ANDREW MARTINDALE amongst che blessed spirits, the other weptasif sad been deprived of such a man. [There were aso to be Further] subjects in meazo rifivo to be castin bronze all appropriate in their stories and showing the acts of this great Pontift Ik would be unhelpful co try to make this out to be a particularly humble monument Its, however interesting in the context of what has been discussed above. ts stress on grief, though appropriate, is not ‘hough here its ehe Arts that grieve rather than Isabel Despenset’s poor ‘men and women. But in the new manner, it would have reminded che visitor of Julius achievements as a patron of learning and the arts rather than his quite respectable della Rovere lineage and family. The figures surrounding Clement VI at La Chaise-Dieu seem in every sense a long way aveay. There was, moreover, one particular detail which removed it quite clearly from its medieval past and to which allusion has already been made. Although, according to Condivi, there were t0 have been more than forty figures, there is no mention of images of saints. Thus on the monument itself there would have been no allusion to theie protection and intercession; and this goes some way to explaining why this general type of sepalchral iconography became popular ia moderately Protestant countries. There would appear to be nothing in the Julius monament- apart, of course, from Julius himself—which would have been objection- able, Forinseance, to Lutherans. eis, of course,a matte of some irony that Julius monument indirectly caused a great deal of trouble. Like that of ‘Maximilian, ie required a church to put tin. The plans for the tomb came roinvolve the rebuilding of St Peterssand che activity attendant on fund ing thae rebuilding produced some startling consequences which nobody had foreseen—but that is anocher story: University of Ease Anglia 178 REWARDING DEVOTION: INDULGENCES AND THE PROMOTION OF IMAGES by FLORA Lewis HE indulgence is one of the Church's mechanisms for encovraging I pious practices which has generally had a bad press! This paper is concerned with its use in the veneration of three images: the Veronica, the arma Christi or instruments of the Passion, and the Man of Sorrows with the indulgence referring to the Mass of St Gregory. It addresses in particular the circumstances of the original grant of indul- ¢gence (whether real or spurious) and the role played by the indulgences in the transmission of these images in devotional manuscripts in England? The earliest of these indulgenced images, the Veronica, is also the most famous, and the one whose origin is most clearly attested.’ The Chromica raiora of Matthew Paris tells how the Veronica suddenly reversed itself while being carried in procession in 1216.lnnocent Ill responded by com- posing a prayer in its honour, with an associated indulgence of ren days for each time the. prayer was recited. It is noteworthy that although Innocent’s indulgence is commonly referred to as creating the new category of indulgenced image, the indulgence is attached to the prayer, and there is no suggestion that it was necessary (0 view the image. As is, inade clear in the Cronica, the addition of a representation of the image (plate 1) was prompted by the fervour of devotion: people did it for them- selves. Thus wo related, but not identical, impulses joined together to produce the indulgenced prayer to be said before the image, the model for all other indulgenced images. An eatly example of the prayer used as part of an exercise in devotional propaganda is found in the Revelations of Mechtild of Hackeborn. These normally followed the liturgical year, and on the day of the exposition of the relic she had a vision, aimed atarousing piety towards the image, in which she saw Christ in Majesty, with those who honoured the holy face with a special prayer approaching him, "The sandard works Pas, Gace dear tae, 2 vos Perr 1924~ 3) A symputherc account js N. Orme, ndlgeces nthe dio of Exeer 1100-1536 Rigor od Tomato of th Devan day the Avnet of See, #30098) fp tse3a Lowe this ference co Nich Kingwal 2 Fhispaperisbued on nae ro my thesis Devotonl Image and hs semiaton in Engl mance 1350-140" (London PRD. hes 1989) her she mana nd thariconoeaply are diced in restr dead wih al hogy 1 FLewar he Verio noge end aod ewe’ in W Ormrod, eh, Eland in se “lien Cote: Pred Sy Hore Soest (Waele 9X3) Ph 00-6 179FLORA LEWIS Plate |The Veronica (Cambridge, Corpus Chit College, MS 16 fo. $v ‘carrying their sins. They laid these at his feet, where they were trans- formed into jewels ‘The indulgences soon extended to the original. In 1289 Nicholas IV's indulgences for pilgrims to St Peter's placed particular emphasis on the Veronica, and the spurious bull of Clement VI for the Jubilee of 1350 made seeing it acondition of gaining the Jubilee indulgence fromall sins By the fourteenth century the relic was supposed to carry huge indul- * Desereratone imagine Chri, Liber Spit Grate, bt, ch, 19 = Reelaines Germinae se “Mecildinar,eLPaqucin, 3 vos [Poitiers and Bais, 1875-7). 2, p34 > K Gould, The Par and Horcof Yolande of Soon (Cambridge, Ma, 197) 9-45 4 Sco H Tharssn, Te Hey Yeo of Jubilee (New York, tape). 2p. vst 8s] A Ems ‘Die Dartellang der Geeperusmeste im Miele, Zetchyt far datche Kut, 30 (947) piss 180 Indulgences and Images gences, particularly for foreign pilgrims? This, in turn, increased the interest in reproductions, with their smaller grants: much devotional practice in the later Middle Ages had a strongly imitative nature For the anna Christi the process of acquiring an indulgence is not so clearly recorded. But a certain amount can be deduced from the indul- gence itself. The earliest indulgence, and the most influential for the English manuscripts, is first recorded on the Continent, in a devotional miscellany written in 1320 by John of StTrond, a monk of che Cistercian abbey of Villers, near Louvain The manuscript contains ewo images of the arma Chirsti. The firs (on fol. 1s0r) includes a brief indulgence of forty days from Pope Leo, but the second (on fol. 152: plate 2) has a mnuch longer indulgence, which states that the various grants from St Peter and thirty other popes were confirmed in the council of Pope Innocent, who added four years and two hundred days? Which Pope Innocent is not enumerated here. However, a Bohemian collection of devotional texts, ‘written in 1312=14 by the Dominican friar Kolda, for Kunigunde, Abbess of St George's, Prague (Prague, National and University Library, MS XIV A.t7), also focuses on the devotion to the arma Christi. Though it does not inclade an indulgence, Kolda writes (on fol. 2) of ‘arma redempcionis nostre que papa Innocentius explicavit’ and (on fol. sv) of how the devo- tion was approved by the pope ‘in concilio Lugdunensi.® Putting these together, it is clear that both refer to Innocent IV and the First Council of Lyons in 1245, and indeed a later fourteenth-century versification of the same indulgence also states that it was confirmed by Innocent IV at the Council of Lyons." The authenticity of indulgence grants is notoriously * See The Staci of Rome, ed, F.). Fuerivall, BETS, os 25 (187) pp. 2. Fora untraced nc forthe Vetonie grated by Clement VI and dated from Aignom, 38 May 130 = W. Grimm, Die Sage vom Uspag der Christusbider in G. Heinrich, ey Klee Seen on Wik Gm, 3 vole (Berbn,1983) 3.9. 159. * Bruel, Bibliotgue royale, MS 4435-70, * iid, fol, av: Quicungue ituciear hee arma domini nose esa christ quibus nos redemit de pecata sas contigs habet tes anus 2 beato etto apostle Kew «trig summis penificibus a guilbeecntom dies. tn a vgit ott spscopis quibe al des Item adominoleone pap xl diss lem ab lnnocencio papa qin quodam conclo eat com firmans omnia predicts superadddie quator annoe et dacentos dies ingle. Kem 3 Veronica a dies Item gui coed devoes mente nape nonguam mala more penibit et naib in pares Iboranibus preva optim remediam, See M: Evans, “An illustrated fragment of Perald’s Summa of Vice: Harlan MS.3244 JCA, 45 (1982), p25, 0.75. The manssrie is plished in Fc by KSghal ad E Usbinkors, Psa! Pemelony Kanbury (Prag, 1973). "London, BL, MS Royal EVI, fl 1s¢"Post hos Innocentiusquaros papa decensies / Lag done confirma dicts: nee by Evans Mlsresed fragment: Alter shee prose indulgence, Cambridge, Corpus Chri College, MS $37 ToL qr referstoa com Firmatin by Innocent at te Counel of Lyons 181Plate 2 The arma Cra (Brussel, Bibliothéque royale, MS 4459-70, fol. 153 photograph: Bibliodhéque royale. 182 Indulgences and Images suspect, but the warning signals are excessive liberality of indulgence. combined with grantors of unusual antiquity and fame. The legitimate doubts we may have of Se Peter's involvemene in the Villers indulgence should not necessarily be extended to Pope Innocent. “The question remains: why would Innocent be interested in the arma (Christi? Like the Veronica, the arma Christi were also thought to exist as aceual relies. The two main points of transference of relics of Christ to the ‘West were the sack of Constantinople in 1204 and the purchase of relics by St Louis for the Sainte-Chapelle from 1239 to 1246;! and papal support for the devotion at the 1245 Council may well be associated with Louis’ Sainte-Chapelle relics. The Crown of Thorns was the chief prize of the treasury, but other relics were litle less important: they included (as well as the inevitable portion of the True Cross) the lance, sponge, tunic, parts of the sepulchre and of the shroud, the ttwlus of the Cross, and a {quantity of holy blood," These were the last relics of the Passion to leave Constantinople before its recapture by the Greeks in 1261. Iis also note- worthy thae Innocent IV had taken the Sainte-Chapelle, with its relics, under his protection in a bull of 1243." Thus, with the arma Christi, as with the Veronica, the public veneration of relics is paralleled by cheir private veneration, encouraged through grants of indulgence. The third example, the indulgence of the Mass of St Gregory, is based con the same premise: that indulgences belong toimages where the original has the status of a relic. The indulgence, which dates from around 1400 and js found in its fullest form in a group of English manuscripts (though there are also French and German examples) gives a lengthy account of the original circumstances of its granting,'* One day, while Pope Gregory the Great was celebrating Mass in Rome, as he was about to consecrate the Host he had a vision of Christ in talieffigie sicut viderur hic depicta’ 1% Comte de Rien, Des Depoilles eligieuses alevées a Constantinepl’, emir del Soi [Nenad Antpesde Pune, 96 (0875), pp 314 °K Gould, “The sequences De Sncis Relig 8 Ssinte-Chapelle inventories Medial Seis, 4 (981) pp.31sman 1S) Morand, Hise de Sine Chapll Royale da Pali (Pai, 790) perjuifiatine. > fr the boll se alo Goal, Sequence p. 316, 1 The German examples (nt lam manuscrips) were publibed by JA. Ends, ‘Die Darsel- lag dee Gregoruatneie in Mielalter, Zeb farce Raat, (1917) Pp 148-56 The English group are London, BL, MSS Addit. 33381, fol gor and 3779. fal. evs Boulogne, Biiorheque municipal, MS 93, fol or: Brea, Cena Pxbhi itary, MS ty fol 10¥; and Rennes, Bibbothegue monicipsle, MS 22, fol tiv. London, BL, MS As 18315 fo. ur, though nt of Sarum au, ha strong Foglia aks se N. Rogers, "Books of Hurt produced in the Law Costes fo the Engh market nde fiecendh ear (Cam big ML thesis, 1082), pp. 8-19 183FLORA LEWIS Because of the great compassion which he fele atthe sight, the Pope then. granted an indulgence toall those who said five Paternosters and five Ave Matias before ths figure." The accompanying images show Christ as the Man of Sorrows (plate 3) ‘Clearly, all chis can be discounted on the literal level. Gregory was frequently employed co add weight to promises of indulgence, and che legend in which, as he was celebrating Mass, the Host cured toa bleeding, Finger to convince a sceptical woman probably inspired the ater story. But the point of this story is not a eucharistic miracle, but the fostering of devotion to the image of the Man of Sorrows, an image by 1400 long, introduced from Byzantium and widespread in Italy. So the difference between this image and the Veronica is that the image of the Man of Sorrows was not a relic, and there was no ‘original’, but the aim of the spurious indulgence and legend was to try to create a relic, and to authenticate this ‘original’, and thus downgrade all the other examples 2s, This ws, however, oly pray sures tis demonsaed bythe difficulty of determining which ‘elie’ was being promoted. Ie is not that the indulgences omit identification; the problem is that they give t00 many. The most likely candidate is the late thirteenth-century mosaic given to the Carthusians at S. Croce in Gerusalemme, Rome, in 1385-6, identified by Bertelli, which was certainly being promoted as the “source” Jacer in the fifteenth century in the print produced by Israhel van Meckenem.!7 Most of the indulgences name the church where the event took place as ‘perta cros’, ‘panta cros’,‘porte-croix’ or ‘porta crucis’ But S. Croce was not the only contender, even if it probably was the source “BL, MS Addit 53381, fl 20 "i ilo tempore quo sanctus Grepotius eatin magna Roma prnul, a dic quando missam celebravie in eclesa que tocar Para, quand velit Enesecrae cops domiti nostri apperitsbi dominus mone tens hs intl Tighe flew vider Hie depcta Er ex napa cirnpesione quam habui idem sanctus Greyorts ‘quando vii cum inal figuts,conect mn lis ui asta Figuram ponune genoa Sain era dicends cum devocione quingue Pater nowcr et guingoe Ave mara ornce Indalgencis que sont in omnibus eclenis de Rom, que sn a mia anorutn, et ores ‘ats indolgenci concent dics Figura dito smcto Gregori Bt ula boe duodecin alt sommi ponies quilibercorum conceit vi annos de iadulgenda. Be adhue 20% ali ponies quibereoram concessic dacereo dc indulgence Similiter alta hoe al vi picop gibt corum concent Ix der indulgence. Sonus oma indalgenciaran xxv mila annsrar ee dice de vers indalgencia (Ciberel, The lage of Pity in Sancta Croce in Genuslermne in D. Fase raed says she Hy of Ant prec Rude Withee (Lodo, 1967p 54: €- Bestenbach, israbel van Meckenenis Man of Sows’. Quatey Joural of the Libary of Cras. 38 (1974) Bp. 21-.The rine eissin thee states, of which wo are described stepoducing the VSI FS Gregry, an one identifies de rch 184, Plate 3 ‘Man of Sorrows (Boulogne, Bibliothtque municipale, MS vs, fl. 10r) 185FLORA LEWIS of the indulgence. It certainly never succeeded in comering the market. Both the early French indulgences state that the church was the Pantheon." The Marvels of Rome (1375) mentions the altar in S. Prisca where the image of the crucified Christ appeared to Gregory, an isolated carly reference which may have been one of the sources from which the legead was developed.” Nicholas Maffel, who visited Rome in 1452, saw in S Gregorio al Celio the chapel where Christ with the arma Christ appeared to Gregory The will made in 1519 by Anne Sulyard, daughter of the Saffolk judge Sir John Sulyaed, gives directions for a pilgrimage to bbe made to Rome, including a visit to ‘Cimitorium Calixti, che apparacion, of Criste to Saincte Gregory’2" A guide to the charches of Rome written, about 1475 for Margaret of York states that the vision occurred in the Basilica of S. Sebastiano Bat the most telling reference is that by che Englishman William Brewyn in his guide to Rome, compiled around 1470. He does not ‘mention the vision of St Gregory, but he does tell how in S. Croce there is ‘a picture of our Saviour, which is called che image of divine pity ... the aforesaid image of divine compassion has the head leaning upon the right shoulder, and the right hand clasped over the left’—showing that he is clearly talking about the Byzantine mosaic given to S. Croce. He continues: “Also at the church of Saints Sebastian and Fabian there is another picture very much like this one; there are also many such pictures at Rome, though none quite so large as this one. Here. Croce merely has the biggest picture: evidently ialso wanted to be known to have the best—the ‘original. The Roman churches undoubtedly vied among themselves for possession of both relics and images: hence the proliferation of both. But itis doubrful whether this hhad mach impactourside Rome, and the message of the indulgence was to say the prayers in veneration before any image of the Man of Sorrows. Whereas in the case of the Veronica people were conscious that the SDL MS Addi 2943) fron, and Florence, Bibiotecs Ricardian MS Rie 46 fal. 40 1 R Berliner, "Atia Chri Minato der Bildenden Kans, (.95Slnp 3 330 » Herel The Image of Piya 8 C.Richmond, ‘The Suljaed papers che rewards of a small fnily archive’ in D, Williams, sc, Emad i th cnt Coty Pedi the 1988 Hurston Spmpsin(Weoodbsige, to). 22 SGLd Soy’ 22 June 182, loo 2 CW Fen Contry Cie Book the Princip Charhe of Ro, compiled cre Glandon tab 9 , . * "he mage te not large, bot forms the cencepece of an umponng religuary enpch (ce Benelli, Te Image of Py ig 4) 186 Indulgences and Images original, the relic, was at Se Peters (and even so there were rival imag ‘no single image of the Man of Sorrows achieved thar status. The first part of this paper has sought to move back from the mana- scripts to the events which led to the Creation of the indulgences for the original images and relics. At this point Iwant to return to the manuscripts and their copics of the images, from public to private veneration; venera- tion of a reproduction rather than an original relic or pseudo-relic In the complex process of transfer from public to private, three elements should at least be mentioned here. The first is concerned with the reproduction of images. As well as the movement from a single ‘original’ co representations in manuscripts of that original, there is also.a parallel multiplication and dissemination of images and relics outside manuscripts; for example, when the furure Urban IV sent the nuns of ‘Montreuil a mandylion in 1249, exhorting them to receive it as the holy Veronica or the true image or likeness of it, or when St Louis and his successors sent gifts of arma Christ relics to Favoured recipients through- ‘out Europe: gifts which then became in turn the foci for public devo- tion The second is the role played by the tabulze displayed in churches, Such tables would list a variety of indulgences: those specifically available atthe church, ot forthe saying of prayers (for example, Ave verum corpus at the elevation), for pious practices (For example, kneeling at the name of Jesus), and for regarding images (such as the arma Christi). These would then be copied: the above examples come from a fifteenth-cencury English Book of Hours, and the listis headed by a rubric saying that they are found ‘in a table ac Rome’2* Similar tables were found in English churches.” Finally, itis almost impossible o overstress the role of the reli~ gious, which is noc confined to any one Order. We see this particularly in the manuscripts made for theie own use, and by monks and friars for the use of nuns; but they are also the chanel by which these images are intro duced to the aristocratic laity. It is clear that the images of the Veronica and arma Christi were introduced via the manuscripts discussed above because of their promotion by the Church, in which indulgences played an important part. The indulgence of the Mass of St Gregory is a ° By the begining ofthe fourteenth ont Pasion eis from the Ssint-Chapelle were eld fn France, Spin, Haly, Sealy, Scola, Seandinavia, che Netherhnds, and Bohemia. See [Rants table, ‘Des Depoule cligitse? pp. 82-3, % Solely Sle Caen Jue 190, Je. ® A cre surviving cumple is Oxford, Ballin Library, MS lt hist 22, fom Glastonbery [Absey, which seed a «guidebook whe church, and included 4 st ofthe inulgenees fred there 187FLORA LEWIS different casc in that the image was already known in manuscripts on the Continens, but, nevertheless, the ‘copy-cat’ indulgence was certainly a catalyst for the introduction of the image into English manuscripts, where the only early examples without the indulgence are initials in the Sherborne Missal (p. 200) and the Bohun Psalter and Hours (London, BL, MS Egerton 3277, fol. 1141) In the carly examples the indulgences form clearly recognizable groups. During the late thirteenth and firsthalf of the fourteenth centuries a very variable (but clearly related) indulgence in French was appended to the Veronica prayer, promising a larger pardon by Innocent The iconography of all three images is often extremely diverse, and it is the indulgence text (which also circulated separately, although it presupposes an available image) which can form the main link berween manuscripts which otherwise appear to have lite in common ‘Thus ieis the indulgence of the Mass of St Gregory which links the group of early English examples of the Man of Sorrows, and in the case of the ‘arma Chrisi the Villers version of the indulgence helps to bring together ‘owo groups of apparently unrelated manuscripts. The indulgence on folio 152v falls into ewo parc. The first gives the cumulative lists of indulgences and grantors: che cwenty-eighe bishops who each gave Forty days, and so fon, The second half gives a series of pardons for seeing the image each day for a week, a month, or a year2” The first part, recast into Latin verse (a [process which probably took place on the Continent)® is found in London, BL, MS Addit. 33381, folio 177r, a devotional miscellany made for use at the Benedictine monastery of Ely, and also in Ommne bonum, an encyclopaedia made by Jaques le Palmere for his own use, while wo other manuscripts, Boulogne, Bibliothéque municipale, MS 93, folio 8v, and Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O. 30.10, folio 13r, both include the » Oxford, Hoc Libary, MSS Lad. Ie. 5 fl. oe, and Douce a, fl 74; London, Paneth Tae Library, MS 36 fs: Camlge, Sty Sain Cllege MS 36, 1338 tou Baltimore, Walsh Cary MS 103 fo ae 2 Brac, biog rose, MS 44997. 152: Samim nner indalgencarum de ‘enraione smarom puss hau crite wecens sexta quagse dics pro sano Conon ead sper nom die ada anos ce drddoe cern dea em etx anos cum dimi. em po mensem guinents wi m0 mics perme. em pro ase nll oping quinugits ne te eceribus diebus” r ene For eran, Pas, BN, MS at 10837. Thngh Onn boa sally cert oma some Hac of de shyming couples which are pest in he Pas mang % London, Bly MS Rol GEV, false (ce. 6 shoe) and LF Sande, Face to ice wh God 4 pea age of she Yee von, in. Onno cd gn nthe Feancondt Cernry Pose of the 1985 Haran Spoon (Wondbiige, 080) pp 23s 188 Indulgences and Images sccond part A further group of manuscripts, containing an illustrated poet in Middle English in honour of the arma Christ, incorporates the complete text, translated into Middle English verse. Here the indulgence text serves to pinpoint clearly both the links between these manuscripts and the particular continental tradition to which they belong. But during the fifteenth century—the heyday of manuscripts of private devotion (in quantity, if not in quality)—these indulgences are booth rarer and more isolated. ‘The French indulgences for the Veronica disappear, as does the Villers version of the arma Christi indulgence, though some less elaborate indulgences for both images are still found, and there area few examples of the Mass of St Gregory text. But the most notable development in the fifteenth century is that, though this was a period when the market for devotional manuscripts in England was dominated by the supply of imported Flemish Books of Hous, virtually all che examples of these indulgences are found in English manuseripes™ So, although I have emphasized the importance of the indulgence for the introduction of these images inco England, finally 1 wane to turn this on its head, and argue that for the wider dissemination of the imagery in devotional manuscripts in England che important factor is not che indul- gence, but the presence of a devotional text, There are two main reasons for this, The first is primarily a matter of consumer preference. The development of the Book of Hours was itself part of a trend towards more elaborately structured devorions noticeable throughout the later Middle ‘Ages. The usual ‘Paters’ and ‘Aves' would remain suitable for the un- lettered, but the owners of Books of Hours wanted the option of more sophisticated prayers. Even with che first indalgenced image, the Veronica, the indulgence was originally for saying Innocent’s prayer, rather than for viewing the image and some of the early English 1 The only differing figures te hese days Fr aly viewing. sing inthe English mans ‘Crip a he ston of an ext fie year in che indulgence for twelve monks viewing 1» TMEV no. 2579, printed in Leen the ol Reo, Spb ofthe Pasion al Cros Poem, Mors, BETS. o» 46 (171) See abo RLHL Robbins, “The Arms Christ rll’, Mader TLanuape Review, 34 (1939) Ph. 415-34. Theindalgnces are found in four copes, ncding elton cules: manserps Blas College, MS 9, and Esopus, Mount Sc Alphonsos Seminary. MS 1 4 Thon exeepion isthe Gregory indulgence in Manebeser, Jon Ryans Library, MS 20 vor which contin ether unas tees and mages, suggesting that it was pesonlly Urseod Indulgence prayers af alo quite frequent in English manuscrps wheres in dhe imported Flesh Hours de oly indulgenced prayers the common Des gu anc saaai- Lacy pees the crcomwancee af ect ar before the Crom sr Siney Sussex MS oaeat he Flevation B9personally commIssIONEN, ANG WE Cath LasLAy KANE MCHA #9 4 ILENE the owner's tastes. But the imported Flemish Books of Hours were often of a very standardized format, which gave much less leeway for individual choice.” The trade did attempe to provide books geared for the English market, bat their standardization meant that a great deal hung on the original exemplars chosen for copy (which evidently did not include indulgences), However, this very standardization meant thatif the images could find a place within such manuscripts, their dissemination was assured But to do this they had to function primarily as illustrations subordinate to a text, rather than as independent indulgenced images: a ajor transformation. "The Veronica was, of course, already accompanied by Innocents prayer, and italso acquired ewo further hymns in its honour in the four- feenth century, Ave faces praeclara and the more popalar Salve sancta ‘facies. Tnnocent’s prayer does not scem to have circulated separately in the fifteenth century, but was appended to Salve sancta facies, The image does occur in the Flemish Books of Hours, sometimes finding a home in the memorize of the saints, but remained very much an occasional element. The only place for the arma Christ in the imported Flemish Hours was as accessories forthe figure of che Man of Sorrows (plate 4). This ast image was the only real success story, but not because of the indulgence. The Flemish Books of Hours recognized the importance of the image of the Man of Sorrows, whose dissemination on the Continent had never depended on the Mass of St Gregory indulgence. In the earliest imported % Hula, MS 93, and Trinity Collage, MSO.310 2 See Rogers, Books of Hous coy he ret edi the ate fier ad ent stent census. the pied Sarum Hour produced in France atd England form hid group chfer= ag conten Irom both the Enghh athe French mandserpt Hours They have greater fis wih che English manascrpe in she extreme inerer of some ditions im indulgences, bt hist may confined eo indaigenced prayer, and thei iconography owes mach more tostinitdzed combinations developed in French manuscepe Hours See's Corbin, Let Offices dela ste face Balen des Eres Porugaiser, mot(3017), ppar-t + Fey were found in English manuscrips, parila the amma Chris ol (em. 3 bore, bureventere the new poem a theis Honour mos the important elements the indulgence war s00a dropped, 190 Plate « fol. 2421) Man of Sorrows (Liverpool University Library 191 , MS Mayer 12009,i FLORA LEWIS Hours there are isolated instances of the image used to illustrate a variety of texts But the combination which became established (and was followed by many English manuscripts) was that of the Man of Sorrows with the newly introduced Psalms of che Passion, cext which became an important element of the Book of Hours. ‘The main legacy of the indulgence was the creation of a new image, showing the Mass taking place, with Gregory gazing at the Man of Sorrows (plate 5): a development which probably took place independ- cently in France and Flanders. But though this image depended on the indulgence narrative, it followed precisely the same pattern in the imported Flemish Hours of abandoning the attr in favour of a devotional text, This was the ‘Seven O's of St Gregory, a set of invocations ascribed to the Pope beginning O domsne hesu christe adoro tein erucependentem , whose composition long antedates their connection with the image: These prayers had never been considered important enough to merit illustra tion, so we do not find here the familiar pactern of experimental illus tion followed by eventual standardization, The combination of prayers and image was made not because the prayers required illustration, but because the Mass of St Gregory required a devotional cext, and the presumed authorship of the prayers explains their choice. The association was probably made first in France in the second half of the fifteenth century. Once established, the combination displaced earlier couplings of the image with various texts, and was advantageous for the spread of borh text and image, particularly in France.** This brief survey has moved from the indulgence as a way of honout- ing a relic and confirming its status to che indulgence as the impetus for the introduction of the imagery into devorional manuscript, and finally hhasscen it supplanted in the transformation of an indulgenced image into a text illustration In charting here the shifting patterns of indulgences and the promotion of images I have tried to point out some of the forces which underly the selection of texts and images—the raw materials of “ For cxampe, Omribus comida. London, BL, MS Sloane 283; Peitendal Pals, Cm bridge. University Libary, MS lia: Fifeen Ox, Hareard Cllege Library, MS Wiener» “for the Seven O's see 5. Kingbotn, oo Naraie (Abo, 108s}+p-35- Tey ae printed in Hore Ebner eC, Wordsworth = SS, 152(4920).p Ht. The payee occ in he Hous of Marguerite de Clison, Pari, BN, MS 10528, fol 29 fom ce second bao the foe teenth century, headed "Gest roo et bonne a dice devantlecrucin" A simile potteen is seen im dhe printed books The Man of Sotrovs (with an indulgence shorerin exif not inlibralty had anew vogue a3 epracy ruling wood, shih crsibured fis neoducon Ino printed books The later kee te ndaigence, bat aa became asocsted with «devotional text the ame Seven O's 192 Plate 5 fol. 39%). Mass of St Gregory (Cambridge, Emmanuel College Library, MS 2.20, 193FLORA LEWIS pious practice—in devotional manuscripts in England. In the origins of the indulgences and their early use to promote certain images we see the Church and its servants at work, but the circumstances of manu~ sriptprotuction were equally force inthe shaping ofthe pie of the ity 194 ARISTOCRATIC AND POPULAR PIETY IN THE PATRONAGE OF MUSIC IN THE FIFTEENTH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS* by nocER BOWERS vigorous and affluentcommercial towns of the Low Countries served as centres of artistic excellence, especially in respect of painting and of ‘manuscript production and illumination. That the region was no less fertile a generator of practitioners and composers of music—especially of music for the Church—has also long been appreciated. If for present purposes the Low Counties be defined —rather generously, perhaps—as the region coterminous with the compact area covered by the six dioceses of Thérouanne, Arras, Cambrai, Tournai, Liége, and Utrecht (see map), then it was an area if not packed with great cathedrals, yee certainly thickly populated with great collegiate churches, which sustained skilled choirs and offered a good living and high esteem to musicians who ‘composed; the area also sustained a catholic and generous patron and consumer of artistic enterprise of all sorts, sacred and secular music included, namely, the House of the Valois Dukes of Burgundy and its Habsburg successors. From the end of the fourteenth century to the first half of the sixteenth, the region produced church musicians in such numbers that it became the principal arca of recruitment for those princes of the south of Europe who were secking the ablest men available to staff their houschold chapels. The Avignon popes of the 1380s and 1390s, the dukes of Rimini and Savoy, and the Roman popes of the mid-fifteenth century, and from the 1470s onwards the fiercely competitive dukes of Milan and Ferrara, che popes, cardinals, and bishops of the Cusia, the king of Naples, he prominent families and churches of Florence and Venice, all alike recruited from the North; and though many of the ablest, like Ciconia, Dufay, Josquin, aac, and Tinctoris, were lured south to spend their lives in the sunshine, many more remained at home to maintain the I: has always been recognized that during the fifteenth century che * Masic examples played dng the cours ofthe leerre were a FllowsCillsBinchois Agnus i (3) Antoine Busia, Mass Ll arm (Sancta) Jacob Obrec, Save ra re [All were pestered on gramophone recrdr by Pro Csntone Antigua directed by Bruno Turner 195,THE CHURCH AND THE ARTS PAPERS READ AT THE 1990 SUMMER MEETING AND THE 1991 WINTER MEETING OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY SOCIETY EDITED BY DIANA WOOD PUBLISHED FOR THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY SOCIETY Frontopiece Chaise in Majesty, Godescale Evangelistary (781-783), Paris, BN, BLACKWELL PUBLISHERS ‘MS nouvelle acquisition latine, 1203, fo. 36 1992