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    CHAPTER FORTY-SIX FROM JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO ORTHODOX MYSTICISM Bogdan G. Bucur Gebel of Baseen Christianiy give east ite atention ro the Jewish apoca: Ispuic coors of ideas and practices that came to define the Orthod though world, This is unfortunate because Byzancium cannot be understood adeytately without considering its important apocalyptic undercurrent. Even more serious ie the resulting gap in our underscanding of Orthod theology: on che one hand tele well known that an “enormous library of pseudepigraphical and apocryphal m ials from post-hibleal Israel and Chestian antiquity ».. was continuously coped and presumably valued ~ though sedom quoted ~ by Eastern Christiane, and cope ctaly by theie monks"; om the other hand, however, “one would he hard-pressed find sige contemporary Orthodox theologian who devotes any signif space whatever to their consideration.” The author of this observation, himeelf- an Orthodox monk and American academic, suggests that scholars interested in the tmystical and asceieal tradition of the Chistian Bast should build on the achieve tmecats ofthe seholies associated with the “nce-patrstc synthesis,” hut “with mach sreater attention devoted to an area where we believe thei work was lacking the patrimony of biblical and posthibical Israel” He argues thatthe study sf apoce lypric hnerature, 0° the Qumran Scrolls, and of Liter Jewish msstcism “thre new and welcome light on the sources and continuities of Orthodox theology liturgy; aed spiriuality 20073: xin) For etter or for worse, this synthesis theology, Neurgs, and spirituality im the Christian East is offen referred t0 36 “Orthodes Mysticism,” Coli ORTHODOX MYSTICISM Despite the venerable usage of the noun “mystery” and af the adjective “mystical” in «arly Chistanty in reference othe church rial, the sicraments, othe ieapeet tion of scripture tare anges, co the Christan life of prayerete, the phrase “Ontelog Mysticism” not very felicitous. As has heen ned (Louth 255, Fischon vos) it ies on the unprrblematized assumption of “mysticism” as a univeneil cavenoey spplicable to any number of Christian oF non-Christian phetiomens tome “Orehetog imysticiom,” “Franescan mysticism,” “Jewish mysticim: “Sufi mysticea.’ “antec 466 — CHAPTER 46: Jewish apocalypticism to Orthodox mysticism — mystica"). The noun mystigue appeared in seventeenth-century France as a designa tion ofthe “new science” of the inner life, through a substantivization of the adjecaoe istic. which, since the thirteenth century, had increasingly come to designate ‘what had become separate from the institution” (De Certeau 1993: 39-13), twas used “within and in reference to groups thar were farthest removed from the theolox ‘cal institutions like many proper nouns, i firs took the form ofa nickname or accuse tory term” (De Certeau 1992: 107) Evidently, chen, “mysticism” (the usual English term since the nineteenth century [McGinn 1991; 267) was not coined as a nestral descriptor butas a polemical ool and late asa theological concept) designed to grasp and illumine certain phenomena = e.g. Quietism ~ in the Christian West, If used to describe the Fastern Christan ethos, “mysticism” cannot be, to use the ofequoted formula, “something that begins with mist, centers on the and ends in sebram= the phrase “nystical cheology of the Eastern Church,” “Orthodox mystica “docs not imply emotional individualism, but quite the opposite: continuoes communion with the Spirit who dwells inthe whole Church” (Meyenderff s979 1a, sf Lossky 1975: 7-9. Infact, with the major exception of writings hy Simeon the New Theologian, extensive accounts of “mystical” experiences inthe fist person singular are largely nonexistent in Eastern Christianity. In what fol ows, “Orthodox mysticism” is used in reference to the synthesis of Christological and Trinitarian doctrine, liturgical practices, ascetic theory, and Inystical speculation, which becomes mote and more characteristic of the Christion East during the second half ofthe fist millennium. Ths isa time of great convel sions and selfedefinition for the Roman Empire, marked by a last reassetion of Constantinopatitan rule in the Latin West, under Justinian, followed shortly there after by the increasing prominence of Germanic tribes in that part ofthe world, and by a reorientation towards the East. As pillars of Orthodox mysticism one could Point, first of al, to the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus (in turn a theological synthece of the Macarian homilies, Evagrius, and late Ncoplatonism), the works of Maximus the Confessor, ascetic writings such as the Ladder of Divine Ascent or the treatmes of lsaac of Nineveh, the apologetic and dogmatic work of John of Damascus, ov the legacy of Simeon the New Theologian. Of crucial importance is also the hymnee ‘graphic tradition, which parallels the articulation of dogma atthe ecumenical coun, «ils, and develops from fourth-century authors such as Ephrem of Nisibis and Gregory of Navianzus, to fifth-century compositions in Jerusalem (Leeb 198: Jeffery 1994; Seaneider 2004), to the famous hymmographers Romanos the Meledist, Sophronius of Jerusalem, Andrew of Crete, John of Damascus, Cosmas of Matunna, and Theodore the Studie, to the codification ofthe hymnographic material around the eurn of the millennium. Inthe absence of heresies or perceived heresies, the donee logical theology of the hymns, whose Sits in Leben isthe community’s liturgical sel-actualization, may very well have been the only theology (Bucur sooyb: 168-70), ‘Among older sources, of primary importance is the massive and continued presence of Gregory of Nazianzus, whose orations were the most copied of all Breantine ‘manuscripts (excluding the Bible), “cited, plagiarized, and plundered thousands of tienes” (Noret 1983: 265038; Brubaker 1999: 285; Galavatis 1969: 9-12): further sill the towering figure of Origen, whose heritage continued to shape the Chetation ast well nto the sixth and seventh centuries. hogdan G. Bucur APOCALYPFICISM AND THE “OTHER BYZANTIUM" Apocalypses ~"a gonre of revelatory iteracuee with a narrative framework, in whieh 4 revelation is mediated by an otherworklly being to 1 human eecipien, disclosing a transcendent reality whieh 1s both temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological Salvation, and spatial insofar as it involves another supernatural world” (Collins oo8: $} ~ Houtished in Byzantium and continued co enjoy great popularity an the pose Byzantine societies of the Balkans, Russia, and the Near East. One category of apocalypses that need ot concern us hese ate works like the late seventh-ceneury fapocalypses of Tseudo-Ephraem and Pseudo-Methodius (Aesander 19853 McGinn 1998: 76-76), which provide a general interpretation of history in response to the political cries oF the Byzantine Empire. More relevant for the topic of Orthodns mysticism are wricings such as the Apocalypse of the Theotokos, the Apocalypse of Anastasia, the Lite of Andrew the Fool, or the so-valled Letter of the Lard that Fell from the Sky, which furnish an ofenegleted glimpse into the symbolic world and religions interests of the Byzantine populace, “those anonymous Crizens and villages who geupied the broad social middle” (Baun 2007: 322). I has been argued convincingly thae these writings were composed or commissioned by lay conftarernities oF pious associations (adelpbotes: eusebes systoma) “Hor use isa ay parish setting, c© convict the vonscienees of lay ses, and to revitalize the tara Ie of the cal community” (aun 20071 89, 372-89). These writings circulate in parallel with, and are reworking, okler models that emanated from ascetic and monastic ciecles. Specifically, che Apocalypse of Anastasia and the Apocalypse of Thentokos depend on the thied-censury Apocalypse of Paul ~ “the pacalypses” ~ as well as on great patriach of late antique and eaely medieval a still older pseudepigeapha such as 1 Enock, + Enoch, the Testament of Abraham, and 5 Baruch (Bun 2097; 78, 190). ‘These writings, exchided by rabbinic Judaism, were copied and teanslaced by Christian manastiess the notorious Uithiculey in distinguishing between “Jewish” and. “Christian” elements in chese Ppseudepigeapha (Davila 2005: 2-11) indicates how deeply embedded these weitings wore in the Byzantine world Vie The lack of scholarly interest in Byzantine apocalypses bespeaks che (eheologicall buted to, or associated with, assumption that the extea-cinonieal compositions at hiblical charseters such as Enoch, Abraham, Menes, Isiah, Melkizedek, Noah omils) ane uteducated monastics re, and chat this soet af litera circulated mostly among heretics jeg. the Bo hefore eventually being cleyeaded into religious fol ture is theologically nepe and therefore isrecvant. This approach Keads one either ta clisparage the mysticism of the Christian East as theologically dubjions (verdicts to his effec being pase by erties of Pseudo Macarius, Suneon the New Theologian, ‘or Greqory Palamas), or to simply ignore these writings sources of the Orthowon mystical tradition (see Golitzin’. obsersations, above). To better understand Orthodox mysticism tis important to inguire why Easteen Christians found fewish psetwdepigrapha so appealing as to copy and eraaslate them alongside biblical and pirtual guidance for the ascetical and:mystieal he. Ta this end, one must consider dhe symbolic world Tirurgical commentries, sermons, hymns, and varios works 488 CHAPTER 46: Jewish apocalypricism to Orthodox mysticism — ACCESS TO HEAVENLY MYSTERIES Jewish apocelypric literature assumes the possibility of a “direct revelation of heav ‘nly mysteries,” and expresses the conviction “that certain individuals have been siven to understand the mysteries of God, man, and the universe” (Rowland +98 14, 76;cf, Collin 1998: 12-13). Indeed, many such writings purport tobe copies of the so-called heavenly tablets containing the “secrets of creation,” written down with angelic assistance by elect apocalyptic visionaries such as Enoch, Moses, of Abraham. The heavenly secrets to which visionaries have been given privileged aceess include elements of sacred uranography and angelology, accounts of the beginning of the word, the history of God's interaction with his creation {usually Supplementing, or presenting alternative versions to, the canonical hiblical narra. tives), and vavious eschatological scenarios. ‘The Christan revelation has from the very beginning been articulated in acomplex dialectic with the apocalyptic theme of heavenly mysteries. According to. Jean Daniglou, some of the traditions ascribed to the apostles and circulating among. carly Christian teachers during the firs three centuries of the common era Fepresent “the continuation within Christianity of a Jewish esotericism that existed at the time of the Apostles,” which concemed in large measure the mysteries of the heavenly worlds; more precisely, starting as early as che apostles themselves, the concern was to relate the mysteries ofthe heavenly world = angelic ranks, et. —to the central and commanding mystery of Christ's death and resurrection (Danielou 1962: 214). We find strong ecxoes of this delicate balance in the New Testament, for example in 2 Corinthians or John 3. In confronting the “superapostles” (2 Cor 11:5) who boast of visions and charismata, Paul does nor challenge the validity of either, but writes {0 correcta visionary practice that he judges to be misguided, and to reaffirm what hhe understands to be the authentic type of Cheistian spirituality: one more radically patterned on the incarnation, and one whose visionary component is shaped by concern for the ecclesial community and by principles of spiritual pedaxoxy (Humphrey 2007: 5148}. In John 3, the dialogue between Jesus and Nicodemus concerns precisely ta epourania, “heavenly things” (John 3:12), ascending to heaven ohn 3:13), entering the kingdom of God (John 3:4), and seving the kingdom of God (John 5:31. The Gospel’ authoritative reply t0 such interests is not a dismissal fn toto, but a redirecting of the search for vision towards an incarnational and Jesus (Acts 7:3960: “Lord fests, receive my spirit. Lord. do not ol gh sin against them”) ~ in the same terms that Jesus prays to the Father Luke 23:84, 46:*Then fesus ssid, "Father, forgive thems; far they do not know wha they ace doing’. Then Jesus, crying with a loud vowe, sai, “Father inca sour hands | commend my spit”) ~ che author of Acts notes that Stephen was “led with the Holy Spirt™ (Acts 7255-56). Similarly, in the Fourth Gospel, Christian \worship of God s worship *in she Spirit” John 4.24), which enables one to hone she Father by honoring the Som (Joh 223) AA text such as Ascension of Isaiah (8-17-18, 9.2740) and its echoes in Frenaeus (pid. 10) and Crigen (De princrpis 1.3.4) presents a seeming perfect example of “three powers in heaven” theology: the visionary sees Goal, the angel of Chri, ane the angel of the Holy Spirit as three discrete entities. Nevertheless, the anyelomor [phic Holy Spirits stand foremost “the angel af she Holy Sprit who hax spken im you and abo inthe other righteous” (Ase. Isa 9.56) and, for Origen (Comune Ron, 5.8.8) the ground of all theognosy. In other wordy the Spit i the ides the tnabler, and the interpreter of the prophetic and visionary experience of worship. Ping Jesus alongside God. Generally speaking, the texts usually quoted 9s examples fof “carly Christian binitarianisin” often claim to be rooted in a pneumatic religions ‘experience thar the readers are exhorted to emulate beginning with the very act ot reading. When this mystagogical elements set aside ~a matter of professional neces sity, because a scholarly reading is by definition one that maintains acetal distance to the text ~ the ancient writers are often found to lack explicit relerences to the Holy Spirit and are chus labeled “hinitarian” (Bueur 2or0) This exalted view of Jesus is conveyed through the attribution af traditional Jewish indicators ofthe divinity: the divine Name, the divine throne, the reception bof worship, In the hook of Revelation, for inseancey al cree indicators point te the same theological yew: God and, associated with Gad, the Son ir Lam. The hearce ‘of the divine namie isthe Father (Rey, t:4, 85 42814, 175 19:8: Les, tys t9:hs Fs +1222), but the dine Name is also attributed to the Som (Gieschen tons ce 998s 253-55). The divine throne is occupied jointly by the Eather and the Lambs (Rew. s:6), and the Lamb is associated in various ways with the worship received by God (Rev. setsa14: 72104 tas 20:63 21 22:5). Generally speaking, the theone imagery (especially as displayed in Psalm toss and Dan. sty} centage Now Testament Christology (Bauckham 1999). The same continues to be teu foe patristic literature, as well inthe later hymmnogeaphy (Bucur 2009) and icone Faphy. eons featuring “Christin glory” or "Christa end-time jue” often depict a throne equipped with fiery wheels and wings, surrounded by seraphim sod chee tubim. This iconogriphic exegesis of Old Testament throne-theaphanieseffecenaly Proctaims Christ as the very rider of the merkatu, Aside from its Christological use as a way of identifying the “Lord Jesus” with che ‘Lord God” of Israel, the “throne” also functions asa coe for "beaver at dante e nasa theone of the “ake Ascetic literature and hagiography depict the deified Chet ssodhead. Similarly, 3yzantine hymnography views the Theotokos, the elder Simecns ven the manger of ethlehem and the donkey on ashich Christ enters Jeronalon wt thrones,” inasmucy as they are bearing Christ [Ladouceur 2006, Bucur: sosph ae — CHAPTER 46: Jewish apocalypricism to Orthodox mysticism — 143-46). Finally, throne imagery (and its apocalyptic background of the angelic worship before the heavenly temple) is used to highlight the importance of the Eucharist ~ where the enthroned Lord is accessible here and now ~ sometimes in polemics against heretical claims to vision, or against Jewish throne-speculation (see Golitzin 2007b, 2007¢}, All ofthe above are part of a complex coordination of the angelic liturgy before the heavenly throne of God with the liturgy of the church before the “tirone” of the altar, and with the interior liturgy, where God isentheoned fon the altar of the heart, The New Testament and pre-Nicene roots of the “three- church” theery its lowering in the Syriac milieu ~ Ephrem of Nineveh, the Book of Steps, the Macarian homilies ~ in Pseudo-Dionysius, and in Simeon the New ‘Theologian, have heen studied extensively (Golitzin 2007¢: 112, 114-175 1995. 349-92). The rich deployment of this throne-imagery is evidently dependent on 2 Christologicil rereading of Old Testament theone-visions and more generally of Old ‘Teseament theophanies. THEOPHANIES Golitzin (20¢7a: xvii) has noted that ‘Theophany permeates Orthodox Tradition throughout, informing its dogmatic theology and its liturgy: Thar Jesus, Mary's son isthe very One who appeared to Mose: and the prophets ~ this is the consistent witness of the ante-Nicene fathets, and remains foundational throughout the fourth century Trinitarian controversies and the later Christologial disputes. Early Christians typically identity the second power with Jesus Christ. The New ‘Testament often alludes tothe divine Name (cf. Exod. 3214, "ego ei,” se. bo On Exod. 6:5, kerios), and proclaims Jesus Christ as “Lord” (kurios), obviously in reference to the Old Testament “Lord” (Rurios in the LXX) seen by the prophets, ‘This sort of "YHWH Christology,” of “divine Christology.” has been traced back the Gospel of Mark, the Gospel of John, the Pauline corpus, and the Catholic Epistle ‘of Jude (Elis 1999; Binni and Boschi 2004; Capes 1993; Fossum 1987; Rowe 2000; Gathercole 2006), It was prominent in the pre-Nicene era and continued to underlie the Christology ofthe concilir era (Legeay 1902-3: Romanides 1959-60 Golitzin 2007b: 53-57). Byzantine (as well as Syriac and Latin) hymnography explicitly ‘identities Jesus Christ a the author of the revelatory and saving acts recorded in the Old Testament: the Lord of Paradise, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the ‘one who led ‘srael out of captivity, the Lawgiver on Sinai, the object of prophetic Visions (Buctr 20096). This Christological interpretation of theophanies also underlies the Byzantine theology of icons (Giakalis 2005: 59 and m2), and finds its visual counterpart in numerous Byzantine icons and manuscript illuminations. An alternative view ~theophanies as ereated manifestations ofthe divine nature ~ was advocated by Augustine of Hippo and was gradually adopted as normative in Western Chrstianity (Studer 1971; Barnes 1999; Bucur 2008a). Advocated in Byzantium by the adversaries of Gregory Palamas, this notion was rejected as heretical in the aftermath of the Hesychast debate (Romanides 1960-64; Bucur 2008) — Bogdan G. Bucur — ANGELOMORPHISM OF THE SON AND THE HOLY SPiRET The Christologicl interpretation of Old Testament theophanics resulted inthe iene tification of Joss with one of che dhree angele visitors enjoying “the hespicalty of Abraham” (Gen. 18:1-8), with “the angel of great counsel” i935 LX and the angel of the covenant” (Mal. 21). Following a distintion between nature and fune, tion already insisted upon by patristic exegetes, scholars have come to designate such cases as eximples of “angelomorphie Christology,” where the term “angele morphic” signals the use of angelic characteristics, while not necessary implying ‘hat Christ simply one of dhe angels (Daniélow 49164: 146% Fletcher Lois rye 14-155 Gieschen 1998: 5, 549), This exegesis is echoed by the depiction af Christ a9 am angel in Byzartine icons and manuscript iluminations. Although less explored chan angelomoephie Christology, a similar rewor Jewish apocalyptic angelology can he discerned in carly Christian pneumatulogy: OF felevance here is another prominent theme in the apocalyptic literatuee af Sevond emple Judaism, namely the selet group of angels conducting thee hnungy hetore the heavenly throne, Sometimes called “angels of the Face” (Jub, 2:2, 18: rg:a7 ster Judah asses T Levi 5: 1 QH 6:15), the supreme angels constitute select sroup of heaventr beings ~ often a yroup of seven ~ that enioye privilege access before God, Passcxes featuring the group of seven heavenly beings are Fack, yca-y {seven angelic heings, of which the seventh is more important than the othr sii, Tob. 12:15 (seven “holy angels” who have access before the Glory, where they present the prayers of “the saints”); 1 En, (ch. 20, vem archangels; ch, yors “the seven first snow white ones”) T. Levi 74-8. (seven men in white clothings vesting ‘Levi with the [sevenfold] priestly apparel); 2 En, 19.6 (seven phoenives, seven che tubiin and seven seraphin all singing in unison}: Px Jos, the seven archangel, whowe chief captain and fest minister before the face nf God is the angel “Iseacl") Antone Cristian texts, Revelation mentions seven spittshefore the divine crane (Rev. tog 3:15 45, 5:6 8:2) ad the Shepierd of Hermas knows ofa group of seven consisting ‘of the six “first cated ones” who accompany the Son of Got! as their seventh (Heras, Vis. 3.4.13 Hermas, Sim. 5.5.3], Clement of Alexandra's group of seven “procoktists", mentioned above, is depicted in undeniably angelic innagecy, yor it also conveys a pneumatological content. Clement identities the seven not only with the angels ever contemplating the face of God (Matt. 18:10), with the “thrones (Col, 1:16), “the seven eyes of the Lord” (Zech, 529, 4:10: Rev. 26}, but abo with the seven operatiors of the Spivt (a, 1121-2 LXX). In shoe, the seven are noe only first created angels” and “first-born princes of the angel” (Sern, tré-rge-qay, but also as “the heprad of the Spirit” (Pued, 3.12.87). Strikingly similar views ave vet though no direct oF indirect herary of expressed by Apheahae the Persian Say ‘connection exists with Clement of Mesandei. has been determined, overall chat angelomorphic preumatology Ea from being an addlity of Clemons, consctutes a relatively widespread phenomenon im earls Christinity (incur zooga}. With the advent of the Arian and Prcunaromachiag confrontations, angelomorphic pneumatok tematic and eventually to he discarded. Ie ts interesting to note, howe was bound to become highly prob. thar the tngelomorphism of the Spirit can be found in the writings al no leve a stakwaet of Bezantine theology inthe fourteenth century than Gr ory Palamas. (Bucur — CHAPTER 46: Jewish apocalypticism to Orthodox mysticism — +2009a:190, r92n2}. P'alamas is uninhibited in using some of the biblical verses that had once suxported angelomorphic pneumatology: In his Fifth Antirrbetikes against Akindynos ichs 15, 17), Gregory Palamas identifies the seven gifts of the Spirit in Isaiab 11 with the seven eyes ofthe Lord (Zech. 4:10), the seven spirits of Revelation, and the “fingerspitit of God” (Luke 11:20, Matt. 12:28}, All of these, he says, desig hate the divine energies refered to in scripture as seven, and should therefore not be considered created TRANSFORMATIONAL MYSTICISM Arguably the most significant element of continuity between Jewish apocalypticism and the monastic writers of the Orthodox East is, to use a teem borrowed from scholars ofthe Jewish peudepigrapha, “transformational mysticism” (Morray-Jones 1992). The claim to esoteric knowledge about heavenly mysteries, which is at the hheare of Jewish apocalypricism, is indistinguishable from the claim to extraordinary experience conveyed by the language of “ascent,” “heavenly liturgy.” “glorifi tion,” and “transformation.” Beholding the mysteries is, in other words, not a ‘matter of intellectual assent ro certain esoteric truths, but one of transforming ascent the visionary becomes what he beholds, The theme of transformation from a human into an angelic being, oat least of becoming “angelomorphic,” is abundantly present in Jewish apocalyptic literature (eg. 3 En, 71115 4QSb 4.255 2 En. 28.11; T. Levi 4.2). The covenanters at Qumran, for instance, “expressed profound identification with the angels... they envisaged a heavenly cule of angele priests,” and saw themselves as “pariners and counter: Parts ofthe angels” (Elior 2005: 58, 171, 99, 93). perfect example of such *teans- formational mysticism” can be found in the “Book of the Watchers” (= 1 En. 1-36), ‘written inthe third century nc, decades before the apocalyptic section of Daniel (chs 7-12) and ir the later 2 (Slavonic) Enoch, daced ro the first century. According to these texts, the patriarch ascends through the heavens and becomes acquainted with the various levels of angelic denizens and their worship. At che climax of his heav enly journey, he gazes on the enthroned anthropomorphic “Glory of God” (Ezek. 1:26), is “anointed,” “crowned,” “robed,” and endowed with the name of God. Being thus transformed into a (semi-)angelic entity, he partakes of the divine glory, knowledge, and miajesty, and is conferred upon the authority of mediation and judg: mene (e.g. 1 En. 71; 2 En. 22), These views, even though usually criticized by the rabbinic Sages (Elior 2008: 201-31), continue to hold sway in certain strands of later Jewish mysticism (3 En. r5.48C), which even depicts Enoch as having become “the lesser YHWH" (3 En. 12), virtually indistinguishable from God. Emerging Christianity also describes the eschatological destiny of humankind as 4 tansformaton towards an angelie status (1 Cor. 1251, Matt. 22:50; Luke 20:56 Herm. Sim. 9.24.4, 9.25.25 Vis. 2.6.73 2 Bar. $1213). Nevertheles, the notion of an angelic transformation at the end time is recontextualized and made dependent on the Christian derygma. For instance, according to Phil. 3:20~21, the transformation ‘of the believer is effected by Christ upon his end-time return, and consists of ‘change that cesults in a “christomorphic™ humanity Is no wonder, therefore, that Irenaeus of Lyon (Har. 5.36.5) expresses the conviction that, at the eschaton, humans will een surpass the angels a5 — Bogdax G. Bucur — A generation te however Tertullian sil envisges procs of el “angelica tion tM 34s 7h Clement of Alexandria, reporting the views of Christian sont om he comic Ince, marked by am ongoing eye tanlots f humans ato anges, of angle neo archangel, an of sachangls nto the spree ange group of protottits or “Tes-areated” angels (Basu soona: yeep Clow Inpecism by interpre the connie ladder andthe associated experince of eee whl sansfonmation description a tron ponomenon, He es thet Early ecample of what scholars have termed “nereed apoclypin deed theater ofthe soul” (Golan soot: 19th discarded, probably aut ofa convern for the dificult that a woe te sich Clement's would ine foreachatology (Daly 20052 46), Despite extemive talk abut the ase hol ma ving san cant inte ody an despite the dpe angetomorphic™ ther than “angel.” Neverthles ike te Qumran covenants deseo by Eliog cay Christians saw themselves as cosworippers, wil the anges This remans, 0 thin dy, of the eet characters of Onan Christian communal payer: "Now the hens heaven tsb worship wie ‘Cherub hm sede Presantified Lira "Gran tht together with ou entry there shoul bea ene of the ly sng soca oe may miter tether fe thom}, and together [ith them] glory your oes” (Prayer tthe, Lil Fear) “tet us, who mately represent [stl orig he cheatin anal who sng the rie Holy hyn eo shee giving Thy (here Byam a the Ur of on Chess) "We kno today hr hehe tne Porphyry Rist tone the philosopher diy humslfChrisians hd already hee seating of deiaton for moe haa cent, the Chin ie" sll 2094: 93,121) was Cement of Alea, What needs be emphasized isha thisn the nt Clemene who reports the atcha hes heaven and transfomation hetore the divine Fave, so prominent in Jewish apocalyp: ticism, conriowed to remain erucial in early Christianity, and, reworked in light ofthe ‘Christian revelation is what the Eastern tradition cally in shorthand, thesis, “dei cation.” Evidently, therefore, Jewish apocalyptic literature appealed ta Christan Aevotees of che evangelic call "be perfeet as your heavenly father is perfect” (Nar 5:48}. The presence of Jewish apocalypric hterature inthe Christian Fast cannot be ion, but most also take explained simply by pointing fo she resident jewish pop into account its Christian ~ expecially monastic ~ eeadershipy editorship, and, in many’ eases authorstip or co-authorship (Patlagean 199t> 162). In Byzantian, as well asin the post-llyzancine era, ie was monasticism that preserved the exchatolon ical consciousness of the Church, thus “preventing the Cheistian Church tram becoming totaly ideoified with the Empire, which constanly tended to sacealize itself (Meyendoetf 979: 4): fe was monasticism that resisted the tendency towards 476 — CHAPTER 46: Jewish apocalypticism to Orthodox mysticism — realized eschatology by insisting that the elaborate splendor of Byzantine worship offers not "te true feast, but rather symbols of the feast,” and that the true feast contemplated “in the Holy Spirit ... with those who celebrate ... in heaven” (Simeon the New Theologian, Ethical Discourses 14, see Golitzin 20076: 131), To nourish its ascetic practices and mystical contemplation, Eastern monasticism Produced, copied, and distributed a vast corpus of ascetic and mystical writings Alongside sich collections as the Phuilokalia, however, many of the same monks might also have been busy copying apocalyptic writings. Ifthe latter could be read a a witness to their own spiritual aspirations and experiences ~ ascent to heaven, progressive ilumination and transformation, increasing godlikeness i should not surprise that “the old apocalyptic texts ofthe Pseudepigeapha continued to be read, copied, and... valued by the Eastern monks" (Golitzin 2007b: $3; Himmeltarb 1993: 99). The key co understanding the continued presence of Jewish apocalypti- cism in the very heart of Orthodox spirituality lies hidden with those who embraced the life ofthe future age here and now, and “neither marry nor are given in marriage, bur are like angels in heaven” (Matt. 22:30). REFERENCES AND FURTHER READING Alexander, Paul J. (1985) The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, Rarnes, Michel René (1999) Exegesis and Polemic in Augustine’ De Trinitate 1 Augustinian Studies 30: 4-60, Bauckham, R chard (1999) The Throne of God and the Worship of Jesus, In Newman etal. 1999, pp. 43-69. ‘aun, Jane (2007) ales From Another Byzantium: Celestial Journeyand Local Community tn the Medieval Greek Apocrypha. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Binni, Walther and Boschi, Bernardo Gianluigi (2004) Crstologia primitiva: Dalla teofaia del Sinai alo sono giovanreo. Bologna: Dehonvane. Boyarin, Daniel (2004) Border Lines; The Partition of Judaeo-Chrstianity Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Brubaker, Lesie (1999) Vision ad Meaning in Ninth-Century By ‘Exegesis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Bucur, Bogda G, (20082) Theophanies and Vision of God in Augustine's De Trinitate An Fastern Orthodox Perspective. St Vladimir's Theological Ouartery 52: 67-93. — 2008b) The Theological Reception of Ps.Dionysius in the Christian Fast and West: The ksue of Divine Unities and Diferentiations, Diomysine 26: 115-38 {2009a) Angelomorphic Prewmatology: Clement of Alexandria and Other Early Christian Witnesses. Leiden: Bil — (2009b) The Mountain of the Lord: Sina Hymnographic Exegesis. In B, Lourigy and A syuubolisme lturgique et parahturgique dans te Gorgias, pp. 129~72. (zor) Early Christian Bintarianism: From Religious Phenomenon to Polemical TInsule to Scholarly Conceps. Modern Theology 27: 102-20. Capes, David (1992) Old Testament Yahweh Texte m Pauls Christology. Tubingen: ‘Mohr Siebeck Callns, Joho J. (2998) The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction ta Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, and ed. Grand Rapids, ML: Eerdmans mtium: Image as Zion, and Eden in Byzantine lov (eds) Symbola cacestis: Le sonde chrétin. Piscataway, NY. a7 = Bogdan G. fuewr = Dales, Brian (2063) The Hope of the Early Church: A Handbook of Patristic Fchatvlogy Pesbodyy MA: Hendrickson Danilo, fear (nes) Les tations secretes des Apietes. Eranas fabrbucb 31 (1564) The Theology of Jewish Christianity, Londen: Darton, Longonan 8 Tid Davila, mes R. (2095) The Provensnce ofthe Poendepignapha:fowish, Cristian Osher? Leiden: il De Certea, Michel 1993) The Mystic Fable The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Chicago: Univesity of Chicago Press de Jonge, Martinus 1999) Throne, {n van der Tooen etal, 19995 pp. 1628 Flor, Rachel (200%) The Three Temples: On the Fanergence of fecish Myatctsne te Lite Antignity. dxford and Borland: Litman Library of Jewish Civilization, Fl E. Farle (1994) Deity-Christlogy in Mark 14:s8 ln ME. Tusner and JB Green leds} Jesus of Nazareth Lonf and Chriat: Essays nthe Historical Jesus and New Testament Chnstology. Grand Rapids, Ml: Eerdmans, pp. 142-205 Fischen, Klaus (2008) Mystik: Fin Beitrag zur Geschichte cies, nur Scheinbar ‘Selbstverstindlicten Begrfis. la M. Tamcke feu.) Mystik Metaper Bild Beitr des VIE Makarios ~ Symposiums. Gottingen: Universitatsverlag Gottingen, pp. 5-12, Hletcher-Loui Cespin (1997) Luke-dctsr Angels, Christology said. Noteriology Tubingen: Moke Sichoek, Fossum, Jal (1987, Kyeios Jesus asthe Angel if che Lond in Jude 5-7. New Testament Studies 332 226- 11999) Glory. In van dee Toarn et al. 1999 9p. 54852. Galavarisy George (1969) The Mlusteations of the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory ius, Princeton, NF: Princeton University Pres athereole, Simon | (2206) The Preexistent Som: Recoverieg the Christolugies of Matabere: Mark and Luke. Grand Rapids, Mk Eerdiaa, Giakalis,Ambrosias (2005) mages ofthe Divine: The Theology of leans a the Seventh ewmenical Comacil ees. Leiden: Beil Gieschen, Chatles (1998) alngelomorphic Christology: Antecedents ad. Early Feidence. 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Humphrey, Edith (2007) And I Tuned to See the Voice: The Rhetoric of Vision in the New Testement. Grand Rapids, Ml: Baker Academic. Jaffe, Dan (2005) Le udaisme et Favenement du chrstiansmes Orthodoxceet hetero sdoxie dan: la literature talmudigue lee stele. Pais: Les Editions du Cerf Jeffery, Peter(1994) The Earliest Christan Chant Repertory Recovered: The Georgian ‘Witnesses to Jerusalem Chant. Journal of the Amterican Musicological Soctety 43 1-38. Lee, Helmut (2980) Die Gesinge im Gemeindegottesdienst von Jerusalem von 5. bis 8. Jahrhundert. Vienna: Herder. Legeay, Georges (1902-3) L’Ange et les théophanies dans IEcriture Sainte apres la ‘doctrine des Peres. Revue Thomiste 10: 138-88, 405-245 12, 46-69, 125-54 Louth, Andrew (2005) Mysticism: Name and Thing. Archaeus 925-21. McGinn, Bernard (1991) The Foundation of Mysticism. 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Tubingen: Mohe Siebeck, Snider, Basil (19711 Zur Theophanie-Lxegese Augustinss Untersuchung

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