Folb Furniture of Canada's Doubhobors,

Hutterites, Mennonites

and Ukrainians

JOHN FLEMING & MICHAEL ROWAN

WITH OVER 100 colour photographs.
Mcnnonites
Folk Furniture of Canada's Doukhobors, Huttcrites,

and Ukrainians offers a stunning visual record of the

cultureand values of four ethno-cultural groups.

Authors lohn Fleming and Michael Rowan take an
interpretive approach to the importance of folk
furniture and its intimate ties to the systems of belief

and identity of these groups.

t Photographer James Chambers beautifully captures
both representative and exceptional artefacts, from

large furniture items such as storage chests,

benches,

cradles, and tables, to small kitchen items including

spoons, breadboxes. and cookie cutters. Many of these

pieces were saved from workshops or barns by the

efforts of pickers and museum personnel who travelled

the western provinces in the ig6os and 1970s and by

dealers and collectors who recognized their cultural

value. The authors borrowed these pieces from private

and museum collections in Canada to be photographed

for this book to illustrate the differences and similarities

among the four ethno-cultural groups.

John Fleming and Michael Rowan's extensive text

provides descriptive, analytical, and interpretive

dimensions to these rare artefacts. Folk Furniture of

Canada's Doukhobors, Hutterites. Mennonites and Ukrainions

also focuses upon the unique Canadian character of the

items presented. The descriptions lead into further

analysis and interpretation of the physical characteristics

of the furniture focusing on material, form, style, and

colour and the influences of each of the ethnic

groups in these particular areas. 3!S???IIS^kiT,'>i

Descendants and folk art collectors will treasure

Folk Furniture of Canada's Doukhobors. Hutterites, Mennonites

and Ukrainians for the exquisite colour photographs,

which showcase the historic furniture and artefacts of

these groups. iC^V;

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in 2011

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Folb Furniture
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of Canada's Doubhobors,

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and Ukrainians

I OHN FLEMING & MICHAEL ROWAN

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Photographs by JAMES A. CHAMBERS
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THE UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA PRESS

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 Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens.
Published by
Altona, Manitoba,

Press Photographs scanned by Quality Color Press

The University of Alberta
(formerly Screaming Color). Edmonton, Alberta,
Ring House 2
First edition, first printing, 2004
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G lOi

Rowan 2004 All rights reserved.

Text copyright )ohn Fleming and Michael

Photographs copyright lames A. Chambers 2004,

part of this publication may be produced, stored in a
except for photographs of Doukhobour Chair (p. 36) No
Gene retrieval system, or transmitted in any forms or by any
and Mennonitc Corner Cupboard (p. 101) taken by

Mennonite Wardrobe (p. 90) taken by lohn means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
Hattori,
recording, or otherwise, without the prior written
Sinai, and Hutterite Bench Bed (p. 63) taken by the

consent of the copyright owner or a licence from The

Glenbow Museum.
Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency (Access

Copyright). For an Access Copyright license, visit

ISBN 0-88864-418-3
www.accesscopyright.ca or call toll free:

1-800-893-5777.

LIBRARV AND ARCHIVES CANADA

The University ofAlberta Press gratefully acknowledges
CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION
die support received for its publishing program from

The Canada Council for the Arts. The University of

Fleming, lohn A.. 1935-
Alberta Press also gratefully acknowledges the financial
Folk ftirniture of Canada's Doukhobors. Hutterites,

John Fleming & Michael support of the Government of Canada through the Book
Mennonites and Ukrainians /

Publishing Industry Development Program (BPDIP) and

Rowan photographs
;
by lames A. Chambers.
from the Alberta Foundation for the Arts for our

publishing activities.
Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-88864-418-3

Canada
I. Furniture Canada. 2, Folk art Canada.
Dukhobors Material cultureCanada. 4. Hutterite
3.

Brethren Material Canada.

culture 5. Mennonites

Material culture Canada. 6. Ukrainians Material

Half tide page photograph; Door (see p. 24)

cultureCanada. Rowan, Michael 1949- 11.

Title page photograph: Decorated frame (see p. 8)
I. I.,

Chambers. James A. (James Albert). 1945- "l- fit'^-

Contents page photograph: Door trim (see p. 133)

NK2441.F542004 749'.097i C2004-905879-7

 W ''2^:3^I^SML^ is-'ifi^-^^a^-

't 4; -T^ ;;#;

Contents 'S'S;'

i}

Aclcnoiuled^ements vii
J^liJA,:

Preface ix .'1&'

ii \:iii

I Utopian Ideology and Folb Traditions xiii

Q^i'-'^,
rm-\^.

>3\A

Doubhobors i m
Geometry, Floiuers and Common Space
1%

Hutterites 39
Visual Anonymity, Practical Design

Mennonites 65

Utopian Vision in Yelloiu and Block

Ubrainians 103

Peasant Baroque and a Taste for Ornament

Tradition, Adaptation and Cultural Identity 137

Notes 141

Bibliography 145

Index 151
Acknowledgements

MUCH HAS BEEN W R I T T E N from both within and without the immigrant
communities described in this book about their experiences in a new and often

forbidding landscape and the unfamiliar and sometimes hostile reception of a

settled population with very different cultural values. We have used many of these
published or archival sources of historical, as well as personal and institutional
information to provide both context and insight into the nature of the psychological
and material forces at work in shaping the immigrant experience. We would like to

acknowledge and thank all whose interest and efforts near and far have added to our

common heritage and understanding. The names of those whose research has been
direcdy used appear in the notes and bibliography that accompany this text.

Our first thanks must be for the material assistance provided by Heritage Cultures

and Languages, Multiculturalism, of the Department of the Secretary of State of

Canada, for funds that helped us to conduct our initial research in Western Canada.

We are also grateful to Ontario Multiculturalism for a grant that enabled the

Ukrainian Museum of Canada (Toronto) to publish a short catalogue for an exhibi-

tion of Ukrainian Folk Furniture we organized in 1992. The curators and support
staff of the Canadian Museum of Civilization have been most generous in giving us

hands-on access and guidance to their extensive collections. In particular, the advice

of Robert Klymasz and Wesley Mattie, the encouragement of the late Magnus
Einarsson, and the assistance of James Donnelly and members of his stafFin

Collections, has been an indispensable part of our inquiry.

In Western Canada, Harry Loewen, then Chair of Mennonite Studies at the

University of Winnipeg, Lawrence Klippenstein, Director of the Mennonite Heritage

Centre (Archives) in Winnipeg, and Peter Goertzen, Curator of the Mennonite

Heritage Village in Steinbach, all provided guidance and essential information

concerning the resources available in their respective institutions. Frances Roback at

the Glenbow Museum in Calgary was our guide to their varied collections of western

material. Museum personnel and staff who welcomed visitors to the national

Doukhobor Heritage Village in Verigin, Saskatchewan, The Ukrainian Pioneer

Village in Dauphin, Manitoba, die Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village at Edmonton,

Alberta, The Doukhobor Village Museum, Castiegar, British Columbia, and the

privately-run Mountain View Doukhobor Museum of the late Peter Grietchen all

contributed to our understanding of the communities depicted in their exhibition

VII
 We thank them and hope that our text may
spaces and re-enactments of pioneer life.

and provoke a desire in others to investi-

in some measure complement their efforts

gate and appreciate the diverse cultural strands that make concrete the material and

human landscape of the Canadian West.

have been
As has been so often the case, personal curiosity and private interest
preservation of many of the artefocts we present in this book and we
essential to the

are most grateful to community members who have welcomed us into their tradi-

tional family spheres, just as collectors, dealers and pickers have been willing to

answer many of our questions and to share their knowledge and enthusiasm with us.

acknowledge our debt and thanks to most, if not all, of those

The following list will

have contributed to the discovery, preservation and understanding

of the objects
who
attempts to record: Lindsay Anderson, Karen Anderson and
Gary Woodill,
this book
Bowerman and loanne Lawrence, Pauline and loe
Anita and Peter Bergen, Rick

Creighton, Bing Dobson, Tony Funk, llona and Jim Fleming,

Maureen and Clark

Fryday, Gayle Garlock, Gloria Graziano, Peter Graziano,

Dyan and Howard
Ralph and Cathy
Kirshenbaum, George Hartman and Arlene Goldberg, Heather Jack,
Peter and Yvonne Kertesz, Lynn
Jarotski. Todd and Wendy Jarotski, John Klingenberg,
Marlene and the late
and Paul Madaule, Dwayne Morberg, Dave and Marie Kaufman,
Melvin Matychuk, Rainer
Robert Markle, Gary and Shirley Mossman, Robin Moore,
Mac Provick, Phil and Jeanine Ross, the late Barry
Nellison, Sue Pasquale, the late

Rutter, Doris and Leo Rutter, Lloyd Ryder, Fred and

Erika Sayers, Mel Shakespeare,

Silver, Lenore and

Melanie and Thomas Stone, Martha Todd and Joyce Wright, John
Voykin, Ruslana WrzesnewskTJ
Jack Smith, Michael Smith, Robert Toth, Lawrence
Vanden Heuvel.
and Andrew Cottrell, the late Edward Holmes, Jeannette and John
scarcely give the measure or express sufficiently our grati-
Words of thanks can
tude to Jim Chambers whose evocative and exceptional photographs bring new

meaning and pleasure to the "aesthetic of the everyday." Additional photographs

were taken for the book by Gene Hattori of Saskatoon (Doukhobor

Chair, p. 36;

(Mennonite
Mennonite Corner Cupboard, p. loi), John Sinai of Vancouver
Wardrobe, p. 90), and the Glenbow Museum (Hutterite Bench Bed, p. 63).

We are most grateful to Susan Lishingman for her patience and care in the tech-

of the first drafts of the manuscript, and to Aphrodite Gardner for

nical preparation

further changes and additons to the final verison of

the text. We are much indebted

to Linda Cameron, director of the UAP, for her

support and enthusiasm, as well as to
Peter
team led by Mary Mahoney-Robson and furthered by copyeditor
the editorial
have brought polish
Midgely and editorial assistant Alethea Adair. Their suggestions
and flow completed version of our text. Our appreciation for the energy and
to the
here. Finally Alan
marketing strategies of Cathy Crooks must also be recorded
juxtapositions and
Brownoff 's design of text and image is a tour de force of subtle
explosive effects that will surely provoke the eye of even
the most casual reader.

The authors and the Press would like to acknowledge the generous donations of

Steven Blevins and Sonja Morawetz, John Klingenberg,

Lynn Rasmussen and Paul
Vanden Heuvel to make
Madaule, Martha Todd, Joyce Wright, Jeannette and John
publication of this large format, full-colour book possible.

The University of Alberta Press would also like to acknowledge the additional
for Art Books
of the Canada Council for the Arts through its Grants
financial support
Publishing Section
program from the Visual Arts Section and from the Writing and
Doukhobors, Hutterites, Mennonhes and Ukrainians and
its
for Folk Furninjrc ojCanada's

ongoing support of our publishing program.

VI 1 1 Actniowledgmnti
Preface

A LT HOUGH MANV historical and sociological studies of immigrant groups to

Canada have explored the political, economic and social dimensions that motivate

these movements of people and cultures across vast spaces and through difficult

circumstances, no in-depth study in Canada has, to our knowledge, examined within

the perspective of material history/culture the importance of objects as an expression

of cultural and psychological values intimately tied to systems of belief and identity,

and the vicissitudes of the immigrant experience. Whether brought with migrants as
settlers' effects or made for domestic and immediate use during the early years of

settlement, such objects carry with them in form, style, motif and colour, psycholog-

ical and other values that may give us access to and a better understanding of the

mentaiites collectiucs that produced them.

The evolution and adaptation of material and stylistic forms is a mirror that

reflects the experience of dispossession, of culture clash, of changing physical

circumstances, and the imposition of unfamiliar and perhaps misunderstood codes

of conduct encountered by the immigrant.

Our purpose here is to give visibility and credibility to this neglected yet important

Canadian material heritage that is often misunderstood or ignored by the producers

themselves, as well as by the mainstream. We often remain unaware of the historical

interest and human values inherent in all our inscriptions of mind and body upon

the circumstances of time and space. In other words, we hope to show that common
household furniture and objects too have a rightful place in the affections of their

makers and communities. They need to be preserved and studied in our museums
along with Greek and Roman antiquities or the industrially made products of Art
Deco in order to describe and document more fully the immigrant experience in

Western Canada. To this end we propose to give descriptive, analytical and interpre-

tive dimensions to our discussion within the brief historical frameworks required to
situate the four ethno-cultural groups whose artefacts may be unfamiliar to the

general reader. This procedure will also focus upon the unique Canadian character of

resistance to change and adaptation

the items presented, as well as the processes of

at the same time vis-a-vis the forces at work in a new physical environment.
Herein then lies the principal thrust of our interpretive approach, that is, to show

how belief systems in which religious, social and psychological

organization come
together to infuse the objects ofdomestic life with hidden meaning may express as

well unwritten codes of conduct.

Description, therefore, will lead into an analysis and interpretation of material,

form. st\'le and colour the physical characteristics which make concrete the
structures of social organization and the principles of behaviour that underlie

human activity. There are, of course, inevitable methodological problems in such a

project. In most cases these objects have no firm or verifiable provenance

other than

occasional family histories or anecdotes, and although some names of artisans occur
in this context, little written documentation and few signed pieces have been seen

during our research. A second and related difficulty arises from the fact that almost

all the pieces we have seen are no longer in their original domestic context, having

long since been discarded as economic and commercial development reached

into

and altered the conditions of isolation and self-sufficiency in which most immi-

grants found themselves during the early years. By the mid-igaos, many of these
homemade, handmade objects had been relegated to the workshop or barn and

replaced with the industrial manufactures of the early twentieth century.

Our choice

of objects has consequently been dictated largely by their availability in private

collections or museums pieces that were acquired for the most part through the

efforts of pickers and museum personnel who travelled the western provinces in the

1960s and 1970s, and the dealers and collectors who recognized in these items an

important element in the material history of Canada. Unless otherwise indicated, the

pieces illustrated are in private collections. The items from museum holdings are

also described in our own words.

Our intention has been to find and present both representative and exceptional
items from four of the major immigrant groups that came to Western
Canada

between about 1870 and 1930, the period during which Canadian government
policy

actively encouraged settlement of the empty prairie spaces.

Germans, Poles,

Icelanders and others also arrived in the years preceding the First World
War, but the

four groups in question, the Doukhobors, Hutterites, Mennonites and

Ukrainians,

represent a certain coherence and formative influence upon the West in

geograph-

political terms. All were driven in the first instance to search out a
ical, historical and
new homeland for political rather than economic reasons, and all but the Hutterites

came directly from Imperial Russia to a newly constituted and uncertain young
empire.
country whose own history was the product of colonial ambitions of

Although economic hardships did play a part in their desire to emigrate, religious

belief and practice brought the Doukhobors and Mennonites into conflict with both

Church and State, while the grievances of the Hutterites and Ukrainians were some-

what different. A more inclusive list of immigrant communities might have been

established as our subject for analysis, but during our preliminary

research we did

not discover a large enough number of objects from any other single group to make

a wider comparative study viable at this time.

Our methodology combines theory related to artefact study and the discipline of

drawn from iconography, religious symbolism,

material history with concepts
aspects of the psychology of perception as it relates
colour theory and, in particular,

to the visual characteristics of objects in specific times and traditions. We have also
newspapers,
consulted published material of all sorts, including local histories,

mail-order catalogues and broadsides, as well as archival records

where available.
undertaken if possible in
Personal communication, both oral and written, has been
an attempt to supply information regarding context, manufacture and use. In the

end, however, it is the artefacts themselves that serve as primary documentation, and
the physical geography of the prairies that provides the focus and context, substance

and space from which these images of the immigrant experience in Western Canada

have been collected and shaped.

 Utopian Ideology and Folb Traditions

IN THE PAST TWENTV-FIVE VEARS the study of material culture, that

is, the study of artefacts made by a specific cultural group, has assumed an increasing
importance in the writing of history and the investigation of social structures. Our

Cradle (detail) purpose here is to examine the material culture of four distinct ethno-cultural

Manitoba, PR(PincRiuEr?), 1907, groups the Doukhobors, Hutterites, Mennonites and Ukrainians who came to

M. Zoaohazyk, pme, oriainal red and settjg [he western territories of Canada between 1870 and 1930, bringing with them
cream-ydlou) paint.
unique social and spiritual values and structures that can be discovered in the objects
H 65.5 cm (2,W1 X L n; cm (45 '4") x
^^^^ ^^^^ produced.
47.5 cm (1 4
,^.^j^ ^ ^^^ exceptions, the many historical, political and social studies of their
Widthqfshoe/oot76cm (50")
, , , 1

immigration to Canada and the difficulties they endured durmg their settlement in a

new and often hostile environment overlook the importance of these artefacts as a

record of their origins and a key to their closely held religious and social beliefs.

Indeed, most of the pubhshed works concerned with the cultural traditions of these

new settlers have been rather narrowly focussed on the more usual subjects of ethno-

graphic study such as songs and dance and textile decoration, or to take specific

examples, the symbolic ornament of Easter eggs in the Ukrainian community, or the

calligraphic productions of the Mennonites.

Perhaps the furniture and utensils that are so much a part of everyday activity have

escaped notice precisely because of their apparent lack of ritual significance.

Although the forms and decoration of Doukhobor, Hutterite, Mennonite and
Ukrainian furniture can be traced to both high style and folk origins, the aesthetic

and psychological "content" of chairs, tables, cupboards, storage boxes and the like

seems to have passed unconsciously into the routines of daily life. Like mainstream

society, when the products of industrialization became widely distributed and inex-

pensive, the homemade reminders of early hardship and denial were more often

than not relegated to barn and shed, or simply discarded. The makers and users

themselves were apparendy unaware of the latent values embodied in these utili-

tarian objects.

Although the origins of the Doukhobors, Hutterites, Mennonites and Ukrainians

were very different, they all shared a common fate under the tsars, and held a
common goal: to escape the political and religious persecutions of the Imperial State

as well as the economic hardships and poverty of a social system that was still based

upon feudal notions of landholding and serfdom. As it happened, the immigration

Folb furniture, libe folb tales, perpetuates a conservative typology

of forms and motifs whose evolution is slow at best, unless powerful

external forces come to bear upon the inherited practices of the past.

policy of the Canadian government in the latter part of the nineteenth century coin-
Tripod Table (detail)

Stfinbach (East Resfrve), Manitoba, late ninc- cided with the urgent desire of these religious and ethnic minorities to find a
ftoith coitunj, pinf (?). old brown varnish ouer homeland in which to live according to their own spiritual beliefs and customs. The
on^indl yrlloui paint.
geographic similarity of Canada and Russia, two great northern spaces, may have
H 70.5 cm (27'/4") X D cm {14%')
61.5
been a further unconscious inducement to make such a trip into the unsetded lands

and uncertainties of a country still in formation. For the most part these emigrants

were not merchants and professionals, nor aristocrats or bourgeois, but peasants
with a strong sense of the land and systems of spiritual belief closely tied to natural

and uncomplicated values.

Unlike the Ukrainians whose unity lay largely in ethnic identity, a shared home-

land, and common customs that had evolved over many centuries, the Doukhobors,

Mennonites and Hutterites were organized in highly structured communal groups.

Like many other Utopian societies that flourished in North America during the nine-

teenth centur}', their ideological bases were religious rather than direcdy political. All

three had been born in the religious reform movements of the sixteenth and seven-

teenth centuries, and although in some ways they differed in their radicalism, they all

advocated a return to the simpler forms of life associated with early Christianity.

The social structures that developed within this framework of faith had important

consequences for the material artefacts of everyday life in terms of manufacture,

design, decoration and use. Because religious belief was for them at the root of all

human endeavour, the elements that dictated fashion, taste, and the production of

goods both necessary and superfluous in a secular society, were replaced by impulses

that were at once simpler and more profound. Such impulses came either from reli-

gious faith or folk traditions. Thus clearly Christian imagery crosses in a variety of

forms for example can be found side by side with pagan symbols such as sun

disks, solar wheels and the like.

During the early years in Canada, most of the objects made by the four groups

were simple and utilitarian. As simplicity of life and thought became central to

belief, so objects were reduced to their essential elements. This

perception of

simplicity was both external and internal: the Mennonites were commonly known as

"the plain people," while the motto "toil and peaceful life" became the watchword

for many Doukhobors. Each group dealt with the age-old problem of function and

form in a somewhat different way. In the first instance, functional objectives were

XIV FOLK FURNITURE

m^^
 paramount and coincided with conscious simplicity of form in keeping with the

objectives of spiritual simplicit}'.

Where decorative effect occurred or was sought, it was secondary' to spiritual

intent. Unconsciously, however, the decoration of objects was no doubt a compensa-

tion for the plainness and austerity of material existence. The reasons for this

ambiguity seem mixed in the case of the Hutterites who, after originally having

painted much of their ftirniture decided, perhaps for practical purposes, to renew
and recycle chipped or worn surfaces by stripping these painted pieces, although

some have suggested that religious revisionism over the material values of colour

was a factor in this practice.

In terms of decoration generally, a number of basic distinctions must be made at

the outset in order to discover the ways in which Doukhobor, Hutterite, Mennonite

and Ukrainian furniture reveals a variety of hidden spiritual values and attitudes.

First of all, decorative effects that are integral to the form itself (the curves of a

skirt, the chamfering or turning of legs, etc.) must be distinguished from added or

applied effects, even though these may not be material additions. Integral decoration
associ-
is usually related to edges, profiles, cutouts, etc., while applied decoration is

ated with fiat surfaces and non-structural elements (motifs carved into a panel for

example).

A second distinction may be established between the use of straight lines and a

preference for curvilinear shapes in both structural design and decorative motif

Straight lines are technically simpler to execute and in terms of the material used

(mainly wood) lend themselves to greater structural strength. Straight lines are also

more "artificiar' than curves, and imply the imposition of a certain order and control

upon the material used a human intervention in the random ordering of natural
forms. According to some theoreticians of perception, they suggest, through the
etc., a
balance and symmetry of the rectangle, the square, the equilateral triangle,

stabilityand security that contrast with the unpredictability and spontaneity of

natural phenomena. This preference for simple geometry, flat surfaces,
and well

defined vertical or horizontal axes is typical of Hutterite and Mennonite furniture.

While this may reflect certain high style influences at the point of origin

(Biedermeier), it also coincides with a particular view of life. In such cases distance

from the centre of the style will also encourage greater freedom of interpretation and

expression.

Curved lines, on the other hand, are intrinsically more complicated than straight-

line geometry and may often require more complex technical solutions to problems

of construction, notwithstanding the rectangular mortise and tenon structure

that

may terminate a scalloped skirt or a curvilinear arm. When the structural or decora-

of
tive line does not follow the natural grain of the wood, the non-continuous parts
stress. In perceptual
the structure will be subject to breakage, splitting and greater

terms, however, curved lines will be closer to naturally occurring forms

and will
than rectilinear
possess greater spontaneity and a larger measure of unpredictability

shapes. Because of this, curves in high style furniture arc often linked to ostentatious

and exuberant, more kinetic expressions of taste.

Sculptural decoration may be used separately or in combination both curves and

straight lines, but unlike in sculpture, where curves and irregular shapes predomi-

generally an element of regularity in the decorative vocabulary

of
nate, there is

furniture forms that is introduced through the repetition of either rectilinear or curvi-

shapes and motifs. Thus the naturally based motif of the cresting wave
will be
linear

XVI FOLK FURNITURE

repeated symmetrically on the doors or as part of the cornice of an armoire, simulta-

neously suggesting both stability and movement. The three-dimensional quality

introduced by sculpted motifs or decoration, like the volume in space created by the

furniture itself as a three dimensional structure, has a tactile and sensuous dimen-
sion that is lacking in purely geometric or planimetric decoration. It involves the

viewer or user in a more physical way by drawing him into the life-like space of the

object and by inviting direct contact with its material form.

The use of colour has since antiquity been an essential tool of both artist and

artisan, although the implications of its use have not always been understood. Its

practical functions, as a protective coating, a way of hiding errors in construction or

the material deficiencies of the object, as well as its simple imitation of the naturally

occurring colours that surround us, have sometimes obscured the emotional and

psychological value of colour.

These hidden or unconsciously apprehended aspects of colour may be divided

into two separate but usually complementary systems. The first has to do with the

symbolic meaning of certain colours within a given culture or tradition. Within that

culture a fiarther differentiation generally occurs between the spiritual/symbolic and

the secular/symbolic sense of colours. In the European tradition, treatises on

heraldry and emblem books make clear this distinction by describing the spiritual

and the social values that attach to certain colours and their use. Thus red among the
virtues is the colour of charity and God's love, while in the secular sphere it symbol-

izes magnanimity, courage and daring. But as social structures become more
complex and a society more materially rich, or more subject to external influences,

these symbolic values may be lost, replaced by a purely decorative intent. At the same
time, the intrinsic psychological and emotional value of various colours may persist

(warm, cool, positive, negative, advancing, receding, etc.), continuing to reflect

hidden cultural values that are no longer consciously felt.

Every cultural group appears to have colour preferences that show in the choice of

materials used or in tiie finish that is applied to objects. Plain painting (single colour),

colour combinations, the number of colours used, the application of specific colours

to predetermined structural elements or motifs all these things may reveal impor-
tant cultural and perceptual diflferences which will help to identify and explain

certain objects and the groups from which they come. The Mennonites ("plain
people"), for example, seldom use more than two colours on their furniture: a light

colour overall with a darker hue applied to the structural elements, as if to underline

the nature of the object and its construction, a technique not unlike the functional

approach of some modern architects and designers who insist upon showing the

and mechanicals of their buildings. Other groups such as the

structural systems

Doukhobors and the Ukrainians may favour the use of more than two colours on
single objects, creating in this way a more apparent decorative effect. The analysis of

such differing uses of colour may, we think, be related to more important questions

of communal identity and belief It would appear that the more numerous the colours

used and the combinations of colours applied to a single piece, the more loosely

organized socially the group may be, and the less dogmatic in the relation of belief to

social life, while the fewer the colours and the mixing of colours on individual

pieces, the more controlling, homogeneous and prescriptive the beliefs of the group.

in the study of cultural artefacts is the

Another element diat is often neglected
environment and its influence upon the production and decoration of objects. There

are of course the obvious technical constraints imposed by the presence of certain

Utopian Ideology and Folb Traditions XVII

 materials, or the lack of others. If wood is plentiful, then the species of trees avail-

able mav encourage certain practices and limit others. Commercially available

pigments and nothing more may explain the repeated use of the same colours on
items made in contiguous areas.

In the perceptual and decorative systems of any people, hovv'ever, there are larger

forces at play. The flat, featureless topography of the prairies, the neutral colours,

but for the red, orange and pink of sunset and sunrise, may have played some role in

the brilliant polychromy of Ukrainian and Doukhobor objects. In contrast, the

painted surface and flat enclosed space of Mennonite panelled furniture, outlined in

a darker colour, may mirror the flatness of the land into which the line of the border

introduces an element of limit and control. Thus does a Utopian society implant the

geometric concept of the grid and the self-containment of a communal organization

or a family farm in an environment of infinities. Polychromy and the curvilinear, that

is to say, the reintroducdon of the irregularity and unpredictability of another kind of

nature more human in scale, is a different sort of antidote to the prairie infinities of

land and sky.

The physical environment is in turn modified by the strucmres we place in it.

From the first sod and pole houses that are scarcely more than animal burrows,
literal extensions of the land itself, to the square, two-storey frame houses so alien in

their geometry to their surroundings, man-made environments seem either to

imitate or defy the natural setting, creating a dynamic of opposites or a synergy of

reciprocal forces that reaches deep into the psychology and history of a community.

The communal farm and village with their ordered rows of identical houses, their

architectural and decorative symmetry, impose upon the landscape, through the
structure and visual pattern of the grid, a certain number of psychological prefer-

ences: stability, predictability, order and simplicity. It is a structure without internal

tensions in which all parts have equal weight. In this sense the grid also concretizes

a certain ideology of belief and social organization: the principle of

social equality,

the democratization of space, a sense of shared and equal responsibility, a feeling of

moral purpose in the broad sense. In religious Utopias it is the application of faith

and its by-products, rather than reason, to the resolution of human conflict that lies

at the root of communal living, and these elements are particularly evident in

Hutterite, Mennonite and early Doukhobor communities. The patterns of Ukrainian

settlement were quite different and did not spring from a rigid moral plan.

The nature of this moral commitment may in turn be very diflferent from one

group to the other. Because the Doukhobors rejected all forms of religious imagery,

there are no apparent or conscious signs of spiritual belief in either the Doukhobor

landscape or household: no buildings specifically dedicated to worship, no church

spires or symbolic architecture, no objects with precise liturgical purpose or
design

other than the bread, salt and water of daily life.

In Ukrainian communities and households, on the other hand, religious belief is

made visible through, and indeed depends upon, a variety of concrete signs from

crosses and icons for domestic use through churches of distinctive form and
special-

ized liturgical "furniture" such as reliquaries, large Easter candlesticks,

and

ceremonial doors, to the more usual altar, tabernacle, etc. The psychological value of

these visible signs and instruments of worship is as important to this community as

the almost entire lack of such elements is to the Doukhobors or Mennonites.

Any piece of furniture or any utensil made for use by the four groups under study

will combine both communal and personal elements. As the German word Volk

XVIII FOLK FURNITURE

suggests, there are traditional forms and motifs that are passed on from one genera-
tion to the next within a given community, elements whose origins are obscure but
whose characteristics express a communal preference for certain images, shapes and

colours. They constitute a material and perceptual narrative of the tribe not unlike its

legends and folk tales. Because there is no written text, no fixed and immutable
common truth, each speaker, and each artisan, will tell the same story or make the

same chair, but lacking printed direction or pattern to follow, will give the tradition

his own twist, drawn from personal experience and the materials immediately on
hand. Such particular modifications are unlikely, however, to bring a fundamental
structural change or to have a lasting influence on others.
Folk furniture, like folk tales, perpetuates a conservative typology of forms and

motifs whose evolution is slow at best, unless powerful external forces come to bear

upon the inherited practices of the past. In eighteenth century Europe, the high styles

codified by individuals such as Chippendale or Adam in Britain or idendfied with

monarchs like Louis XIV in France, imposed their decorative vocabulary and struc-

tures on many provincial makers without disrupting the traditional system of

manufacture and distribution. In Western Canada, style influences on these largely

self-contained ethnic communities were the product rather of industrial expansion

and commercialization. Mail-order catalogues, hooked rug pattern books, the
general availability of mass produced furniture in a variety of Victorian revival styles

and conventionally commercial taste, drove not only the folk idiom but the artisan

and maker himself from the workshop and the marketplace. Utopian ideology and
craft traditions gave way to the products of industrialization and the principles of

early capitalism; exchange value replaced use value and in so doing undermined both

the objects and the communities that had produced them.

Utopian Ideology and Folb Traditioni XIX

Doubhobors Geometry, Floiuers and Common Space

Storage Box

Saskatthtwan, Yoricton area, latt nmrttmth

cfntury, ptiw. original orangj point uiith gtm

and white pinuilueU.

H 6j cm (24%TxW 100.5 1 (?9'/'1 ^^

D 68 cm (26V4T
Saskatchewan. North Coloiiy, early tiuciiticth

century, pine, original red and green paint.

H 76 cm (30") xL 155 c

(29'A")
Despite their rejection of all forms of iconography in terms of their

religious beliefs, Doubhobor furniture Is almost always decorated

with folk? motifs based on Russian peasant traditions.

OF ALL THE MINORITV ETHNIC G R O U P S who came to settle in the

Canadian West towarcl the enci ofthe nineteenth century and after, the Doukhobors
beginnings as a
have been the most visible and the most misunderstood. From their
within the
small religious sect among many born ofthe schisms and upheaval

Orthodox Church in seventeenth century Russia, through internal exile and eventual
dispossession
emigration to the Canadian prairies, their history has been marked by

and fierce persecution.

Their origin and evolution as a religious reform movement were based in a

sweeping double rejection of all organized and dogmatic forms of religion and a

denial of all external authority as represented by the powers

ofthe secular state. This

radical stance brought them into immediate conflict with the Russian Orthodox

Church and, of course, the Imperial Russian State.

In terms of spiritual belief and religious observance,

the Doukhobors refused the

external, material manifestations ofthe Orthodox Church, including the pre-eminence

Teapot Stand
SoskatthnDon. circa 1900, pine, old otangc given to the Bible and the historical Christ. The Doukhobors thus abandoned
broum owr oriflinal dark broiun {?). iconography, church buildings, artefacts, ritual and the priestly class in the most

H 12 cm (4 V) X W 2 J.5 cm (qVt') x D 26.5 cm

radical return to what they saw as the principles of early Christianity. God was
proclaimed to be in-dwelling within each individual thus making
(lOVj") both priests

irrelevant to the spiritual life ofthe community. In this belief their radi-
and churches
the "formation of
calism went far beyond the factionalism ofthe "Raskol," that
is,

several factions or schisms within the church."'

The formalism and authority ofthe State were equally repugnant to the

Doukhobors who refused bureaucratic intervention in their lives particularly the

militarism ofthe Tsarist Empire. The implicit egalitarianism inherent in this rejec-

tion of authority, the belief that all men are brothers, the assertion of personal

in every individual attacked the very bases upon

freedom, and the presence of God
which Church and State were founded and led to more than two centuries of official

persecution.
ofthe Doukhobors as a sect is oral and no specific event
Most ofthe early history

said to crystallize the instant of its birth, although a

first
or name can be
"Doukhobor" teacher is said to have spread the message of pacifism, brotherhood
Great in 1730.'
and simple belief in the years following the death of Peter the

FOLK FUBNITURE
 Among the early leaders of the as-yet unnamed sect now known as Doukhobors,
the names of Sylvan Kolesnikov, Danilo Filippov and lUarion Pobirokhin appear as

propagators of the new beliefs and forerunners of a tradition that was to become a
source of both unity and division among their followers the charismatic leader and
the tradition of oral hymns and personal pronouncements that constitute the

"liturgy" of this non-liturgical congregation. It was only in 1785 that the term
"Dukho-borets" (spirit wresder), those who struggled against the spirit of Christ,

was used by Archbishop Ambrosius of Ekaterinoslav to describe these outsiders. But

the Doukhobors gave this pejorative designation a positive turn when they claimed it

should mean rather those who wrestle with and not against the spirit of Christ.'
By the late 1780s the dispersion of the Doukhobors to various remote areas of the
Russian state was well under way. This dispersion was to characterize their treat-

ment at the hands of the authorities for more than a century. The first collective

migration of the Doukhobors from all parts of Russia to the Milk7 Waters region on
the Crimean frontier began when Tsar Alexander came to the throne in 1801. At the

same time Alexander I granted to them the same privileges in "exile" that Catherine

the Great had earlier given to the Mennonites who had come to settle that same area

as a result of persecution in East Prussia exemption from military service and

formal education, and religious liberty. Like Mennonites who had setded there, the

first small groups of Doukhobors prospered and were soon joined by others who
professed the same beliefs, and by about 1820 nine villages had been established

with a total of some 3000 inhabitants.

The Doukhobors adopted the peasant commune system, or mir, that had existed

for centuries, and although the nodon of the divinity of leaders and claims for hered-

itary rights did not respect basic Doukhobor beliefs, early leaders like Kapustin, as

well as some who followed him, exercised great personal influence and control

despite the communal structure of the mir.

One of the persistent bases of the commune was the rejecrion of land ownership

in the usual sense. Work alone gave rightful claim to temporary possession of land,

and in theory at least land was to be redistributed from year to year. In the early years

under this system there was no personal property, and each individual, each family,
shared in the common wealth and goods of the community, and contributed to
them. Similarly, the principle of absolute equality was meant to apply within both the
family and the larger community, but in pracdce paternal authority (cf the Tsar as

father of the people) became the model upon which Doukhobor leadership was
based. Because other social and religious structures had been endrely rejected, the

natural organizadon of the family gave a necessary structure to the anarchic system

of beliefs that constituted Doukhoborism. Koozma J. Tarasofif has described the

Doukhobors as "Christian anarchists in search of a practical Utopia."" The resulting

contradiction had both a good and bad side to it that depended largely upon the

personal qualities and integrity of the leader of the day.

After the death of Tsar Alexander I in 1825, a second displacement of the

Doukhobors occurred under his successor Nicholas I. Eventually, the increasing

persecution and restriction was followed by exile to Trans-Caucasia in the early

1840S. Official government policy during this period was generally hostile to dissi-

dents of whatever stripe, but especially severe with regard to the Doukhobors, whose
non-observance of any of the visible signs and rites of Christianity, particularly as

embodied in Russian Orthodoxy, was taken as an excuse for dispossession and exile.

Doubhobori ^
 Internal strife among them, as well as poor leadership and scandal, contributed to a

negative attitude among the larger population that was already opposed to non-

conformists and critics of authorit}'.

A further exodus of the Kars Doukhobors to the Southern Caucasus following the

Russo-Turkish war was just another event in the ongoing struggle of the Doukhobors
against the authority of State and Church to regulate their lives. Some fifty years

Chair later, a final crisis arose over the Doukhobors' renewed refusal to do military service

Blainf Lakf Soskatchnwin, jirst quarter twen-

.
and their celebrated "burning of weapons" in 1895. This set ofTthe search for a new
tirth tmhirii. pintstat and spruce Jrame. old
countr\' and in 1899 a large number of Doukhobors migrated to Canada. James
mauut paint ovn original red.
of Toronto and a supporter of
Mavor, Professor of Economics at the University
H g6 cm (57*4") xW 49.5 cm(ig'/!")x lames Smart, Deputy Minister of the
Doukhobor immigration to Canada, wrote to
D 47 cm (i8%"), H to Mat 44 cm (ijVa")
Interior (19 October 1898), and described the situation as follows: "I should mention

also that their idea that they may as well be frozen to death in Canada as flogged to
Factory-made oak dining sets of five side
death by the Cossacks, is natural enough...."' As it happened, their desire to escape
chairs plus one armchair were common in

the first quarter of the twentieth centun', persecution coincided with Canadian government policy of the time, which was

and may well have inspired this directed to the settlement of the empty spaces of Western Canada.
Doukhobor armchair in terms of overall As the repression of the Doukhobors became more and more severe, a number of
form and stance. Doukhobor chairs were outside interests stepped in to try to find a solution. The most important and
modelled on various mainstream commer- Doukhobor many parallels with
influential was Leo Tolstoy, who found in beliefs his
cial productions and sometimes had
own anarchist and pacifist views, as well as a living embodiment of early Christian
klysmos style legs, as in this instance. The
communism. In a letter to James Mavor (16 August 1898), Tolstoy lists the virtues of
depth of the seat and its shape, as well as
the Doukhobors as prospective immigrants:
the sloping arms, add a distinctive

Doukhobor element to this ftirniture type,

itself rather infrequently found in that 1. The Doukhobortsi are the best farmers in Russia;

community and rarely present among the 2. They would use land and seeds given to them in the best way;

other groups under study here. 3. They are not only not addicted to sexual excesses but they are living the most

chaste and family life;

4. They would adapt themselves to any climate...."

The English Quakers, who had made contact with the Doukhobors earlier, as well as

the Philadelphia Society of Friends, also determined to help with their emigration

from Russia to some other country the only action which seemed possible. Having

at last obtained permission to leave from the Tsar, the Doukhobors were now able
with the financial and practical help of Tolstoy and the Quakers to begin making

arrangements for their departure. The first group of 2,100 finally set sail for Canada

from Batum on the Black Sea on December 21, 1898.

Their way had been prepared through advance visits to Canada by delegates and

friends of the Doukhobors, inspection of the western lands that were to welcome the

newcomers, and much negotiation with a Canadian government anxious to settle the
territories of the north west. The new immigrants were to be exempted from
military

service and allowed to settle in blocks or reserves that would permit them to

continue the peasant mir or commune as the basic system of social organization.

Prince Peter Kropotkin, another supporter of the Doukhobors, wrote to Mavor,

insisting that they should be granted "[L]and in a block; they cannot live in isolated

farms. They are Russians, for whom it is more indispensable than for Mennonites.'"

Two blocks of land were chosen for this purpose: one, known as the North

Colony, lay some seventy miles to the north of Yorkton, Saskatchewan; and the other,

the South Colony, with a further nearby extension called the Devil's Lake
Colony, was

situated thirty miles north of Yorkton. A third reserve was set aside near Duck Lake

FOLK FURNITURE
 and Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, not far from Rosthern and Saskatoon to the east

and south east. These were to be the final destination of the largest group of immi-

grants yet to come to North America at a single time.

The S.S. Lake Huron, thirt\' days out of Batum, arrived off Halifax on January 20,

1899 and disembarked its passengers the following day at Lawlor's Island for quar-

antine inspection. The ship then proceeded on to St. John, from where the setders

started their train trip west to Winnipeg and beyond. At Winnipeg, one group ot men
was sent ahead to the settlement blocks to begin preparations for the construction of

houses and other necessary buildings. In the four months that followed three other

shiploads arrived, bringing the total number of Doukhobor immigrants to about

7,500. A minute in the Mavor papers reports that "At a station in the prairie last night

there was an American Indian in his native costume, and with red paint or colour on

his cheeks; also a crowd of Galicians who were coming in on the train, and a few

Doukhobors: a very strange throng indeed.'"* This "strange throng" anticipates in

microcosm the mix of ethnic identities that settled on the prairies and beyond. Their

arrival was facilitated by completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1885, and

with the exception of a few individuals and the various Doukhobor exiles still held in

Russia among them Verigin himself who came

Peter V. the in very early years of

the century Doukhobor immigration Canada ended about 1905.

to

Three years later in 1908, the troubled history of the Doukhobors was re-enacted
in a confrontation with the Canadian government over the oath of allegiance to the

Crown, which was required in order to obtain full title to setdement lands. The

newcomers who had worked so hard to establish their communities, despite local

prejudice and the struggle inherent in bringing new lands under cultivation, found

themselves at odds again with the bureaucracy of the state. Under the charismatic

leadership of Peter Verigin, a large number of them gave up their hard-won title on

this question of principle and followed him into the Kootenay district of British

Columbia, where they purchased private property not subject to government fiat. A
much smaller number of independent Doukhobors remained behind in Saskatchewan

to farm in a more conventional way, like their non-Doukhobor neighbours. Both the

followers of Verigin and the independents created some of the most visually
appealing and dynamic furniture and textiles ever produced in Canada, until the

weakening of internal coherence of the two communities and the intrusion of

commercial mass-produced goods made obsolete the hand-crafi:ed objects that had
been both a necessity and a sign of pioneer life.

Doubhobor Houses

Letter sixtieth [from Peter Verigin]

To all the Doukhobors of the Great Party

Village Obdorsk, lanuary 6, 1899

The rest of life abroad must be built up it seems to me on a communistic basis.

That is, everything necessary, viz. catde, ploughs and other implements and

after elevators (ambar?) for storing the corn, mills and dairies, linseed oil mills

or for example blacksmith and carpenter shops at first small ones but must be

made with the common strength. Every village must have that separately. Large

villages must not be made. The biggest 50 families. A village must be built in

FOLK FURNITURE
 the usual way with small house for accommodating each family. The streets

must be wide. If it will fall out to settle in a forest, the trees around must not be
cut out. If on a clear place, then in the first place streets must be planted with
trees. If the climate will allow, as far as it will be possible with fruit trees; and
in general small groves must be planted. I kiss you my dear little old men and
Naurishka, and send my hearty greetings to all the Transcausian [sic] brothers

and sisters.

Your son and brother,

Peter

Doukhobor houses in the early years of settlement were patterned upon Russian
peasant dwellings and built in accordance with the instructions contained in
Verigin's letter, with a few minor changes as required by somewhat different
construction materials. Most were one storey and consisted of a single large all-

purpose room with a hard, smooth dirt floor. Although different materials and
combinations of such were used in the construction of village housing in the early

period of settlement in Saskatchewan, and some architectural features of the roof-

line, or minor details of structure differed, a generic sense of form may be derived
from the following description by Jonathan Rhoads, a Quaker visitor to the

Saskatchewan colony in February of 1900:

The room was about fourteen broad and twenty feet in length. Its floor was of
earth, packed smooth and hard as though made of boards. The walls were
smoothly plastered and neady whitewashed. Two windows, each about three
feet square, supplied the apartment with light.... [T]he principal object in the

room was the lajge stove and oven, built in the corner at the right entrance. It

was seven feet square, made, as was the building of plaster.... Around three
sides of the room ran a bench. On the sides opposite the stove and the

entrance it was of thick planed plank, supported by stout legs, and scrubbed to
a spodess cleanliness. But on the other side the bench was continued flush

with the front of the stove, and completely filled the broad space between it

and the opposite end of the room.... The shelf was the family sleeping place.'"

The village layout proposed by Verigin seems to have been copied from Doukhobor
villages in the Caucasus. They had a single central street and the houses were

arranged symmetrically on either side, with the axis of the building perpendicular to

the street, and a wooden fenced "front" yard between house and street. In Canada,

these modest rectangular structures were made of logs, covered with clay or plaster

and then whitewashed. Roofs were either made of sod placed in several layers, or of

thatch. The lets, 50 feet wide by 250 feet deep, each with a more or less identical

strucmre surrounded by a garden, orchard, and other signs of agricultural activity,

stretched back from the single central street."

Unlike the European village plan so often based upon enclosure and an intrinsic

defence of private space, Doukhobor villages in Canada, while imposing upon the
landscape the grid so common to North American cities, and an artificial order upon
the natural forms of the landscape, do not emphasize boundary or enclosure,
but lie

open to the surrounding territory. The grid suggests rather the democratization of

space, equal units, identical structures, similar amenities, and overall equality
of

Doubhobors 7
-4*^1
 means and status in keeping with the abstract ideals of brotherhood and egalitari-

Decorated Frame anism. The apparent causes of strife have been expunged from this human
Bleiuctt, British Columbia, early tuietitieth landscape in which no building or person is given visible preference over any other.
century, spruce, mitred corners, mortise and
Nor do visible signs of institutional religion church, belfry, cross appear in the
tenon construction, ouerpaint removed to orig-
landscape, an absence that coincides with the internalization of faith, and the in-
inal red, blue, yellou) and green.
dwelling God in every individual that is a central tenet of Doukhobor belief.
H 51.5 cm (2oV4")xW40.5 cm (16")
After the migration of the communal Doukhobors and followers of Peter Verigin

to Castlegar, Grand Forks and elsewhere in the Kootenay district of British Columbia
The overall carved and polychrome surface

is like a dictionary of Doukhobor motifs in igo8, the villages, or rather, communes and houses they built took on a very

and colour preferences: three-colour different form:

pinwheels of various size, stylized tulip

forms, sunbursts, and leaf and tendril These houses are always in pairs, and each two houses is called a village. There
designs with tulip or bellflower terminals. which every
is a distance of about a quarter of a mile between each village, in
All these motifs are traditional folk
square foot is under cultivation. The Doukhobors do not paint their houses,
symbols related to life sources and images
but this is probably for reasons of economy, since they are intensely fond of
of fertility. They suggest the importance of
bright colours. Their dwellings are large and roomy, and each house accom-
natural objects, in particular the plant
modates 35 to 50 people, making an average of 75 to 85 persons in one
forms that mirror the vegetarianism of

many Doukhobors. village."

Large, square, two storey dwellings able to accommodate up to eight families, with

private bedrooms, and common eating and cooking facilities, brought the members

of the "Christian Communist Utopia" together in shared space and basic activities

such as cooking and eating were conducted in an almost tribal manner:

The houses are large and for economy are made to accommodate from 30 to 36
people, there being several families in each. On the ground floor there is a

large dining room, where the entire household meets for their meals. There

are two long tables running up and down and at the head of each sits the father

or senior man of the house. At the rear of each row of houses there is a long

low building which puzzles the stranger. It contains the baths without which

the Doukhobors could not live.''

At the same time these shared houses had lost all sense of European or Russian

architectural origin, except for some decorative detail, and now copied mid-western
American vernacular architecture in its box-like outline, hipped-roof, clapboard or

brick siding and shingle roof The division of space into private and common apart-
ments internalized the earlier village plan and must have reduced the independence

of its inhabitants, just as the industrial enterprises of the Christian Community of

Universal Brotherhood, while adopting the external forms of North American capi-

talism, were internally structured on communal principles, as may be seen in the

letters patent granted to the jam factory at Brilliant.

Although the exodus from Saskatchewan of the communal Doukhobors had been
precipitated by their refusal to take the of the oath of allegiance required to obtain

title to the lands they had settled, the Doukhobors of British Columbi?, a scant

decade after their arrival in Canada, seem to have changed direction in terms of their

relationship with Canadian society through an ingenious compromise that allowed

them to maintain their communal organization as a group apart while borrowing for
practical purposes the commercial structures and activities of free enterprise. The

letters patent of the Christian Community of Universal Brotherhood incorporated in

 1917 drew them into the official systems and legal organization of the larger commu-
nity that they had refused in 1908. The canning factory of the CCUB at Brilliant
enjoved great success for several years, recording in March of igig sales of $191,000

and a profit of almost $36,000 for the current year." Despite their efforts to arrive at

a workable compromise of their religious and communal beliefs, and to maintain

good relations with the surrounding community through such actions as a contribu-
tion of jams from the factory to the war effort,'' they soon found themselves in

conflict with government again this time the authorities in British Columbia.

Doubhobor Furniture

Doukhobor furniture is generally well made and respects the traditional techniques

of good joinery: mortise and tenon joining of structural members, dove-tailed

corners, tongue and groove splicing of surfaces, the use of splines, pegs, etc. The

woods used are pine, spruce, birch for table legs, and some fir for tabletops and legs

in pieces made in British Columbia. The technical competence so evident in

Doukhobor furniture suggests the work of an experienced village carpenter or

artisan, and the existence of a communal workshop in each settlement to supply the

needs of its inhabitants. In tact, the letters patent of the Christian Community of
Universal Brotherhood of April 25, 1917 identify the officers of the company and
their occupations, among them John Malahoff, Carpenter of the village of Brilliant.
This practice had been mentioned much earlier in a letter from Prince Kropotkin to
James Mavor (31 August 1898), in which the prince describes their inner organiza-

tion and "their communal workshops."'" The coherence of such a system coincides

with the structure of shared beliefs and activities of the group and perhaps explains

as well the consistent use of a limited number of decorative elements across a wide

range of objects. Under the guidance of a single artisan the workshop could produce
articles of quality in more or less equal measure for every family.

Domestic furniture in the usual utilitarian forms chests, small boxes, beds,

chairs, tables, cradles, spinning wheels, shelves was made for personal and family

use in private apartments while a good deal of communal furniture was produced in

British Columbia to furnish the shared living and eating spaces that became an

essential part of the new communities that had been displaced from their original

lands in Alberta and Saskatchewan. Long tables, benches, storage cupboards, looms

and eventually chairs in imitation of commercially available products such as the

popular "press back," bear witness to the importance of communal life and the

adaptability of an immigrant group with few financial resources. According to the

notes of conversations held in 1902 with Pavel Planedin, leader of the Kars village of

Terpenie, South Colony, "They cannot make rush bottom chairs but will do so if

example is sent up."" The table in fact, whether small and destined for personal use,

or large and meant to accommodate several families, is the most common and
accomplished of Doukhobor furniture forms. As the natural focus of communal
living and the most socially marked piece of family furniture, these carefully

constructed tables, painted in a variety of colours and pegged throughout, with

inside spline-secured removable tops and plain, cut-out or carved aprons, embody a
sophistication and sense of style and proportion worthy of high style furniture.

Shortly after the Doukhobors' arrival in Canada, the Philadelphia Quakers sent

them three hundred spinning wheels, while the Dominion Council of Women sent in

10 FOLK FURNITURE
two carloads of donated gifts, containing some fifty spinning wheels, twelve hand
looms, eighty box stoves, carpentry and woodworking tools...." These items were
intended to encourage the traditions and self-sufficiency of the newcomers and led

no doubt to the home production of the many fine rugs that became such an impor-

tant object in most Doukhobor households.'"

The only pieces of furniture brought from Russia must have been storage chests
and small boxes or domestic utensils, perhaps paint decorated but with minimal
mouldings or external appliques that could be damaged or broken in transit. In

contrast, the many chests made here often have simple bracket feet, as well as

applied base and lid mouldings. Most also have commercial iron carrying handles,
locks and hinges. Well constructed in general, with dovetailed corners, some even
with inner tills for the storage of small objects, these storage chests are fairly high

(26 inches or more) and have polychrome painted decoration on the front, sides and
lid in various combinadons of pink, red, green, blue, orange, yellow, and are deco-
rated with stylized folk motifs of geometric or natural shape: scalloped borders, dot

outlining, multicoloured rosettes, simulated hollow-cut corners, birds and flowers,

horses, lions, and mermaids.
A dominant characteristic of Doukhobor fijrniture, particularly tables and beds,
some wash stands, later chairs and a few cupboards from British Columbia, is the

turning of legs, spindles and half-columns in a distinctive and original combination

of profiles and swellings. From the bulbous table legs tapering to the floor,

combined with box stretchers in a configuration somewhat reminiscent of late

renaissance forms, through the symmetrical treatment of bed-posts, spindles and

chair legs, these well-executed turnings set Doukhobor furniture apart from the

forms and techniques used by the Ukrainians, Hutterites and Mennonites, where
turning is not a defining characteristic. Some of the turnings on spinning wheels are

almost Windsor-like and may have their origin in the American wheels sent from
Pennsylvania by the Quakers during the early years of Doukhobor settlement.

External style influences can also be found in a small number of neo-classical,

sabre-leg adaptations of nineteenth century revival styles and the press-back or

"catalogue" chairs. A number of benches and chairs have been found in

Saskatchewan with cabriole or sabre legs derived perhaps from French sources such
as the Louis XV style, filtered through derivative Russian fiarniture of the nineteenth-

century or, alternatively, borrowed from catalogue illustradons from the turn of the
century such as Eaton's Summer-Spring number of 1901."

Doubhobor Motifs

Despite their rejection of all forms of iconography in terms of their religious beliefs,
Doukhobor fin-niture is almost always decorated with folk motifs based on Russian

peasant tradifions. These motifs, whether carved and painted, cut out, incised in

shallow relief or applied, usually occur against a painted background colour or

colours.

Motifs are generally placed in designated areas, symmetrically arranged or

centrally situated on the front and sides of case pieces, and are relatively sparse in

number. Specific motifs may be repeated in varying sizes on a single piece or

arranged in pairs with mirrored placement, but not in continuous or overall

patterning. Certain motifs are associated with certain categories of furniture.

Doubhobors II
 Pinwheels are frequent on boxes for example, and floral motifs in a variety of shapes

appear on the slcirts of tables.

Doukhobor motifs, as in folk traditions generally, tall into three principal cate-

gories: geometric, floral and animal. Geometric shapes are a recurring motif in

particular the circular forms of the pinvvheel, rosette, half circle or scallop that are

usually arranged symmetrically on the flat surface of boxes, cupboards, the aprons of

tables, and the like. These circles or disc forms have been associated with the life-

giving powers of the sun and solar disc mythology since prehistoric times and occur

in both painted, lightly incised, relief, and sculpted versions. The yin/yang symbol of

cosmic unity is also used, as are painted quarter corners and lines of dots to outline

the edges of boxes. The floral motifs are simplified or stylized forms of common

flowers such as tulips and lilies. Loosely articulated, free-hand vines and anonymous

vegetal forms in asymmetrical tangles suggest a vigour and profusion of natural

growth not unlike the more structured and sophisticated manifestations of

European baroque, although a more immediate source of inspiration may lie in the
vegetarianism of many Doukhobors and their agricultural way of life. Cut-out, carved

and pierced floral motifs are a characteristic feature on the skirts of tables. These

patterns are very controlled, technically precise and competent in their execution,

and are invariably symmetrical. The flowers, petals, vines and fruit suggest a kind of

identification with the domesticated vegetable forms of nature; a passive and self-

contained attitude that avoids confrontation, strife and ambition.

What we have called "catalogue" style decoration occurs on the panels of some

Doukhobor cupboards, and on chairs reminiscent of the machine-made press-back

chairs so readily available at the end of the nineteenth century. Techniques for the

embossing of flat surfaces made it possible to extend the Victorian taste for overall

surface decoration into the mass production of furniture and other objects. The

embossing on the hand-made Doukhobor cupboards and chairs mimicked the

mechanically produced models of commercial manufacture, and perhaps also

revealed the influence of pressed-tin ceiling and wall panels so popular

at the same

time. The same precision and repetitive duplication of design elements is attempted

and a certain regularity of pattern is achieved, although upon close inspection small

variations in detail betray the craftsman's hand and the uniqueness of execution.

Animal motifs are less frequent, although they can be found in cut-out or silhou-

ette on small hanging cupboards, or on domestic utensils such as wooden spoons

with trifid or flower terminals, a single horse head, etc.:

The Canadians were particularly pleased when, having asked about one or

another item of clothing, they were told that the Doukhobors made them all

themselves. Their wooden spoons especially interested everyone. And when it

was learned that the Doukhobors made them themselves also, someone asked

for a spoon as a souvenir. He was given one. And the next day many asked for a

spoon and finally, there were not enough spoons so that two or three old men
^
began to make spoons as 'gifts' for friends!

painted birds
Paired horses' heads occur on several such cupboards, and paired and

on several storage chests. The horse, a common motif in Russian folklore, has
of a farmer, but in addition, possesses latent
obvious practical importance in the life

symbolic values of strength and virility connected to the power of the sun," as well

as the more negative connotations, dating back to prehistoric times, of being a

12 FOLK FUBNITUBE
 ^1>^
'-iF'arF ,1

'!X^

funerary animal. The paucity of animal imagery in general, however, may be

Coat Rack explained by the Doukhobors' refusal of religious iconography and perhaps also by

British Columbia, Castlegar (?). pine with the influence of Muslim traditions, which avoided figural representation, that

commercial metal hooks, original maroon and occurred during the long internal exile in the Caucasus.
blue paint.
Since many folk motifs appear as profile forms rather than in full face probably
H
because objects, animals and botanical shapes are most readily identified and more
7 cm (2^/4") X L gi cm (j5'/4")

easily depicted in this already stylized representation the pairing of motifs would
Although most Doukhobor furniture
seem to satisfy both the requirements of identity and an intrinsic preference for
sports floral decoration, this coat rack in
symmetrical structures based upon the binary nature of plants and animals. A
contrasting maroon and blue paint has

fiirther cultural factor may also be present in the hierarchical value given to symmet-
geometric diamonds centred by a fan-
rical or paired images in some cultural contexts, such as the two-headed eagle
shaped cut-out. Both the diamond motifs

and the triple beading along the lower representative of the imperial state (Austro-Hungarian, Russian, etc.). The armorial
edge of the shelf are further emphasized tradition also depends in large measure upon symmetrical arrangements, even
by chip-carved or punched lines that create where the individual elements may be disparate. Alison Hilton quotes Russian
an interrupted but continuous pattern of
sources that suggest that the familiar two-part symmetry in folk art resembles the
dark and light, highlighting the several
question and answer forms of songs and riddles used in many folk rituals. She states
blocks of colour.
fijrther that this two-part symmetry creates a sense of participation and reciprocal

movement, as well as an effect of stability all characteristics of Doukhobor social

organization and the artefacts they made."

Doukhobor furniture, with some exceptions, is painted in at least two colours.

The principal background colour is red, red-orange or pink and the secondary

colours used on mouldings, feet, cornices, the edges of panels, etc., are ofi:en dark

Doubhobors 13
 blue and green. These same two colours, also in paler hues, appear in combination

with white, yellow and occasionally black, in polychrome versions of typical motifs
such as pinwheels, lines of dots, freehand daubing, florals, etc. Despite the use ot

several colours, decoration is sparingly used, and the overall impression is of

simplicit)' and equilibrium.

Although a few tables from the Swan River area near the Saskatchewan/Manitoba
border were stained or given a dark varnish, the practice of staining furniture is

much more common on pieces made in the Doukhobor communities established in

British Columbia after 1908. This may be explained by greater contact with main-

stream influences such as the mail order catalogue. It also coincided with a change

to vernacular architecture in the newly formed "villages" of the Kootenay area where

they settied. These changes reflect a second and more North American phase that

followed the initial period of setdement in Canada, in which villages, houses and

furniture as described above reproduced the patterns of life in Russia.

A number of varnished washstands, chests and frames found in the Kootenay

area resemble the commercial products made of oak and ash, and often have an

applied floral decoration, and occasionally inlay, that were popular with the larger

community in the early years of the century. At the same time, the traditional reper-
toire of floral and geometric motifs used by the first arrivals in Saskatchewan were

unaffected by the move to British Columbia and remained in use.

In sharp contrast with the religiously motivated vocabulary of decorative shapes

used by the Ukrainians for example, Doukhobor motifs are secular and have their
source in traditional folk variations of pagan and mythological inspiration. This may
be a logical consequence of the powerful iconoclastic impulse that dissociated
Doukhobor religious attitudes from the practices of the Russian Orthodox Church
and led in part to constant strife, internal exile and persecution by both Church and
State. In effect, no concession is made by the Doukhobors to material support for

ceremonials other than the presence of the bread, salt and water placed on a small

table around which observance takes place, emphasizing through the absence of

ritual paraphernalia the truly vernacular, pragmatic and useful nature of domestic

furniture and objects. Nor is there any obvious or coherent influence from the high

style furniture that was produced in Western Europe or displayed in courtly circles in

Russia, with the exception of Biedermeier, itself influenced by French Empire char-

acteristics. Similarly, biblical exegesis and interpretation are displaced in Doukhobor

practice by an oral tradition of hymns and songs or the spiritual discourses and

sermons of charismatic leaders that have accumulated over time.

This is not to say that Doukhobor furniture and objects lack decorative or distinc-

tive features. Geometric, floral and animal imagery are drawn from Russian folk

traditions without apparent religious reference or resonance, and seem pre-

Christian in origin and empty of symbolic content as though the physical world of

objects was irrelevant to the practice of faith and the nature of belief This is a highly

unusual approach to Christian life in which the mediation provided by the material

supports of either text or artefact has been judged unnecessary. It is perhaps only a

coincidence that the abstraction of geometric concepts and the passive life of

vegetable forms should come together in the Utopian dream of "toil and peaceful

life" as a reflection of the natural world and a dim remembrance of pagan represen-
tations of the life force.

A recent influx of Russian folk furniture into North America, initiated by a

number of antique dealers in search of new inventory, provides concrete examples to

14 FOLK FURNITURE
compare with the vernacular productions of the Douichobors in Western Canada.

The furniture that survives today was made for the most part between the arrival of

the first and largest group of Doukhobor immigrants (about 7,500) in 1899 and the
First World War. It is, therefore, very similar in overall profile and proportion to the

Russian pieces now in circulation in Canada. Although Russian-made tables often

appear to be somewhat lower than those made in Canada, the construction and
design with cleated, removable tops, turned legs, shaped aprons, etc., are common
to both. Some Russian cupboards, like their Canadian counterparts, also have blind
panels below the glazing in the upper doors.

There are, however, a number of characteristic differences that arose despite the
short period of adaptation and the cultural isolation experienced by these

newcomers to the Canadian West. Most Russian pieces are constructed of heavier
planks than Canadian examples; many cupboards are larger and wider as well. The
Russian pieces also make common use of visible mortise and tenon joinery along

with dovetailing a combination rare in Canada. Painted surfaces are more densely
covered with traditional motifs, with few empty spaces of ground colour, unlike the

more open design of decorated pieces of Canadian manufacture. Geometric designs,

whether painted or in the form of applied cut-outs such as diamonds, pinwheels and
rosettes are frequent embellishments on imported pieces. Canadian Doukhobor
flirniture is generally less elaborated in decorative terms and relies more upon
simple polychrome combinations and contrasts for effect. There are of course excep-

tions, such as the carved and painted motif-laden frames made here; however,

normally large geometric and floral motifs are used sparingly but repetitively. Signs

of mainstream Canadian influence and the adaptive practices of the Doukhobor

community are also apparent in distinct generic and decorative forms such as the
derivative press-back chair that is based upon commercially available models, and in

imitations of the Cl-R railway bench familiar to every immigrant and local traveller.

In general then, Russian furniture may be distinguished from Canadian-made

Doukhobor pieces in terms of certain of its construction techniques, but in partic-

ular through an overall profusion of painted and carved decorative motifs.-'

Doubhobori 15
 Ek' '

Cupboard Storage Box

Nortli Russia, Vologda area end qftiinrtemtli Saskatclicuian, Yorkton area, late nineteenth
(?),

centurij, pine and spruce, orifjinal red and blue centuri), pine, original orange paint with ijreen

ujith polychrome decoration. and uihite pinuihecls.

H125 cml4g%"'lxWji.^ cm (zSVi'jx H 65 cm (24*4") X W 100.5 cm lS9''''"} ^

D 48 cm (ig") D 68 cm (26%")

This extraorcJinary Russian cupboard was The proportions and size of this typical

Doukhobor box, probably brought from

originally built in, probably uncier a stair-

case, and was recently imported. Unlike Russia, are enhanced by a characteristic

colour alone painted orange field colour decorated with

Canadian examples, in wiiich

pinwheels in white and green that are

is often the principal decorative ingre-
arranged symmetrically (five on the front
dient, there is an overall symmetrical

decoration of flowers, leaves, vines and

side, one on each end and the lid). This

large scroll-like forms in white and yellow, common motif has its origins in early sun

disc mythology and is at the same time a

as well as blue and green painted
balanced and regular geometric form that
vegetable motifs, that covers the entire
is easily created with a simple compass.
surface of the Russian piece. This juxtapo-

sition illustrates clearly the difference

between cupboards of Russian origin and

Canadian-made pieces where motifs and

colours are simpler, fewer in number, and

occur in isolation or attenuated forms,

more geometrically stylized and generic. 17

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storage Chest and Detail

Found in British Columbia, late ninrtcenth

(enturii, pine, iron harduiare, onginiil paint:

orangf jield ujith black, u)hitf and jjreen painted Mirror

detoration.
Blaine Lake, Saskatcheman, Popojf/amiiy, early

5'/i")xW io6 cm (4iy4")x tuientieth centurij, pine, plaster ouer inner cream-
H 59-5 cm (2

painted Jrame, old broujn paint ouer red uarnish

D 69 cm (!]%")
stain. Restoration to left horse's head,

In addition to quarter-round painted H 51 cm(2o")xW ?o.5 cm (12")

corners in green and blacl<, and a central

pinwheel on the lid, this unusual chest, The horse is an important motif in

Russian folk art, and is also found on

probably brought from Russia, has free-

hand painted trees of life, with white, spoons and other small domestic objects.

dove-like birds above, surrounded by The symmetrical arrangement seen here

white tulip shapes. Similar motifs appear suggests a heraldic influence and an

implicit symbolic meaning.

on the side panels. The two names in the

Cyrillic alphabet and the initials "A.C."

that are repeated front and side, suggest

that It Is a dower chest. The common

motif of the tree of life is associated with

fecundity, life forces and the like, and rein-

forces this probable function, while the

white birds recall the Doukhobor motto:

i8 "Toil and peaceful life."

Canadian Mustum o/Ciuilizotion.

'^Vil 'I
Spoon
South Russia, dated iSgg. birch, dear varnish

uiith painted duck or ijoose head terminal in

yellou), red, black and (jrecn.

H 2S cm (ii") ,\ W o/bou)l 9 cm (3 V2") Bench

British Columbia, Jirst quarter of txoentieth

Given to Clem Christian, a sailor on the century, birch and pine, original red and green

S.S. Lake Huron, which brought the first paint uiith diamond decoration in blue-grey,

Doukhobor immigrants to Canada, this cream and ycllou).

spoon dated in pencil March 22, 1899, is H 91.5 cm (56")xWi4S.5 cm (jSVi'Tx

a unique souvenir of that event. D6ocm(23y2")

While much of the furniture Doukhobors

made in Canada maintains the remem-

bered forms and styles brought with them

fi-om Russia, they were quick to imitate

commercial and other pieces they saw.

This bench, for example, clearly borrows

its general shape from the common

railway seating to be found in every small

waiting room and train station in Western

Canada. At the same time, the profile of

the front legs recalls the klysmos shape

of some nineteenth century high

style fiirniture.

Canadian Museum oJCiuilization.

 Cupboard
Saskatchcuian. North Colony, near Chelan (?),

earli) tiucnticth century, pine, painted over ujith

lujht ijrccn loith yellou) ucrticals and red cornice,

the latter probably an onomal colour.

H 200 cm (79") X W g8 cm (5SV2"),\

D 54.5 cm (zi'/i")
Bed
Sosfcatthfumn, forly fuimtirth ctnhiri(, pint
The dove-tailed sides, mitred corners,
uhth birth legs, original black and red point.

and mortise and tenon construction of

H82Cm(j2%")xL 202 cm (79%")
this two-piece, almost entirely rectangular
D ijg cm (46V4")
cupboard, reflect the Doukhobor interest

are in solid workmanship and tciditional

Doukhobor beds with turned posts
methods of joinery. The blind bottom
relatively common, but this particular
panels of the upper section are typical,
example also has a backboard, as well as

features that give

indeed common, in the Russian tradition.
a moulded front rail, it

The full relief carving and pierced elements

an orientation more in keeping with seadng
of the cornice create a biomorphic and
ftimiture. Well proportioned, with
decorative interest in contrast to the recti-
matching head and footboards and simply

turned legs, the overall symmetry and style

linearity of panels and case not an
uncommon feature of Russian folk pieces.
suggest an earlier period. The use of black
Canadian Museum oJCiuilization.
for verticals and red for the horizontals

situates structural elements within an

overall visual pattern of balance and

contrast.
. ''^.^F
 Table

Saskatctieuian, North Colony, early ttuentieth

Door century, pine, ori,ginal red and^reen paint.

Saskatcheivan, circa 1905, pine, oricjinalgrecti, H 76 cm (3o").vL 155 cm (61") X

blue, yellou; and oroncjc-red paint, Karduiare D 75 cm (29%")

missin,g

H 194.5 cm(76y4")xW84.5 cm (35^/4 ") The mortise and tenon construction,

removable top with inside cleat, shaped

The raiseci and beacieci panels of this and pierced skirt, and turned legs are all

outside door (interior surface shown), characteristic of Doukhobor tables.

create a pleasing and well proportioned The simplified leaf design and trifid

abstract design. The painted polychrome cut-out anticipate the more elongated and

finish is a common feature ot Doukhobor sculpted versions of these same decorative

furniture that is also found on chests and motifs that can be found on tables made at

tables. The four colours used here green a later date.

and blue "recede" perceptually, yellow and

orange "advance" play off against the

simplicity of the panels in a lively pattern

of framing effects. Doukhobor love of

colour, perhaps a response to the natural

hues of fruit and flowers, conveys an

essential aspect of their rural way of life.

25
Cradle

Castlegat, Brirish Columbia, Jirst quarter of

mioitirth tfnfury. pinf. red broujn painted jicld

colour with red.flrttn and white jloral dcwration.

Glazed Cupboard
H 14 cm (5'/.") X W 49 cm (ig '/,') x L 80.5 cm
Saskattheman, forli) twentieth century, pine,

original blue and .qrecn paint.

H 197.5 cm (77 V4") X W 107 cm (42") x

Space-saving anci economical in terms
D5 3.s[m(^'")
of construction, hanging cracJIes with a
canvas bottom were the stancJard
The raised panel in the bottom section of
Doukhobor form for pieces related to
a glazed upper door is a typical Russian
infant care. In addition to the shaped head
influence found on many Doukhobor
and footboards, painted vase and tulip
cupboards. This well-designed piece is a
motifs, symbolic of natural forces and
fine example of proportion, elegance and
new life, decorate one end of this piece.
good workmanship further embellished
Well-worn, scalloped tin comers served
by a carefully balanced use of light blue
both to strengthen and embellish the
as a field colour enclosed within dark
overall structure.
green borders.
Canadian Museum cif Civilization.

26
I
 Table

North Colony, Siuan Riuer, Saskatchewan,

circa 1905, birth, pine and Jnr, original dark

brou)n uarnish.

H 82 cm (32^4") X W 155 cm (61") x

D 84 cm (55")
Spinning Wheel

Prince Albfrt. Saskatcheiuan (Bogdanouka

The overall form of this imposing piece,
Village) to Grand Forks, B.C., Makaeffjamilij,

particularly the foot and stretcher arrange-

jirst quarter of twentieth (entury, birch and pine,
ment, is reminiscent of late medieval
original red, green, light and dark blue paint.
tables: box stretcher, legs with rather
H 114 cm (45") X Diam 58.5 cm (23")
heavy bulbous turnings, large overhang at

the ends. The pierced and vigorously

This vertical wheel with turned columns
carved symmetrical skirt in floral and
expresses typical Doukhobor profiles that
foliage motifs with palmette is distinctly
can also be found on tables, beds and
Doukhobor, however, although perhaps
chairs. Alternating dark and light hues
distantly inspired by French rococo
emphasize the various turnings and create
designs of the eighteenth century. The
an elaborate pattern in four registers that
large removable top with inside cleats, the
reflect in terms of design and colour the
two drawers, and solid mortise and tenon
polychromy of Doukhobor textiles. As the
construction, suggest a practical intention
end product of the wheel and loom, these
as well as a good aesthetic sense in the
rugs best convey the Doukhobor aesthetic
maker. "Everywhere among the
and are used largely for ceremonial
Mennonites, and the Doukhobors as well,
purposes rather than as floor coverings.
the sun flower is in evidence." From a

"Memoir on the Mennonites" (c. 1925) by

C.B. Sissons. National Archives of

Canada. MG 27 III, F3, vol. 6.

sa ^ 3

m
<j.

.-ir:^j^^-MMi^Ba Mf^jjI^gH^Mii SE^

Its
t-r-M

^ fS^y; '.

^M Hi
gjj^

H
Hk|
 Chair
Chair
igio, pint and Saskatchewan, North Coloni) (?), early twentieth
Buchanan, Sajkatchmian, circa

century, pine scat, birch posts and stretchers,

birch, mortise and ttnon construction. Original

green oi'er orii)inal blue-.i]rcy paint.

red paint unth blue Jloral dttoration.

H go cm %") X W 37 cm (14%") x H 106.5 cm (42"),\ W47.S cm (18*4 ")x

(J 5
Do/scat 45.5 cm(iS")
D 41.5 cm (16%")

Htosatrail5icm(20") H to scat 48.5 cm(ig")

Unlike the Hutterites. Meiiiionites and

The back legs/uprights of this naively anci

Ukrainians, the Doukhobors made many

rather delicately framed side chair have the

Table chairs of varied and original design, as

neo-classical curved line of the Victorian

H 77.5 cm (joVi'Tx Wi07cm (42'/4")x well as others influenced by high style or

period, although the shape of the back

D7jcm(28'/4") commercial models. This chair combines

splat cannot be related to the usual

European st\'les. Perhaps the crest rail has typical turned front legs and deep seat

been inspired by Eastern armorial tradi- The table shown with this chair has simply with an unusual scooped, almost semi-

turned legs in a characteristic early form, circular back, and posts that end in
tions such as the two-headed bird (a Janus

symbol) or by certain Caucasian rug box stretchers, a cleated removable top, stylized tulip-shaped finials a motif also

motifs. The stylized floral design in blue and an identical red painted ground colour found as terminals on spoons and other

with dots and outlined splat add a subtle with freehand vine and floral decoration. household objects. The shaped crest rail

Unlike the chair, however, the solid employs similar motifs to give an overall
decorative element in keeping with the

simplicity of structure and line. The light- mortise and tenon joinery as well as the impression of coherence and strength.

thick plank construction of the top clearly Canadian IMuseum o/Ciuilization.

ness of the turned rungs and other

structural members implies ceremonial indicate that the maker intended it for

rather than everyday use. daily use.

^^:-

'm'
 Can of Fruit Preserves Brick

Brilliant, British Columbia, circa 1920, printed Yorkton, Saskntcbeuian, circa 1907.

Commode paper label oucr tin: Clinstian Communiti) of W 10 cm (4") .\ L 2i.5Cm(8V2")

British Columbia, jirst quarter of tiuentirth Uniuersal Brotherhood. Packed by Kootenai),

centuri), pine, commercial harduiarc. dark Columbia Preserving Works. Brilliant and Like the canning factory at Brilliant, the

brouin uarnish. Grand Forks. earlier brickworks in Yorkton was also a

H84cm (33").vWgo cm (}'jW}xD 65.5 cm H 12 cm (4-V4") X D 10 cm (4") successful commercial venture that

(25") supplied material for Doukhobor build-

The jam tin pictured here records one of ings as well as a product to be sold to

Some of the furniture made by the the very successful "capitalist" enterprises others. These moulded bricks, designed

communal Doukhobors after their move undertaken by the communal Doukhobors and manufactured by the Doukhobors at

to B.C. in 1908 was varnisheci rather than after their move to B.C. in igo8. During several sites in Saskatchewan and British

painted, and fitted with commercially the First World War, the Doukhobor Columbia, are decorated on one side with

made hardware. The small size of this community made a generous contribution a range of floral motifs in high relief more

storage piece also suggests the very small of jam to the war effort as a gesture of or less identical to those found carved into

private rooms in the communally organ- participation that did not run counter to the skirts of tables or painted on storage

ized houses that replaced the village plan their strongly-held pacifist beliefs and boxes and other furniture made by

of the earlier years in Saskatchewan. This opposition to bearing arms. community artisans.

is one of the several variations on the

cut-out recessed drawer fronts and door

panels also found on other case pieces.

Canadian Museum o/Ciuilization.

33
 ^'

Cv"

Box
Saskatchewan, South Coloni), circa igoo, pine,

butt construction, original ^rem, oranflc, blue

and uihite paint, replacement leather hinqcs and

hasp. Tin corner supports.

H 24 cm (g Vi") x W J7.5 cm (14 V4") x

D 24.5 cmigV}

The untouched surface of this naively Lamp Shelf

decorated storage box is painted with Saskatchcujan, jirst quarter oj tuientieth (entury,

imitation "cut-out" corners, circles, pine, old green over original red paint.

stylized flowers and framing lines that H ;0.5cm(i2")xWi8cm(7")xDi7tm(6y4")

combine to create an effect of spontaneous,

The use of four A number of lamp shelves have been found

freehand execution.

colours consistent with other paint- with similarly cut profiles, suggesting a
Small Box is

decorated Doukhobor boxes and expresses stylized floral motif perhaps that of a
baskatchfuian, Yorlrton area, first quarffr of

delight in the chromatic values of the tulip. This shape recurs in the decorative
tujfnrirth century, pint and birth, original a

natural world. vocabulary of the Doukhobors. The clarity

orange-red fie\i with black scrpenhnc decoration.
and of execution seen here provide a
H 26.5 cm (io'/jTx W J7 cm (i4"/i")x finish

fine example of the care that characterizes

D 28 cm (11")

many Doukhobor pieces.

Probably used to store small objects and

valuables, this little box has lost its lock

and hasp. The low bracket foot is typical of

many Doukhobor boxes large and small.

The slightly curved lid is not. The abstract

grain-painting of black on orange is a type

of decoration found on small rather than

large pieces in the repertoire of

Doukhobor furniture.
 '^^??f

35

''S&Ui^^i.i&^:iy:
 ,;,.'.:.

:.i^'';^^i^
 n
m^
Chair Teapot Stand

earli) nucntirtli ccnturtj,

Saskatcheiuan, circa igoo, pine, old orange
Canora, Saskatcheuian,
brotun oucr original dark brouin (?).
pine and birch, original painted polychrome

Jinish.
H 12 cm (4^4") X W 25.5 cm (9 V4") x

H 104 cm (41") X W 40 cm (15^/4") x D26.5 cmlioVi")

D 45 cm (17")

This most unusual object was used for

H to scat 57 cm (22V2")
tipping and pouring tea in a stable way.

Animal motifs in paired arrangements are

This is an exceptional painted and deco-

rated chair. Leaf, vine and flower shapes a common folk design principle. Other

examples of is practice of using the horse

form a catalogue of Doukhobor motifs in a

red, orange, yellow,

motif have been found on Doukhobor
wide range of colours:
pieces made in Canada {see frame on
green, and white. The shaped crest rail

page 21). The fan and the pinwheel are

and median splat are profusely painted

with low relief tulip and bellflower designs

also common Doukhobor motifs.

or incised medallions all motifs that can

be related to other pieces such as the

carved frames made by the community. A

decorative rather than symbolic intent is

obvious, although the elements depicted

may be related in a general way to the

vegetarianism of many Doukhobors.

37
Hutterites Visual Anonymity, Practical Design

it

Cupboard
Albma. sfampfd "Huttnian Brethrin of

Crossfirid' (parent colony New Rosebud), circa

1920, pine, red, blue and yellow ouerpaints,

separate base, cornice moulding restored.

Hi88cm(74TxW8i.5cni(}2")
D(top)29.5cin(ii'/iT
V ]

D (bottom) 40.5 cm (16")

mV

I
Libe the simplicity of the forms themselves, the binds of fumiture

to be found in Hutterite colonies reflect the functional and the

general needs of the community rather than the desires or

eccentricities of the individual.

THE ORIGINS OF THE H U T T E R I T E S can be found in sixteenth century

Moravia (Czech Republic) and the religious turmoil that surrounded the Reformation.
Like so many other small sects centred on the beliefs and strong leadership of one

man, the Hutterites have been persecuted through the centuries both for their faith

and their social customs. Their founder, Jacob Hutter (? -1536), preached a complete

separation of church and state, and an austere form of communal living and shared
property based on a kind of idealized return to what Hutter took to be the forms of

early Christianity. Pacifism, non-violence and the attenuated expression of individu-

alism, whether in dress or personal presentation, constitute an essential part of their

social organization and set them apart from mainstream society.'

As Anabaptism spread through the territories controlled by the Hapsburgs in the

1520s, a number of small sects sprang up. They were united by the doctrine of adult
Cradle baptism, but divided over leadership and various forms of communal life. In 1533,
Albma.Jirsf quarter o/nutntirth century, pine
Jacob Hutter emerged as the leader of one of these groups organized around the
with porcelain knobs, doue-tailed case and
principle of complete community of goods, and calling themselves the Hutterischc
gallery, old red. blue

base missing.
and yelloui paint. Rocker
Briider Hutterian Brethren or Hutterites. Although Hutter remained their leader for

only two years, from 1533 to 1535, he was able to establish basic principles of belief
H 52 cm(20'/i")xW74cm(29'/4")x
and organization that have lasted to the present day.
L 98on(}8V2l
While persecution of the Anabaptists increased through the sixteenth century in

the surrounding territories, Moravia and Slovakia continued to tolerate the non-

conformism of the Hutterites within the larger context of the Reformation. The
second half of the sixteenth century was the golden age of the brotherhood. Their
arts and crafts were reinforced by the codification of doctrine and a growing corpus
of written materials concerning belief custom, and social history. Despite a decline
in Anabaptism in most other regions, with the exception of the Netherlands and
Prussia, the number of colonies or Bruderhofs in Moravia and Slovakia is estimated

to have been about one hundred at that time.-

The Counter Reformation put an end to this peaceful age and began the long

series of persecutions that have followed the Hutterites in their migrations across

Europe into Russia and then west to the New World during the last quarter of the

nineteenth century. Then as today, a part of this persecution was grounded in the

consequences of belief rather than belief itself The notion of community of goods
that led to farm colonies and a highly efl^cient and rational system of agricultural

40 FOLK FURNItURE
production, as well as a tightly structured social unit, aroused the opposition and

persecution of the neighbouring peasants in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

for economic rather than religious reasons, much as it has aroused the disapproval

and opposition of some modern farmers in Alberta and other Canadian provinces on
similar grounds.

The Turkish wars and invasions and changing policies in Vienna led to the expul-

sion in 1621-22 of the Hutterites from what had been the safe haven of Moravia, and
so began their decline and migration to the east, through Hungary (Transylvania),

Romania, and finally to Ukraine in 1770. The efforts of the Jesuits in the eighteenth

century, backed by the political approval of the Empress Maria Theresa (1740-80),
had reduced the Hutterian Brethren in Transylvania to no more than a handful, but
around 1756, their numbers were reinforced by Lutheran migrants who joined their

community. It was this much diminished group that arrived in Russia, and despite
dissension over the principle of community goods, survived and to some extent pros-

pered until in 1870 universal military conscription brought an end to their special
status as pacifists exempt from military service.

This rime the Hutterites went west to America and settled on the prairie lands of

South Dakota in three stages: 1874, 1877, and 1879. Three colonies were established,
each named after its leader: the Darius-Leut (named after Darius Walter), the

Schmiede-Leut (after Michael Waldner, a blacksmith), and the Lehrer-Leut (named

after Jacob Wipf called the Lehrer or teacher).

The uncertainty concerning military service brought about by the Spanish-

American War at the turn of the twentieth century led the Hutterites to set up a

Canadian colony at Dominion City, Manitoba, in 1898. It lasted until 1905, when its

members returned to the United States. The First World War brought renewed perse-
cution to these conscientious objectors and when two young Hutterites died in

prison, most of the Brethren moved to Canada in 1918 where exemption from mili-

tary service had been granted to them.^ Seventeen new colonies were formed in

Alberta (Cardston, Lethbridge, Rocl<yford, Raymond and Magrath, as well as several

locations near Calgary) and south central Manitoba (Elie, Bernard and Headingly). It

was not until 1949 that a colony was established in Saskatchewan.*

These first colonies have prospered and given birth to others. As numbers within
a colony reach a certain level, a new colony is born, thus maintaining a small cohe-

sive unit that functions as a kind of extended family (there are only seventeen names

in the Hutterite lexicon of patronyms), with the notion of community of goods as the
central principle of social organization. This belief is based on the Book of Acts 2:

44-45: "and all that believed were together, and had all things common; And sold

their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need."
While new colonies maintain the distinctive tripartite nomenclature established at

the time the Hutterites arrived in the United States as true children of the parent

colony, actual differences of belief and custom are very few.

Unlike the other ethnic or religious groups considered here, the Hutterites seem

to have been less concerned with the immediate topography of the lands to be colo-
nized. They were and are of course highly practical, but a specific place is of less

importance to them than the social relationships that need to be maintained with the
colony,^ and with the transposition of that reality in spatial terms. Perhaps they have

learned through constant physical displacement and the confiscation of their lands

and possessions to rely upon an inner space that can be carried with them in their

enforced migrations. In true Utopian fashion, Hutterite colonies impose an abstract

41
 and artificial lebensrautn upon the natural landscape, a space that reflects belief and

the consequences of belief, but that in no way depends upon a given geography for
internal coherence or a sense of belonging. While exploitation of the land is based

Child's Commode Chair upon the most modern agricultural methods and machinery, and Hutterites do not
Found in Alberta (Jrom Haure, Montana?), disdain this kind of material success, Hutterite identity is not tied to territorial or
jirrt halfo/tiucntirth ccntiirij, pine, recent
national imperatives, just as individuals are not encouraged to express themselves in
ijellou) paint.
terms of ego or self
H 52.5 cm (203/4") xW 32.5 cm (i2V4")x
D 26 cm (10%")

Hutterite Housing
Like Hutterite cradles, chairs an(3 other

pieces macie for both children or adults

were standardized and seldom changed in Hutterite colonies are well organized along geometric principles and guided by the
form or construction although dimen- directions of the compass as established in terms of a central rectangle-east/west,

sions might vary as required. This north/south.

commode chair, which contained and Although not all colonies were organized in an identical manner, the same princi-
restrained its occupant, is simple in struc-
ples were applied to spatial organization. Domestic quarters and the various operations
ture, line and colour, in keeping with
of the farm were situated within distinct zones according to function and practical
Hutterite avoidance of the particular, the
considerations. Michael Holzach describes the establishment of a new colony in
individualistic, or the eccentric.
southern Alberta in 1975: "In the late fall of 1975, the new ark was ready. Everything
Canadian Museum ofCiuilization.
was as it was at home: there were the six drawn-out houses for living, one row in the

east, the other one in the west, the kitchen in the south and the school in the north.""

Lee Emerson Deets details and analyzes the "distinctiy communal" nature of the
grouping of buildings in a Hutterite colony and the importance of community activi-

ties and contacts rather than the privacy and individualism associated with the home.
Thus the communal dining facilities eliminate the most important social ritual of

family life, that is, the coming together of the entire family at mealtime:

At the center is a group of buildings used in living: dormitory-like residence

quarters, kitchen and communal dining rooms, bakery, laundry, kindergarten,

and school. The school building also serves as church. Surrounding the central
nucleus of consumers' buildings is an ordered group of barns, sheds, indus-
trial shops, and in many communities, a flour and feed mill.^

One model of internal organization in the living quarters/dormitories of a Hutterite

colony is described by John Hostetier in the following way: "In a normal-sized apart-

ment there are three rooms. There is an entrance room containing a table, straight

chairs, a wash basin, a cupboard for a few dishes and the stairway entrance to the

attic, or second storey of the house. OflFeither side of the entrance room is a

bedroom with two double beds, one or two daybeds and a crib....""

Michael Holzach takes us into one of these rooms in a littie more detail: "... in the

living quarters there is nothing that could entice the eye, no colored wallpaper, no
pictures on the walls, no knickknack souvenirs from Miami Beach.... Instead, there

are only rooms painted white: solid chairs, tables and beds produced by the colony's
own carpentry shop; hand-knit rag rugs on the floor; and one naked light bulb in the

exact center of every room's ceiling."''

The Hutterite week is highly organized and rigid in structure as tasks and those

responsible for them follow a pre-set rotational sequence in which order, clarity of

purpose and cleanliness regulate the waking hours leading up to Sunday when this

Hutterites 43
 temporal rhythm gives way to a leisurely pace reflecting the eternal measure of God's
time: "Everything and everyone must be clean for Sunday."'"

Hutterite Furniture

Hutterite furniture is entirely practical in nature and was made by carpenters in each

colony from the time of their arrival in Canada in 1918 until after the Second World
War. " In keeping with their religious beliefs that forbade images or "idols" of any

sort, the objects of everyday domestic life are also largely devoid of decorative motif

or stylistic specificity. Although in some ways reminiscent of Mennonite furniture (as

the Hutterites also are in terms of doctrine), Hutterite furniture is of the utmost

simplicity, less architectural and more restrained in its use of mouldings and struc-

tural emphases than the former. Unlike Mennonite pieces that sometimes use curved

profiles and cut-outs to create visual interest and emphasis, Hutterite furniture is

more exclusively functional, more severely rectilinear. The concept of moral and

social order that regulates the layout of a Hutterite colony extends to both
buildings

and furniture. Buildings must be placed in proper relationship one to the other, their

angles determined geometrically." Grouped on either side of a central rectangle,

houses run due north and south. As one preacher has put it, "They are squared with

the compass. You don't walk crooked to the earth, you walk straight, that
is how our
buildings should be...."" The absence of curves and the lack of decoration to be

found on their furniture perhaps reflect this same authoritarian organization and the

(moral) rectitude of a community that avoids the expression of personal preferences

and tastes which might seem to challenge the common rule. The biblical "straight

and narrow" has here been given material form. Despite these obvious differences,
there is at the same time a general similarity in the style source that shows
through

the scaling down and simplification so apparent in comparison with Mennonite

pieces. Those few decorative motifs that do appear seem almost entirely limited to

textiles and fraktur examples, small boxes and sewing birds.

Some of these small objects do have biomorphic decoration (birds, flowers, etc.)

in watercolour paint as though the impermanence of the medium reflected the tenta-

tive nature of the decorative impulse. The use of watercolour may also be related to

object through indi-

the fraktur tradition rather than to any desire to personalize an

and execution. Such decoration of small domestic objects is usually the

vidual choice

work of the women in the community and related, as is fraktur, to the formal record

of family life birth, marriage, and death.

David J. Goa, in describing the textile and scribal traditions of Hutterite women,

takes a somewhat similar but narrower view than ours on the question of Hutterian
to Goa,
aesthetics in an article entitled "Por the Eyes of God Alone."" According

where clothing and textiles are concerned the aesthetic impulse finds expression

through the bright colours of bits of fabric sewn into the unseen parts of
women's

apparel or displayed in the sampler exercises practised by young girls. In the scribal

tradition it is through calligraphy and the rubrication of letters in copying sermons

and religious texts from generation to generation that the women of the Bruderhof

reveal their aesthetic sense. The only mention of male activities that might be

assumed to have aesthetic dimensions as well occurs in a passing reference to the

recognition of their coming of age. In our view, the

chest given to young people in

making of furniture by individuals or the village carpenter, however generic the piece

44 FOLK FURNITURE
might be, also implies an aesthetic of form and construct through the elements of
proportion, symmetry and simple geometry.

Although the grain-painted surfaces so characteristic, and so potentially individu-

alistic, of Mennonite furniture made in the United States and Eastern Canada are

also largely absent, some Hutterite furniture is painted in primary colours, mostly

red and yellow or perhaps blue further indices of an innate desire for decorative

effect akin to the hidden display of bright fabrics in the female sphere. These colours

do not appear to have symbolic meanings. However, the frequent use of yellow paint
approximates the anonymous, even neutral, look of clear varnish applied to woods
such as pine. Other pieces that were originally painted have later been stripped, but

many were simply given a clear coat of varnish at origin. Some Hutterites explain this

return to the natural wood or a first clear finish as the expression of a desire for a

clean, fresh look in the objects subject to the wear and tear of daily use. This natural

finish, since it is not related to the use of fancy woods such as imported mahogany or

local bird's eye maple, lends an air of understatement to these look-alike pieces.

The question of painted furniture as opposed to varnished pieces has been inter-

preted in other ways as well. John Hosteder comments as follows on Hutterite

attitudes toward cleanliness: "Cleanliness, polishing floors and varnishing in some

of the larger lehrerleut colonies appears to be an obsession.... [T]he interiors of the

dwelling units, the kitchens and the school floors are immaculate. The chests and

furniture must have a light glossy finish, and when the varnish turns dark after three
"^'^
years or more, it must be removed and a new varnish applied....

Similarly, Michael Holzach remarks with surprise on the attention paid to

cleaning in the colony in which he lived for a year:

Inside the houses, the women whirl around with cleaning rags and scrubbers
and turn everything inside out according to their motto "cleanliness is next to

godliness." They kneel down in a row on the eating hall's linoleum floor,

kerchief next to kerchief and scrub and chatter endlessly. Before the windows

are cleaned, their white frames are scraped with sandpaper, and fresh varnish

is applied. The women do this every other year although, to my eyes, every-

thing shines like new even before the "colouring."'"

Like the simplicity of the forms themselves, the kinds of fiarniture to be found in

Hutterite colonies reflect the functional and the general needs of the community
rather than the desires or eccentricities of the individual: beds, tables, cupboards,

chairs, benches, shelves, and boxes. None of these forms is specialized or obviously

designated for the use of a particular individual. This is not to say that a small box or

a storage cupboard may not be the property of one person or of a family. Hosteder

notes that "newlyweds receive furniture from their respective colonies. The bride

receives a large chest, larger than her hope chest, a sewing machine, bedding, and an

allowance of goose feathers. The groom receives a table and chairs, a bed, and other
modest furniture." In another publication, Hosteder suggests that boys at the age of

fifteen may be given a chest as a sign of the end of childhood.'^ Michael Holzach also

speaks of the kischtl or small trunk, but more specifically as "the only private place a

Hutterite has," that is received from the colony "when they join the 'people' at age

fifteen." Within this private space even forbidden objects may be tolerated makeup
or perfume, love tokens by the young girls; aftershave, photographs, perhaps a pair

of cowboy boots by the young boys.'*' But the social and communal function of the

45
 object as part ot the "community of goods" has clear precedence within the group
over any individual use that may be made of it. Long sawbuck tables and benches for

communal eating are the most explicit example of this spirit, while the complete lack

of liturgical "furniture" is the most evident sign of internalized spiritual belief

It has been said that "one will find a bookshelf or bookcase in every Hutterite

Cupboard home."'" In fact a handful of texts whose presence and use constitute a daily neces-

Albma. circa 19JO. sprucf and jir, old yellou) sit\' in the Hutterite home may explain the importance of a bookshelf among the

and blu(ovrrpaJnt. simple furnishings of most households. At the centre of Hutterite beliefs and daily
H 110 cm (43'/^-) X W 87 cm (34%") x life as depicted by Michael Holzach, stand the "4 thick, black leather-bound
D 40.5 cm (16")
volumes" totalling over 3400 pages three old chronicles and the Hymn Book of the
The simple, austere and undecorateci
Hutterite Brethren (900 pages) that recount the history of the group, its persecu-

tions and its practices through more than four centuries.^" Holzach comments
form of this yellow standing cupboard is

further that "there are still 600 sermons and introductions that the brethren use on a
framed by a beaded moulding in blue,

which adds a further element of visual daily basis today."^' This simple piece of furniture may indeed bring together and

control to the understated appeal of the reconcile the two sides of life in the Bruderhof: the doctrines of their faith along with

rectangular shape. The original detached books of traditional handwritten sermons so essential to Hutterite belief, and the
base is missing. technical manuals necessary to the practical needs and farming activities of the colony.
Hutterite furniture is generally well constructed in accordance with the basic

principles of joiner}' and the traditions of the craft: mortise and tenon joints, framed

panels and lapped drawers. It is made by carpenters within the community, perhaps

not crafii-trained, but with practical skills, and working within the idea that the
colony should be self-contained and self-sustaining. The carpenter's task was to

supply the needs of each family in equal measure and this purpose led no doubt to

the well-constructed but non-specific forms to be found in every household. Perhaps

the rigidity of dress codes and communal life is like the lack of decorative motifs

(even traditional ones) or other marks of individuation. The maker of furniture did
not seek to "brand" his products or to give them any identity beyond the generic
table, chair, or cupboard. Like the visual anonymity of the members of the community,

the furniture too is anonymous within its context, generic and undifferentiated by

decorative motif or identifiable style.

46 FOLK FURNITURE
 *?fS='Wii'i^'T^

i?f ^*i
,'^**;-
>;

Breadbox
Saskatcheiuan, jirst hal/qf tiucntirtli century,

pine, ()lass jront, original red and yelloiu paint.

H 2S.5 cm(iiy4")xL48 cm (19") x

D 30.5 cm (12")

Macie from recycled crate-wood with

Hanging Cupboard "Edwardsburg" stencilled on one ot the

Alberta, circa 1925, spruce, pine and poplar. back boards, this small chest with glass

Old crackled yellow ochre ouer original red. front panel has the curved lid, yellow and

H92.5 cm(56V2")xD22.5cm(83/4")x red paint, and minimal feet common to

W5gcm(25V4") many small Hutterite boxes.

Almost every Hutterite household had a

hanging shelf for books related to belief

and religious traditions. In this example,

a series of pigeonholes with scalloped

dividers is combined with an enclosed

cupboard. Corner bracket cut-outs and a

central applied motif add a curvilinear

decorative effect to the door that is

unusual in Hutterite furniture. The as-

found ochre overpaint has turned a

mellow caramel colour with age.

49
Hanging Shelf and Coat Rack
Albotfl. circa 1920, pine, old red paint, hand

jbrged hooks.

H 70 cm (27'/2") X W 82.5 cm {32 'A")

D 19.5 cm (7V4")

Stool
This form and combination of uses in a

Alberta, circa :g2 5, pine and oak, old crackled

single structure illustrate the economy of
green ouer original red.
means commonly found in Hutterite
H 36cm(i4y4")xWu)ith handle 41 cm (16") x
colonies. Scalloped sides and hand carved
D25.5 cm (10")
pegs add a discreet decorative element to

an otherwise purely functional object.

Sturdily built and undoubtedly for

domestic use, the unusual structure of legs

inserted into mortised wooden straps

running against the grain of the top rather

than directly into it, gives greater strength

and stability to the sterol. The integral

handle is further evidence of an entirely

practical approach to the basic function

of the piece.

50
S^SS
 ^m
':'4^
 Bench
Alberta, Jirst quarter of twentieth century, pine,

old red ouerpaint.

Hanging Cupboard
Manitoba, circa 1950, spruce andfir, old
H 45.5 cm (18") X L 247.5 cm (97V2") x

yelloui paint.
D23.5 cm(9y4")

H/g cm (ji")xW5i.5 cm(2oV4")x

In keeping with the communal beliefs and
D 25 cm (9V4")

practices of the Hutterites, pairs of

benches were often made to be used with

This small hanging cupboard has a lap
long sawbuck tables. Traditional construc-
drawer and an unusual pediment formed
tion includes a shoe-foot designed for
by three half circles with applied trian-
greater stability, a cut-out end, and a
gular decoration. The tin escutcheon in

may lengthwise face board on one side only of

the shape of a heart suggests that it

Decoration of the seat surface. This could indicate that

have been a marriage gift.

unusual these benches were placed against a wall

any sort (diamonds and hearts) is

on Hutterite furniture. This piece has been when not in use.

made from reclaimed wood and has

"Manitoba Bridge Ironworks" stencilled

on the back.

53
Sawbuck Table
Albfrta, JiRt quartfr qfm'fntirth cmtiirij, pint.

old rtd outrpamt, stnictural iron supports jrom

bast to top.

H 71 cm (28") X L 52S cm (129")

W 66 cm (26")

Well built and entirely functional in

design, with through mortise and tenon

construction of the base, this table is one

of a small number of surviving examples

that have not been stripped of an earlier

colour. Size alone more than ten feet in

length makes clear that its intended

place is a large dining area rather than a

smaller, personal &mily space.

(k'^^ I
 /-

i^m
^ JH
^H^' pT^
>
Folding Child's Bed

Manitoba, Jirst quarter of tiutntirth centurij,

pine, leather straps and rope mesh, old

yellou) ouerpaint.

H 64 cm (25y4")xL 113 cm (44V2")x

D 65 tm (2 5y2")

The yellow overpaint and functional

simplicity of this folding bed that can

be easily stored are typical of Hutterite

attitudes to the routines of family life

based upon practical considerations of

space, intermittent use and mobility.

Many such beds have been found in the

older colonies in Canada.

t
 Cradle on Base

Alberta, Jtrst quarter o/tu)entictb century, pine

Cupboard and oak wnh leather strips to cushion the

Alberta, stamped "Hutterian Brethren of rockers, recent red paint.

Crossfield" (parent colonij New Rosebud), area H 65.5 cm (25") xW 89.5 cm(35'/4")x

1920, pine, red, blue and yellou; ouerpaints, L gjmliS'U")

separate base, cornice mouldinij restored.

HiSScm(74")xWSi.5cm(52") Hutterite cradles, unlike their Mennonite

D(top) 29.5 cm (ii'/2") counterparts, are normally constructed

D (bottom) 40.5 cm (16") with a detachable base, and vary little in

form from one to the other. Small wooden

This diminutive storage cupboard pegs projecting from the base control the

recalls an eighteenth century breakfront movement of the rockers, and exemplify

secretary. The lid of the horizontal shelf the careful design and construction of

opens up rather than down, however, and most Hutterite ftirniture. This piece may

encloses a single narrow shelf. The have been brought to Canada from the

separate base with scalloped skirt has a United States after World War when
I

square tapered leg reminiscent of the many Hutterites came to the Canadian

Biedermeier style. The three colours and West to escape further difficulties with the

the non-functional bracket cut-outs in American authorities because of their

the corners of the panels supply refusal to bear arms.

decorative effect. Canadian Museum o/Ciuilization.

Cradle

Mberta, first quarttr of tujtntirth tenturi), pine

uhth porctlajn knobs. doDf-tailed casf and

flallfry, old red, blue and yellou) paint. Rocker

Chest of Drawers
bait missing.
and yelloiu
H 52 cm (20 Vj") X W 74 cm ligVf-) x Alberta, circa ig?o, spruce ('), red

oucrpaints oucr oriqinal red and ijiUow.

L 98 cm (38%")
H 87 cm (54V4")xD4g cm (ig'ATx

Although the form and construction are

W76 cm (50")

typical, the three-colour combination of

unusual and may The plain, even elemental, rcctilinearicy

paints in this cradle is

of this chest-of-drawers is underlined by a

reveal a hidden and unconscious
characteristic colour combination of red
symbolism related to the vertical sequence

of their use: red the earth; blue the sky;

and yellow paint. Set within a red frame,

the horizontally channelled drawer fronts

yellow the sun. The perceptual effect is

suggest the thirties "streamlining" of

to separate the constituent elements of the
many commercially made household
piece into an abstract pattern not unlike
objects. The smooth and rounded
the abstract art of the early years of the
simplicity of the manufactured pulls of the
century, as found for example in the red-

period adds the other essential line of this

blue chair of Gerrit Rietveld in 1917.
particular version of modernity.
Canadian Museum of Civilization.

58
/
storage Box

Albertd. Siotford Colony. Fort Saskatcheuian,

jirst half ofhufnrirth cmtury. pint, briaht ni

oifr carjitr dark red paint. comm(rdal

drawn pull.
H62cm(24Vr)xL8i.5 cm(52")x
D 56 cm (22')

Perhaps made as a coming-of-age gift for

an adolescent, this unerly simple single-

colour chest with slightly curved lid and

minimally shaped feet is in keeping with

the aesthetic of anonymit)' and purely

functional design so characteristic of

Hutterite pieces.
Side Table

South Dakota (Jound in Manitoba), circa 1890,

pine, ohcjinal ochre and brouin cjraininij, with

black outline and jloral decoration.

H75 cm(29y2")xLioocm (59%") x

D 58 cm (26^/4")

Brought from South Dakota to Western

Canada, this small table in its basic form

and structure is similar to Mennonite

examples made in the prairie provinces in

the English Regency style (Hepplewhite).

The grain-painted and decorated surface,

however, is very unlike the plain-painted

primary colours of both Mennonite and

Hutterite furniture produced in Western

61
Canada, and this provides visual proof

of its American origin.

Wash Bowl
Albfrta. jtrjt quarter qftuifntirth Cfnfuri). birch.

ievnal coats of yelloui paint.

L 7J.5 tm (29")x W J4.5 cm (ij'/j")x

D 14 cm (5%")

The extra length of this well-shaped and

aesthetically pleasing bowl with painted
surface inside and out suggests that the

piece was used, not for food preparation

or presenution, but in all probability for

bathing infants, a use confirmed by

several Hutterite respondents.

62
Sleeping Bench

Alberta, MacMillan HutteriteColoni), Fort

Macleod.jirst quarter of tiDentirth century, pine

or spruce, old red and black point.

H 80 cm (ji'/i") xL 173.5 cm (68*4") x

D 58.5 cm (23")

Similar to Mennonite pull-out sleeping

benches, this Hutterite piece is in the

traditional Biedermeier style with plain,

slightly sloped back, shallow panels and

cut-out posts in flat, broad curves that

create a rather box-like profile. Unlike

most such benches, this piece has been

painted red and black rather than

varnished.

Glenbou) Museum.
Mennonites Utopian Vision in Yellow and Black

Pedestal Table

Manitoba, early tuicntirth century, pine, old

yellou) ouer black paint on top, original black on

pedestal and/ect.

H 72.5 (28y2")xD 98.5 cm (?8V4")

Chest of Drawers
Warman, Saskatchewan, late nineteenth century,

pine, old yelloui, red and black paint.

H 119 cm (46V4") X W 101 cm (jg V4l x

D48cm(i8'/4l
Consistency and coherence reflect the underlying Utopian vision

of the Mennonite community in its egalitarian social structures and

its dogmatic pursuit of certain ethical and religious principles.

THE ORIGINS OF THE M EN NONITES lie in the turmoil and religious

renewal of the Reformation. In opposition to the traditions of the Catholic Church in

which great importance was given to the writings of the Church fathers, and more

radical than the followers of Martin Luther, small groups of reformers in Switzerland,

Germany and Holland advocated a return to the early apostolic forms of Christianity

and the sole authority of the Bible in all matters of faith. The inner life of the spirit

was to inform every aspect of daily existence and this faith was to be proclaimed

through adult baptism, the only form of baptism recorded in the Bible.

Unlike infant baptism, Anabaptism implied a conscious and voluntary commit-

ment to Christ through the exercise of free will. A number of important doctrines
arose from this simpler, more immediate expression of Christianity that divided

these believers from the established church and the civil authorities, and quickly led

to persecution, imprisonment and sometimes death. The complete separation of

Footstool church and state, the refusal to swear an oath, and the rejection of war or militarism

SaskaUhewan, Rosthem area, circa 1910, pine, in any form soon brought the Anabaptists, or "Brethren," into conflict with the
old red ova original dark red. authorities in Switzerland. Many of the reformers were driven from the country and
H25.5cm(io")xL 44cm(i7'/4")x as they travelled in search of safe haven, they spread their beliefs to other
populations.

D 25.5011(10")
The Netherlands were particularly receptive and a Catholic priest named Menno
Simons (1496-1561) became a convert to these new ideas and was baptized in 1536.

Although he himself had not been the founder of the sect, he soon emerged as leader

of the Dutch Anabaptists. His followers became known as Mennonites, a term soon

generalized to include many other Anabaptist groups.

As the persecutions of the state and the established Church became intolerable in

the middle of the sixteenth century, many Dutch Mennonites fled to sparsely popu-

lated, swampy areas around the free city of Danzig and the deltas of the Vistula and

Nogat rivers in Polish Prussia. Local nobles and landowners encouraged and protected

these Dutch farmers and artisans whose skills and work they valued in reclaiming

and farming the land. The cooperative work of draining and improving the soil

proceeded over the next century. Each family settled on its own farm, but as part of a

community of belief that lived in isolation from the larger population. House and

barn were integrated in a single structure, an economy of space dictated by the

marshy terrain, but which had certain other advantages too. Various restrictions and

permissions were imposed and granted over the years. Although at first no church

66 FOLK FURNITURE
building was allowed by the authorities, they were able to organize their own schools,

elect their own preachers, and hold services in their own Dutch language. These

privileges coincided to a large extent with the austere ways and unadorned attitudes
of their faith, and encouraged group cohesion and isolation from external influences.'
Situated as they were between the Germanic people pushing to the east and the
Slavs expanding toward the west, it was inevitable that the question of military
service from which the Mennonites had been exempt should arise again. As the area
in which they lived came under Prussian control, military service became linked to

the acquisition of new lands and the Mennonites, whose numbers had increased
considerably, found themselves without sufficient land to support each new family.
As heavy taxes and other restrictions were imposed in the 1780s, they began to look

for a new home. By this time, German had begun to replace Dutch as the language of
the community.-

Catherine II, who had already issued a manifesto in 1763 inviting immigrants
from Western Europe who wished to settle the largely uninhabited yet arable lands of

South Russia (Ukraine), was still looking for experienced and successful farmers to

open up the steppes in 1786, and she was prepared to give the Mennonites both land
and religious freedom as well as exemption from military service and the swearing of
oaths. In the years that followed Catherine's invitation to the Mennonites, more than
6,000, about half the Prussian church, left for newly granted lands in Russia.'

After preliminary investigation of possible sites, over two hundred families from

the Vistula area, the first colonists, departed their homes in 1788-1789 and in the

following spring they finally settied at the confluence of the Chortitz and Dnieper

rivers. The terrain was hilly, the soil rocky and without trees, yet well grassed and

adapted to the raising of stock, although the first years proved very difficult.

In 1803, wealthier would-be colonists from Prussia on their way to form a new
colony on the Molotschna river helped a litde financially as they passed. The first

year saw eighteen new villages established along the Molotschna. By 1840, about 750

families had grouped in the Molotschna settiement on a level and treeless, but fertile

steppe. Richer to begin with than the Old Colony Mennonites at Chortitz, they soon

prospered. Although other Mennonites created small colonies elsewhere in southern

Russia during this same period, some of them of Swiss origin or from the Palatinate,

Chortitz and Molotschna, the two original settiements in Ukraine were the most

important and diey eventually gave birth to the "daughter" colonies of Bergthal (1836),
Borsenko (1870), Grossfuerstenland (1864), and Karassan in the Crimea (1862).

Most of the Bergthal, Borsenko (Kleine gemeinde) and Grossfuerstenland colonists

eventually came to Canada, the latter en masse to the Western Reserve. Of the 10,000

Mennonites who came from Prussia to Russia in the late eighteenth century and
after, about 6,000 had been located in Chortitz and Molotschna between 1788 and
the 1870S when emigration to North America began."
They had organized themselves in small farm villages of about twenty to thirty

families on the Russian model of the mir, and built their first houses with mud walls
and thatched roofs. House, barn and stables were gathered under one roof with the
gable end facing the long, wide main street. Each family received about 175 acres of

land, ten acres in the village, the rest in long narrow strips distributed around the

village so as to share among all the good and bad soil. In addition, there was common
pasture, sometimes a common granary and a village herd or flock of sheep in this

co-operative although not truly communistic system. Despite the difficult early years,

Chortitz and Molotschna grew wealthy in relation to, and in isolation from, their

Mennonites 67
 Russian neighbours. By 1870 tiiere was a land and population problem since original
land grants could not be split. At roughly the same time, the policies of the Tsarist
government changed and the Mennonites, threatened with loss of their special

status and the growing programme of Russianization, began to look elsewhere

storage Cupboard as they had done a cenmr}' earlier. Within a couple of years more than one third of
Carrot Riucr, Saskatcliciuan, circa igoo. pine, the Mennonite population of about 45,000 in Russia had left for new homes in

original red and blue paint. North America.^

H 157 cm (54")xW9i.5 cm 1^6") x It is these Mennonites from southern Russia (present-day Ukraine), particularly
D 32 cm (12V2")
from the Bergthal and Kleine gemeinde colonies in the east and the Old Colony
group (Chortitz) in the west, who came to settle in Manitoba between 1874 and
Many Mennonite homes hid open
shelving, and this enclosed cupboard is
1879 the first in a series of emigrations encouraged by the policies and exemptions
accorded by a Canadian government anxious to open up the unsetded territories of
constructed in the same manner, that is,

with mortise and tenon joints through the the northwest. Two blocks of land, the East and West Reserves south of Winnipeg,

uprights, then secured by visible pegs had been set aside for them, divided north to south by the Red River, and constituted
fitted against the exterior surface. The formally as the rural municipalities of Hanover to the east and Rheinland to the west,
simple undecorated gallery, rectangular
and made up of twelve and seventeen townships respectively. Some 30 families of the
form and untouched original blue and red
Kleine gemeinde group had refused from the beginning the low land of the East
painted surface make this piece a fine
Reserve and settled instead along the Scratching River to the west of the Red River.
'^

example of the Mennonite aesthetic. The

Poor land and flooding to the east of the Red drove a further 300 settlers from the
cookie cutter from Manitoba, fashioned
East Reserve to the West Reserve by the early i88os.'
from a block of white pine with tin profiles

In i8gi, the new settlement of Rosthern was established between the North and
in the form of two facing birds is similar

work use of symmetrically South Saskatchewan Rivers, north of Saskatoon, to accommodate a further influx of
to fraktur in its

arranged animal motifs. immigrants from South Russia as well as arrivals from the United States and a few
from the already developed Manitoba colonies. Other colonies were established at

Swift Current and Herbert, Saskatchewan, mainly by settlers coming from Rosthern
and the West Reserve, which had a population of about 4,500 by 1911.*

Immigrants from Russia would continue to come to Canada through the first

half of the twentieth century, spreading Mennonite settlement into Alberta east of

Edmonton (Camrose), north east of Calgary (Beiseker), and into areas near
Grande Prairie.

Mennonite Houses

As they had done in Russia, the Mennonites, who were highly successful farmers,

soon achieved a measure of economic stability unattained by other early setders.

Those who first came to the West Reserve took up the unpromising and treeless

lands which others had shunned for more wooded areas, and turned those flat

spaces into prosperous farms.

Lady DufFerin remarks in her diary in an entry on August 21, 1877 that "The

Mennonites are most desirable emigrants; they retain their best German characteris-

tics, are hard-working, honest, sober, simple, hardy people. They bring money into

the country, and can setde in a woodless place, which no other people will do."'

Further on she comments upon the Mennonite villages in greater detail:

We drove about five miles through dieir Reserve, which is eighteen miles square,

and in doing so passed through five or six villages of farmhouses. They are not

in streets, each house being surrounded by land. The houses are cottages, very

plainly built, roofed with thick hay thatch, the walls wooden, but covered with

69
 plaster. Next to, and opening into the living-house is a large building in which

the cattle spend the winter.

Everything looks neat; home-made wooden furniture, flowers in the

windows, nice gardens, etc. Each tamily is given 160 acres of land, and the way
in which they work their farms enables them to do so very advantageously.'"

Their strong sense of themselves as a community of believers and their social organi-
zation into farming villages in the early years helped to overcome the disadvantages

of the natural environment and a harsh climate. Without timber for house building,

they constructed many of their first dwellings out of sod and poles, half dug into the

land itself and extended up by piling blocks of sod above ground level. The roof

supported by poles and more sod, completed these rudimentary structures that

served as housing for the first several years. During these initial stages, the newcomers

were obliged to seek financial aid from their long-established eastern brethren,
Mennonites of Swiss and German origin, many of whom had come to Canada after

prospering in Pennsylvania, as well as a loan from the Canadian government. As

conditions improved, however, and the setdements took hold, they were able to pay

back their loans and achieve substantial prosperity. The Winnipeg Free Press chronicled

the hard work and accomplishments of the Mennonites in taming so rapidly this

treeless plain that stretched from the Pembina Mountains to the Red River in an

editorial published in 1879. For the most part, they were Fuerstenlanders, although

some were from the Old Colony at Chortitz.

Whether on the East or West Reserve, the Mennonites grouped together in

villages of about fifteen or twenty families that were often related, as they had in

Russia. Steinbach, located at the northeast corner of the East Reserve, was among

the first and one of the most successfiil villages. It was laid out in the Russian style

with houses built on ten-acre lots along a single street 99 feet wide and a mile long.
House, barn, stables, and storage were generally constructed under one roof with
the gable end facing the street. Living quarters occupied the front part of the long

rectangular structure. These houses were a storey-and-a-half high, with a steep roof

that began about eight feet above ground level. This created a spacious attic

supported by a beamed ceiling that was ofiien used for the storage of grains such as

wheat and rye in the winter. Houses were divided into at least three rooms in the

Russian fashion, and were heated by a large brick cooking oven built into an inner
wall (and stoked from the kitchen) in such a way as to heat the several rooms of the

house. A largish living room (die grosse Stube), a kitchen-dining area, and sleeping

quarters, made up the usual interior division of space." One observer writing in the
1920s mentions the presence of a grandfather clock in the living room as well as the

"neady painted" floors and the freshly painted chairs "neatly arranged against the
wall," emphasizing the spodess well-organized interior of the typical Mennonite

household.'' Margaritha R Reimer recollects her grandmother Aganetha Reimer's

(1859-1955) experiences feeding trainmen at Giroux about 1909: "There

was a pot-

bellied wood stove which grandfather stoked from where he sat on his rocking
chair.

In one corner was a sideboard laden with all manner of plants and geraniums on
the window sills. An old "schloupe bank" (sleeping bench or settee) stood against

the wall under the big clock."" The grouping of house, barn and stables that had

probably begun as a space and labour saving device in the marshy lands of the

Danzig-Vistula, provided a practical solution to another problem in Canada the

extreme cold weather and winter storms of the Canadian prairie. The farmlands

70 FOLK FURNITURE
were arranged around the village in long strips a half or one mile in length, with

common pasture. Steinbach continues today as the most important Mennonite town

of the East Reserve, although the farm village system so firmly established in
Manitoba at the start was soon abolished in some areas and in Steinbach in igog.

Despite the poverty and hardship of the early years, the Mennonites succeeded

more quickly in establishing themselves on the Manitoba prairie than did many
other early settlers. By 1877, J.Y. Shantz was able to report to the minister of agricul-
ture that the Mennonite population of Manitoba was about 6,500 and that about 50

villages had been established, 24 in the Pembina settlement to the west of the Red
River, and about 26 to the east of the river, "on what is called Rat River," this being

the largest settlement of some 700 families." The area was dotted with transplanted
Russian village names, themselves telling of earlier migrations and even more
distant origins: Blumenort, Steinbach, Blumenhof Gruenfeld, Bergthal, Chortitz,

etc. Speaking of the village farm model as it existed in Russia, Ledohowski and
Butterfield comment upon the effects of this system on the group:

The farm village and its related architecture clearly played a major role in the

development and preservation of Mennonite religious and cultural beliefs. The

close proximity of neighbours in the village contributed to a communal spirit

as well as social coherence. The agricultural economic base of the villages

allowed the inhabitants to enjoy an isolated but often fruitful existence, free

from unwanted external influences. The conformity of architectural designs

themselves reflected an appreciation for simplicity and order, and prevented
social stratification based on the show of personal wealth.'^

However, the growth of the Mennonite communities in Canada inevitably brought

them into contact with the mainstream. Although they were self-sustaining in

certain ways, the Mennonites could not thrive in complete isolation. And while the

colony was inward-looking in terms of social custom and religious belief in the

practical matters of farming, its methods, facilities and the like were generally
progressive and attuned to the demands of the larger agricultural economy.

At the same time, the influence of belief on the practical activities of everyday life

was pervasive. Clothing and domestic objects, social practices and the system of
semi-communal land holding were all subject to religious control and enforced, not

by legal means but rather through religious proscription or "avoidance." This theo-
retic dimension of internal governance brought belief and its consequences into the

materia] details of daily life. In psychological terms, it shaped the physical world of
man-made objects in its own image of simplicity, moral rectitude and egalitarian use.

When the Mennonites first came to the East Reserve in 1874 and then to the West
Reserve in 1875, the civil organization of the surveyed lands into sections and quar-

ters anticipated in geographical terms one of the fundamental organizing principles

of Utopian thought that is, the imposition upon the environment of a clearly

marked grid for the interpretation and control of reality: "Oriented to a north-south

Principal Meridian, and not to a river or other namral feature, this suivey imposed its

own geometric logic on the land.""' Within the stability of this square upon square

division of the landscape, the village system of equally shared farm lots added a

fiirther element of definition and clear structural relationship. Such an environment

removes or minimizes unpredictability, and makes more obvious perhaps the power
of faith to "curb the aberrations of individual excess. "^^ Just as these principles

Mennonites ~J\
 inform the physical landscape, so the properties of the furniture and domestic uten-
sils produced in the early years of settlement reflect both the social organization and
the moral strictures of self-control and modest)' in their rectilinearit}', harmonious
proportion and predictable forms. Thus Mennonite craftsmen produced furniture

with little or no forma! variation, and invariably with field colours of red or yellow

"controlled" and unified by structural elements or profiles oudined in black.

Mennonite Furniture

Carpenter's Bench The Mennonite furniture of western Canada is rectilinear in nature with minimal
Manitoba, 1907, makfrT.J. Thiessen. mapit embellishment, and relies for aesthetic effect upon colour, architectural detail and
top. pint lou with jir as snondary wood, original good proportion. Unlike the early classical lines of Ontario Mennonite pieces in the
Tci and black paint, commercial hardivare.
tradition of English country Georgian and its variants, the tall, narrow dimensions
H 84 on (33") X W 198 cm (78-) X and elongated profiles of western pieces are closely allied to late eighteenth and
D 102 cm (40%")
early nineteenth century post neo-classical designs. At the same time, these well-
constructed and sober pieces respect the requirements of traditional joinery: mortise,
This carefully executed work bench, incor-

same furniture features that

tenon and peg joints; tongue and groove joining of continuous surfaces, dove-tailed
porating the

occur on the pieces that were undoubtedly corners, etc. There is almost no use of turning in the making of arms, legs and the
produced by its owner stacked lap like for chairs, tables or beds (except the arms of benches), perhaps because of the
drawers in diminishing size, raised panel specialized nature of the turner's work, but more likely because the aesthetic of
ends, red and black painted surface balusters, rings and other curvilinear eflfects was out of keeping with the Mennonite
reflects in its own aesthetic and structural
view of the world. The woods used are generally white pine, spruce and birch. The
characteristics the balance and clarity of
former was not readily available nearby and was most probably shipped by rail from
design of much Mennonite furniture. The
Kenora or elsewhere in Ontario;'" the latter could be found locally, since sawmills
heaw maple top probably came by train
were built at Winkler {1882) and Gretna despite the lack of a good timber supply
from Ontario, since large hardwoods were

rare in the Canadian West. ready to hand.'"

Very few motifs occur on western Mennonite furniture. The sometime flowers,

hearts, pinwheels and other geometric decoration of both Ontario and Pennsylvania
pieces are the exception rather than the rule on western furniture, and unlike Ontario

Mennonite ftirniture, very few grain-painted or trompe-rocil effects are used. On the

other hand, mouldings, cut profiles that sometimes hint at biomorphic or animal

forms, and a very specific use of plain painted colours create a distinct aesthetic that

is in keeping with religious belief and the physical influences of a particular

geographic and perceptual environment. Mouldings or structural elements are often
painted in black, visually enclosing the large, flat, plain-painted surfaces of lighter

colour usually yellow, but sometimes red, and occasionally blue that cover the

body of the piece. On some objects, horizontal black bands of paint across the base,

waist and cornice create a second axis that contrasts with the vertical thrust of the

elongated case. This geometrification of the facade gives a certain abstraction and

planimetric emphasis to the piece.

The psychological origins of these preferred stylistic effects are perhaps related in

part to the flat, undifferentiated spaces first occupied by the early settlers, and the
psychological need to impose an order and regularity or stability upon an environ-

ment without precise points of reference. They coincide as well with the requirements
of a system of belief based upon simplicity, clarity of precept (as well as percept), and
a direct confrontation with well-defined principles. These same elements are also
present in the social organization of the community as reflected in the egalitarian

principles of shared need and common advantage made concrete in the village plan,

72 FOLK FURNITURE
landholding and use, etc. It might be argued that the vast spaces of the west solicit

the imposition of the Utopian "grid" that gives direction independent of geograph-

ical space as well as implicit moral purpose to man's life in a landscape devoid of the

usual natural points of reference with their potential for projected religious interpre-

tation (sacred grove, mountain or river).

Nancy-Lou Patterson, writing about what she calls the symbolic landscape of the
Swiss-German Mennonites in Waterloo County, interprets some of the same

geographical features in a religious and transcendental way. In her reading of the

symbolic landscape, the concepts summarized in the Latin phrases locus amoetius

(pleasant place) and hortus condusus (enclosed garden) are related respectively to

shelter and refuge. Through a study of early engravings and more contemporary
images depicting the Mennonite homesteads of Waterloo County, their gardens,

enclosures around the farmhouse and about the fields, she concludes that the spatial

organization is that of a blessed place (Paradise), and an idealized way of life sepa-
rate from the world: "In Mennonite thought the locus amocnus is a neady fenced

73
 landscape in which every element contributes to comfort, tranquility, and order. This
landscape not only symbolizes but actually becomes the realization of a state of
blessedness, permitting enjoyment in the physical present of the redeemed condi-

tion of its inhabitants."-" Aitliough die psychological and spiritual structures of

perception and belief are similar in the east and the west, the Western landscape

differs both naturally and administratively from the topography of Southern Ontario.
The civil administration and distribution of land in Western Canada proposed a

quarter section of land (i6o acres) for every adult male in the community, while the

village plan apportioned the adjacent areas in equal measure to every household, so
that each would have its share of arable land, meadow and pasture.

Our reading of the consequences of this material contextualization of the Russian

Mennonites on the East and West Reserves in Manitoba concerns, not the transcen-
dental values of biblical origin expressed largely through the internal organization of

the homestead (garden, orchard, farmland and pasture) as described by Nancy-Lou

Patterson, but rather the generalized patterns of social organization and value
expressed through the influence of the material forms of landscape and environment
upon the production of artefacts. This is not to suggest that these two interpreta-

tions are in conflict. They suggest rather the complex relationships between the
spiritual, social and material dimensions of human life.-'

The physical characteristics and forms of western Mennonite pieces, in addition

to their traditional construction and simple aesthetic, exhibit at times certain high

style influences and echo distant historical prototypes as well as the specific material

features that reflect the circumstances of their making. Case pieces that are large and
rectangular, and are relatively flat or shallow in depth, almost always sit on a sepa-
rate base constructed with four or five very small cabriole legs. This removable base
has botii practical and aesthetic functions. Such a structure makes moving the case

easier, and since the base is more subject to wear, tear and humidity than the upper

parts of the structure, it can be more easily repaired or replaced. Stylistically, the base

also balances and lightens the form and gives greater finish to the piece. These large

case pieces were usually made of pine and often have feet of oak for greater dura-

bility. The external influence of Biedermeier^^ may be the source of this structural

adaptability as well, since "[t]ruth to materials and functionalism were the basic

principles in the evolution of the Biedermeier style and its forms. The resultant use

of the plank produced the surfece flatness that is a pervasive characteristic of the
style. "^' Many such pieces also function as an integral part of the room, that is, they

are set or built five or six inches into its structure, or fastened permanendy to the

wall. This phenomenon, as well as the shallow depth of movable pieces made in a

similar way, reflects a need to conserve space as well as an aesthetic preference for

uncluttered spaces. It may also reveal an underlying desire for stability and perma-
nence. The small cabriole legs, very unlike the Chippendale bracket, claw and ball, or

bun feet of Ontario and Pennsylvania furniture, recall the Biedermeier style of
Austria (Vienna) and central Europe (whose own sources are French Empire), in

which most case pieces rise very litde from the floor and rest upon small curved legs

or diminutive tapered square legs that are somedmes chamfered at the inner edge."

Tables almost invariably have similarly slender square-tapered legs. Tabletops are

cleated and usually removable; lap drawers are a common feature. Occasionally the

lower edge of the apron will have a simple, rather square, raised beading, painted
black. Attenuated curves occur at times along the bottom edge of table aprons or in

74 FOLK FURNITURE
cut-out cornices, but never as part of the panel in frame and panel doors of

cupboards and armoires, as is so often the case in other high style and folk traditions
ofEurope.
The Biedermeier influence, widespread in Russia during the latter half of the

period ofMennonite colonization (from about 1815 on), is also at work in the large

Empire curves ofMennonite country couches and sleeping benches whose front
posts present heavy "S" curves in profile, and similarly curved back rails. The recti-

linear forms of Biedermeier appear in the plain, straight lines of many case pieces
and the "high-waisted" proportions of pieces whose facades are "broken" struc-

turally or visually above the horizontal median of the object. Slant-top or breakfront
cupboards and secretaries of this sort rarely occur in Ontario.

Certain other classical influences that have been filtered through the Biedermeier

style can be found in the simplified cornices, or more properly pediments, of

cupboards and linen presses which mimic the outlines but not the detail of classical
pediments. Another probable Biedermeier influence is discernable in the ubiquitous

use of yellow as a field colour with black accents along the edges or structural lines

that can be found on many pieces of furniture. The visual effect created is very much
like the pale birch or fruitwood surfaces accented with ebony or dark linear high-

lights that characterize much Biedermeier furniture, in which " [b] right light colours

were preferred, in the same way that simple geometric forms were favored. "^^
Among the various furniture forms in the Mennonite repertoire, the one constant
seems to be the importance accorded the dower chest and the clock. The storage or
dower chest, occasionally made by a father for his daughter, was both a sign of conti-

nuity through the establishment of a new young household and of the central role of

the family in social organization. Passed from generation to generation, portable in

time as it was in space, the chest was marked by individual possession rather than

general family use, often through names, initials and dates, and passed in the female

line. This made the dower chest, with its associations of personal identity and family

history, more valued than a bench or table. When hand-made objects were discarded
or relegated to the workshop or barn to be replaced by commercial products, the
dower chest therefore escaped the renewal of household objects and the recycling of
worn or outmoded items. The practical and psychological attributes of the dower
chest as container also explain the fact that it was often the only piece of fijrniture to

make the journey to a new country. Dower chests made in Canada followed closely

the original models left behind, an exception to the normal evolution of forms when
surrounded by new aesthetics and the external pressures of a developing commercial
marketplace.
According to Irene Enns Krocker, "in those years (of early settlement), everyone
had to have a place to 'hang up their clock,' meaning that when they first came from
Russia, they needed to build a place/home for themselves, choosing a place that would
be just right (usually near a grove of trees) and they needed at least one tree to 'hang

up their clock'/build their homestead."^" One lucky immigrant [Klaas W. Reimer]

describes this very act:

Upon arriving in Steinbach [1874] everyone had his place, where he would live.

And so we also had ours. A large tree stood here beside which we pitched our

tent and secured it to the tree. We hung the ham and the clock on the tree, and
^^
then construction was begun.

Mennonitei 75
 mm:

These anecdotes suggest that the presence of a clock in the Mennonite household
had a special significance and function that was related to the activities and attitudes

of family members rather than to questions of identity and personal use as with the
dower chest.

The clock acted rather as an organizing principle that controlled and apportioned

the energy directed to daily activities, introducing into the household predictability

and notions of punctuality, good regulation and the measure of time well spent.
Some such clocks that hang against the wall with a free-floating pendulum were
brought to Canada with immigrants, most commonly made by the Kroeger Company
in Russia or by Cornelius Hildebrand (1833-1920). Others, it is said, were manufac-
tured in western Canada." Heinrich Friesen of Hochfeld, Manitoba notes the
following in his diary entry dated Saturday, April 30, i8g8: "Clear and cold wind

from the N.E. Today we visited Janches'. On the way back we stopped to visit the

shop of the clockmaker Reinier in Blunicnort....""

The categories of western Mennonite furniture are distinctive and coherent. They
share not only general characteristics such as linearity, "planimetric" volume, and

precise colour combinations (yellow and black, red and black), but within categories

76 FOLK FURNITURE
 they are formally consistent. Corner cupboards, for example, almost invariably have

returning sides, blind panels, small cabriole or turned feet and are meant to sit on
wainscot or a small shelf rather than on the floor. A close examination of their

overall form reveals a remarkable similarity to the structure and shape of pulpits.

Immigrant Chest Blanket, storage or dower chests are generally wide and rectangular rather than

South Russia, last quarter qf nineteenth century, square, and sit on a detachable base that has five tiny cabriole legs, etc.

bassujood with tin strapping on the and

lid tin
Reinhild and John Janzen's well-documented and thorough study of iVlennonite
panelled JTont. Hand-painted jloral decoration
furniture found in the American mid-west (particularly Kansas) was published in
ouer stencilled geometric design. Iron handles.
iggi, and makes it possible to draw comparisons with the pieces made in Western
H 40 cm (15^/4") X W 88 cm (34^4") x
Canada.'" Although forms and profiles are generally similar, some American pieces
D 47.5 cm (185/4")

appear to be more elaborately decorated, in keeping with late Victorian aesthetic

A number of similar chests have been

preferences. In terms of colour, many American cupboards are grain-painted in faux-

found in immigrant households in North bois finishes such as oak, perhaps mahogany or rosewood influenced it seems by

America. The criss-cross design created by mainstream trends and tastes; similar Canadian pieces from Western Canada almost
the metal strapping is reminiscent of the exclusively use solid, primary colours. However, in combinations of yellow and black
similar pattern made of boards or painted
or red and black (or occasionally, blue) the dark colour is used along profiles and
lozenges found on the "sheen" doors of
structural elements in a manner that emphasizes and articulates the relationship
(harvest area) of barns in Manitoba the visual components.
feature reminiscent of both Prussian and
American cupboards, and other pieces to a lesser degree, tend to more elaborate
Russian designs.* Of unknown origin,
architectural detail, particularly in terms of pediments and the treatment of base
these chests appear to be commercially

manufactured and were perhaps widely elements, the use of painted lines that are calligraphic in feeling, and occasionally

available in South Russia. A JVlennonite extend to textual inscriptions, or in imitation of fine inlay. Florals in paint or inlay

may have brought this example to Canada. and some decals are also a feature of these pieces. Canadian furniture is generally

For a similar item see lanzen, 134. less elaborate and depends on attenuated curves and simple geometric forms or styl-

ized animal and bird shapes as part of cornice profiles; they are less neo-classical
* E.M. Ledohowski and D.K. Butterfield, Architectural

and more muted in their biomorphic stylization.

Heritage; Traditional Mennonite Architecture in the Rural

Municipality qf Stanley (Department of Culture, Consistency and coherence reflect the underlying Utopian vision of the Mennonite
Heritage and Recreation, Manitoba, iggo). 36.
community in its egalitarian social structures and its dogmauc pursuit of certain

ethical and religious principles. Growing from a tradirion of simplicity and moral

rectitude that is suspicious of personal whim and individual opinion, Mennonite

furniture eschews elaboration and non-functionality in all its forms. The incoher-

ence and unpredictability of the material world and experience are at odds with the

ideal of human perfectibility, and with the control and order that only geometric
regularity and formal simplicity can impose upon natural chaos. Mennonite furni-

ture, like Shaker artefacts, has an aesthetic based on simple geometric principles:

symmetry, proportion, equilibrium, economy of line, clarity of profile, and decora-

tive eflfect that is structural and therefore percepmally utilitarian.

Mennonitei 77
^ -;^?a;3g9>~'--'
Hanging Corner Cupboard Spool Holder

Bergthal, Russia, Jbund on the West Rcserue,

Manitoba, early tiuentirth ceiituri|, pine, old red

and black paint over original ijelloiu and black. Manitoba, mid-nineteenth century, oak and

birch, original blue paint.

H 113.5 "" (44''4")xW75.5 cm (29^/4")

D 58 cm (15")
H47cm (iS'/i'Tx W52.5 cm (la^i")

Most Mennonite hanging cupboards Peter and Sarah Hamm brought this spool
holder and spinning wheel from Russia
usually have blinci doors and a less

"baroque" or curvilinear cornice than in when they first came to the East Reserve in

Manitoba in the 1870s. Along with farm

this example. The black lines emphasize

the structure of the piece just as the corner

tools and a few domestic utensils, the

roundels recall the architectural detail on

spinning wheel and its accessories recall

tlie essential elements of immigrant

window and doorframes of the period.

The glazed doors suggest that this survival and self-sufficiency: food, shelter,

cupboard was used for the display of small and clothing.

domestic objects, an unexpected function

within the conservative structures of

Mennonite belief in which all ostentation

79
was to be conscientiously avoided.
Chest on Frame

Mdnitobdjound on the Wot RfSfrvt but

pfrhaps of Russian origin, late nrnrtanth

cmtun), pint with iron and brass harduiart,

dow-taiird case with mortise and tenon base,

medium blue oner traces qfdark blue or black. Wall Box

H 64 cm (25 '/4Tx W 1J4 cm (52*4") x Manitoba, East Rescrue, last quarter ojnine-

D65cm(25'/iT tccnth century, pine, old^rey paint oucr^qreen

oucr original black.

This recungular box resting on a detach- H67cm(26%'7xW28cm(ii")x

able base with five short, simplified D 16.5 cm (6%")

cabriole legs suggesting a Biedermeier

influence, is a typical Mennonite form. Probably used a.s a lidded saltbox above,

Convex brass covers hide the bolts that with two drawers below for small kitchen

secure the hinges and inner lock. The items, this piece with unusually vigorous

brass escutcheon in the form of a stylized cut-c)ut.s on the side uprights is a rare form

double-headed eagle is a motif also found in Mennonite furniture.

on the fraktur, the kopek, and as a water-

mark, all probably inspired by the Russian

coat of arms. Is the presence of the eagle a

kind of imprimatur (permission to print),

an indirect acknowledgement of a political

authority at odds with the pacifist and

unworldly beliefs of the Mennonites? (See

Abrahams, 7-8; Janzen, 175, 181).

Canadian Museum c>f Civilization.

jmasHassama&m

,. :
-J,
 Bench (Ruebank)
Manitoba, East Rcserw, late nineteenth

centurij, spruce and pine, black, ujhite and

blue-cjrecn paint.

H 86 cm IS3V4") X L 181 cm (71 V4") x

Small Hanging Cupboard D 67.5 cm (26V2")

Southern Manitoba, circa igoo, pine, old pale

yellou) paint with green and red trim. The sitting bench is a common Mennonite
H 75 cm (29'/2")x W41 cm (16") x form, and black with a lighter colour is a

D 25 cm (9^4"] typical combination, although the use of

white for furniture is unusual. The black

Nearly all Mennonite hanging corner removable seat underlines the strong

cupboarcis rested on a separate base (here pattern of the open-panelled back that

restored) nailed to the dado. To secure the was most probably influenced by

cupboard at the top, a wire or cord was Biedermeier chair designs, yet they also

anchored in it and tied to a hook or nail suggest the Gothic shapes of late Victorian

fastened in the wall. This diminutive piece architecture. A powerfijl abstract effect has

may have been made for a child's room, or been created by the strong repetitive lines

as a model for larger versions, that is, with in black and white, punctuated by the

characteristic elements such as returning touch of blue that serves as a bridge

sides, cabriole feet, lap drawer and strong between the horizontal and the vertical

vertical/horizontal lines emphasized by planes of the piece.

dark coloured trim.

83
Bench Bed
Manitoba (,'), Found in SaskaUhewan. circa

1880, pinr. onginal orangi-rtd and black uiith

jr(ij-paint(d interior.

H 87 cm (J4y4") X L 201 cm (79! x

D64cm(2 5%T

This space-saving bench also functions as

a bed by means of a pull-out drawer-like

extension supported by two additional

legs. In stylistic terms, an Empire or

Biedermeier influence is apparent in the Tripod Table

strong, rather heavy symmetrical curves Stcinbach (East Reseruc). Manitoba, late nine-

found at both ends, the sloping back, and teenth century, pine (?), old broum uarnish oucr

the overall solidity of form. These stylistic original yellou; paint.

features are frequently present on Western H 70,5 cm (27'/4")xD6i.5 cm (24%")

Mennonite pieces also finished in two-

colour painted surfaces that clearly define Very few tripod or turned column tables

field, structure and profile. are found in Mennonite homes. This folk

version of the Empire style has a round

top, a broad fiat cabriole leg that ends in a

slim tapered foot, and a simple ring

turning at the mid-point of the pedestal.

84
Pedestal Table

Manitoba, early huentirth century, pine, old

ycllou) oner black paint on top, original black on

pedeital and/ect.

H 72.5 (2S'/2").xD 98.5 cm (585/4 ")

Although found in Ontario, the black and

yellow paint combination and the approxi-

mate date of this table suggest a Manitoba

origin. Turned pedestal tables of large size

such as this are an uncommon Mennonite

form reminiscent of mainstream models

of the nineteenth century. (See also page 85

Jor another example.)

Storage Box

Saskatcheiuan (.'), late nineteenth century, pine

and oak, original red and black paint.

H 55 cm (21^4") .X L 100 cm (59 V4") x

D 50 cm (19^4")

Of unusually small size, this simple

storage box has a typical red as field colour

with structural elements painted black.

The discreet shaping of the vertical edges

of the panel frame repeats both the curve

of the legs and the horizontal apron of the

removable base.
 Glazed Cupboard
Saskatchmian, Rosthcrn area (?), circa igoo,

pine, oriijinal ijflloiu. ijrffn and black paint,

commercial draioer pulls.

H 250.5 cm (go'/4").v WS5 cm (j5V:")x

D 38 cm (15")

Inset 15.5 cm (6%")

The architectur<i] cornice emphasized by

painted chevrons in black and green adds

a tinal touch to the .strong vertical thrust of

this one-piece yellow, black and green

Table painted cupboard. This colour combina-

Sdskatclinvan, circa 1900, pine and Jir, old tion is found mainly in Saskatchewan.

i^elloui paint over original blue. Tall, narrow pieces such as this one are

H 75 cm(29'/j")xLi8j.5 cm(72V4")x often built into the wall, suggesting that

W89cni(j5-) the form is related to spatial considera-

tions in which height compensates for

Larger than most, this table in typical width in the economy of space, display

Germanic st>'le has square tapered legs, and storage. This example has a more

beaded apron, corner brackets, lap developed curvilinear base nailed to the

drawers, removable peg top and yellow case, rather than a detachable one, as

painted surface. might be expected with a built-in piece.

 l/

,^^3
Wardrobe
Altona, Manitoba, 1901, pine, original red.

black- and dark^rccn.

H 202 cm (7gy2")xL 127.5 cm (5oy4").x

D 46 cm (18")

Most furniture case pieces are said to have

originated from the all-purpose box of the

Middle Ages. The structure of the

wardrobe seen here suggests this distant

origin through the lower portion, empha-

sized by the two black painted horizontal

mouldings that separate it visually from

the large upper case by proposing to the

eye a formal source in the medieval chest.

Similar Mennonite pieces often have

drawers in is lower section of the body,

a further example of forms refined and

adapted to more particular uses.

Wall Clock

Russia (maker Cornelius Hildebrand (.')

1855-1920), earlij tujcnticth century, metal

works with painted Joce ond decal decoration.

Brass pendulum and weights.

H 147.5 cm (58")

Diameter 57 cm (14%")

Mennonite immigrants to Canada

brought many of these clocks, or similar

ones made by Kroeger, with them from

Russia, and most have been passed down

from generation to generation. The floral

decoration used here is common, but

painted scenes, or religious mottoes and

motifs, are also sometimes found, adding

a moral gloss to the measurement of time

and life in the Mennonite household.
Cookie cutters (10) Corner Cupboard

Saikauhewan, circa 1920, pine, r(d-brouin stain Hochfeld, Manitoba, circa i8go, pine.grain-

on blocks with insrt tin moti/s. pamted ijellou) ochre and broion loitli cornice,

H5cm(2")xW8-i5cm(j"-5") /oot and applied decoration in dark brouin,

H 145.5 lsf>Vi"}xW&4 cm (jj")x

From domestic animals such as the horse, D 52 cm (20 Vi")

the goose and the rooster to the natural

forms of the leaf, the butterfly and the Gr.Tiii-painted finishes arc r.irc on Western

squirrel, these motifs record the objects of Canadian Mcnnonite furniture and seem

daily life. Unlike the simplicity of to rather suggest mid-western American

Mcnnonite ftirniture, the detailed imagery pieces (See Janzen, 28). The single eagle

of the cookie cuners is more in line with with sword is also unusual, although the

fraktur motifs, in the compensation symbolism in this instance may be related

perhaps for the austere aspect of large to the word as sword ("And out of his

domestic pieces. mouth goeth a sharp sword." Rev. 19:15),

and the eagle as the emblem of St. John

the Evangelist. Indeed, the form with its

returning sides is reminiscent of pulpit

structures such as the one in the church at

the .Steinbach Mennonite Village. At the

same time, the curved and carved foliage

that forms the cornice, the leafy feet and

skirt ornamentation, are an exception to

92 the rule of rectilinearity that dominates the

Mennonite aesthetic.

Canadian Museum o/Ciuilization.

 n ''r*'^'

I w \\m

ff

'
'\ *1

'ail '
 y^J'
''in
7M

'U.

# >^'
.[i

\H-

%\
 Footstool

Saskatchewan, Rosthcrn area, circa igio, pine,

Glazed Cupboard old red ouer original dark red.

Manitoba (?), early hufntirth century, pine, red H 25.5 cm (10") X L 44 cm (17 1/4") x

and white painted case luith polychrome birds D 25.5 cm (10")

andjloujcrs.

H 225 cm (88V2")xW 145.5 (57V) x This small footstool has bootjack cut-out

D 50 cm lig%"} ends and a deep skirt back and front for

structural strength along with hollow-cut

The removable base, high-waisted propor- corners to lighten the profile. The bright

tions, and glazing in arrangements of red crackled surface is often found on

three panes, are typical features of some other forms of Mennonite seating, an

western Mennonite cupboards. The pierced accidental but not unpleasing effect of

openings in the lower doors, probably for layered coats of paint.

purposes of ventilation, suggest the

storage of foodstuffs rather than dishes

or linens in this space. In contrast, the

decorative flowers and birds in paired

arrangements is unexpected on furniture,

inspired perhaps by the fraktur tradition,

and imitated here as on a page within the

similarly rectangular form ot the panel.

95
 Glazed Cupboard
Side Table
Warmiin, Suikatcheuian, late ninrtcfntli ccnturij,
Stfinbach (Eait Remf). Manitoba, latf ninf-

pine, spruce and jir, original green, old ijclloiiJ

trenfh cmtury. pine, old yfllow and black paint
and black oucrpoints. commercial hardiuare.
ova trd stain.
H 216.5 cm(Ssy4")xWioicm(5q%").v
H79on(3r)xW9i.5cm(56")xD6inn(24")
D 47 cm (18%")

The cleared top. square upered legs, lap

The yellow and black paint typical of many
drawer and pleasing proportions charac-
Mennonite pieces are here combined with
teristic of small Mennonite tables are
green around the glazed upper doors of
fiirther enhanced on this piece by the
this imposing cupboard th.u sits on a
broad shallow curve of the skirt with its

removable base. The panels and overall

square beading along the edge. The yellow
rectilinear emphasis created by the black
and black paint colours suggest the pale
and green painted verticals and horizontals
birch expanses and ebony highlights of
suggest a formality and control in keeping
much Biedermeier furniture. The black
with the Mennonite aesthetic. A Germanic
banding here articulates the various
influence may be seen in the yellow field
spaces that constitute the overall structure.
and dark accents that are reminiscent of

tlie blond birch and black ebonizing of

pieces in the Biedermeier style.

 Storage Chest

Manitoba, East Reserve, last quarter o/nine-

Cupboard teenth century, pine case uiith oak feet, old

Saskatchewan, circa igio, spruce, old ouer- ijellou) paint oner original blue ujith black trim.

paints qfcjreen, oranije and black, commercial H 65 cm(2 5V2")xWi54cm(52%")x

drauier pulls. D 70.5 cm (27*4")

H 212 cm (83 V2") X W 71 cm (28") x

D40 cm (15^4") Probably made in Canada, this storage box

on a removable base with five legs is of

This tall, narrow, one-piece cupboard with standard large size and length. However,

a lift-lidded breakfront has extraordinary it does not have any of the features that

vertical thrust and is an eccentric might indicate a Russian origin: no

Mennonite piece. The flower motifs carved handles, butt rather than strap hinges, no

into the surface of the doors, as well as the escutcheon plate or brass bolt covers on

absence of a detachable base, are also the lid, no lock. In other words, the overall

exceptional features. The usual colour proportions, profile and construction of

combinations, red and black, yellow and Russian Mennonite chests survive in the

black, have been abandoned as well in the Canadian piece but without elaborate hard-

overpaints. Perhaps the bottom moulding ware, and the appurtenances of travel and

speckled with blue was an extension of the security required by an immigrant chest.

baseboard colours. Such fancifial surfaces This provenance has been confirmed by

occur in some Pennsylvania German inte- microanalysis identifying the woods used

riors, but to our knowledge, they are as North American white pine and red oak.

unknown in Western Canada.

99
 ^-fe--

AiMto

Secretary /Cupboard

WinklEr, Manitoba, ciriii icSgo, pine, oriijinal

dark red and black ujjth bluf interior.

H 205 cm (80") x 196.5 cm (^S")x

Dsj.scmfzi")

H to drop-leaJ84 cm (jj")

This corner cupboard witli short returning

sides is a typical Mennonite form. The

drop-leaf writing surface with pigeonhole

interior is an unexpected feature, while the

dark red surface with black highlights on

the mouldings is characteristic of such

pieces. The extended height of 203 cm is

not usual in corner cupboards.

Chest of Drawers
U jrman, -^aikauhtwan, late nineteenth century,

pine, old yelloui, red and black paint.

H ii9cm(46V4")xWioicm(j9%")x
D48cm(i8/-)

Mennonite case pieces from Western

Canada almost always sit upon a detach-

able base, as does this chest of drawers.

Balanced and well-proportioned both in

form and arrangement of colours, its

general configuration is also typical,

although the three colours, the inset

panels and the brass bail handles are not.

The black bands, top and bottom, control

the vertical thrust of the chest while the

overall yellow of the case frames the inset

red panels. Two other related pieces were

found in the same house.
\;^;ft^is,:^:.'.
 -1

Ukrainians Peasant 'EaroqiiT and a Taste for Ornamenf

Cupboard
Sarto, Manitoba, early tuientirth century,

spruce, seucrol coats of old blue over original

flreen paint.

H i88 cm (74") x W 104.5 '"> (4i%")

D5jcm(2i")

Chandelier

Soskatchnuon, Jrom the Saint John the Baptist

Gre A Orthodox Church in Hampton, early

tuientirth icntuty, birch (.>), original yellouj,

blue, red, green and orange paint.

H 101.5 cm (4oTx W 6J.5 cm (251

/
Ukrainian folk? furniture shares the underlying movement and energy
of high style baroque. It expresses intuitively the same interest in

naturally occurring forms and the shifting nature of our perceptions

of the world.

THE CITV OF KIEV on the banks ofthe Dneiper has been the centreof
Ukraine for more than a millennium.' The natural advantages of its location at the
intersection of international trade routes, east to west and north to south, made it

the most important economic and political centre in Eastern Europe during the
Middle Ages, but this same geographic situation near the western steppes of Russia
also made it vulnerable to attack from the east and led to its eventual decline in the

late Middle Ages and after.

According to the Rus' Primary Chronicle, three brothers, Kyi, Shchekand Khoryv,
leaders of the Slavonic Polianian tribe, founded the city toward the end of the fifth

century or early in the sixth, and named it after the first brother Kyi. It was only after
980 C.E., however, during the reign of Volodymyr the Great, that the Ukrainian
people came together as a group. The adoption of Christianity as the official religion

of Kievan Rus' in 988 C.E. gave to the area greater political unity than had existed
earlier. It also brought a certain cultural cohesion, encouraged by the spread of
Byzantine culture that had accompanied Christianization. Volodymyr was able to use

the concepts of territorial and hierarchical organization associated with the church
Wall Shelf to further his policies of political control and cultural development.^
Yorkton ana, SasVanhtwan, early tuientirth
From the reigns of Volodymyr and his successors until 1793, Kiev remained,
cmtuni, pint, original red, yclloui ochre and
despite frequent invasions and the constant turmoil of disputed successions, a more
block point.
or less autonomous border city linked to the Muscovite Russian state on the east,
H jo.5Cin (i2")xW33cm(ij")x
while on the right bank of the Dnieper it remained under the control of Poland.
D2i.5Cin(8%T
The areas to the west of the city proper, Galicia (I lalychyna in Ukrainian) and

Bukovyna (now known as Western Ukraine or Trans-Carpathian Ukraine) were tied

to Kievan Rus' in their origins in the tenth century, although geographically, and to

some extent culturally, they were distinct. Under Volodymyr, Kievan Rus' had
adopted the Eastern Orthodox religion, as had Bukovyna, while Halychyna became
Greek Catholic and its inhabitants called themselves Ruthenians rather than

Ukrainians, despite their common tribal origins.

As a border area that was politically disputed through the centuries by inter alia

Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Western

Ukraine had never been able to develop its own fully integrated cultural identity.

National borders in the political sense did not coincide with ethnic borders and

distribution in these territories; Polish, Romanian and Austrian influences prevailed

104 FOLK FURNITURE

at various times and in various parts of Western Ukraine, each in turn imposing

upon a population of mixed (but mainly Ukrainian) ethnic origin its own political

and cultural regimen. By the end of the seventeenth century, most of the Ukrainian
upper classes in Galicia had become "Polonized" according to some historians,

while rural overpopulation and economic decline had culminated in impoverishment

and dispossession of the Ukrainian peasantry in the nineteenth century under the

Austro-Hungarian Empire.^
Unlike Western Europe, the political and social organization of Ukraine remained
largely feudal until the twentieth century. The principal economic activities were
agricultural, or related to the exploitation of raw materials such as the forests.

Industrialization was slow to come and when it did, it took in considerable measure
the negative form of a migration of workers to industrial enterprises beyond the

borders of Ukraine. The majority of the people were landless peasants living in scat-
tered villages at subsistence level. In the larger towns, merchants and craftspeople
supplied the products and the commercial network required by this agrarian society.

As late as igii there were about 30,000 artisans and cottage industry workers in

Kiev, more than double the number of industrial employees in the city (about

14,600)."

It was in this situation of political and economic repression that mass emigra-
tions of Ukrainians to North and South America began toward the end of the
nineteenth century. IVlost of those who came to Canada from about 1891 to the begin-

ning of World War I were from Galicia and Bukovyna rather than Russian Ukraine.
During this period, about 17,000 immigrants scattered through the Canadian
prairies, first to Alberta and Manitoba, then into Saskatchewan, settling on farms
and in hamlets and towns like Edna Star (Alberta, 1892-94, mostly from Kalush),
Stuartburn, the first settlement in Manitoba (26 families in i8g6), and Yorkton,

Saskatchewan, where the first Galician colony of some 51 families was established at

Beaver Hills, about 35 miles northwest of the town."^ V.J. Kaye speaks of further

settlements at Crooked Lake south of Yorkton (no families), and 31 families about

25 miles northeast of Saltcoats. There were about 4500 Bukovinians in the Yorkton
area alone by 1901." At the same time, many Galicians had established themselves in

the neighbourhood of Saskatoon. Ukrainian immigrants also settled at Rosthern and

Fish Creek in Saskatchewan, as well as Interlake and other regions in Manitoba at

the turn of the century. Although many were destitute, having spent whatever money
they had on the voyage, a few are reported to have had as much as $400 or $500 with
which to begin again in Canada.^

Dr. Josef Oleskow's contribution to this mass emigration to Canada as publicist,

promoter and negotiator (including his scouting trip through the prairies in

1894-95) has been well documented in Kaye's book, although Oleskow's original

plans for co-operative settlements that were self-sufficient and freestanding seem

not to have been realized.** Ukrainian immigrants did indeed group together in small

villages or on adjoining farms, but in a haphazard and idiosyncratic way close to

friends and relatives, as they had lived in the old country. Unlike most of the other

ethnic groups settling prairie lands at the time, Ukrainian unity lay in cultural

affinities rather than ideological notions of shared property and communal space.

The physical geography of Western Ukraine is varied and to some extent like that

of Alberta (mountains, foothills, plateaus, glacial depressions, etc.). This may

explain why Dr. Oleskow did not react favourably to the available lands on the
prairies until he reached the Edmonton area. However, many of the first settlers

105
 found landscapes reminiscent of their homeland elsewhere in the Canadian West.
One group of about thirteen families settled to the southwest of Dauphin, Manitoba,

Chest "because the mountains, woods, streams, and meadows very much resembled our
Ukramr.Jbund in Saskatchnvan, late ninMtnth native Carpathian scenery."" The presence of large tracts of forest was also, no
cmtun). European pint {?). applird tin and cut
doubt, an important factor in Oleskow's considerations, since the main industry in
stI u'ith brass tacks as dfcoratii'c clnntnts.
Bukovyna (Buk = beech forest, a term that dates back to the fourteenth century), for
orangt-nd graining ovrr natural pine.
example, was woodcrafts and forest products, along with agriculture. In addition to
H 86 cm l)}%-)xW 119 cm (46V4-)
the practical advantages of an ample supply of wood for construction, the making of
D 76 cm (jo")
tools, and heating, this preference for wooded areas may have contained some dim
This large Ukrainian chest, grain-painted, reflection of the tree cults that had flourished in Eastern Europe before the rise of
with decorative metalwork straps, corners Christianity. Poplar, for example, was long recognized as a feminine symbol, and
and central motifs, was no doubt filled poplar pole houses were to become one of the first forms of shelter for the new
with essential household goods when it
arrivals, making explicit the identification of hearth and home with the feminine
was brought to Canada around the turn of
principle of life and the everyday domestic activities of wife and mother (poplar is a
the century. Stylized, grain-painted
feminine noun in Ukrainian: topolja).
finishes are common in Ukraine, but

unusual in Western Canada. The upturned

crescent flanked by stars, with a large star

escutcheon above, is symbolic of the

Ukrainian Houses
triumph of Christianity over Islam and is a

part of Ukrainian religious iconography.* The first houses built by the new arrivals were either of sod and pole, or of log
The protective metal straps terminate in construction, with thatched roofs, and were made out of poplar, aspen, pine, tama-
one of the variant cross forms also found rack or spruce as provided by the site. Sydor Zelenitsky's experience in 1898, as
in this tradition.
reported in the Ukrainian Voice (1935), is probably typical of first house building by
Canadian Museum of Civilization.
the new immigrants: "We had to build a good house. I cut down trees, and there

A-M. Kostccld, "Crosss ofEast Slavic Christianity

were plenty of them. My wife helped me drag the logs, for we did not have any draft
among Ukrainians in Western Canada," Matmal animals. I dug a small cellar first and we started to build a house in the manner
Huumi BullAin 29 (Spring 1989). $8. n. 12.
employed in the old country." He goes on to describe digging out a deeper cellar, the
purchase of lumber from a sawmill nearby to cover the house before winter, and his
intention to make a "good thatched roof"'"
Buildings were low in height, even partly dug into the earth to provide greater

protection and easier heating in winter. Houses were rectangular with a southerly

orientation, and the interior was internally divided into two or three rooms. The
Galicians preferred a gabled roof while Bukovinian houses generally had a hipped

roof with a wide overhang and stepped eve bracket for support." A few of these
houses were plastered over for greater protection from the elements; some had
carved detail at the eaves or elsewhere. Bukovinian houses seem to have been some-

what larger, and sometimes posts supported the wide overhang of the hipped roof
which was more pronounced along the southern side, thus forming a porch.

Galician houses were much the same, except for the roof structure and overhang.

There were some differences in detail, generally much simpler and more austere.'^
At first ftirnishings were of the simplest sort: wide, rough lumber bunks, a bench,

a small table, a mud stove, probably a chest from the homeland, domestic utensils
and an icon or two. Kost Zaharichuk of Smokey Lake (Alberta) describes the trans-

portation of his belongings in a chest brought from Ukraine: "Early in the spring of

1899, 1 chose a piece of land ten miles north of Pakan.... It took my wife and me a
whole week to carry our things.... The worst thing was carrying our Old Country
trunk though the bush and fallen trees, but it contained all our belongings....""
The trees, grasses, stones and sod of the prairie landscape that were fashioned
into these first dwellings did not clash with the natural environment, and the simple

106 FOLK FURNITURE

furnishings, such as they were, passed almost unnoticed by both owners and

outsiders as the unremarlobie necessities of daily life.

In contrast, the small churches that soon appeared in most Ukrainian communi-
ties brought a distinctly foreign element to the topography of the prairies. Unlike the

domestic architecture which seemed, through its use of natural materials and unob-

trusive forms, to be in harmony with the features of the landscape, the self-consciously

architectural aspect of the churches with their single or multiple onion-domes, and
their more culturally processed form, constituted a highly visible manifestation of
human presence and belief. These visible symbols of faith declared, as simple
domestic structures could not, the ascendancy of culture over nature, and the
passage of the community from the demands of brute existence and survival into the
realm of the symbolic and the spiritual. It was at the same time an indication of

material progress beyond the early stages of settlement.

Of the four ethno-religious groups under study here, the Ukrainians stand apart

in their use of concrete, material objects as the visible and necessary signs of religious
belief. The presence and design of Ukrainian churches made manifest an "other"

107
 world in relation to natural forms, and although Ukrainian iconography draws many
of its motifs and images from the world of nature (eggs, stars, flowers, vines), it is a

conceptual and abstract value rather than contingency that informs its use.

In many ways, the objects made for liturgical purposes in the early years were an
extension, in terms of form and decoration, of domestic furniture, although the use

of symbolic motifs such as crosses and stars was more insistent. As for painted
decoration, blue predominated in church interiors and along with green and gold

(yellow in its positive connotations) represented a traditional system of religious

values. Benches for the congregation, cupboards of various sizes for the storage of
vestments and vessels, chandeliers and large standing candlesticks, and altar doors
are part of the specialized furnishings produced for churches, painted and decorated
to reflect a system of well understood spiritual significance.
These historical, geographic and social rudiments are a necessary preliminaiy to
any examination of the material culture that existed in Ukraine and that was brought

to Western Canada in the closing years of the nineteenth century and after as

Ukrainians sought to escape the cultural persecution and economic repression of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Imperial Russian State. Ukrainian cultural tradi-

tions stretch back more than a thousand years, and are anchored in an unchanging
geography, in a social system scarcely touched by the passing centuries, and in a

powerful system of religious belief with a strong material presence in its forms of
worship. The conservative nature of these influences is reflected in the true folk

expression of Ukrainian furniture and artefacts from archaic, anonymous motifs of

pagan origin (scythian?) through the highly sophisticated elements and techniques
associated with Byzantine art in its most finished manifestations, to the high styles

of Western Europe whose indirect presence may be traced back through the furnish-
ings and decor of the wealthy landowners and aristocrats.

Although the symbolic value of certain colours such as blue and yellow was part
of a traditional system of polychromy, the range, diversity and freedom of treatment
apparent in surviving examples of Ukrainian furniture made on the Canadian prairies

carry not only these stylistic and conventional genes, but also the marks of individual
expression, perception and the local landscape. Unlike the standardized forms and

finishes used by the village carpenter in Mennonite and Hutterite communities where
a network of religious beliefs, social principles of shared property, communal organ-
isation and an aesthetic of minimalism prevailed, Ukrainians, although they often
settled close to relatives and countrymen, did not come together in the same socio-
political structures of co-operation and community.

Ulirainian Furniture

The furniture made by Ukrainians in Western Canada between 1890 and about 1930
possesses characteristics that have sometimes been identified with what might be

called peasant baroque. It reveals a taste for ornamentation, curvilinear rather than

straight line or rectangular forms, a whimsical use of motifs, and a marked prefer-

ence for multi-coloured finishes.

Emily Ostapchuk suggests that identifiable styles in Carpatho-Ukraine developed

in the early eighteenth century:

108 FOLK FURNITURE

 Household furniture acquired a more definitely stylized form. The carving is

deeper, and definite spacing appears. It was usual to plan the entire surface

and fill it with ornamentation.... Crosses [are] divided into two large groups:

the old type, connected with Byzantine tradition, and a newer type, showing

baroque influence, which had come from the west into Galicia."

Within certain technical and social limits, Ukrainian folk furniture shares the under-

lying movement and energy of high style baroque. It expresses intuitively the same
interest in naturally occurring forms and the shifting, ever-changing nature of our

perceptions of the world around us. The highly developed, even ornate, lines of

shaped panels, cut-out skirts, and cornices and legs combine S curves, scallops,

end-to-end Cs and other sinuous shapes with traditional motifs in a tangle of styl-

ized profiles.

The painted finish used to protect and embellish such pieces is often applied in

the same spirit of variety and contrast. Although some Ukrainian furniture is mono-
chromatic, most of it has been painted in at least two colours, often three or more.

The materials used in the production of these largely homemade pieces that were

intended for personal use were, as might be expected, the readily available local

woods, most of which could be easily worked pine, spruce, birch, fir and poplar

along with commercial hardware and paints. In the choice of settlement sites, the

early Ukrainian immigrants were much attracted to well-wooded areas that were

topographically similar to the landscapes of their provinces of origin. The desire to

homestead in or near forest tracts was both practical and psychological: "The

Galicians are a peculiar people; they will not accept as a gift i6o acres of what we
consider the best land in Manitoba, that is first class wheat growing prairie land;

what they particularly want is wood, and they care but little whether the land is heavy

soil or light gravel; but each man must have some wood on his place. "'^ Wood, along
with agriculture, had been the essential resource in their lives, necessary to building,

cooking, heating, furnishing, artisanal production, indeed, to almost every aspect of

daily life. Furthermore, the taxes and levies imposed upon this basic commodity by

the landowners and other authorities in the old country had created psychological

stress that could finally be eased, it would seem, by an abundant and untaxed supply
of wood.
According to Michael Ewanchuk, the settiers "brought with them utensils

required for working with wood. One of the first implements. ..from the 'old country'

was their axe. ..about four inches wide and rather thick. It was good for splitting logs

or rails, but not for chopping down trees. They also had a broad axe.... They had a

spirit level, a plumb line, a carpenter's saw and a rip saw, various sizes of hand

augers and drills, gimlets, chisels and hand planes. Consequently they were able to

fashion out of logs, planks and boards the materials they needed for completing and

fiirnishing a house.""
At the same time, the level of competence in carpentry and joinery, if judged by

extant examples of house construction and pieces of fijrniture, is extremely varied.

In the impoverished conditions of their homeland, these "agriculturists" had

for the

most part littie thought for, or opportunity, to apprentice as artisans or to share in

that also
the established traditions of a trade. Unlike the Utopian religious colonies

came to the Canadian prairies at this time, each family unit had to depend upon its

109
5s-'v>-r)- '
*'.
 own members for the making of necessary furniture, rather than upon the desig-
nated carpenter or joiner of the communally organized village. In these conditions,

storage Cupboard workmanship was often poor and many pieces of Ukrainian furniture, while not

Benito, Manitoba, circa 1910, pine, oucrpaint lacking in spirit and style, are badly constructed and show scant knowledge of the
remoued to original green, blue, ijellou) and and tenon joints, dove-tailing of corners,
basic principles of joinery such as mortise
rust-red paint.
tongue and groove surfaces. On the contrary, construction tends to be exposed: nails
H 186 cm (73 'A") xW 101. 5 cm (40") X
are neither countersunk nor hidden within the structure or by the finish; butt joining
D 59.5 cm (23%")
predominates and the structural strength that accompanies proper joinery may be
missing too. Such problems are obviously inconvenient in terms of use, although
It is unusual for a Ukrainian piece to
they in no way diminish the extraordinary exuberance and stylistic vitality of much
abandon the curvilinear for straight lines

and rectangular forms. Here an inter- Ukrainian furniture.

change of alternating colours applied to There are three style sources that must be examined in any consideration of
rectangular raised panels of several sizes Ukrainian furniture made on the Canadian prairies: high style, folk style and what
creates an exceptional and pleasing variety
we have called "catalogue" style. The first of these influences occurs as a
of balanced, symmetrical patterns in dark
simplification or naive adaptation of recognizable high style features, drawn most
and light colours (yellow with blue; blue
probably from simple observation of the furnishings seen in the homes of wealthy
with rust-red, etc.). Simple form, strong
landowners and officials in Ukraine with whom the peasants were in contact in a
colour and arrangement demonstrate the
variety of subservient ways as tenant farmers, household servants or hired labourers.
ways in which aesthetic effects may be
created from the most elementary physical The two most probable sources of such influences were no doubt French Empire
characteristics of the materials used. and, to some extent, the earlier Louis styles that had so influenced the Eastern
European and Russian aristocracy. The cabriole leg set at a 45 angle to the skirt of a

table, the curves of shaped and fielded panels, the scalloped skirts of armoires and

tables, and the moulded or cut-out cornices of cupboards and dressers all echo the

distant profiles of the Louis furniture of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The large, rather stiff curves of bench-beds and the naive architectural features of
cupboards recall the often clumsy lines of later French Empire pieces, while the
decorative curvilinear shapes are related to the asymmetrical botanical preferences of

the Louis XV style.

Folk style is much less easily defined because it springs from traditional tech-

niques of construction and the uncodified forms of immediate perception, or from

the practical and expedient qualities of the material. A chair or a table, a box or a

cupboard will reflect the simple geometry of the square, the rectangle, the triangle,

the circle, the simple curves and combinations of curves that can be produced by a

scribe or compass. Without conscious thought for design as an aesthetic quality

independent of purely functional properties, folk style embodies the common pref-
erences of a people in their non-specific and enduring form. Each maker or artisan

will add his own decorative details or modifications of line in keeping with his abili-

ties and imagination.

As these newcomers to Western Canada passed from the early stages of settle-
ment in which almost everything, of necessity, had to be "home-grown," changes in

mainstream society brought a new and more powerful influence to bear upon the
isolation and the material conditions of pioneer life. The mail-order catalogue intro-

duced to even the most remote communities and farms the mass-produced,

ready-made goods of "catalogue" style, that is to say, the commercial adaptations

and eclectic combinations born of Victorian taste: Medievalism, Gothic revival.

Renaissance revival, cottage furniture, Easdake creations, what one furniture histo-

rian (Delves Molesworth) has called "le style Tous-les-Louis."" New materials and
new means of decoration the mechanically incised lines of Eastlake, the florals,

geometries and even portraits of press-back chairs, or the embossed tin ceilings and

Ukrainians III
 walls of the end of the centun' as well as other technological advances in the treat-

ment of materials made possible the overall embellishment of surfaces and at the

same time countered the lack of decorative (and structural) clarit)' that had character-

ized most earlier Victorian st\'les. The notion of overall surface decoration was at
first imitated by local artisans through the repetition and proliferation of motifs on a

single piece, and then finally discarded with the pieces themselves as catalogue

furniture displaced the handmade productions of the homesteader.

Although the decorative motifs found on Ukrainian furniture may occasionally be
based upon high style models (the fan, for example), most motifs are drawn from

anonymous folk sources and may be classified as either geometric, animal or

vegetable in nature. A further distinction may be made between the use of secular

motifs and the clearly symbolic value and function of religious forms such as the

cross and star.'"

The most commonly found motifs, and probably the most ancient as well, are

those of geometric form, in particular circles, pinwheels, and variously carved and

painted discs. These are symbolic shapes associated in general with pagan mytholo-

gies of the sun and the moon."' Quarter circles, half circle scallops, S curves made of
semi-circles and the like are undoubtedly motivated by decorative intent, although

they are inspired by the completed and perfect geometric form of the circle.

Diamonds, lozenges and rectilinear shapes are also a part of this elementary vocabu-

lary drawn from those two other geometric forms, the equilateral triangle and the

square.

Vegetable and other natural motifs are also basic to the decorative lexicon of folk

furniture. Vines, flowers and foliage in stylized adaptations of common plants and

species such as sunflowers or daisies recur, whether painted, cut out and carved, or

applied to the edges and surfaces of many pieces of Ukrainian furniture. Edges are

ofiien cut out in scallops or undulating profiles suggestive of waves or the sinuous

line of tendrils.
Animal and anthropomorphic elements, while less common, can also be found

and include birds, horses and other animals associated with domestic life. More

directly symbolic motifs such as hearts are frequent, and may be situated conceptu-

ally between the purely secular signs of daily living and the religious symbolism of

and icon-related forms like the nimbus and the sunburst. In this context
stars, crosses,

the motif of the heart belongs to the symbolism of both human and divine love.

A census of motifs found on twenty pieces of Ukrainian furniture we have exam-

carved fans carved and painted hearts carved
ined provides the following list: (5); (5);

florals (7); carved animals (3): carved and painted pinwheels (3); diamonds or

lozenges (2); and applied circles or medallions (2).

Generally speaking motifs, unlike colours, are not usually mixed on a single piece

of furniture, although variants of the same motif may be used (pinwheels of

several

sizes; petals of variegated form). Variations on the same thematic

elements may also

be created through the use of differing colours or colour combinations.

Most Ukrainian pieces are polychromatic. Colour is, in fact, the second essendal

element of decorative effect on Ukrainian furniture, perhaps more important overall

than the use of carved and cut-out motifs since it is used not only to enhance
same motifs in paint: "Initially a
sculpted or structural form, but also to create these

chest is painted red, then the carving is done and the chest painted red again, or blue

or black...."'" The basic field colour is red, which may vary in intensity from bright to

deep red, often tending toward orange. At least two-thirds of the time, the second

112 FOLK FURNITURE

colour will be green or light blue, with the possibility of yellow or other hues being

added. This profusion of tints creates a powerful visual and decorative effect of great

appeal. Unlike Mennonite and Hutterite furniture where a second colour, when
present, is tied to structural elements and tends to enclose the field colour, the

colours used on Ukrainian pieces are less related to structure and do not generally

outline or enclose the overall profile of the piece. A minor exception to this general

observation may be found in the framing effects of blue and/or green found on a

number of Canadian Ukrainian pieces. John Lehr, in a study of colour preferences on

architectural forms in Ukraine, has found that blue and green are preferred colours
for the trim on houses among the Galicians and the Bukovinians respectively
tradition that has been carried from Ukraine to the early folk houses of Ukrainians

on the prairies and even beyond into some of the ethnic neighbourhoods of cities
such as Winnipeg.-' This preference for multi-coloured finishes persists through the
early and late overpaints that have been added to many of these old pieces, also in

combinations of two, three or more colours. In our view, this justifies an interpreta-

tion of the perceptual and symbolic values that the Ukrainian community attaches to

certain colours. The complex symbolism related to the design and colour of pysanky
(easier eggs) has been studied in some depth and gives a number of clues as to the

motivation and cultural significance of the colours used on Ukrainian furniture.-' It

may also be an indication of geographical origin and influence, since various regions

had their own colour preferences and combinations.

Red (the magical colour of folklore) combined with green or blue, as noted above,
occurs frequentiy on furniture, bringing into the domestic interior both the spiritual

and secular connotations of red (spiritual awakening and the divine love of Christ,

human love and action) and the hope, fertility and freedom associated with green.
Blue, which is sparingly used in the decoration of pysanky, is also commonly applied
to furniture and suggests not only the life giving air, but spirituality as well. Orange,

a symbol of endurance, strength and ambition, suggests fire and flame, "the red of
passion tempered by the yellow of wisdom."-'
In an article analysing gender and colour in Doukhobor and Ukrainian clothing
traditions in Canada, Robert Klymasz compares the white kerchiefs of Doukhobor
women conveying "feehngs of spirituality, purity and humility in the face of godlike

perfection" with the masculine ideology of blue and yellow, the national colours of

Ukraine as "important symbols of sovereignty." In Klymasz's view, the male sphere

is related to the polychromatic in Doukhobor tradition, while in the Ukrainian

perspective blue and yellow dominate the masculine concerns of ethnicity and ethnic

consciousness. This analysis adds a further complex dimension to the moral,

psychological and physical attributes of emblematic origin by assigning gender and

ideology to colour symbolism.-''

In all likelihood, the psychological and spiritual value of coloured furniture

passed unconsciously into the daily routines of the household because the objects
that bore this imprint were neither ritual nor religious in function and content.

Nevertheless, such values must be reckoned an essential element in the unconscious

ordering of experience and the satisfaction of psychological needs.

Mention should also be made of the stained (rather than painted) pieces that have

been found. The makers of such furniture may have been influenced by the "cata-

logue" style described above which promoted oak, maple, ash and other woods in a

natural or stained finish. Often these pieces of pine or spruce have been constructed

and grained to look like the commercial pieces available by mail order.

Ukrainians II3
 A third decorative element related to architectural or structural elements is of

some importance for Ukrainian folk furniture as well. The presence of mouldings,

reeding and particularly chip carving, along with boldly shaped and cut-out edges,
Lamp Table
defines not only the limits of the piece on which they occur, but indicates a taste for
SpnndiiJe. Saskatthfuwn. signtd on bottom

John Popuhch. wrly tuimfirth ctnttin), spruce, textured or "active" profiles that add life and the suggestion of movement to these
overpaint rrmovtd to original palt yriloui paint. spirited pieces.
H 71 rm (28")x W 56 cm (14 'A") x
Style migration is undoubtedly one of the most interesting phenomena of cultural
D 29.5 cm (!!'/< ")
new conditions, social,
adaptation. As peoples and cultures are displaced or migrate,

political and material, come to bear upon traditional values and may modify
The small size of this table is unusual,
profoundly, or perhaps not at all, the marks of stylistic originality. Like botanical
although the undulating line of the legs is

Born of cross-fertilization, the results of cross-cultural insemination may have monstrous

t>'pical of Ukrainian furniture.

results or may produce not only hybrids, but also new and highly original forms that
circumstance and necessity, the use of

rec>cled wood as seen in this piece (crate- will contribute to the genetic stock of aesthetic shapes and effects.

wood stencilled "Canadian Apples") was In theory at least, Ukrainian folk furniture in Canada should be closer to its

frequent among Ukrainian and other

sources than most other ethnic forms because the emigration from Ukraine was to
immigrant groups in the early years of A short voyage
all intents and purposes without temporal or geographical stages.
settlement when money and materials
alone lay between departure and final destination. A thousand years had shaped the
were both in short supply.
cultural fabric of Ukraine. In a matter of months, although not all at the same time,

immigrants found themselves transported to the Canadian West, which was topo-
graphically and climatically similar to Ukraine and largely empty of other influences.

Here they reproduced, with littie or no change at first, the objects necessary to daily

life, in the familiar and reassuring forms of long established folk tradition: anony-

mous, naive and informal.

114 FOLK FURNITURE

 si?
i:^;.

,-'>- "- tj^:

vfr" 5"-
1*
 Table

Hubbard, Saskatcheuian, Pcryhitkajamily early

tuientirth century, spruce top and pine legs, old

brown ouerpaint over original dark broum paint.

Candlesticks H 76 cm (5o")xLi8i cm (71'/^") x

Manitoba, earli) tuicntieth century, pine luith tin W8icm(j2")

drip pans, old gold paint.

H jo cm (iiV^'jxWofhase 14 cm (5 'A") This is a multiple use (kitchen/dining)

table with typical square tapered legs and

Tliese candlesticks, naive in execution applied diamond blocks to cover the

but classical in form, are probably from rather crude, butt-joined construction of

a church setting, carved by hand in the the corners. The continuous undulating

baroque style, with spiral columns on a line of the apron is a decorative profile

tripod base. Ukrainian Orthodox altar found more often on pie-shelves and

sticks are normally hand-turned with a cornices. In this case it adds an element of

polychrome finish, suggesting that this visual interest to an otherwise entirely util-

pair may be in the Catholic rather than itarian object.

the Orthodox tradition.

"7
 KS^.ii

ri^i^
^fe.

l^^'

Storage Chest

Ulcrainf . latt ninrteoith cmtun), European

spnirt. polythromf decoration. The lid ii an old

Cupboard
replacement.
Intfrlakf District. Manitoba, early tuientieth
H48.5cm(i9lxL ggcmlsg")x
centuri), pine and sprute, original oclirf and
D5J.5cm(2n
^rfcn paint.

H 2 00 tm (yS'/,") X W gi cm l?sV]x
This immigrant's chest is an exceptional
D 61 cm (24")
example of painted decoration that

summarizes the major natural elements of

The tall, slender case of this one-piece
Ukrainian folk style. A profusion of tradi-
cupboard has a high open lift {ii'h inches)
tional floral and geometric motifs in all
between the top and bottom sections that
colours of the spectrum surrounds a large
accentuates the clean and finished impres-
central hean with double tail sunding
sion of lightness and good proportion.
against a paint-panelled background.
The strong semi-circular cut-out of the
Circular flower forms, dots and naive,
base and the more elaborate profile below
stylized tree-of-life stems completely cover
the glazed doors are characteristic of many
the faqade of the chest. The symbolism of
Ul<rainian pieces. Several other cupboards
life, fertility and abundance is clearly indi-
with a similarly constructed "pie shelf"
cated through both motif and overall
have been found, made perhaps by the
surface treatment, reminiscent of medieval
same artisan.
mille-fleurs tapestries. An almost identical
chest was found in Calder, Saskatchewan.

118
/,

X .W'B If
 Bench-Bed
Interlake District (Fraser Road mest o/Gimli), withstand the stresses and weight associ-

Chandelier Manitoba (Farm o/John Shmata), jirst quarter ated with their use as bench or bed. This

Manitoba, Jirst quarter oftuienticth century, of twentieth ccnturij, pine, ouerpaint remoued to example, with dovetailed and lapped

birch (?), recent red-brouin, orange and blue original orange and dark blue. "drawer," has unusually large motifs (fan,

paint. Three arm segments are missing. L 190.5cm (75") X D 62cm (24 V2") X H qfseat hearts, pinwheel) incised in shallow relief

Hgi.5 cm{j6"]xD gi.5 cm (56") 54.5cm (21 Vi") X H ojback 117 cm (46") on the back. Although the orange and

dark blue colours are a common charac-

Many early churches hacl hanci-made Many Ukrainian benches were constructed teristic of Ukrainian pieces, the

chandehers and ecclesiastical furnishings as storage or as a bed in addition to their combination of motifs is not. The formal

constructed by members of the congrega- primary ftmction. The seat of such pieces motif of the fan positioned on the exag-

tion. The hand-carved "turnings" and is typically unhinged and can be removed gerated crest rail allies itself with the

sausage-hke segments that make up the allowing the front rail to be pulled forward structure rather than the decorative detail

arms of this jointed, two-tiered chandelier like a drawer to form a relatively spacious because it has not been highlighted with

terminate in triple branching. The colours bed. Unlike some Ukrainian furniture, contrasting colour, as have the folk hearts

used have no apparent symbolic signifi- bench-beds are usually well constructed of and pinwheel. The cabriole design of the

cance. The size of this piece suggests a mortise and tenon joinery and are able to foot is also found on cupboards.

relatively large church.

Canadian Museum ofCiuilization.

 T
ll^

'j^:^y.Tg'.-ag?r':

Cradle

Manitoba, PR(PinjRiwCT.'), 1907,

M. Zoaobazijk, pint, original red and Pall bench

aram-ydloui paint. Thorhild, Alberta, circa 1900, pine, original

H 65.5 on (25%") xL 115 cm(45%")x brown ochre paint.

D47.5cm(:8'/4") H go cm (55Vj")x WS0.5 cm (ji'4")x

Width of shof/oot 76 on (joT D JO cm (n*/-)")

Ukrainian cradles are rare and this piece is Despite its use as a modest bucket bench

exceptional in both structure and decora- the finely shaped and tapered sides and the

tion. The shapes and forms of the design delicate balance of space with solid form

are all products of the scribe and square. create an impression of aesthetic refi-

Name, place and date add unusually nement more in keeping with high style

precise documentary evidence to this fine furniture than pieces of popular origin.

example of the possibilities inherent in The scalloped top rail and shaping of the

simple forms. Arranged and repeated in sides is typical of long sitting benches,
an overall, balanced pattern of curves, sleeping benches, and cornices of

circles and rectangles, compass stars and cupboards.

chequered uprights combine in a sophisti-

cated and arresting display of variations

upon a geometrical theme.
^>
 Bench
Yorkton, Saskatchewan, early tuientirth century,

pine, original orange, red and green paint.

Wall Shelf H 76 cm (50") X L 295 cm (iiS") x D 38cm (15")

Yorkton area, Saskatchewan, early tmentieth board have vigorous lines which may show Htoseat4S.5 cm (19")

century, pine, oryinal red, ijelloio ochre and an armorial influence (the spreading tail

black paint. feathers of the two-headed Imperial Long benches were often made almost the

W 53cm (13") X Austro-Hungarian length of the wall against which they were
H 50.5cm (12") X Russian eagle or its

D 21.5cm (8V2") analogue). The red colour commonly used to be placed, and with one open or armless

on Ukrainian ftirniture symbolizes spiri- end that would fit snugly into a corner.

The well carved architectural gallery and tual awakening and the love of Christ. The colour combination and alternating

connotations of pattern of red and green give interest and a

posts, and the hand-sawn backboard and Yellow also has ,'Ositive

support, combine to make a surprisingly light and purity. In contrast, the black that sense of rhythm to the strict linear

good fit of sophisticated and folk occurs on the edges of the shelf and cut- sequence of vertical back slats in the

made for use in a out backboard seems to be technical otherwise severe geometry of this piece.
elements. Probably

church (to support a small statue or other rather than symbolic in funcfion, used to

such object), the finely executed highlight the yellow of the gallery and to

balustrade suggests classical baroque emphasize the decorative lines of the red

forms in its balance and finish, while the back plate.

profile of the lower support and back-

"5
 Cupboard
Wasfl, Alberta, Radomskij/amili), curly tiuen- and the wave motifs of both cornice and

rirth century, spruce, original blue, red, orange, lozenge carving of the frieze emphasize

green, gold and cream paint. Minor repairs to the baroque inspiration of the motifs. The
cornice and draujcrs. large lower half of the cupboard relies on
H 217 cm (85 yi")xW 129.5 cm (51") X the variety and juxtaposition of contrasting

D45.5 cm (18") colours related to the structure (blue

panels outlined in red, cream coloured

From its decorated frieze to the cut-out drawer-fronts surrounded by blue, etc.)

cornice and pilasters, this two piece for decorative effect. The whimsical and
cupboard with "pie shelf" is unusual in amusing use of classical Renaissance
everyway. Above, putti maintain a scal- motifs (putti, atlantes) and the overall

loped disk in symmetrical armorial architectural emphasis created by the

arrangement while "atlantes" support many colours and structural outlining of

moulded columns on either side of the the base create an intricate and dynamic

small upper section of the case. Gold visual form.

highlights on the heads of these figures

126
1^ ji,^m .^Pl.
^^^
v;K-._i,^-i.viy"asiSv5issaiS6*"
 Table

Teulon (Intcrlakc District), Manitoba, early

Cupboard Pottery bowl tuientieth century, pine, scrubbed top, old

Sflrto, Manitoba, early tuientirth century, Usheruille, Saskatcheuian, 1920-30, made by crackled pink ouer ori,ginal red on the base.

spruce, several coats of old blue ouer original Peter Rupctian (1883-1944), red day. H 80 cm (31 Vi") X L 173 cm (68") x

green paint. H15.3 cm (6") X Diameter 33.6 cm (13 V4") W 81 cm (32")

H 188 cm (74") xW 104.5 cf (
41%") x

D 53 cm (21") This earthenware bowl with its incised Although no specific external style

decoration, used for grinding poppy seeds, influences appear in the structure and

The primitive construction of this open was made by Peter Rupchan. Known as a decoration of this simple, well built table,

hutch with its off-centre door and drawer mikitra, it was probably one of his most the moulded lap drawers, square cham-

suggests an unskilled maker, perhaps an important commercial products and sold fered legs, H stretcher and removable top
immigrant farmer, unfamiharwith the at a price of about 35 cents in the twenties with inside cleats, suggest European

basic techniques of joinery. Although and thirties. Rupchan, who trained as a country forms of the late eighteenth or

dovetail cut-outs frame the shelves in a potter in Ukraine, arrived in Canada in early nineteenth century. The depth of the

decorative way, the case does not make use 1905 Within eight years he had set up
.
skirt, so characteristic of Ukrainian tables,

of dovetail construction. shop and was selling his pottery at farms adds to this impression by indicating the

The diamond-shaped door pulls made and villages in the Usherville area.* probable use of benches rather an

by hand add to the naive and pleasing chairs, drawn up to the table when needed

overall eccentricity of the piece whose

* See Juditli Silverthorne. Made in Saskatcheiyan: as was the custom in earlier times. The
Rupchan Ukrainian Pioneer and Potter (Saskatoon:
untouched and paint-layered surface no
Prter
scalloped H stretcher is an unusual feature.
Prairie Lily Co-operative, 1991), 15, 76.
doubt reflects the simple interior and

untutored values of its maker.

129
Icon

Eajf of Vita, south ofSundouin, Manitoba, late Christ, an image in the tradition of the
ninrtfCTth-early tuioitirth Cfntury, polychrome Korsun' Mother o/God; in the central space

on pine or spruce. an image of Christ crucified; and to the

H j8 cm (i5")x W55.5 an (iiV) right the largely obliterated figure of St. Sideboard
George slaying the dragon, an appropriate Manitoba, circa igio, spruce, original

Although in poor condition, this charming Canadian "localization" of the icon, since mauuc/uiolet paint.

folk icon is unusual, perhaps unique, in a St. George is the patron saint of farmers in H 115 cm (45%")xW8i.5 cm ljz"}x
number of ways. Like a medieval triptych, Ukraine.* D 52 cm (20%")
it combines three self-contained images in

a single, framed space. To the viewer's ' koiu of tikrdtne (Washington. D.C.;Chopivsky Family
The sideboard is a relatively rare form in
Foundation. 1988), 20-21, 24.
left, Mary turns to her left with a guiding country furniture. This example expresses
gesture (Hodepetria) toward the in&nt some of the finish and consistency of high
style models through its balanced use of

simple curves (shelves, sloop sides, and

half-circle cut-outs at the base) and overall

rectangular form discreetly emphasized by

a touch of fluting to the facade and the

vertical edges of the doors.

130
r
^/m #
Door and Window Trim
Wostok, Alberta, Ewashkofamilij. igio, pme,

oriijinal red and yiUow paint luith decorative

motifs.

Door: Hi6g.5 cm (66V4")xW 119.5 f"i (47")

Board luidth 14.5 cm (5^4")

Window: H 102 cm (4oV4")xW85.5 cm (ssW)

Naive, exuberant, and colourful, this

combination of lines, dots and traditional

motifs (cross, tree) is a spontaneous

expression of the folk spirit untouched by

any academic training or influence. Unlike

the iconoclastic Doukhobors, the

Ukrainian tradition exalts the images of

faith and ritual as embodied in material

shapes and motifs.

133
 Chandelier

SaskatcheiDcin, Jrom the Sainf John thf Baptist

Greek Orthodox Church in Hampton, early

tiuenticth centurij, birch (?), ori^gmal ijellou;,

blue, red, green and orange paint.

H 101.5 cm (40") .\W 65.5 cm (25")

Turning, wliich is rare in Ukrainian

furniture, enhances the simple, elegant

proportions of this two-tier chandelier

with six and twelve arms (one is missing).

The variety of colours used to decorate

both post and arms represents the range

of possible combinations found on much

Ukrainian furniture.

Canadian Museum o/Cii'ilization.

Cupboard
Interlake District, Manitoba, early tujentieth

century, pine and spruce, old tireen and white

ouer onijmal red paint.

H 1S6 cm (75'/4")xW76 cm (50") x

D45.5 cm (18")

This one-piece blind door cupboard with a

high, shaped, cut-out pie-shelf is among a

number of similar pieces (at least five) all

found in Manitoba. This example differs

from the others through the use of applied

mouldings and blind panels in the upper

door. A group such as this is sufficiendy

large to constitute an identifiable regional,

vernacular expression of the folk spirit.

34
 Tradition, Adaptation and Cultural Identity

IN AN ARTICLE ENTITLED "Why we need things," MihalyCsikszentmihalyi

adds some interesting observations on the psychological value of objects to the

obvious utilitarian function of things as tool: "...most of the things we make. ..serve
to stabilize and order the mind."'
Cupboard (detail) What he suggests is that we situate ourselves in both physical space and in rela-

Wasel. Alberta, Radomsky/amilii, early tuien- tion to the objects around us, thereby giving form, limits and direction to our
tieth century, spruce, ongma\ blue, red, orange,
material selves in the ongoing struggle against natural chaos and the random quali-
^reen, gold and cream paint. Minor repairs to
ties of experience. According to Csikszentmihalyi, there are three ways in which
cornice and drauiers.
artefacts help to objectify the self The first is "by demonstrating the owner's power,
H 217 cm (S5V2")x Wi2g.5 cm (51") x
vital erotic energy and place in the social hierarchy. Second, objects reveal the conti-
D45.5 cm (18")

nuity of the self th/ough time.... Third, objects give concrete evidence of one's place

in a social network as symbols. ..of valued relationships [and] in these three ways
things stabilize our sense of who we are."^
The artefacts examined in this book on Doukhobor, Hutterite, Mennonite and
Ukrainian furniture in Western Canada were all made during the early years of

colonization. Because the conditions of their manufacture were rudimentary and

pressing, and the pieces themselves had no apparent ritual significance for the most
part, they have been neglected as a source of information and a reflection of the
traditions from which they came. Yet these objects enlarge the stock of material
available for study and in some instances they provide physical evidence for the

identification and interpretation of cultural characteristics and identities that can

only be inferred from ceremonial occasions, ritual, and the conscious manifes-

tations of tradition and belief

Generally the Doukhobors, Hutterites and Mennonites minimize the use of

material objects in religious practice and social ceremony; their basic attitude is

iconoclastic. But simplicity of form and communal types or categories of fijrniture

that ignore personal or idiosyncratic embellishment and stress rather the functional

aspects of the object, nonetheless reveal the power of belief and certain perceptual

and aesthetic attitudes conditioned by spiritual values and Utopian systems of social
organization.

The Ukrainian tradition is rooted in a very different attitude toward image and

motif and suggests a much less controlled and self-contained approach to the

external world that looks toward a transcendental revelation of the sacred beyond the

137
 scope of social organization and everyday life. The former is introverted, while the

latter is extrovert and seeks a higher order through the symbolism of objects and
natural phenomena.
Much Ukrainian furniture was probably made by untrained individuals rather

than the "village carpenter" or designated artisan in Doukhobor and Mennonite

settlements. Consequently, although generic forms are basic, detail is often eccen-

tric, individual, unexpected, and structures are sometimes elementary, even crude in

their execution. At the same time, colour patterns are consistent and suggest tradi-

tional preferences despite the idiosyncratic and occasionally whimsical nature of

motifs and cut-out profiles.

Although a few community-made chairs can be found among the Doukhobors

and the Mennonites, in terms of political organization all four groups are "bench"

societies. For reasons of space, economics of construction, and perhaps more

obscure impulses, the bench that is shared rather than the chair which is specific,

was preferred in this context. This is in part a simple, practical solution to the ques-

tion of seating, but the bench is also intrinsically a democratic and communal
signifier that situates ail members of the group in equal order. Chairs, on the other

hand, represent an elaboration not in keeping generally with the various egalitarian
belief systems under study. Unlike the French court of the ancicn regime, for example,
in which hierarchical values were expressed through the seating fiirniture (only the

king, bishop or head of the household sat in an imposing chair), the few chairs

found among the groups in question serve to underline the relatively large number of
surviving benches. From simple plank seating without backs in the community
dining halls of the Hutterites to others with back supports, through those that were

constructed "architecturally" to fit along a wall and into the corner, thereby defining
the interior space in early Ukrainian houses, to the articulated sitting and sleeping

combinations, such as the Mennonite Schiqfbank', with lift-lid and drawer-like exten-
sion, the bench in its various forms played an essential role in the everyday activities

of all four communities.

As the piece of furniture most closely related to the human body, not only in its

form and immediate ftinction, but also lexically (arm, leg, back, seat, etc.), the chair

may also be psychologically minimized in any system in which mortification or

displacement of the body is central, and sensuous pleasure is disparaged. Through

its individual characteristics and specificity, the chair may also imply the separate-

ness of its owner or habitual user rather than his participation in a community of

equals and their common activities, thus suggesting the power and authority of the

sitter.

In terms of aesthetic, Doukhobor and Ukrainian furniture types are somewhat

similar. Kinetic and open in nature, they react with the immediate environment and

represent an interplay and integration of particular forms with the surrounding

space. Hutterite and Mennonite furniture is more self-contained and the regular,

geometric profiles, straight edges and shapes without opening, suggest an existence
independent of surrounding space. The dynamic created by the insertion of an
autonomous form whose definition is essentially internal and closed rather than
open and "participatory" in relation to the environment, is entirely different in

essence and corresponds to beliefs that find their justification internally rather than
in powers or principles beyond themselves.
The variations, combinations and structural placement of the colourful painted
finishes so typical of the folk furniture of Western Canada are unique in North

138 FOLK FURNrTURE

America. The characteristic use of strong, bold colours in single or two-colour
combinations, for example, immediately sets Mennonite and Hutterite pieces from
the Canadian West apart from the productions of Waterloo County Mennonites in

Ontario, or the hand-made furniture of JVlennonites in Kansas and the American

Midwest. Colour choice and structural placement, as well as form, can also make
possible instant recognition of the community of origin within the four groups

presented here.
In addition to the practical functions of a protective coating, and the embellish-
ment and aesthetic appeal of bright colours a simple and relatively inexpensive

enhancement of hand-made wooden utensils and furniture painted finishes are

usually related to the conservation of traditional values, religious and national,
communal and symbolic, whose familiar and reassuring presence provides an
ambiance of predictability and shared perceptions in an unfamiliar and perhaps
threatening environment. This psychological content of simple colours and combi-

nations of colour may also be found in the natural world, where ancestral memory
rather than historical record finds its source in the sun's yellow rays as a life force,

the red blood of birth and death, the green and fertile world of plants.

Despite these distinctions, the furniture of the Doukhobors, Hutterites, Mennonites

and Ukrainians may all be characterized as "folk" in nature because it is anchored in

tradition and communal values rather than in the technical and stylistic innovation

associated with new concepts, bookish influences or individual designs. High style

furniture on the other hand is historically determined, that is to say, it is related to

specific designers, makers, or political epochs (Chippendale, Boulle, Louis XV, etc.),

and its ideology may be explicitly political, as in the Empire style. However, this does
not exclude the influence of high style and external forms upon folk furniture. In the

case of the Mennonites of Western Canada, where some aspects of Biedermeier

appear in the clear lines, large flat surfaces and certain specific decorative elements,

other fashionable trends do not. According to one observer, the traditional impor-

tance of the armchair as a sign of status and authority was displaced in the

Biedermeier style at least by a growing preference for bench seating mid-nineteenth

century: "Seat furniture witnessed the most uninhibited and decorative development
of the Biedermeier style and the sofa almost completely displaced the arm-chair.'"
This trend appears to parallel the development of Mennonite parlour pieces in
contemporary stylish forms of the bench.
Folk furniture is anonymous in terms of both form and decoration. This means
that within a given tradition, pieces belonging to any particular category will be

interchangeable in their basic form despite stylistic variants that may reveal the hand
of several makers. Although characteristic of a certain region or community, folk
flirniture can be both spontaneous and predictable. Such creation may also be
humorous in effect when it gives, if fijlly realized, an immediate pleasure of recogni-
tion and nov.ity to both maker and observer.
The emphasis in folk furniture (or art) also tends to underline profiles, edges, and
planimetric rather than depth or recessional effects. This simplification of visual

characteristics results in strong lines, distinct colours, uncomplicated decoration,

and in general, clarity of presentation that requires no intellectual evaluation by the

user. Such furniture is not normally the result of formal training, and its motivation

is not usually commercial. Most folk pieces have been made with a specific person in

mind the artisan himself his family or friends, or for use in a particular setting.

Because they were made for private use and enjoyment in a local context, they reflect

Tradition, AcJQptation and Cultural Identity 1^9

 the everyday experience and needs of the common people rather than the changing

tastes and fashions of a social hierarchy.

Finally, the most obvious characteristic of folk furniture is precisely that element

which ties it closely to immediate, unmediated experience, that is, its use of local

materials, reclaimed structures, "found" objects, recycled within a proximate

context. Indeed, the use of wood for kitchen and other domestic objects, farm imple-
ments and household articles generally is a vernacular practice whose "essential

character is expressed through a profound understanding of native timbers used in

the solid, traditional construction, a marked preference for rush or plank seats,

painted finishes and a persistence of archaic features." Rather than carving, veneers

or inlay, decorative treatment comes from "well-cut mouldings, chamfers, turnings

and carefully studied proportions. ..ornament was generally confined to painted

.."*
finishes..

The hand-made furniture of the early settlement period had a primary utilitarian

function born of material necessity and circumstance, but it also possessed a hidden

psychological dimension through which the continuity and permanence of the self

were represented and maintained by the reproduction of traditional objects in

familiar forms and styles during a time of rupture and uncertainty. When the first

severe conditions of survival diminished and economic and social forces began to

modify the patterns of daily life, the requirements of a new political and physical
environment could no longer be resisted. The old objects were abandoned for the

manufactures of the mainstream in an identity shift and adaptation that signalled a

new phase in the life of the immigrant. The broad changes imposed by North
American society at large went hand in hand with a psychic reorientation of the self
in which an evolving identity still bore the signs of its earlier content and shape. In
verbal terms, the hyphenated Ukrainian-Canadian or Russian-Mennonite designa-

tion reveals the ambivalent nature of this revised sense of self Similarly, the

domestic environment with its alien objects of industrial manufacture initiated a

first material step in the process of assimilation, while the psychological function

embodied in the modest objects of memory and origin so essential in the early years

in Canada disappeared from the routines of daily life along with the objects themselves.

140 FOLK FURNITURE

Notes

Doubhobors I Geometry, Flowers and Common Space

1. Koozma J. TarasofF, Plakun Trava-. The Doukhobors (Grand Forks, B.C.: Mir Publication

Society, 1982), 1-2.

2. The early history of the Doukhobors in Russia has been adapted in part from the first two

chapters ofTarasoff Plaicun Traua, 2-10; see also Joseph Elkinton, The Doukhobors: Their

History in Russia, Their Migration to Canada (Philadelphia: Ferris and Leach, 1903); and

George Woodcock and Ivan Avaloimovic, The Doukhobors (Toronto and New York: Oxford

University Press, 1968).

3. TarasofF, Plakun Traua, 3.

4. Ibid.

5. James Mavor to James Smart (19 October 1898). Mavor Papers, Box 2, correspondence,

Thomas Fisher Library, University of Toronto.

6. Leo Tolstoy to James Mavor (16 Aug. 1898). Mavor Papers, Box i, correspondence.

7. Peter Kropotkin to James Mavor (undated). Mavor Papers, Box i, correspondence.

8. Yorkton, Assiniboia, May 21, 1899. Mavor Papers, Box i, correspondence.

9. Mavor Papers, Box 37, #12.

10. Jonathan Rhoads, A Day with the Doukhobors, quoted in Carl J. Tracie, "Toil and Peaceful

Life," Doukhobor Village Settlement in Saskatchewan, 1899-191S (Regina: Canadian Plains

Research Centre, University of Regina, 1996), 91-92.

11. TarasofF, Plakun Traua, 68-70.

12. British Columbia Farmer, vol. xii, no. 4 (April 1919). Continued at page 167 in the May
number.

13. From "The Doukhobor Colony at Brilliant," in Fruit and Farm (after 1914), 202-4. Mavor

Papers, Box 37, #8.

14. Mavor Papers, Box 37, #3.

15. Mavor Papers, Box 37, #17

16. Mavor Papers, Box i. Correspondence.

17. From Notes of conversation with Pavel Planedin (November 1902). Mavor Papers, Box 38,

#11.

18. Francis W. Mavor Moore, "James Mavor: The Doukhobor Papers. Immigration and
Settlement," 22-23, 33. Unpublished manuscript in the Mavor Papers, Box 38, #11.

ig. See illustration 92 for a commercial prototype.

20. L.A. Sulerzhitsky, To America ujith the Doukhobors. Trans. Michael KalmakofF (Regina, Sask.:

Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina, 1982), 96.

141
 21. Alison Hilton, Russian Folk Art (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press,

1995)- 69-

22. Hilton, Russian Folk Art. 184.

23. For further information on Russian painted furniture see Olga Kruglova, "Traditional

Russian carved and painted woodwork." (Moscow: Iskusstuo Publishers. igSi).

Hutterites I Visual Anonymity, Practical Design

Robert Friedman, Hutterite Studies (Goshen, Indiana: Mennonite Historical Society, 1961).

The factual elements of Hutterite history presented here have been taken in large part

from Section II of Friedman's book.

Friedman, 45.

Friedman, 49.

John Hostetler, Hutterite Society (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 15.

Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 154.

Michael Holzach, The Forgotten People. A Year Among the Hutterites. Trans. Stephen Lhotzk7

(Sioux Falls. S.D.: Ex Machina Publishing, 1993), 149.

Lee Emerson Deets, The Hutterites: A Study in Social Cohesion (Philadelphia: Porcupine Press,

1975), 11-12.

Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 154.

9- Holzach, The Forgotten People, 11.

10. John Hostetler and Gertrude Enders Huntington, The Hutterites in North America (New York,
Chicago: Holt Reinhart and Winston, 1980), 25-26.

II. Hostetler, Hutterite Life, 18.

12. Hostetler, Hutterite Lije, 154.

13- Hostetler, Hutterite LiJe, 220.

14- "For the Eyes of God Alone: The Meaning of the Hutterian Brethren Aesthetic," in

Magnus Einarsson and Helga Benndorf Taylor, eds.. Just /or Nice: German-Canadian Folk Art

(Hull, Quebec: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1993), 20-22.

Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 268.

Holzach, The Forgotten People, 85-84.

Hostetler, Hutterite Life, 30; Hutterite Society, 220.

Michael Holzach, The Forgotten People, 134.

Paul S. Gross, The Hutterite Way (Saskatoon: Freeman Publishing Company, 1965), 87.

20. Holzach, The Forgotten People, 13.

21. Holzach, The Forgotten People, 115.

Mennonltes I
Utopian Vision in YeUow and Black

For the general history of Mennonite migrarions from the Netherlands to Prussia, then
Russia, and eventually North America, see The Mennonite Encyclopedia 4 vols. (Scottdale,

Penn.: 1957); John Friesen, ed. Mennonites in Russia (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications,

1989); James Urry, None but Saints (Winnipeg: Hyperion Press, 1989).

John Friesen, "Mennonite Churches and Religious Developments in Russia 1789-1850,"

in Mennonites in Russia, 45.

James Urry, None but Saints, 50.

Mennonite Encyclopedia, vol. 4, 384.

Ibid.

Mennonite Encyclopedia, vol. 2, 127, 129.

John Warkentin, Mennonite Settlements oJSouthern Manitoba (Steinbach: llanovcr-Steinbach

Historical Society, 2000), 95.

142
8. Mcnnonite Encyclopedia, vol. 4, 66g.

9. Lady Dufferin (Hariot Hamilton Blackwood), My Canadian Journal 1872-1878 (London,

1891; Toronto: Longmans, 1969), ed. Gladys Chantler Walker, 255.

10. Lady DufFerin, 256.

11. Although descriptions vary somewhat from author to author, principal sources for inte-

rior spaces are Edward Ledohowski and David K. Butterfield, Architectural Heritage:

Traditional Mennonite Architecture in the Rural Municipality o/Stanlcy (Steinbach, Manitoba:

Mennonite Heritage Village and Manitoba Culture, Heritage and Recreation, 1990) and
Harold Kalman, History of Canadian Architecture, vol. I (Toronto: Oxford, 1994).

12. C.B. Sissons, unpublished "Memoir on the Mennonites," National Archives of Canada,

MG27, IIIF^.vol. 6.

13. Margaritha F. Reimer, Preservings (Hanover Steinbach Historical Society) 17 (December

2000): 105.

14. J.Y. Shantz, Journal ojthe House o/Commons (1877), Appendix 6, 106, 112.

15. Ledohowski and Butterfield, Architectural Heritage, 15.

16. John Warkentin, "Time and Place in the Western Interior," Arts Canada, xxix, no. 3

(Autumn 1972): 22.

17. Peter Wagstaff, Memory and Desire: Retif de la Bretonne, Autobiography and Utopia

(Amsterdam, Atlanta, GA: Editions Rodopi, 1996), 61.

18. Esther Epp Thiessen, Altona (Altona: Friesen Press, 1982), 59.

19. F.G. Enns, Gretna (Altona: Friesen Press) 38, 159.

20. Nancy-Lou Patterson, "'See the Vernal Landscape Glowing': The Symbolic Landscape of
the Swiss-German Settlers in Waterloo County," Mennonite Life 38 (December 1983): 8-16.
21. Nancy-Lou Patterson, "Vernal Landscape," 10.

22. Biedermeier: "It was originally conceived as a pejorative play on words which combined
the German adjective 'bieder,' meaning plain (in the sense of unpretentious) with 'Meier,'

a common German surname. See Angus Wilkie, Biedermeier (New York: Abbeville Press,

1987), 20, for a complete historical explanation of the term.

23. Georg Himmelheber, Biedermeier Furniture. Trans, and ed. by Simon Jervis (London: Faber

& Faber, 1974), 33-35-

24. Himmelheber, Biedermeier Furniture, plates 15, 16, 50, 61.

25. Himmelheber, Biedermeier Furniture, 39.

26. Irene Enns Krocker, "Hochfeld," in Historical Sketches oJthe East Reserue 1874-igio (Hanover

Steinbach Historical Society, 1994), 131.

27. "The Story of Abraham S. Friesen," in Historical Sketches oJthe East Reserue 1874-1910

(Hanover Steinbach Historical Society, 1994), 254.

28. Tony Funk, "Mennonite Clocks," in The Saskatchewan Valley Neujs, April 13, 1994.

29. Royden Loewen, ed. From the Inside Out. The Rural Worlds o/Mennonite Diarists, 1863 to 1929

(Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press/Manitoba Record Society, 1999), 177.

30. Reinhild Kauenhoven Janzen and John M. lanzen, Mennonite Furniture: A Migrant Tradition
(1766-igio) (Intercourse, Penn.: Good Books, 1991).

Ubrainians 1 Peasatit Baroque and o Taste/or Ornattient

1. Much of the historical information in the opening pages comes from the Ukrainian
Encyclopedia, vols. I and II (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984, 1987).

2. Ukrainian Encyclopedia, vol. II, 550.

3. Ukrainian Encyclopedia, vol. II, 5.

4. Ibid.

5. V.J. Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements in Canada 1895-1900 (Toronto: University of Toronto

Press, 1964), 278. Kaye's documentary history of early setdement centres on Dr. Josef

Oleskow's role in Ukrainian emigration to Western Canada.

Notes 143
 6. Kaye, Early Ulcrainian Sfttlements, 296.

7- Jaroslav Petryshyn, Peasants in the Promised Land (Toronto: lames Lorimer, 1985), 71.

8. Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements, 296.

9- Quoted by Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements, 203, from a personal interview with Dmytro
Romanchych held in Grimsby, Ontario, October 8, 1961.

Quoted by Michael Ewanchuk, Spruce, Siuamp and Stone (Steinbach, Man.: private printing,

1977), 27-28, from an interview published in the Ukrainian Voice, June 1935.

)ohn I.ehr, "Ukrainian Pioneer Architecture in the Prairie West," Selected Papers jrom the

Society /or the Study ojArchitecture in Canada, Christina Cameron and Martin Segger, eds,

(Ottawa, 1981), 9. For further details and perspective, see also John Lehr, "The Log

Buildings of Ukrainian Settlers in Western Canada," Prairie Forum 5, no. 2 (1980): 185-96;

and lohn Lehr, "The Landscape of Ukrainian Settlement in the Canadian West," Great

Plains Quarterly 2, no. 2 (Spring 1982): 94-105.

12 Lehr, "Ukrainian Pioneer Architecture," 12.

W.Z. Czumer, Recollections about the Life of the First Ukrainian Settlers in Canada (Edmonton:

Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 1981), 42.

Emily Ostapchuk, ed.. Folk Art o/Carpatho-Ukraine (Toronto: Phillip Ostapchuk, 1957), 65.

5 Quoted by Petryshyn, Peasants, 73, F.W. McCreary to J. Smart, National Archives of Canada

(IB), 14 May 1897.

i6 Ewanchuk, Spruce, Suiamp and Stone, 38.

17 In Peter Thornton, Authentic Decor: The Domestic Interior (1620-1920) (London: Weidenfeld

and Nicolson, 1985), 216.

i8. A.M. Kostecki, "Crosses of East Slavic Christianity among Ukrainians in Western
Canada," Material History Bulletin/Bulletin d'histoire de la culture mate'rielle 29 (Spring 1989):
55-58.

ig. I.E. Cirlot, A Dictionary o/Symbols (London and I lenley: Routlcdge & Kegan Paul, 1978).

20. Ostapchuk, 69.

21. lohn Lehr, "Colour Preferences and Building Decoration Among Ukrainians in Western
Canada," Prairie Forum 6, no. i (1981): 203-6.

Mary Tkachuk, Marie Kishchuk and Alice Nicholaichuk, I'ysanlca: Icon o/the Uniuerse

(Saskatoon: Ukrainian Museum, 1977), 31-32.

23- Ibid.

24. "From Whiteout to Blackout: Gender and Colour in Doukhobor, Ukrainian and Other
Apparel Traditions in Canada," Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques du Canada x.xvii, no.

3 (1955): 143-44-

Tradition, Adaptation and Cultural Identity

1. MihalyCsikszentmihaIyi, "Why we need things," in W. David Kingery and Steven Lubar,

eds., History jrom Thincjs: Essays on Material Culture (Washington and London: Smithsonian

Institution Press, 1992), 22.

2. Csikszentmihalyi, 23.

3. Georg Himmelhcbcr, Biedermcier Furniture (London: Paber & Faber, 1974), 44-45.

4. Christopher Gilbert, Enijlish Vernacular Furniture 1750-1900 (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 1991), 2-4; 23-24.

144 Notei
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Bibliography ^49
 Index

Bold page numbers indicate photographs. Alberta, 40-41, 43, 46, 49-50, 54, 57-58, Buchanan, Saskatchewan, 30

60, 63 Bukovinians, 105, 113

Altona, Manitoba, gi

Ambrosius of Ekaterinoslav, Archbishop, 3 cabriole (legs), 5, 36, 82, 121

Anabaptism, 40, 66 Canora, Saskatchewan, 37

architectural forms, 79, 138 Carrot River, Saskatchewan, 69

armorial, 30, 80, 125 Castlegar, British Columbia, 9, 26

Art Deco, ix chairs, 36, 96

Austro-Hungarian Empire, 105 armchairs, 5, 138
Chelan, Saskatchewan, 22

baroque, 12, 79, 109, 124 chests:

peasant baroque, 108 chest of drawers, 59, 100

beading, 24, 46 dower, 18

Beaver Hills, Saskatchewan, 105 small, 34, 76

beds, 22, 55 storage, 11, 60, 87, 99

beliefs, religious, xiv, 2, 40-41, 66, 107-8 travel, 17, 18, 80

benches: chip carving, 114

bucket bench, 123 Chippendale, xix, 74, 139

carpenter's, 73 Chopivsk7 family icon, 130

sitting, 21, 53, 83, 125 Chortitz River (Old Colony), 67, 69

sleeping, 63, 70, 84, 121 clocks, 70, 75-76, 91

bench societies, 138 coat racks, 13, 50

Benito, Manitoba, in colours:

Biedermeier, xvi, 14, 57, 63, 74, 80, 83-84, perception, x^ii

96.139 plain painting, 48, 50, 52, 62, 72, 89, 99

black (colour), 22, 63, 77, 87, 97, 99, 125 polychrome, 11, 13-14, 24, 28, 72, 77,

Blaine Lake, Saskatchewan, 5, 18 112-13, 139

blue (colour), 69, 112, 121, 127 preferences, xvii

bowl, 62 Doukhobors, 13

boxes. See chests Hutterites, 45

brethren: Mennonites, 72

Hutterites, 40-41 Ukrainians, 109, 112-13

Mennonites, 66 symbolism:

Brilliant, British Columbia, 10, 33 Christian imagery, xiv

Bruderhof, 40. See also Hutterites meanings, xvii

151
 pagan-mythological, io8 DufFerin, Lady (Harriet Hamilton

sacred, x Black-wood), 69

theor\', X, xviii Dukho-borets, 3

community identin-, xviii

Doukhobors, 15-14 Easdake, iii

Hurterites, 45 East Reserve, Manitoba, 96, 99

landscape, xviii East Reserve-West Reserve, Manitoba, 69,

Mennonites, 72, 77 71

Ukrainians. 112-13, '39 Edna Star, Alberta, 105

communal house, 9 Edwardsburg, 49

cradles, xiii, 26, 40, 57, 58, 122 Empire, 75, 84, 139. Scf also Erench Empire

Crooked Lake, Saskatchewan, 105 escutcheon, s?. 80

Crossfield, Alberta, 57 Ewanchuk, Michael, log

construction tecliniques: Ewashko family. 133

butt-joint, 117

cleated top, 88, 96 fan motif 2, 13, 121

corner brackets, 88 Fish Creek, Saskatchewan, 105

dovetail, 22, 40, i2g floral and vine motif 30, 93, 112, 121

mitred corners, 22 floral motif

mortise and tenon, 10, 25, 46, 54, 69, on brick, 33

72, 109, 121 on cupboard, 94, 98

Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly, 137 on shelf 34

cupboards: folk style, iii, 138-40

built-in, 89 footstools, 66, 95

corner, 78, 82, 93, loi fraktur, 44, 69, 80, 95

glazed, 23, 27, 89. 94, 97, 126, 127 frames, 8, 9, 18, 19

hanging, 48 Erench Empire, 14, 74, iii. See also Empire

panelled, 16, 39, 47, 56, 68, 90, no, 135 Friesen, Heinrich, 76

ftirniture forms. See cabriole (legs); klysmos

Darius-Leut (Hutterite), 41 (sabre-leg); lap doors; lap drawers;

Dauphin, Manitoba, 106 tables: chamfered leg; tables:

decoration techniques: pedestal; tables: sawbuck; tables:

painted, 16. 18, 21, 26, 36, 52, 61, 94, tapered; tables: turned

furniture styles. Sec baroque; Biedcrmeier;

133
pierced, 10, 23, 25, 29, 122, 124, 127 Chippendale; Easdake; Empire;

sculpted, 8, 29, 37, 93, 121 French Empire; folk style;

117, 123, 129 Hepplewhitc; Louis style; vernacular;

shaped, 35, 48, 104, 115,

Deets, Lee Emerson, 43 Victorian

detachable base, 74, 80, 82, 87, 91, 94, 97, furniture types. See beds; chairs; chests;

chests: chest of drawers; clocks; coat

99
Devil's Lake colony, racks; cradles; cupboards; foot-
4
diamond motif, 13, 21, 53, 112, 122 stools; frames; shelf; spinning

disc motif, 126 wheel; tables

Dneiper River, 67
doors, 24 Galician, 6, 105, 113

geometric motifs, 8, 12, 14, 17, 121, 122

door trim, 133
Doukhobors: Gimli, Manitoba, 121

burning of weapons, 4 Glenbow Museum, 63

canning factory, 10 Goa, David, 44

history of, 2-6 grain-painting (faux-bois), 61, 77, 107

52
Grand Forks, British Columbia, 9, 29 Kootenay, British Columbia, 6, 9, 33
Grossfuerstenland, 67 Krocker, Irene Enns, 75

Kroeger clock company, 76. 91

Hamm, Peter and Sarah, 79 Kropotkin, Peter, 4, 10

Hampton, Saskatchewan, 134

Hanover. Manitoba, 69 lap doors, 52, 90

hardware. See escutcheons; pulls; pulls: lap drawers, 1, 25, 32. 46. 61, 73, 82, 8g,

metal 96, 100, 129

heart motif, 52, 53, 112, 118, 121 Lehrer-Leut (Hutterites), 41

Hepplewhite, 5i Lehr, John, 113

Herbert, Saskatchewan, 69 locus amoenus, 73

high style, xiii, 111-12, 139 Louis style, xix, 11, iii, 139

Hildebrand, Cornelius, 76, 91

Hilton, Alison, 13 MacMillan Hutterite colony, 63

Hochfeld, Manitoba, 76, 92 Makaeff (Doukhobor), 29

Holzach, Michael. 43, 45 Mavor, James, 6, 10

horse motif, 12, 19. 37. 92 Mennonites, history of 64-71

Hosteder, John. 43, 45 Mikitra bowl, 129

houses/floor plans: Molesworth, Delves (Louis style), in

Doukhobor. 7, 9 Molotschna River, 67

Hutterite, 43 Montana (chair from Havre), 43

Mennonite, 69-70 motifs. See diamond motif; disc motif; fan

Ukrainian, 106 motif; floral; floral: on brick; floral

Hutterites, history of, 40-43 and vine motif; geometric motifs;

heart motif; horse motif; pinwheel

icon, 130 motif scallop motif; square motif

iconoclasm, 14 star motif; tree motif; vegetable

iconoclastic, 137 motif; wave motif

iconography, x, 106, 108 mouldings:

imagery. See religious belief applied, 46, 134

immigrant arrival, ix, io5, 109 decorative, 23, 27

immigrant furniture: structuraJ, 52, 89

Doukhobor, 17, 18

from Russia, 11, 16. 106 nails. 111

Mennonite, 76, 79, 80, 91 New Rosebud (Hutterite Colony), 57

Ukrainian, 107, 118 North Colony, Saskatchewan (Doukhobor),

Interlake District, Manitoba, 105, 118, 121, 4.22.25,30

134
ochre (brown) (colour), 122

Janzen, Reinhild and John, 77 Oleskow, Dr. Josef, 105

orange/red (colour), 121, 125, 126

Kansas, 77, 139 Ostapchuk, Emily, 108

Kars Doukhobors, 10

Kaye, V.J., 105 pacifism:

Kenora, Ontario, 72 Doukhobors, 2

Kiev, 104 Hutterites, 40

Kievan Rus', 104 Mennonites, 66

Kleine gemeinde settiers, 67 Patterson, Nancy-Lou, 73-74

Klymasz, Robert, 113 Peryhitka family, 117

klysmos (sabre-leg), 11, 21, 36 pie shelf, cupboard, 118, 119, 134, 135

Index 153
 pine, examples of, 125, 129, 1J4. See also social beliefs, xiii

woods South Colony, Saskatchewan (Doukhobor),

pink (colour), iig 34

pinwhcel motif, xii, 12, 17. 121, 122 spinning wheel, 28

planimetric, 159 spoon, 20, 21

poplar tree, 106 Springside, Saskatchewan, 114

Popoff family, 18 square motif xvi, iii, 122

Popwich, lohn, 114 S.S. Lake Huron, 21

press-back style, 12 stain. See varnish

Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, 29 star motif 92, 112, 122

pulls, handles, knobs: Steinbach, Manitoba, xiv. 70-71, 84

brass, 100 Steinbach Mennonite Village, 92

metal, 47, 73, 127 St. John the Baptist Greek Orthodox

wood, 25, 129 Church, 134

stool, 51

Quakers, 4. 10 straight lines, xvi

stripping furniture, xvi

Radomsk7 family, 126 Swan River area, 29

Rat River, Manitoba, 71 Swift Current, Saskatchewan. 6g

reclaimed wood, 49 symmetry, 13, 18, 77, in

rectangle, iii, 122

rectilinear style, tables, forms:

44
red (colour), xvii, 22, 63, 69, 77, 78, 112, box stretcher, 29, 30

121, 125, 127 chamfered leg, 129

Red River, Manitoba, 69 h-stretcher, 129

reeded (channelled), 59 pedestal, 85, 86

Reformation, 40, 66 sawbuck, 54

Reimer, Klaas W., 75 tapered, 61, 88, 96

Reimcr, Margaritha F., 70 turned, 25, 29, 30, 85, 86

religious motifs. See motifs /or specijic type Tarasoff, Koozma, 3

removable top tables, 25, 29, 30, 129 Teulon, Manitoba, 129

rococo, 29 tree motif 18, 118, 133

roof design. See houses/floor plans

Rosthern, Saskatchewan, 69, 88, 95, 105 Ukraine, history of 104-5

Rupchan, Peter, 129 Ukrainian Orthodox, 117

Russian Orthodoxy, Ukrainians, 104-6

3
Ukrainian Voice (1935). 106

Saltcoats, Saskatchewan, 105 Usherville, Saskatchewan, 129

Sarto, Manitoba, 102, 129 Utopian grid, 73

Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, 105 Utopian vision, xiv, xviii, 3, 41, 71, 77, 109

sawbuck table, 54
scallop motif xii, 49, 50, 122
varnish (stain), 14,45, "3
Schlofbank (Mennonite), 138 vegetable motif (leaf and vine), 12, 30, 36,

Schmata, John, 121

Schmiede-Leut (Hutterite), 41 vegetarianism, 37

s-curves, 75, log Verigin, Peter, 6-7

settlers effects, ix, 106, 109 vernacular, g, 15, 140

Shant2, J.Y., 71 Victorian, 30, 77, iii

shelf, village carpenter, 138

35
Silverthorne, Judith, 129 Volodymyr, 104

Sissons, C.B., 29 Vologda, North Russia, 17

Smokey Lake, Alberta, 106

154 Index
wall box, 80, 81 pine, 23, 24, 54, 55, 68, 80, 96, 122, 133

Warman, Saskatchewan, 96, 100 spruce, 5, 48, 97, 98, 118, 119

Wasel, Alberta, 126 Ukrainians, general use, log

Waterloo (Mennonites), Ontario, 139

wave motif, 126 yellow (colour), 42, 47, 56, 62, 86, 8g, 96,

Winkler, Manitoba, 72, 100 97, 100, 115

Winnipeg Free Press, 70 Yorkton, Saskatchewan, 4, 33, 34, 62,

Winnipeg, Manitoba, 69 104-5, 125

woods:
birch, 22, 29, 62, 79, 134 Zaharichuk, Kost, 106

Doukhobors, general use, 10 Zelinitsky, Sydor, 106

fir, 46 Zoaobazyk, M., 122

maple, 72

Mennonites, general use, 72

oak, 51, 79, 87

155
Folk Furniture of Canada's Doukhobors,

Huttcrites, Mennonites and Ukrainians was set

in Fred Smejers's FF Quadrat, David

Beriow's FF Berlin Sans and DTL Caspari.

Photographs were scanned at 200 hne-

screen on a FUJI Celsus 6250 scanner at

Quahty Color Press (formerly Screaming

Color), Edmonton, Alberta. Press plates

were produced with computer-to-plate

technology using Prinergy PDF workflow

byCREO.
The book was printed on the 4C-50
MAN Roland press and the dustjacket was
printed on the 6C-40 Heidelberg press at

Friesens, Altona, Manitoba. The book

interiors were printed on l.una Matte 100 lb.

stock in 4-colour process plus satin varnish.

Endpapers are Rainbow II, latte. The hard-

cover is bound in Arrestox linen, #64250.
/

/^
\

1 \

I
 'y-'^-?-^^

)OHN FLEMING is Professor Emeritus in the

Department of French and the Centre for Comparative

Literature at the University of Toronto. He is the author of

Les meubles peints du Canada jrani;aisjThe Painted Furniture of

French Canada as well as numerous articles on the

decorative arts in Canada. fl

^^.- >:;';
MICHAEL ROWAN is owner of Michael Rowan
Antiques, which speciahzes in folk art and ethnic

furniture. He has supplied antiques and folk art, as well as

appraisals, to the Museum of Civilization, the Markham

Museum, and many private collections. He has published
articles in various journals and magazines specializing
m antiques.
:'"r'}i

JAMES A. CHAMBERS has been staff

photographer at the Royal Ontario Museum and head

photographer at the Art Gallery of Ontario. He teaches
creative photography at Humber College in Etobicoke,

Ontario. A graduate of the fine arts program at McMaster

University, Chambers was the principal photographer for

Les meubles peints du Canada Jrangois/Thc Painted Furniture of

French Canada, Variey, Toronto in Art, and Impressionism

'"^
in Canada.

Front coucr: Mennonitc Tripod Table, Steinbach (EastRfseruf), Manitoba,

H 70.5 cm (27V4") .\ D 61.5 cm li4'/4"}. Frontjlap: Hutterite Hanging

Cupboard, Manitoba, H 79 cm (31") xW 51.5 cm (2oy4")xD 25 cm

Ig'/A"). Baclccouer: Doukhobor Table, North Colony, Sioan Riuer,

Saslcatcheioan, H 82 cm (52 V4") x W 15 5 cm (61") x D 84 cm (j j").

Backjlap: Ukrainian Lamp Table, Sprinflside, Saskatcheiuan, H 71 cm

(28")xW36cm(i4y4")xD29.5cm(iiy4").

;V^/.;Tr.-' < '-''K'.

v^^-
.A*.'-^*";

OF ALBERTA PRESS
Book and couer desifln by Alan Brou)nojf

luuiio.uap.ualberta.ca
"Folb furniture is anonymous in terms of both form and

decoration. This means that within a given tradition, pieces

belonging to any particular category will be interchangeable

in their basic form despite stylistic variants that may reveal the

hand of several mabers. Although characteristic of a certain

region or community, folb furniture can be both spontaneous

and predictable. Such creation may also be humorous in

effect when it gives, if fully realized, an immediate pleasure

of recognition and novelty to both maber and observer."

ISBN 0-88864-'.18-3

S60.00 in Canada
Pritttfd in Canada
9 l780888"6A4183l