THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL: SOURCES AND INTERPRETATIONS. Annewe Weber Intrnduction Ie was Bernhard Blumenkranz who first drew attention to the fact that anticJewish representations already oceur in medieval manuscripts and other artistic media, thereby opening up a new field of research in medieval cultural history.! In recent years, his work has been reconsidered and developed by authors such as Eric Zafran, Ruth Mellinkoff, Michael Camille and Sara Lipton, all of whom have made important contributions t a beter understanding of the While the negative character of many of the medieval images of Jews is generally agreed, their effect on the Christian audience is stil the subject of much debate. Were they meant to represent real Jews and to inspire outright hatred? Or did they function just as ‘moral devices in Christian society, as public warnings against impen- itence ‘and sin? Were therefore living medieval Jews still tolerated as a kind of outcasts or were they suspect as the enemies of Christianity, whose representations signified absolute evil in medieval society, as has been suggested recently?! In order to address this question, one has to consider also the context and intended audience of these anti« Jewish representations Surprisingly, the largest body of negative and derogatory repre- sentations of Jews in the 1th century docs not occur in images which’ were readlily accessible to the general public, such as sculp- tar panels or stained glass windows, but rather in tures, frescoes, "Bernhard Blamenkranz, L2juf dion! av minir ae Dart chntin (Pass: 196), * ric Zalran, The leomeea of ntieition, 1 Sel of the Refeation of the Joes inthe Vaal ats of 1400-1600, PhD, Thesis, New Vark Univeniy (Nev Vork: 1079). Molinko (1998; Michael Calle, The Gti dt ag nd nae Mating in Medi Lu (Cambridge: 1989}, Lipton (1060), See also J. Cather, Liv Lats of the Lane (os Angeles Berkeley: 108, See" Melinkall (1903) LVI andl SG. Lipton, “The Root of All Ex: Jews, Money and Metaphoe inthe ible mort, Miva! Enevinterr 1 (1995) 801-323 sand Tipton (1990) 30°53,166 ANNETTE: WEBER iMlumirated manuscripts. These were available only to a very few wealthy and highly educated patrons. ‘The most striking, examples are the 13th century versions of the Bible moralisée, which were pro= duced on behalf of the French royal court, and the Centigas de Santa Maria, executed for King Alfonso X of Castile. ‘These show anti- Jewish representations in abundance ‘The conditions of production of these manuscripts suggest that the patrons, i.e. clerical and secular authorities such as the courtiers and the king himself, were involved in supervising the new iconographic programs of these lavishly illustrated and theologically complex man- scripts.” Thus, one has to assume that Louis IX and Alfonso X approved the representations hostile to Jews, despite the fact that they themselves granted them protection. ‘This split between ideology and politics regarding Jews suggests that these manuscripts were to reflect not just the personal antipathy of the patrons (as in the case of Louis IX of France and his mother Blanche of Castile who are said to have disliked Jews)" their anti-Jewish representations also need to be understood jemological development”, which started at the end of the 12th century. At this ime, the evolv- ing “spiritual crisis of medieval urban culture”, ie.ta process of social iges and rapid cet | progress involving religious reorien- tation, nurtured new ideas about heresy, usury and avarice which became increasingly associated with Jews. Princes and prelates reacted to the crisis and repeatedly used antizJewish rhetoric and polities in an attempt to regulate and direct the transformations within the Christian community.” In the end, the whole process resulted in the marginalization of the Jews in medieval European society. As a result, one has to reconsider whether the great number of medieval antizJewish images which appeared from the late 12th century ‘onwards reflect popular attitudes or the moral and political aims of the result of an “e * For a general introduction to the moralized Bibles sce Laborde (1911-1927) and reeeatly: Loven (2000), who corrects sone of the findings of Tarde (1911-27) and R. Hausherr, "Commentary", in Bile morlivs, Codes Vindobomnernsis. 2554 ‘dr Ouernicichen Natinalibtel, Clanaichter der Buciknst 2 (Crave 1902) 27-31 M. Lopee Serrano tal (ed) fins Xe Sabin, Lac Cates de Sante Mara eliion facsimile eel Cadlce TI de la Biblictees le San Tarenzvi de Escorial silo XU (Madi 1979). Beamer (19 ens literals and sens spray in der Bible morale", Fitoincaeihe Staton (17) 856-380, © J LcGolt, Sint Zone (Pores 197) 799, S77 Lue (1978) 51-57 anel Lipton (1980) 139-143, TIE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIMURG. CATHEDRAL 167 the well-educated and highly cultivated leaders of their time. One only in the late Middle Ages, when anti-Jewish stereotypes were already well rooted in popular belief, paintings with explicit anticJewish figures started to be produced in large mumbers nd were aimed at the general public.” In the 13th century, anti= Jewish representations, be it in sculpture oF in miniatures (such as the Bible moralisé), were still a novelty; they need to be carefully ana- lyzed. regarding the intentions of their potential patrons and their public meaning. ‘The question of who directed the production of those artistic and theatrical images in the period after 1200 is difficult to answer, since the specific circumstances and conditions of production are still mostly unknown, This is true for the most prominent subject matter associated with Jews, the passion of Christ, which was represented in all media intended for public consumption: sculpture, painted altar pieces, and Passion plays. Only in rare cases is it possible to give an account of the circumstances of an image’s creation, and to draw tentative conclusions about the artis’s and th intentions as well as the presumed effect on its audience. The present paper will try to © of public art in a medieval church in south- has (0 be aware analyze one such in west Germany. (On High Holy Days, the faithfal of the small town of Freiburg im Breisgau, in the valley of the Upper Rhine, entered their prin- pal church, the Manster (not a cathedral, but a parish church aspir- ing to the appearance of a cathedral), through a deep porch situated beneath the central west tower constructed around the end of the 13thr century (fig. 1)” There they were greeted by the patron saint of the church, the Madonna of the Rose Bush, standing on the trumeau and surrounded by a large chorus of sculpted figures from the Old and the New Testaments. Both sides of the doorway and the tympanum show the principal scenes from the life of Mary example of this development are the panels on the high altar of the can"Church of Franklirt fam Main there, the passion of Chri, painted by Hane Hole the Elder in 1901, 8 peopled with anticfessish figurations, W. Frey, ssionsapiel ted geitiche Males als Instrumente der fadentetze in Frankly Main tm U50% fateh dev Tatts fir dete Cache dor Univ Tal Ain 7 (198) 15-58, ef. IH for he high alae, wos in the Seilelucher Kunst, Pranklun-on-the-Mai, "Tish to thank Prof: De; Wilhelm Schlnk of the University of Freiburg i.Brsg who Kindly gave permission to use the photographs of the Kunsigeseiehtlches Thositaty Albert Lanhigy-Universitat Freiburg Diag168, ANNETTE: WEBER {Adoration of the Magi, the Annunciation, the Visitation) and of Christ (Nativity and Passion, the Grucifixion and the Last Judgment), whereas the archivolts show important figures from the Old ‘Testament (Adarn and Eve, the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the Biblical Kings and Angek). ‘The cycle of sculptures is continued along both lateral porch walls with the Wise and the Foolish Virgins, the Seven Liberal Arts wong others, the vice Lauria, andl Abraham snd Melchizedek The entire ensemble of the sculptures of the porch was most likely compicted around the year L300 and presents the history of mankind n accordance with Christian faith, from the Creation of Man to Last Judgment." It may have provided the entering medieval visi- tor/worshipper with a feeling of supernatural security which was guaranteed by this comprehensive cosmos of saints However, these sculptures also present some violent images (fg. 2) The lower frieze of the left tympanum narrates in a graphic visual language Christ’s capture by Jews under the direction of Judas and with the assistance of Roman soldicrs. The following scene presents a horrific view of the hanged Judas, from whose burst body the intestines pour forth. At the same time, the 30 silver denari? which he obiained for the betrayal of Christ slip out of his hand. Above his head, two devils carry off his damned soul, This image is an early example of what became the most popular presentation of the hanged Judas in the late Middle Ages." By showing Judas with the 30 dena in his hand in the company of Jews wearing medieval, ic contemporary Jews’ hats, the audience was to recognize the ‘Jewish stereotype’: Judas becomes a traitor because of his innate (Jewish) love for money; his greed! and avarice (one of the seven deadly sins) even lead him to eschew redemption ‘This polemic depiction of Judas still holding the money at the moment of death contradicts the Gospel accounts which state that it was no longer in his possession when he dicd.!® ‘This scene in the Freiburg Minster is therefore an interpretation ancl not a illustr of the original text. In fiet, itis the result not only of harmoni " Minzel (1959) 2875; he dates the whole eyele around the year 1300. The re evant date engraved! on the outside of the porch is 1245. P. Korman, "Die Skulpraren ler Freiburger Mnstervorhalle, in H. Hamann, H. Schadek (1996) 1970-5. dates the sculptures of the porch ta, 1240-1310, "" Oswald Goetz “Hie henckt Juss" in: Fetch fir Oto Schmit, ed, EL. Wentz (Suter 1950) 105-137 (109), " Gampel of St Mathew 2738 10, Acts of the Apules 115,26, THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL 169, the quotations from the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles but of complex theological reflections. Such theological reflections were sum- tarized by Petrus Gomestor in his Historia Sctolastica during the sec- ond half of the 12th century. According to Petrus Comestor, the ody of Judas was condemned to burst afer he hanged himself, in order {© allow his damned soul to leave, since it could not escape 1 the moment of eapture: through the mouth which had kissed Christ Por he was perished hewseen then, heeause he ha | ‘And his intestines were spilled, but not dheouglh is me to spare the mouth with whieh he had kissed the Saviour.” erhy of soaring ihe eters teenth nF : ryedd the Lard af both ne Moreover, as we see it in Freiburg, Judas’ avarice and his mistrust of the grace of God meant that his soul was destined to etemal damnation and was to be carried off dircetly to hell by the devil When was this rather complex 12h century written biblical com- mentary turned into a visual image and how did it arrive in Freiburg a century later? What was the purpose of this kind of sculpted, ie. public, representation? A New Ionogrnply, A New Message The aniqueness of the hanged Judas ax represented in. Freibung becomes clearer if compared to other still extant representations at the cathedrals of Benevent, Reims ane Strasbourg. ‘They all diffe in iconography; thus their model function for Freiburg seems 10 be somewhat questionable. ‘The bronze door of the cathedral of Benevent (end of the 12th and the first half of the 13th century) shows the hanged Judas somewhat distorted and -his intestines engraved as a mere sign on the upper part of the body which is otherwise covered by a garment. Coming from the right, a winged devil seizes his body. This representation scems to reflect the moralization of Petrus omestor, but neither style nor iconography present a direct model for Freiburg." © Rau 1916) 81-632, Pans Comes, Hii shai, nerd Jd dik [blows “Non eu pact ut al cota mage matin elt Sa i th tn pr ey Se pat The enon ar thay aed y Honing in 943.8. Ange iat Jana Rt on i etc ears Sy 3SH jane 170 ANNETTE WEBER At Reims cathedral, the now destroyed! archivolts of the left por tal of the west porch included a hanged Judas figure with a burst body and open garment, There are some resemblances with Freiburg, However, the Reims Judas lacked important iconographiical details: the 30 denarii and the devils carrying off the damned soul.!? “This is also true for the depiction of the-hangedl Judas in the tym- panum of the Western porch af Cie cathedral of Strasboutig-not far from Freiburg. The sculpture of Ui reateer inthe later 13th century, but the seulpture was destroyed daring the French reve olution and was replaced in the 19th century with a modern rec struction showing a burst body." The figure of Judas itself is a 19th-century replacement and presents him in a long garment with- out intestines-ee-do-older-representaions.fram the Sth to the 1th century? Next to him is the open mouth of lieli-and a still origi- nal he-goat, the SpIMDOT OF Whe evil, attacking him, but no deni are visible. This is also a moralization, since it presents Judas as damned to hell, but it does not poiit-o-hismavarice and Traudulent nature. Overall, the Central west tympanum at Strasbourg, which sup- posedly reflects the teachings of Albertus Magnus," presents a detailed account of the Passion, starting with the Entfaice into Jerusalem and ending with the three women discovering the empty tomb. The upper portion presents the Ascension. It offers a coherent narrative of the Passion of Christ in accordance with the synopsis of the Gospe's, on which many sermons for Good Friday were based. Only if we disregard the iconographic differences could we con= sider the figure of the hanged Judas in Freiburg as dependent on Frenct: imagery, and the program of Freiburg as just a synopsis of the thee west porches of Strasbourg. While the sculptures of the provincial town of Freiburg certainly reflect the style of the latest sculpture from Strasbourg and Reims in general, and even quote some problema det suo restaura”, in Le pute dé bronco dell” anti af solo X 8. Salomi (Rome: 1990) 447"-477. See also Westerhsl (106) 29-3, who liscuses the representation of Benevent as possibly one of the east extan hhanged Judas with a burst bods. She thinks that the depiction of Durst body fist occurs atthe ene of the lth/beginning’ of the Lh century earlier sculpted representation in Samtinge de Compostela shenvs nw ust body. "Westerhof (1996) SIN, pl. 76-71, "Le Réats Fagrphie de art eben, vol. W/2 (Paris: 1952) 4426 Das Bill des Judas Iskaviot im Wandel der Zeiten”, i Aen des 7, Interatonalen Kongreses fr chriatile drchaolgie (Ueslin: 1968) 165-175, pl COLXEXVI, fig. 2 WR. Recht, Das Shasdurger Miter Suara: 1971) 70-72 1, ea ‘THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL im of the Strasbourgian models almost literally, one has to be careful to assume their dependence in the case of significant iconographic changes, which alter the entire message. In the case of the repre- sentations of the hanged Judas, there are too many distinet icono- graphic differences, which do not allow us to assume a singular model for all representations of the hanged Judas of the late 13th/carly Mth century, whether they occur in sculpture, ivory or illuminated manuscripts: images were read like texts and iconographic differences mattered. In contrast to the detailed exegesis of the Life of Christ on the three tympana of the cathedral of Strasbourg, the single tympanum of Freiburg offers a somewhat different overall view, as it presents a synopsis of Christian history leading to the Last Judgment and future salvation or clamnation, Here the Nativity, which presents Christ as the future Saviour, is justaposed with the Passion as the necessary sacrifice for saving mankind. In contrast, the hanged Judas is rep- resented as a case of hopeless damnation, since his soul is carried off to hell before being even admitted to the Last Judgment. The Grucifixion. which is a prerequisite of resurrection and Judgment, holds together all three parts from Passion to Last Judgment. ‘This synopsis is represented ina much simpler narrative style than in Strashourg, and the concept in itself is explicitly didactical, since it includes moralizations such as the overempha dori slipping out of the hand of Judas; the resurrected friars as ‘model Christians; andl the angel holding the one candle which remains iluminated euuring the Holy Week and signifies the virtue of the Virgin who didn’t forsake her son ever.!" ‘This emphasis on dlidactical elements which structure the narra- tive program have a parallel in the new sermons of the time, espe- cially of the mendicant orders. Therefore [ want to consider the possibility that the new form of preaching might have been crucial for structuring the sculpted program of the tympanum of Freiburg; T would argue that medieval artists, whether they were sculptors in provincial town or manuscript illuminators in Paris, were able to create new variations of sculptures, especially of narrative ones, just out of impressive oral descriptions at a time when well trained preach- crs like the mendicants tried to win their audience by imaginative descriptions and colorful moralization. © Bariou (1998) vol. 1, 405-406.172 ant Judas in the Bible maraliste A link between the rise of the mendicant orders and contemporary visual culture is provided by the Bible morale. The aspect which will occupy me here is the appearance of a new iconography of the Ihangedl Judas in the later versions of this vast reworking of the Bible. Although still extant contemporary sculpted representations of the hanged Judas with a burst body are relatively scarce, it is possible to find parallels in the illuminated medallions of the Bible moralisée, which were created during the first half of the 13th century in France (fig. 32° These illuminated manuscripts subject cach quotation ot parap irase from the Vulgate to a threefold! interpretation—one tex- tual and two visual. Each text of the Vulgate is illustrated by an adjacent medallion which is followed! by another written commen- tary and again a medallion for illustration. ‘This procedure imitates the interpretation according to the fourfold meaning of seripture, a methad widely used by scholastic theologians. In the moralized Bibles, this kind of interpretation of the biblical past serves to hold up a moral mirror to contemporary Christian society: the history of the Old ‘Testament serves both as a typological forerunner (type) of the Gospels and as a model for the present. Biblical times and con- temporary life are presented as an uninterrupted chain of events, which includes every aspect of life from the sacred to the secular. ‘This extensive moralization resulted in manuscripts of giganti For example, the Bible moraliie in the treasury of Toledo cathedral, which was probably created for Blanche of Castile by Parisian work- shops from the later 1220s onwards, and the slightly younger so- called Tripartite (now divided between Paris, London and Oxford) comprise more than five thousand medallions each and consequently figure among the most comprehensive and important biblical illu minated manuscripts of the High Middle Ages.” he Toledo and the ‘Tripartite manuscripts present the scene of the hanged Judas with a burst body several times. First, itis shown ® Medallion showing Judss hanging himvel, according to the Gospel of St Mathew 273, Ile meats, London Brit. Mus, ms. at. Haley 1527, fol 6 mer dated the completion of the Te Ioefore 1238, when Blanche of cane war ail Ngee ae Re Brawn icone Bible? Paintshop in ‘Thirteenth-Century Paris, Serum 44 (1968) 13-34 (23 Lowden (2000) vol. 1, 4 and his chapter “Some Conclusions andl Proposis” in val. 11 (The Book of Ruth) 199-209 (201F), 173 TIIK HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL in the context of the story of Absalom (figs. 4 and 5)2? Absalom, the royal son who violently rebelled against his father David, serves as 1 typological example of the infidel Jews who rebelled against the teachings of God when they did not accept the message of Christ ‘The hanging Absalom is compared to the errant Jews who remain suspended between heaven and earth hecause of their continued deviance afier the resurrection of Christ (fig. 6). Absalom’s death is seen as his deserved punishment for treason, which figures 4s equiv- alent to the mortal sins of Laxutia, Avartia and Superbia which deserve nothing but eternal damnation. The subsequent suicide of Absalom's counselor Achitophel, by strangulation, is paralleled with the hanged Judas and the Jews, who become the symbols not only of vice but of utter despair and damnation, ‘The hanged Judas as a symbol of self destruction appears again in the ‘Tripartite edition of the Bibl moralisée, in the medallion commenting on Judas’ suicide according to Matthew 27:3 (fig. 7). Here it is related to the sin of simony (tak- ing money for church benefits), the ultimate crime for any clerie.?* Although’ the 30 devarié are not depicted in Judas’ hands here, his avarice and usury as documented in the Gospel.of St. John (12:3-6) are clearly presented as the true cause of his damnation since its dan= gers. are condemned in the commentary medallion, ‘Thus, is it possible that the Bible moratisée presents a pictorial matrix for an image of the hanged Judas with strong anticJewish connota- tions, as it became popular during the later Middle Ages? At first sight this suggestion seems unlikely, for these Bibles were made for the restricted use of the French kings and were therefore not avail- able as direct models for a sculptural depiction of Judas in the re- mote and rather provincial setting of Freiburg. In other words, we should not treat the Bible moraliée as if it was an artists’ model book. However, I wish to angue that the moralized Bibles of 1230-1240 from Paris, even if they did not serve as direct pictorial models, embody a new iconographical concept which seems to have been * Laborde (1911-27) vol. 1, pl. 158, (Oxford, Bod, ms. la, 270, Fl. 158), vol IN, ple 628 (Bible morafvr of oled, wo. 1, fl. 126), * Laborde (1911-27) wl. IV, pl. 526, (London. Brit. Lib. ms. lat. Harley 1527, fol, S6r Judas’ suicide accowding the Gospel of St. Matthew). Other ikstrations of Jiadas seth a burst body occur in the Tripartite edition, Acts ofthe Apostles 18-19 Laborde (1911-27) vol, TV, pl. 618 (London, Bri. Lib. ms, lat. Harley’ 1527, fl 196e) and paw IL, Paris Bibiothéque Nationale ts, lat, 11560 fol, Sty (Proverbs 113) and fol. 21 (Zech), ef. also the dicussion of Westerhof (1996) 25-20,14 ANNETTE WEBER rapidly communicated from Paris via Strasbourg to Freiburg, albeit not necessarily just by image, but possibly by words and (performed) gesture as well Curiously enough, these Toledo and Tripartite moralized Bibles offer no written explanation for the pictorial presentation of the burst body of Judas. Moreover, this image is absent from the two earlier moralized Bibles, now in Vienna, in the Austrian National Library (Codex ONB 1179 and Codex ONB 2554 in the following).2* The Creation of the moralized Bible ONB 1179, which is dedicated to King Louis VIII of France, was undertaken most likely before the mid 1220s and must have been completed around the cleath of the king in 1226. Its companion, the Bible moralisie OND 2554 seems to hhave been started even earlier and must have heen completed approx imately at the time that ONB 1179 was planned, i.e. before the height of the Atbigensian wars (several medallions and commentaries of ONB 2554 refer to the wars against the Albigensians as still impending) John Lowden has convincingly argued that the make ing of all the four Parisian moralized Bibles in the first half of the 13th century seems to have been an almost continuous process: the ONB 2554 preceding ONB 1179, and the Toledo edition which served as a matrix for the somewhat later version of the Tripartite having been started straight alter the completion of ONB 1179." However, the four different Bibles moralises are far from being homoge- nous and their production was accompanied by constant reassess- ‘ment involving textual, iconographic and stylistic changes. ‘Thus, the hhangec Judas of the two earlier versions ONB 2554 and ONB 1179 is depicted according to the narrative in the Gospel of Matthew, which claims that he simply hung himself out of utter despair, and do not comment on the body. Therefore no burst body and no bulging intestines are to be seen in these earlier moralized Bibles % Lowden (2000) vol. 1 (The Manuscript) 11-95, resumée in vol, 1, 200-202. ® On the dating of Codex ONB 1179, se Lipton (1900) 5.8, She proposes con: vincingly King Lonie VIL as the patron'of this Codes, who is represented in one of the vory lagt medallions as reading the Bible. The edition in the French lane sage Cdex OND 2554 must have een completed sometime hefoer 122, hecause Several eommentaries and medallions in the book of Kings refer to the impending wars (ef fols.A0v-c, Ha, dle). In fol, 1Ov-c a bearded king, resembling the one ted at the end of ONB. 1179, summons his lords to warfare against the eve Pare dans Ia ibe mor”, Cabins la Giration mitiwole (orthcomning) * Laveen (2000) vol. Hl, 201 IHIEDRAL. 175, TMK HANGED JUDAS OF FREI (figs: 8 and 9)27 Yet, in the two later editions (Toledo and Tripartite) of the moralized Bibles completed after 1230, Petrus Comestor’s interpretation of the hanged Judas with the burst body has been adopted. This addition looks like a conscious shift in interpretation as it occurs several times and was repeated in both copies. Certainly, it was not just an alteration due to the fancy of illustrators, who were by no means five to choose their own iconography. Instead, there is clear evidence that the artists were closely supervised—sev- ‘eral comments in the margin of the Tripartite version request icono- graphic changes." ‘The question of who was responsible for this altered depiction of the hanged Judas raises questions concerning the identity of the editor in charge of the kater moralized Bibles. Although this question stil lacks a definitive answer, the decision to alter the image was most likely a theological one. ‘Therefore it must have been Juded that the moralization of Petrus Goniestor was, Furthermore it must have been decided that this new interpretation had to be expressed through an image and not through text. This was despite the fact that the original source existed in a written form. Apparently the illustrator was capable of invent- 18 @ new iconography by description, The image that he created was believed to serve the intellectual argumentation as effectively as a written comment, and it was t0 be read like a text. The Preaching of the Friars I would like to suggest that the new forms of preaching of the friars, who established themselves successfully as teachers at Paris University afer 1228, may have induced this change in iconography. That the teachings of the friars, and especially the Dominicans, informed this shift in interpretation is corroborated by several indications: first of all, the new influence of the friars on the two later moralized Bibles ® ‘Bite mura (Graz: 1992) 111 (Codex ONB 2554, fo 47. Laborde (1911-27) vol, IV, ple 681 (ONT 1179, fl, 109%), "The remark “lees a hess robe blanche i" written an the margin of Landon, Brit, Lib, Haney late pede (1911-27) vol, TV, ple 26 and other ‘Similar remarks indicate cht the iconography was eareully planned and sapervice, ® “This model of production ie alo suggested by the scene at the end. of the Toledo edition where a cleric, who ix alko 4 scholar, directs ascribe. See W. Stork, iamentary, in Die Bie! Ludwig der Halen, Glanalichter der Duchkunst (Graz 1997} 7-11176 ANNETTE WEBER is made obvious by the fact that these two editions present them repeatedly as ideal clergymen and dutifal popular preachers against vice and usury (fig. 10). The obvious high esteem in which the friars cre held in the Toledo and the Tripartite versions of the Bible moralisée corresponds to the fact that members of the mendicant orders acted ay influential counselors to the king during, the weigh of Lo IX, and in particular had the ear of his powerlil mother Blanche of Castle." Moreover, the commentators of the Toledo and ‘Tripartite versions used not only the Historia Scholastica of Petrus Comestor and the new Glossa Ordinaria alongside the so-called Paris, or University Bible, but also the so-called Pastlla, the biblical commentaries of the Dominican Hugues of St. Cher, which was completed in Paris along- side the Tripartite edition and became one of the most widespread ‘medieval biblical commentaries.” Hugues refers to the new moral= ization of the hanged Judas commentary fon the Acts of the Apostles, quoting also from the Glassa Ondinaria.® Finally, the way in which text and image are juxtaposed in the moralized Bibles closely resembles the new methods of pastoral care, which sought (o illustrate sermons by means of a more lively exegesis, ile. by adding exempla, legends and stories. After ca. 1200, the university of Paris became a center for the clevelopment of this new type of sermon." Since the late 1220s, mendicant preachers used! the new patterns of medieval exegesis, including the evemplim, ta its full advan ® Laborde (1911-27) vol. IV, pl. 636 (Toledo, treasury, vol. I, fl, 2214= come rmentaties to the prophecies of Zacharia V, 5-11) © J. LeGoll, Sain’ Fans (Paris: 1997) 339-235; see 588-592 for the important role of the dominican Vincent de Beauvais as counselor andl confessor of Lanis TX. ® Laborde (1911-27) vol. V, 154, who points tothe fict that many verses From the Pasty of the Dominicans Hugues de St. Cher ace quoted Fterally in the Tripartite ceition. He therefore considers the Pill of Hugs of St, Chet aan important source af inspiration. R. Haushert, “Commentary in Pile meri Codec Hina nsis 2554 der Ostrecichon Natmalhibthk, Glanalichter dev Buchunst 2 (Cra: 1992) 34 and Lipton (1999) 8-10, however, point to the fact that hol Hugues of St. Cher Pasta and the Laer eaione of the Bible mraisefecqoenty jas Hi the text fam the Glosa Ordiara and therefore the question of these two seurees cate rant he determined, Lovwelen (2008) vol. My 201 argues that the pweniucers Ia access leah sures nnd used them side by Side, fn the Tripartite lunvew, the te feral verson of the Pil has been chinen on may occasions instead of the Glossa fordinara. whicl points» » rather string influence of the Dominieans on this edie tion of te Hible marl Oprs onnin Hagnis de Sento Cary, ex, Nicolaus Pezzans VIL, 2t0, Heriow (1998) vol. by 33-214 (Venice: 1703) vol THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL 7 tage. Among these, the legend of the miserable death of Judas and the reasoning about his burst body seems to have enjoyed some prominence, since it was an extraordinarily impressive story, which served to improve the religious instruction of the general lay pub- c, who could neither wnelerstand nor r Asa equence the friars lar, whieh per= mitted a more drastic and direct expression. ‘This emphasis on pop- ularity helped! the story of the hanged! Juelas to become a repeatedly used example of waming against damnation through misuse of money. The legend was not only included in preaching on the Passion on Good Friday.” It was included in the most famous collection of leg- ends and preachers’ handbook, the Legenda Aurea by the Dominican bishop Jacobus de Voragine (compiled between 1263 and 1273). He quoted the story in the chapter “De Sancto Mathia”, which was to be read during Lent in the following way: acl the Latin Vulga Iso preached in the vern: The Lord made him his disciple and then chose him to be an apos- tle, Indeed he loved him so dearly that he made him the keeper of the purse and finally bore with him as his betrayer. So Judas carried the purse and stole the alms that were given to Christ) At the time fof the Lords passion he protested hecause the ointment that was worth hhad not heen sld 0 he could steal that money ud betrayed his Lord for thisty pieces of sil- tdiree hundred pen too, Then he went out ver, each coin being worth ten pence, ancl so he macle up the three hundred pence lost over the ointment or, as some say, he regularly stole onestenth of all that was given to Christ, and therefore sold the Lord for the tenth part of the lost sale price of the ointment, ie, three hundred pence. However, he was sorry for what he had done,’ threw back the money, and hanged himself with a halter, and, as the gospel tells us, ‘burst asunder in the middle and all his bowels came out.” ® C. Bremont, J. Le Goll J-C. Schon Lmplum (Trpaloge des saces de. moyen ag oid vo i) (Terai 1942) 50.54 "Bériow (1908) vol. 1,136: vol Il, 781 (Annexe 21: sermon for Good Friday fn Latin), 793 (Annexe jon. Friday in vernacular, ssh ses the ‘extensive mor ind espn. The se the Dawn fo alo ued the atin and verculae the ay emtarks out sermons delivered on Good FF in Bie dese Pri nv Mila, eds. VN lay caring the es, He Sehitwer (Fal "eri (198) 400-105 on the subject of preaching on Good Friday. Usually the sermons were based on the Gospel of St, John, hut range of quotations from other Goxpele sere inwrted, and among them especially the story of Judas.178 ANNETTE WEDER ‘Thus his mouth was spared defilement since nothing eame out through it, for it would have been incongruous that a mouth which had touched the glorious lips of Christ should be so foully soiled. 1 also was fitting that the bowels which had conceived the hetray spill out, ane that the throat from which hacl emerged the voice of the traitor should be strangled by rope. Morcover, Juclas perished in the air, so that the one who hae offended the angels in heaven and men on earth was kept out of the regions belonging to angels and to ‘men, and was left in the air in the company of demons." | should burst and In a later chapter, “De Passione Domini”, which was to be read on Good Friday, the Legenda Aurea explicitly refers again to Judas’ fate: Now biecause Christ was betrayed and brought to his death by Judas due to greed, by the Jews due to envy, and by Pilate de to fear, we ‘might consider the punishments that God inflicted on them for this sin. But you will find an account of Judas’ origin and punishment in the legend of Saint Matthias...” Thus it was assured that the story of the hanged Judas could be recaptured at its proper moment within the account of the Passion. ‘The Lzganda Aurea is considered to have been conecived not only for contig ting he ln rR it Wy Prizete 1903) wl 1 108-9 Iacrn da Vary Zee ve i Ma (Gren: 1980) oli “De Sacto Maia” 290% “Domina atom san ume Alseputi et de eacipilo man legit aponotum, Qui ate ah dct cum a feet prorat tomen pond prea prod torems porta em locos et cx ue Civiao dana ratur, Dens veo tempore dominic pastonis. quod! unguenturm qd treceos demas salebat man frat veniam ut ts 0 niin denarii send quorum um is dampnum Unquentrecentorum denariram recompensai vel vt quam aunt, omni que Giro dabantur decimam partem furatur et ico pro decina parte quan unguenwoamiserat, sleet pro irginla denaron, doi venti, Qos tamer pemiten ducuy reali et abiens laqieo se strpeat ct sugpensisexepuit meds cds sant vitcera cue Tn oe datum of per on einer nw etiam fim eat ut os tam ater inqinaeetar quod tom gloronim oy selies Cha, ontngeat Digna eam erat ut viscera que prodidonem conceperant ropa caer ent et mitra quo vox prodiinis exert haguen arte Tn tere et inert St ql Angelo in ec ef omnes inter lfnert ap ngelorum et beim regione epararctur et sere cum dens socnretar.” Se si Raum (F916) 317 an 526, The arm dea was disseminated inthe vernacular manly by the er tons of he are and shee Bec sna Knee hm’ Wester o faectus de Vor “Te Caen Legend. Readings te Saints, trans, WG, Ryan (Princeton: 1983) vale 1, 21 Iarupe dn Varazze, Lagoa dn, ed. GP. Maggot r: 1998) $48: “EC quis Christa in mortem traderint has per avariiamy, er incviiam, yams per timorem, ideo denen eset de pena deo his ert hus peceat; Se de pena et origine Iucle invents int legend sant incu Mathie DRAL 179 ED JUDAS OF FREIBURG a private study and reading but also as an efficient manual in the hands of preachers, especially of the mendicant orders, who, as the best trained preachers of their time, were also the first compilers of manuals for preaching." As a manual, the Lagenda Aurea knew imme- diate success and was propagated very effectively by Dominican preachers since the third quarter of the 13th century. ‘Most likely, the legend of the hanged Judas traveled quite quickly with the preaching and teaching of the friars from Paris (0 the valley of the Upper Rhine. In Freiburg, the influence of the friars and in particular of the Dominicans under the guidance of Albertus Magnus seems to have been strong from the mid-I3th century onwards. Within 30 years of their papal approbation in 1217, the Dominicans had established a new form of pastoral care in every town of the Upper Rhine valley, with Strasbourg as their major cen- ter. The city of Freiburg, as a growing urban center, had five Domini- ‘can monasteries already in the 13th century, one for men and four for women. They enjoyed visits by renowned Dominican masters such as Albertus Magnus, Petras Martyr and Hugues of St. Cher.'! Especially Albertus Magnus himself was actively involved not only ng but also in establishing churches: he consecrated the jean church in Freiburg in 1264, and in in teach choir of a Domi a chapel of the Dominiean nuns. Besides the founding of new churches and monasteries, writ sources concerning the extent of the cultural impact of the Dominicans in Freiburg are scarce. An exception was the prominent Dominican prior John of Freiburg (ca. 1250-1314), the author of a famous Stonma Canfessoram concerned with secular and ecclesiastical law." ‘There is cen evidence that the Dominicans had a direet impact on the 7 also 0 gevitoio al pulpit”, in Tdem, Eom near tra Modine ¢ Riainent (Wologeae 1910) 80 HI. Gn the fare’ excel fence in preaching, see Hériw (1998) vol 1. 185-18; on the importance of man- tus see RL. O'Ganoll Thiet Cty Torr: Hand, Sua in Ms Lad Mie 317 (Toronte: 1907), 8H, Haan © C, Deleorno, “La Legenula Ante da it, H. Sehdek (1996) vol, 1, 421-128 and 430-432. See abo L. Phleger, “Albers Magis und das Ell”, cia fir eeasice Kirche 5 (1930) VG. 9) and Finke (1901) 16) 16 Finke (101) 136.137. Laces Pleger, “Alberts Magna ha” fas in preceding ite) 4 6, Fre Jan ol Freibung (ea, 1250 Hlashch, Black Forest 13L4 Freiburg) ace Finke (1901) 165171, ML Hamm, "Die Bnbtchanpxgesehieite der ‘Rechtsumme’ des Doni in Die “Rehtsumme™ Eder Berolés—ine denice ebe- eviche Bearing der “Sina Confsoran” dex Jlanes rom Freiburg, ds, M. Harn, HH Dinwselineider (Tubingen: 1940) 6-45.180 ANNETTE WEUER. construction of the Freiburg Minster; this issue has been a subject of some speculation and debate since the 19th century.** One ought not to make the Dominicans responsible for conducting the con- struction of the Miinster—after all, it was a parish curch, a so-called “Leut- und Plarrkirch”, and not a mendicant establishment. Stil, I suggest the influence of their new methods of teachings upon the iconography and style of the sculpted program of the Western porch may have been considerable. ‘Their moralizations, in the guise of colorful tales and legends, offered many new possibilities for didac- tic representation. One indication that the preaching friars indeed left a mark on the tympanum of Freiburg, besides the representation of Judas, is a very speial and unusual detail, Right above the scene of the hanged Judas, a group of resurrected cleries direct themselves towards the Last Judgment. Among them are one secular priest and three monks: ‘one is definitely a Franciscan and the other one a Dominican, whereas the third might be an Augustinian hermit (fig. 11). They are the only individuals among the resurrected which can be identified by their garments and therefore enjoy a somewhat prominent position. The representation of three mendicants above «he Passion scenes and among the resurrection of the dead is absolutely unique among ‘medieval sculpted tympanums and points to a very specific intention at the heart of a parrochial church. First, it looks like an official confirmation of the fact that three of the mendicant orders, the Franciscans, the Dominicans and the Augustinian hermits, were invited to setde in the 13th century in Freiburg with the unanimous consent, of the count of Freiburg, the municipal council and the parish clergy.** “Finke (1901) 129-191 corrects an cater hypothesis that Albertus Magnus was represented atthe tower and in she sutures ofthe pore, Actoring to im there ig no writen evidence thatthe Dosiniemie were crevlyiawohel ine constr tion the Mer. He adi, were that tr teins ay Dae Jnuence on te ieongaphy. Mize (1958) 99 thinks hat the ceaclge of Alberts “Magnus may have inuenced the general cretion ofthe selped rogram bt direc nvovement of Albers crating the iconography in teal seems ea to him, since Albertus died in 1280, on a © Nanzel (1859) 267 refreso interpret he evo monks ag friars. However, the ‘observation that one of them ia Dominican fas been made nox only by Finke (1.901145, but can sil be exif inn old photograph taken ang the feta: tion of the tympanum atthe end of the Ich century: it cleary reveals the. too monks as friars: one wears a white garment ad black cowl, which i the typeal uti for a Dominican, while the other wears simple brawn, eo! and the Chee Franciscan cord, Photographs: Mlinsterdauvercin Freiburg i Bog 1H, Schade (1880) vol 421123, alun Freed (17) 94 HIE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL 18 Secondly, their representation confirms that their teachings, which dealt with the same issues as represented in the tympanum and offered a very similar moralization, must have had a strong impact on the burghers of Freiburg. Moreover, the monks and the priest are rep- resented to the right hand of Christ the Judge, implying their impend- ing salvation, ‘Thus the mendicants in conjunction with the priest are represented as ideal Christians ascending to heaven, ive. as mod- ls to imitate. At the same time they document the rather excep- tional coexistence of mendicant orders and secular priests in Freiburg. ‘The other indication of the impact of the new type of moraliza- tion transmitted! by menclicant preaching is the representation of the hanged Juelas itself. IF one compares the hanged Judas in the tym= panum of the Freiburg Miinster with the deseription in the Lagenda Auaéa, the image se the text almost literally, inchud- ing the reasoning over the 30 denarii andl the demons who carry off the damned soul. Given that the sculptors of the porch and the directing clerics might well have been exposed to vivid descriptions of this scene at the moment that the friars were preaching during Lent and/or Good Friday, they may have ereated a new visual image of the hanged Judas out of descriptions alone, similarly to the case of the Bible moratisée. ‘The possibility that an image could have been created without the need of a direct pictorial model is supported by the observation that the sculpture of the hanged Judas (ca. 60 cm high) focuses on the narrative details and not on style in order to provide an image of almost didactic quality. ms to illust i Passion Plays as Visual Sources ‘There is another visual source to he consideredl which enjoyed wide- popularity throughout Europe during the hater Middle: Ages id whose possible influence on sculpture has been litle acknowl edged until now, let alone investigated—medieval Passion plays During our period, Passion plays became most closely associated with the activities of the friars. At first, plays were written in Latin and staged by clerics within the confines of the church. However, a mul= titude of vernacular plays are documented from the late 13th cen- tury onwards. During Lent, they staged the principal events of the Passion of Christ as the core of a play which could last several days and involve a good part of the population, especially members of182 ANNETTE WEBER, the guilds. Such a play could be prefaced or framed by the Fall of Man, the Announcements of the Prophets or an altercation between Ecclesia and Synagoga, followed by Christ's entrance into Jerusalem. ‘The plays culminated with the Crucifixion, In fact, these plays depicted scenes similar to the sculpted ones of the Freiburg tower hall. Among the scenes of the passion plays, the hanging of Judas enjoyed spe- cial theatrical attention."” According to the directions of the medieval Passion plays from Donaueschingen and Freiburg, the young priest {who played the role of Judas first had to be sewn into a cowhide | Underneath, onto his chest, were to be placed the intestines of a sheep together with a live blackbird, or even a live black squirrel, jsymbolzing the damned (i. black) soul. During the act of hanging, yhich was performed rather realistically, the cowhide had to burst from the pricst’s chest downwards in_order_to let out the blackbird or squirrel and to show the intestines. In a late medieval edition of the Freiburg Passion play, the portrayer of Judas was even directed to scratch himself all over his body shortly before the performance in order to make obvious the attempt of the damned! soul to escape his body." ‘This performance was, of course, not without risk for the unfortunate actor as he could be almost strangled during the pseudo- hhanging—which is in faet what happened in Metz in 1437." Ata later stage therefore it was decided to replace this scene effigy, muich to the chagrin of most spectators, since-the-hanging-of- Judas was considered to be among the highlights of the play. Another highlight was the handing over of the 30 dear, which was pre- sented in a special counting sequucnce.” ‘Why such an emphasis on a hyper-realistic performance? Certainly it was not designed just for the amusement of the spectators. Tt had {0 emphasize a moral message, and this is illustrated very clearly by © A, Rachnr, Je hari in der dec Dicng (Pree: 1820) 17 Since the 1h entry he rele of un ca wa ‘nar pin Poe, pein the wih wore toe nage foes Bathe aa ‘ile Pech Pasion play, whet vin preena eneney eae cari sa gr alters CE sgt Disha ra ek Fa haps Cut on lg nt Tig Nt Ey 8 % Mectoe (12h ot prcrbag ae Son and its dcton the aor ply the rl og fa shen. fo Rémy Lage Jan Te Ren, opal at cehaétien (Paris: 1952) vol, 11/2, 442. 4 sin BA. Roe, Peon Pasir (esi: 256 ne Jt art eB RB 165) 127. in 1883) 8-9, THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL 183 & comment on the hanging in the 13th-century Strasbourg Passion play: ‘this [gruesome hanging] is deserved by all usurers and trai (ors. Naturally, the abuse of money was presented to those attend= ing the play as the most dangerous and diabolic threat. In this context, the message of the Freiburg tympanum must be read as an obvious warning against any misuse of money, especially against usury and fraud: the clearly visible double string of exactly thirty coins slipping out of the hand of the hanged Judas could not fail to drive this message home. Representations and their Consequences: the New Civic Order and the Jos But what kind of influence did the powerful sculpture of the hanged Judas of the Freiburg Cathedral really have, given that the porch ‘was only open to the general public during High Holy Days and festivals? In fact, this image did not only have a general moral impact but served as a very direct ane concrete warning for real offenders culpable of greed and avarice, ‘The capacious and deep tower hall ‘or porch seems to have been designed to serve as a meeting place for a municipal court, ether for the Counts court of justice (Grafengericht) or for the so-called Markwgerictt, i.e. the commercial tribunal, ‘The ‘Markigeicht appears to have been established after 1282, when emperor Rudolf of Hapsburg granted civic privileges to Freiburg which marked another step towards its municipal autonomy from the counts of Freiburg. Some ten years later, the count of Freiburg had to relin« quish most of his remaining privileges to the city. Around the same time, the guild artisans and merchants obtained! their seats on munic- ipal councils and cours, including the Markigeicht which became an important focus of municipal power for the citizens of Freiburg — the same citizens who were involved in the construction of their splendid parish church, the Miinster.®* At the entrance walls of their main church, @ comprehensive range of measurements and weights, from liquids to bread and tiles, were ganged to enforce the city’s 1 Le Meyer, “Zur Geachicie dex Strasburger Dalene", Andis robs he Kreg 13 (1931) 70. HL Selindrk “Das Fredbunger Mister im Leben der stealer ins Hunde Jane Manserbueysin, ed. H. Ou (Pvciburg Bex 1990) 116-125. See ‘also Haumin, Schadek (1996) 119-58, 559: P. Kalehthaler, Feiburg und seine Daun, Ein kanshstrsver Statrnndgng (Frciburg ig: 1994) 246,184 ANNEVTE: WEBER authority over weights and measurements. For that purpose the exact size of yardsticks and of various types of products was engraved into the lower blocks of sandstone at the entrance of the tower hall (ig. 12, 13) To enable accurate measurements to be taken, an engraved ell was even inlaid with iron (fig. 14). Those individuals who vio- lated the regulations of the municipal market by committing fraud were to be sentenced beneath the Last Judgment in the tympanum, and had to repent in public. In the tower hall the celestial judge supervised the earthly one. ‘The image of the hanged Judas, who, according to the Gospel of St. John (12:3-6) and the Legenda Aurea, committed treason because of avarice and because of his fraudulent nature, acted as a threat of the severest possible punishment. ‘Thus, the sculstures of the porch visibly guaranteed the principles of com- munal justice, rooted in Christian morality. ‘This amalgamation of the religious sphere with communal life makes it very clear that every transgression was not only considered as a civic offense, but also as a violation of the moral and spiritual foundations of the communal order. The porch sculptures of Freiburg asserted the spiritual legitimization of the new municipal government of Freiburg, which placed itself under the guidance of divine justice and acted according to the doctrines of the Catholic Church, Phis cleverly constructed new form of civic self assertion clearly assigned the part of ‘the wicked! to those infidels (ue. Judas and his followers the Jews) who did not accept the moralization of daily life imposed by the new preaching. ‘To make their role even more explicit the Jews were not only presented as villains in the capture seer the tympanum frieze, but also as odious torturers in the small scene of the martyrdom of St. Bartholomew, which is placed under the pedesial of a king at the doorway of the tower hall. This scene, right above the head of the visitor, permits to discern every ugly detail of the bloody process. Thus Jews were presented as embodiments of the ‘negative forces’ which threatened spiritual order and commu- nal welfare. These representations marked the growing. suspicion which surrounded the small (presumably some eight to ten families with ther dependents), but economically important Jewish commu- » HL Sehiadek, "Das Freiburger Munster im Lchen der mitelalterlichen Stade” (Gee prececing note) 118, See also Eva Frojmonic, "Gintto’s allegories of Justice and the Commune in the Palazzo della Ragione in Padi: reconsouetion”, Jour of ‘the vba end Coan lattes 59 (1996) 20-47 (35-8, Tg. 1) Jews and th TANGED JUDAS OF FREIMURG CATHEDRAL 185 nity of Freiburg! ‘The Jews, who are recorded in Freiburg since 1230, were placed under the protection of the city after 1300. At the same time, they were excluded from guild membership and municipal office. They were forbidden to deal with anything besides money, since the merchants also formed a guild to which Jews had no access. The growing intolerance against Jews becomes perfectly clear in the new privilege to the Jews which was granted during the so-called Armleder-persecutions of 1338. ‘This privilege stated that the municipal government woud ban any play which mocked the ir faith, Obviously, the religious plays had left their marks. Only a few years later, this document proved to be impo- tent: in 1349 the municipal government decided to put all Jews to death, who were living within its territory, because of false accusa- tions of spreading with the plague. Conclusion ‘The sculptures of the porch of Freiburg Miinster mirror a new com- munal self-perception that was based on a complex christological pro- gram centered around concepts of divine justice, grace and reclemption as well as damnation. It was, of course, not invented in Freiburg, where it presents only a provincial, yet filly ilustrated and well pre- served example. ‘The ideas developed almost a century eatlicr in Paris during the rise of the scholastic doctrines and new ing at Paris University, smd prepared the ground for of moral values with regard to social coherence and urban development. ‘This process of creating a new consciousness in medieval society of the need of spiritual renewal is most fully illustrated in the moralized Bibles, They, in fact, pioneered the use of a new and complex pic- torial argumentation to stress the necessity of civil order directed by Christian moral values. From the very first pages, the moralized to the danger which the vices such as usury, heresy, fraud and greed are causing for the Church and the Christian community, and as a warning they present abundant depictions of condemned! sinners pushed! into hell. Its in,this context of medieval % Hiauiman, Schadek (1996) vol. 1, 526-536. * See Bible morafs, Glanalichtcr der Buchkunst 2 (Ceaz: 1992) pl. 2 (ONB 2554, fol. fe, commentaries to the beginning of the hook of Genesis,186 ANNETTE WEBER life, that anticJewish stereotypes most frequently occur. Furthermore, in the edition of Toledo and in the ‘Tripartite, Jews as negative role models are confronted repeatedly with the friars, ollering a new sys tem of spiritual guidance to the lay public by preaching and teach- ing (fig. 16)." These scenes clearly reflect the rising power of the friars within the medieval cities. Even if Strasbourg and not Freiburg was the first city in the valley of the Upper Rhine where the men- dicant orders established themselves, the friars quickly transformed every city where they appeared” through their innovative preach- ing methods and a new system of religious care for individual zens and guidance for the guilds." And these transformation went far beyond spiritual renewal. They restructured urban commerce, legalizing certain financial activities in accordance with the regula- tions of the Sunma Theologiae of ‘Thomas Aquinas and permitting to take interest in exceptional cases.” ‘They supported the burghers in their struggle against local secular and ecclesiastical authorities; and ted as intercessors and mediators between the parties, as did Albertus Magnus in Cologne, Wurzburg and Augsburg.” ‘Thus the mendisant orders helped to regulate and stabilize municipal life and thus were crucial for the structural development of medieval cites. Morecver, the activities of the friars made an important contribu tion to municipal reform and enabled the towns to establish them- selves as autonomous and socially progressive forces in medieval history. Certainly, John of Freiburg’s Stnma Conféssoran, completed % See Laborde (1911-27) vol. IV, p. 631 (Toledo, cathedral weasury, vol I, fl. 1h; commentaries to the book of Job XLII, 8-12). John’s of Freiburg Sima Cinfraram, which deals with confesion and penis tencé, isa major document of the influence of the menclcant orders on civie behav for, since the confession was their prerogative, See also Freed (1977) IL, and J. LeGlf, “Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France médievale: Etat une fenguéte", in: Annales E.G, 25 (1970) 924-985 (929-30), ‘Concerning the pastoral care for guilds see N. Hecker, Bateloden und Birger Kini nt Kno dein Son so Spins (Prana. Mz 1981) 1-118 ate (1970) 173-13, " Rearing thei position in the ecomomy, see A. Vaueciex (ed) Die Geschile des Crises, Retin, Pk, Kia (Frebug - Besg: 1984) vol. 2*Die Mackafille des Papas BQ AM, Groen, bri 1 Jalal, Gauthier Wada aod Voasamgenteickong (Kiln: 1995) 15, 187: Hi. Scho: “Allegorie und Empire Interprtion une Normung soinler Realist in chen Predigen des 13, Jalan ins Dh daihe Pret iv Mila els, V. Meets, Hs}. Sebiewer (Faingen: 1980) 322, Sec also Freed (1977) 40. "Je LeGot, La Naisence de Pugtie (Paris: 1981) ch. 9 ‘Le wiomphe soc pastoral et le pungatoire. See alsa Freed (1977) 34-85 and 48-51 THE HANGED JUDAS OF FREIBURG CATHEDRAL 187 shortly before 1300 and concemed with practical questions regard- ing justice, commerce and religion was a major step towards a reg- ic life, Many of the typical German ‘Reichsstidi (Imperial free towns) owe much of their existence to the contributions of the friars and it comes to no surprise that their churches were among the most important and most lavishly decorated buildings. Yet this spiritual renewal led by the friars exacted rigorous religious discipline and fomented intolerance towards all non-Christians, espe- cially the Jews. The mendicant orders popularized a new anticjewish attitude equally subscribed to by church and secular authorities, which permitted to perceive the Jew as a living metaphor of all evil, regard less of his personal standing. The depersonalization of the medieval Jew and his transformation into a stereotype endangered Jewish life in Europe throughout the Middle Ages and dominated Christian conscience and art far beyond the end of the Medieval period. ulated, Tnornval” Bibliogropley Baum, PF. (1916) “The Medieval Legend of Judas" “Ameria XNXI (1916) ABL- 63: Berio, N. (1998) Liwénenent de mais dela Parole, La prication& Pars au (Paris: 1898). Branner, R. (1977) Manuscript Painting dering the Regn of Saint Lavis (Los Angeles, Berkeley: 1977), Finke, H. (1901) “Die Freiburger Dominikaner und der Minsterbau", Zobel? der Gaelic fir Befirdenng der Geschich-, Alero, amd Vlionde non Pru, dem Brea wid do anrenznden Lamdshafin, 17 (1903), Freed. (1977) The Bar ad Cran Sty in Thiet Contry Comany (Massie 1975}. Hiaumann, HL, H. Schadek (ed) (1996) Goi der Sind? Feibur Stutgaet: 1996), Haysherr, R, (1992) "Commentary", in: Bible moral, Codec Vndsbonwnnsis 2554 der Onervichicon Natonabilthk, Glanalichter. der Buchkenst 2 (Grex: 1992) Laborde, Av de (1911-27) Aude sur la Bile morale ite (Pare: 1911-1927). Lipton, 8G, (1999) foyer of usm: Representations of Jes aad Judai in the Bile ‘mural (Los Angeles, Berkley: 1999) Litle, LEK. (1978) Religis Posey and Pre Ecmy in Modal Exrpe (Landon: 1978), Landen, J. (2000) The Ming of the ible moratxe (University Patky PA: 21K0) Melinko, (19913) Outeas: Signs af Otherness n Nordem Eun Ait of the Late Mid sg, 2 vols. (Lam Ange, Berkeley: 1995), Manze (1951) Dr Figen vd Tinklede Biba Mise (Fina: 195, Wester, (1896) Der maufiiete Judas. Aitaterice Lend Typ, gai i Bild, Ph.D. dsertation (Zi: 1990) Mader Language Asvciation of MI site188 ANNETTE WEBER Figures 1. The West Porc in the Tower Hall ofthe Manster of Feiburg iBrx, 1300-10 (Photo: Kunsigeschichliches Institut, lber-Ladwigs-Universitit Freiburg Br, ‘with Kid permisso 2. The Hanged Judas, Tympanum of the West porch of the Minster of Freibarg Brg, 1300-10 (Photo: Kunsigesehichiiches Institut, Albert-Landwige Universitat Freiburg iBryg, with kind permission) 3. das hanging himself (ile marae Triparta, London Brit, Mus, ms, bat Harley 1527, fol 50) 4 Absalom strangled and the fy iry_of the Cathedral Vol , fa 5. Ahsalom strangled and the 1 Beall tng. at, 270, fl, 158) 6. The suspended Jew (Bible mora 1, G16) 7. The sin of simony as related to the Hanged Jude (Bile more Tripartta, London. Brit. Lib. ms. lst. Harley 1525, fl, 3B. The hanged Judas (Bible mali, Codex ONB 2554, fol, 47 9, The hanged Judas (Bible montis Codex ONB 1179, fol, 109) 10, Dominican mionk preaching (ible moral, Toledo, tecasury of the Cathedeal, Vol. Il, fol. 2216, commentaries to the prophecies of Zechatial V, 5-11) 11. Thre clerics, a mendicant, a priest and a Dominican, frieze of the sculpted ‘Tympanom, Manster of Fetborg iBisg. ca, 1500 (Phot: Mansterbauverein Freiburg i.Brsg, with kind permission) 12," 3. Yarésticks for different sizes of breads and a, charcoal container, dated 1295’ (Photo: author) 14, Yardstick of an ell, inlaid with iron, Munster of Freiburg i.Bryg, tower hall ca. 125 (Photo: author) 1s Je and umes menacing the Church (ie mui, ONB 285, (I, Thinning of the hook of Genesis, the e Wy ofthe Caled, Vol. ng Jocks (Bile monte ‘ipartita, Toledo, c i Joss (Bile mural Trigantita, Oxford, r Toledo, treasury af the Cathedral, Vol fal, Ty, commentaries to the book of Job XLT, 81 Jewish Culture IMAGING THE SELF; REPRESENTATIONS OF JEWISH RITUAL IN YIDDISH BOOKS OF CUSTOMS. Diane Wolfthal How are we to interpret images of Jewish ritual?! Recently, Richard Cohen tried to understand Jewish attitudes towards thei toms by studying illustrations in Christian books. But such images, made by Christians for Christians, reveal primarily something about Ghrisian attivucles towards Jews; indeed Cohen overlooked several instances in which these representations denigrate Jews? A second problem arises when scholars assume that images of Jewish ritual are mirrors of reality. For example, Chone Shmeruk asserted that such woodcuts have a “documentary value,” and Richard Cohen argued that they “document the rite faithfully.” But recent schol- arship has shown that all representations are cultural constructions that have a point of view. For this reason, before asking what these images can tell us about the real practices of past Jews, it is neces- sary to understand their ideological stance. Marc’ Michael Epstein recently raised yet another issue, by questioning the traditional focus "This anil ig a say pied in Rain At Hit, ced. by Kymberly Pinde Toetheoming). Sent in 1999 at a symposium at Leeds Univers for Jewish Suaciex, I wish to thank the organizers of those sessions, Ev and Judith Baskin. Iam also gatefl to Joel Gereball, Chava Weiser, Wolthal for their careful reading of preliminary versions of this esay, to Bliss Baumgarten, Corine Schleif, and Elsheva Carlebach for raising important ques- tions, and to David 8. Arelord and Walt Rhinehart for bibliogeaphy. 1 wish to exprese my thanks to Vael Zirlin of dhe Centre de Recherche sur let Manusctite Enluminges, Bibliotheque Nationale, Pars, for sharing with me the iconographical index that she is preparing and to Michel Garel of the Bibliotheque Nationale for his kind help. 1 am especially grateful to Jean Baumgarten for his many astite ‘observations concerning this manuscript. ‘This essay is part of a book that T am ‘siting om Jewish ital, Romane, ened Remembrance: fog in ly Vid Bonk, 1 to acknowldge the financial assistance of the College of Fine Arts andthe We Studies Proggam of Arizona State Univers. The preparation and publ this essay was also made pessble by grants from the Memorial Foundation for the Hadas Infernational Research Insitute of Brandes, *R. Cohen (1988). See als my forthcoming review in A7S Review. » Shmenuk (1980), 81; R. Cohen, 60.CULTURES, BELIEFS AND TRADITIONS MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN PEOPLES Faktori Board: Wu1sam Brunner, University of California at Berkeley MAVRE Dk. Jon Jniversity of Utrecht ‘Mint Runtn, Pembroke College, Oxforel University B11 Yasstr, Tel Aviv University VOLUME 15, eGr oe v, oA aan *, haya 68> IMAGINING THE SELF, IMAGINING THE OTHER Visual Representation and Jewish-Ghristian Dynamics in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period EDITED BY EVA FROJMOVIG. , Gy, REG p. © 2, * + Frye 168% BRILL, V+ BOSTON - KOLN 2002