Sample Research Paper

The Power of Ethnic Adaptability: James Beckwourth, George Bonga and the Role of Race in the Fur Trade and Native
American Relations on the American Frontier

Stacy M. Reikowsky for

History 626: The American Frontier to 1890
Dr. Mark Harvey

The North American fur trade enterprises of the nineteenth century highlighted not only some of the first

lucrative economic ventures along the fringes of organized New World communities, but also represented an institution

that facilitated the blending of ethnicities, individual cultures, and conventional identities outside the societal norms of

the formal cities of the East. A number of historians, like Richard White in his 1991 publication, The Middle Ground:

Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815, recognize the role of the Native American-White

American relationships that often stood at the center of the fur trade. Yet, less treatment is traditionally given to their

black counterparts who also appeared as prominent characters at various points within the larger narrative of the

frontier fur trade and facilitated close relationships with native tribes in prime fur hunting and trading regions.

Still, modern historians have begun to explore the role black Americans played in the fur trade and western

settlement in more earnest, like Elinor Wilsons 1972 publication of Jim Beckwourth: Black Mountain Man, War Chief of

the Crows, Trader, Trapper, Explorer, Frontiersman, Guide, Scout, Interpreter, Adventurer, and Gaudy Liar and Quintard

Taylor with his 1999 publication of In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West 1528-1990.

As a result, new questions emerge regarding the influence of non-whites within business and Native American

relationships throughout the nineteenth-century American frontier. James P. Jim Beckwourth (1798-1866) and George

Bonga (1802-1880), two black American fur traders of the 1800s, demonstrated a certain ethnic adaptability when it

came to navigating the complex social and cultural channels and racial inequalities inherent in popular ideals of the

American frontier.

By showing an ability to adjust their ethnic and cultural norms to those of native tribes, specifically the Crow and

the Ojibwe for Beckwourth and Bonga respectively, who had already created more favorable inroads within the Anglo-

Americans exploration and fur trading communities, the men better characterize the notion of ethnic adaptability when

exploring the black experience in the American fur trade. Without the rapid racial flexibility illustrated by Beckwourth

and Bonga, blacks, remained hamstrung by the whites systematic and stereotypical efforts to keep the majority in
control of the racial minority with little to no tolerance for the expansion of civic, social, and economic equality of the

country.

Some blacks, like Beckwourth and Bonga, embraced the agency that their new blended identities afforded them

by mixing culture, ethnicity, and economy with the men and women of local native tribes. As a result, they transcended

the traditional trappings of the oppressive and all-too-common black-white relationship, further marked by deeply

entrenched notions of inferiority to ultimately live and operate in an uplifted and independent social and economic

position. Through their ethnic adaptability with Native Americans and the fur trade, they were able to keep their family

units together and promote a more progressive view of blacks in nineteenth-century America and new sense of equality

and freedom from Old World racial values.

James P. Beckwourth was not only a pioneer is the most literal sense, he claims to have been an explorer, hunter,

trapper, guide, and member and even chief of the Crow Nation at one time, but also a pioneer for black Americans on

the frontier and across America. Much of what is known about his life comes from his autobiography, The Life and

Adventures of James P. Beckwourth, Mountaineer, Scout, and Pioneer, and Chief of the Crow Nation of Indians, first

dictated to Thomas D. Bonner, a wayfaring Justice of the Peace in Californias gold fields in 1854 to 1855, and published

by Harper and Brothers in 1856.1 Generally known as the first and only autobiography of one black mans experience on

the frontier, Beckwourth broke new ground for black publication and ethnic attention with the recounting of his

adventures in the West. Records indicate that the book was generally well received and attained a fair amount of

widespread success; it was quickly translated into French in 1860 for European markets eager for entertaining tales from

the American frontier regardless of the race from whom it came. 2

Because the book is filled with stories that paint Beckwourth as the ever-adventuring hero who fought bloody

battles and had a number of close calls and fantastical brushes with death, historians throughout the nineteenth and

twentieth centuries relegated the work to something of a historical anecdote, citing it contained no realistic merit or

truth.3 Unlike the white-oriented tales of Daniel Boone, Davey Crockett, and William Buffalo Bill Cody, Beckwourths

recollections held little value for those seeking to enlarge the myth history of the American West. Furthermore, few of

1 James P. Beckwourth and Thomas D. Conner, ed., The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth (Lincoln, Nebraska: University
of Nebraska Press, 1981).
2 Jeffrey D. Nichols, James P. Beckwourth and the Mythology of the West, History Blazer (March, 1995): 1, accessed November 11,
2013, http://historytogo.utah.gov/utah_chapters/trappers,_traders,_and_explorers/jamespbeckwourthandthemythologyofthewest.html.
3 Elinor Wilson, Jim Beckwourth: Black Mountain Man, War Chief of the Crows, Trader, Trapper, Explorer, Frontiersman, Guide,
Scout, Interpreter, Adventurer, and Gaudy Liar, (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 16.
those who dismissed Beckwourths autobiography hid their prejudicial views by refusing to award any accolades to a

mongrel of mixed blood.4 Such negative racial interpretations posited by his early reviewers signal both the ethnic

tensions and inequalities between blacks and whites even in literature and during the creation of mythic figures of the

frontier.

Nonetheless, although many of Beckwourths acquaintances acknowledged his penchant for exemplifying

numbers or swapping another heroic figure in a story for himself, later studies show that much of what Bonner recorded

of Beckwourths dictations contained at least some, if not larger, nuggets of factual truth. 5 Therefore, even though his

autobiography and the subsequent reviews of his life should be treated with some reservation, his account of life as a

black trapper, fur trader, and member of the Crow Nation validate the power of ethnic adaptability on the frontier and

the success of independent and mobile blacks along the fringes of mainstream society during a time of extreme racial

turmoil.

Fathered by the white slave owner, Sir Jennings Beckwith, but borne of a black slave mother, Beckwourth came

into the world in 1798 or 18006 legally as a slave. Although Beckwith raised him as his own son from infancy, Beckwourth

remained a slave until his master and father petitioned the court three separate times in 1824, 1825, and 1826 where he

finally succeeded in formally emancipating James and his family. 7 Even though his father eventually secured Beckwourth

and his familys freedom from slavery, he still understood the plight of a black person and the systemic racism that

coursed through the veins of the developing American culture and economy that specifically limited he and his familys

mobility within the confines of society because of their race. 8 They soon moved to Missouri where Beckwourth took an

apprenticeship with a blacksmith in St. Louis in order to develop a trade skill that could support he and his family. Equally

unhappy with the slave-like nature of the apprenticeship and seeking his own piece of the freedom and self-

determination of the West, Beckwourth signed on for an expedition to the Rocky Mountain with a local fledgling fur

trapping entrepreneur, General William Ashley.

4 Wilson, Gaudy Liar, 56.

5 Wilson, Gaudy Liar, 13.
6 Although a number of accounts indicate James P. Beckwourths birthdate to be 1798, Elinor Wilson contradicts this common held
belief by presenting compelling evidence in Jim Beckwourth: Black Mountain Man, War Chief of the Crows, Trader, Trapper,
Explorer, Frontiersman, Guide, Scout, Interpreter, Adventurer, and Gaudy Liar that dates his actual birth to 1800.
7 Wilson, Gaudy Liar, 101.
8 Beckwourth, The Life and Adventures, 15.
 As Ashleys endeavor evolved into a thriving fur trading business known as the American Fur Company, so too did

Beckwourth evolve into a bona fide mountain man in nearly the same fashion as his white counterparts. His associations

with well-known mountain men like Jim Bridger, Jedediah Smith, Jim Clyman and Edward Rose and his participation in

various Mountain Men Rendezvous helped Beckwourth recognize the need to carve his place in history as a black

adventurer with skills and accomplishments on par with those of whites. He therefore sharpened his storytelling

prowess, with his patented exaggeration with number, which elevated his reputation among both local fur trappers and

folks further afield. Still, whether told through the eyes of fellow trappers, company records, or Beckwourth himself,

historians have been able to triangulate each source and confirm his presence as a witness at the very least and full-

fledged participant at nearly every recorded event in the fur-rich Rockies.

Having already successfully demonstrated his ability to adapt his ethnicity to those of the Anglo mountain men,

Beckwourth soon had the opportunity to show the same technique when captured by a tribe of Crow warriors in 1828.

According to Beckwourth, the Crow party mistook him for the long lost son of a tribal chieftain and insisted the tribe

adopt him as one of their own. However, other accounts indicate that members of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company

arranged for Beckwourth to be placed with the Crow for the purposes of establishing trade. 9 In either case, instead of

seeking an antagonistic relationship underscored with violence and racism toward the Native Americans, Beckwourth

spend six to eight years tactfully amalgamating his racial identity with those of the Crow and gaining substantial influence

within the tribe. Many of his contemporaries note his ascension through the leadership ranks to at least the level of War

Chief and his commitment to taking at least ten wives. 10

Despite the eventual dissolution of his ties with the Crow in 1837 due greatly in part to the drastic decline of the

fur trade and Beckwourths ability to forge a living from the frontier, he exalts his time with the Crow as some of the best

in his life.11 In fact, he devotes half of his memoirs to retelling of his time shared with the tribes and numerous battles

where he fought side by side with them. Even at times when his white fur trading colleagues sought battle against native

tribes over hunting and land rights, including those who had been life-long enemies of the Crow, Beckwourth refused to

participate in another methodical suppression of a minoritys life and culture and sought the greatness of legends

elsewhere on the frontier. Although Beckwourth did not ultimately stay with the Crow, his ability to acclimatize his

9 Wilson, Gaudy Liar, 123.

10 Beckwourth, The Life and Adventures, 27.
11 Beckwourth, The Life and Adventures, 267.
existing ethnic traits to those of Native Americans not only mixed two separate race and cultural groups that helped

forge a complementary relationship between Native Americans and white-owned fur trading companies, but also

elevated the role of blacks beyond their conventional status as an inferior subservient race. However unique

Beckwourths accomplishments as a black mountaineer or black Indian, may seem he was not the only non-white, non-

Native American roving through the fur trade and making inroads with tribes of the nineteenth-century frontier.

Overlapping in time, experience, and adventure throughout the 1800s, George Bonga further corroborates the

role of the black on the frontier and the power of ethnic adaptability when it comes to early race progress in the West.

With claims to having been one of the first black men born in Minnesota, like Beckwourth, his role as one of the first

blacks on the territorial edges of American civilization soon cast him as an early black pioneer of the Northwest

borderlands. Unlike Beckwourth however, Bongas ties to Native Americans would be lifelong and largely influential

among white immigrants and traders throughout the region.

Following the American Revolution, a British officer brought George Bongas grandfather, Jean Bonga, to

Minnesota Territory either as a slave or indentured servant, where after he was freed upon the officers death. Jean

eventually married and partook in the privilege of settling with his family in the same area of his original servitude. Jeans

son, and Georges father, Pierre Bonga, set into motion a legacy of black fur trading and close ties with the Ojibwe by

working with the tribe and creating a successful niche in the lucrative business. In fact, Jean married an Ojibwe woman

and fathered two sons from the ethnic union. As part of Pierres notable achievements, he was able to send his son,

George, to school in Montreal, Canada where he became fluent in English, French, and Ojibwe and was able to share his

formal education with his brother, Stephan. Both of Pierres sons followed in their fathers footsteps and became

involved in the fur trade via the Ojibwe. They also expanded their resumes by acting as guides and translators for white

immigrants.12

In an effort to make the most of his regional surroundings, George Bonga soon began to straddle the fences

between three different ethnic worlds: Anglo-Americans, Ojibwe, and the original black roots of his grandfather. As a

translator, he was able to adapt his ethnicity to both whites and Native Americans in order to satisfy trust for ongoing

negotiations over land and fur hunting and trading rights between both sides. According to his letters, Bonga clearly

identified with each side and was comfortable moving between the two worlds. 13 In fact, when writing about not the
12 George Bonga (1802-1880), last modified December 2, 2013, http://www.mnopedia.org/person/bonga-george-1802-1880.
13 George Bonga, Letters of George Bonga, The Journal of Negro History 12 (1) (January 1, 1927): 50.
darker color of his skin, but instead his strong involvement in the European-American culture, Bonga claims himself to be

one of the first two white men in northern Minnesota. 14 At the same time, Bonga always kept one foot securely in the

camp of the Ojibwe tribe. Not only did he have two Ojibwe wives and four children, but like Beckwourth, he also worked

for the American Fur Company, only his main role was as an advocate for his native affiliations. He often spoke out

against the unfair treatment of Ojibwe trappers at the hands of white invaders, even filing formal complaints with

government and Indian agencies regarding the abuses. In some of Bongas letters, he even pointed out his favorable

connections between the two races and cultures, 15 thereby further demonstrating both his ethnic adaptability and ways

in which he bisected racial and cultural boundaries of the time.

However, despite his measurable success in the region as a decent of a black servant with Native and Anglo

American ties, the decline of the fur trade and the American Fur Companys bankruptcy in 1842 forced Bonga out his

primary means of support. He quickly made adjustments and began placing more emphasis on his diplomatic skills as a

translator among Americans, the French, and native tribes. In addition to records from his earlier days in the fur trade,

Bongas name appears on a number of missionary, lumber, and land documents and treaties. Perhaps most notably was

Bongas involvement in a land treaty between the Ojibwe and white agents at White Earth in 1867. 16

By all accounts, Bongas and his family remained in good standing with whites, Ojibwe, and other blacks in the

region who sought his help when one group dealt with the other. Eventually, Bonga and his wife turned to lodge keeping

on Leech Lake in Minnesota and kept their door open to all travelers of all races and classes until his death in 1880 at

approximately 70 years of age.17 Although no historian has yet to probe deeper into the life and times of George Bonga

as more have done for James Beckwourth, Bonga nonetheless left behind a tangible sense of a blending of disparate

races and cultures with little to no conflict as each encountered another through several generations of whites, Ojibwe,

and black Americans. As a result, Bongas life as a prosperous cross-cultural frontiersman reflects an early notion of race

progress for blacks in ways that could be found nowhere else but on the American frontier.

Although just two examples of black Americans who used a method of ethnic adaptability with Native American

tribes involved in the fur trade to transcend their traditional status as inferior in race, social, cultural, and economic class,

Beckwourth and Bonga invite further inquiry into the role of blacks in both the fur trade and the larger landscape of the
14 Bonga, Letters, 51.
15 George Bonga.
16 Bonga, Letters, 53.
17 George Bonga.
nineteenth-century American frontier. William Loren Katz offers a piece that stands at the intersection of black American

and native tribes with his 1986 publication of Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage and in 2009 and Arthur C. McWatt

explores the development of human rights in Minnesota with Crusaders for Justice: A Chronicle of Protest by Agitators,

Advocates, and Activists in their Struggle for Human Rights in St. Paul, Minnesota, 1802-1985. Yet, few other scholarly

connections are made between the black experience in the fur trade and among Native Americans and noticeable racial

progression as a result of such ethnically historic activities.

While ethnic adaptability with Native Americans and the fur trade was one way for blacks to overcome the

inherent inequalities of their race, it also represented a means by which they and other could elevate their economic and

social position and enrich their lives beyond the reach of slaverys systematic dishonor and dehumanization. Because

black men like Beckwourth, Bonga, and their mixed-race families embraced a sense of racial flexibility to help facilitate

economic and familial security unlike other minorities away from the frontier, their methods further indicate early

notions of race progress in the annals of American racial history. Although ethnic adaptability like those employed by

Beckwourth and Bonga did not eliminate larger issues of civic inequalities based on race, the fur trade and Native

Americans helped place black on a more equal footing and laid the groundwork for future alterations to the role of

blacks in American society, both within and outside the frontier regions. With their bold actions and willingness to bend

the social constructs of race, cultural, and ethnicity of the nineteenth-century America, both men left a lasting mark of

racial significance within the greater myths and the history of the fur trade, Native Americans, and the American frontier.

Photographs Courtesy of Beckwourth.org and the Minnesota Historical Society

James P. Beckwourth, c. 1860 in Denver, Colorado

George Bonga, c. 1870 near Duluth, Minnesota

 Bibliography

Beckwourth, James Pierson, and T. D Bonner. The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. Lincoln [Neb.]; London:
University of Nebraska Press, 1981.

Behan, Barbara Carol. Forgotten Heritage: African Americans in the Montana Territory, 1864-1889. The Journal of
African American History 91:1 (2006) (January 1): 2340.

Bonga, George. Letters of George Bonga. The Journal of Negro History 12 (1) (January 1, 1927): 4154.
doi:10.2307/2714162.

Katz, William Loren. Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage. New York: Athaneum, 1986.

McWatt, Arthur C. Crusaders for Justice: A Chronicle of Protest by Agitators, Advocates and Activists in Their Struggle
for Civil and Human Rights in St. Paul, Minnesota, 1802 through 1985. Brooklyn Park, MN: Papyrus Publishing Inc.,
2009.

Minnesota Historical Society. George Bonga (1802-1880). Last modified December 2, 2013.
http://www.mnopedia.org/person/bonga-george-1802-1880.

Nichols, Jeffrey D. James P. Beckwourth and the Mythology of the West. History Blazer. Trappers, Traders, and
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gyofthewest.html.

Taylor, Quintard. In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West, 1528-1990. New York:
Norton, 1999.

White, Bruce M. The Power of Whiteness: Or, the Life and Times of Joseph Rolette, Jr. Minnesota History 56: 4 (1998):
178197.

Wilson, Elinor. Jim Beckwourth Black Mountain Man, War Chief of the Crows, Trader, Trapper, Explorer, Frontiersman,
Guide, Scout, Interpreter, Adventurer, and Gaudy Liar. First Edition edition. University of Oklahoma Press, 1972.