aware of the advice Cerone gave his readers:
What has been presented here supports the presumption that L?pez
was educated at home. The numerous publications of Robert Stevenson
amply demonstrate that themusical environment inMexico City was vital
enough to stimulate Lopez's artistic as well as intellectual talent in
?intercourse with those who have practice in the Art itself. ? Certainly the
music itself attests that he was no pedant, and the respect with which it
was accorded inMexico City Cathedral even a century after composition
suggests that itwas by no means received as a mere curiosity. But is it fair
to conclude from this that the significance of Lopez's achievement
resonates beyond the musical world? Can it be taken as in fact
symptomatic of the intellectual milieu of seventeenth-century Mexico
City?
Fortunately, the intellectual vitality ofMexico City at this time can be
documented. On the eve of Lopez's birth, native-born Ruiz de ?larcon (c.
1581-1639) returned home after a Peninsular sojourn, and the next year
earned a licentiate in law from the University
ofMexico. Four years later
he emigrated toMadrid, where he died
the principal dramatist of early
seventeenth-century Spain after Lope de Vega and Tirso de Molina.39 In
attempting to comprehend the setting that produced so exceptional a
dramatist, Alarc?n's first Spanish biographer exclaimed:
38
Quoted in Hannas, ?Cerone, Philosopher and Teacher,? 422.
39
This is the assessment in theEncyclopedia Britannica (1968), XIX, p. 721.
40
Luis Fern?ndez-Guerra y Orbe, D. Juan Ruiz de Alarc?n y Mendoza, Madrid, M.
Rivadeneyra, 1871, p. 198. Quoted in Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 77.
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2832 LESTER D. BROTHERS
novelist Mateo Alem?n (1546-c. 1615), who traveled on the same ship
with ?larcon toVeracruz, and who had no reason to be other than honest:
41
Francisco Rodr?guez Mar?n, Documentos referentes a Mateo Alem?n y a sus deudos
m?s cercanos (1546-1607), Madrid, de Archivos, 1933, p. 54. Quoted inMariano
Tipograf?a
Cuevas, Historia de la Iglesia en M?xico, Mexico City, Editorial Patria,51946, DI, p. 469; and
in Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 77.
42
Treated in some detail in Stevenson, ?Mexico City Cathedral Music,? 76-77.
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the case of francisco l?pez capillas 2833
Appendix
DECLARACION DE LA MISSA
[Mexico City Cathedral Choirbook VII]
II
En el Christe el Alto Ueua el canto llano con una maxima imperfecta, y dos
semibrebes con un punto que muestran que van con la maxima, y con ellos
cumple el numero ternario, vale diez compases, vean al Maestro Pedro de
Loyola en la sita arriba pues siendo dupla del longo, es evidente que pierde dos
semibrebes; prosigue con unos longos negros, valen a quatro c[o]mpases, por
que toda figura negra en dicho tiempo pierde la tercia parte de su valor, lean al
dicho Pedro de Loyola en el Cap. 17 de su compendio de musica, como lo hizo
elMaestro Morales en laMissa lomearme, Lupo en el agnus de laMissa peccata
mea, y todos los Maestros lo ense?an.
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2834 LESTER D. BROTHERS
En el tercero Kyrie, el segundo contra alto lleua el canto llano con unos
brebes negros, valen dos semibrebes, por la raz?n arriba dicha de la que pierden
las figuras negras: el tenor canta por tiempo imperfecto, y prolacion perfecta,
empie?a con pausa de longo que vale doze compases, y lleua el canto llano en
semibrebes, que vale cada uno tres compases, vean a Prenestina en la Missa
lomearme.
IV
VI
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