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Imperial and Postcolonial Desires: "Sonata de Esto" and the Malinche Paradigm

Author(s): Amanda Nolacea Harris


Source: Discourse, Vol. 26, No. 1/2, Mexican Cinema from the Post-Mexican Condition (Winter
& Spring 2004), pp. 235-257
Published by: Wayne State University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41389698 .
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Imperial and Postcolonial Desires:

Sonata de Esto and the

Malinche Paradigm

Amanda Nolacea Harris

[E]s o ser santa, prostituta,reina, mendiga, virgen,adltera,


mrtir"writesOctavio Paz, listingthe roles Mara Flix played on
and offthe screen. At various moments,Mexican, Chicano, and
Chicana cultureshave characterizedLa Malinche in similarterms,
prescribingthe culturalrole ofvisiblewomen throughher cultural
and literarytrajectory.In the figureof Ramn del Valle-Incln's
Nia Chole, the confluenceof La Doa and La Malinche resounds
acrossculturesand acrosshistoricallandmarks,creatinga connect-
the-dotsvisionof thestaying-power ofgendered metaphorsforcul-
ture.Reading the canonical Spanish novel Sonatade estoand the
star-studded Mexican filmSonatasthroughthe lens of post-nation-
alistChicana feminismevincesthe internationalapplicationof La
Malinche'scapacityas the quintessentialsymbolofloss in national-
istdiscourseson both sides of theAtlantic.
The late nineteenth-century Spanish travelerin Ramn Mara
relivesCorts's conquest of
del Valle-Incln's1903 Sonatade esto1
Mexico in fantasy-laden sexual encounterswiththe Mexican Nia
Chole, a thinlyveiled Malinche and the stand-inforSpain's one-
time colonies. Beyond the artfulromance and adventurecharac-
teristicof Valle-Incln,a nostalgicand nationalisticagenda pro-
duces a historicalallegorythatdescribesan alternatepath better

Discourse, andSpring
26.18c26.2(Winter pp.235-257.
2004),
2005
Copyright WayneState Detroit,
Press,
University 48201-1309.
Michigan

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236 Discourse26.1 & 2

suited to the author's national vision for recentlypost-imperial


Spain. Through the techniquesof the Latin Americanhistorical,
national allegoriesof the nineteenthcenturyand allusionsto the
16thcenturychroniclesof the Conquest,Valle-Inclnfictionally re-
storesSpain's lostempire.Havingtriedindependence in the arms
of the allegorical Mexican governor-husband,La Nia Chole/
Malinche rushesback to the arms of the novelisticdescendant of
Corts,the Marqus de Bradomn- narratorand protagonist.Bra-
domin recoversSpain's lostimperialpast in La Malinche's reassur-
ing embrace.
The narratorin thishistoricalallegoryremindsthe reader of
Spain's conquest of Mexico throughthe precise geographic set-
ting,the characters,and the plot,givingSonatade estomanyattri-
butes common to the Romantichistoricalnovels thatrewrotethe
historyof the emergingLatin American nations followinginde-
pendence. The Nia Chole symbolizesand substitutes the Mexican
territory as she fillsthe traditionalrole thatLa Malinche playsin
historicalnovelsofthe 19thand early20thcenturies,beginningwith
Flix Varela'sJicotncal (1826).2 In Sonatade esto
, as in severalna-
tion-solidifying novels of post-colonial Latin America, the author
transformsthe nation's past according to his political agenda,
therebyalteringhis vision of the present.Doris Sommer tellsus
thatin the immaturestateof the historyof the newlyindependent
nationstherelie "epistomologicalgaps thatthe non-scienceof his-
toryleaves open, [intowhich] narratorscould projectan ideal fu-
ture. The writerswere encouraged both by the need to fillin a
historythatwould increase the legitimacyof the emergingnation
and bythe opportunity to directthathistorytowarda futureideal"
(76). The literatureof the post-colonial(and post-imperial)period
thus responds to a national crisis of self-definition - in Latin
Americaand in the Spanish Generationof '98 alike. Spanishwrit-
ers such as Miguel de Unamuno,Jos Ortegay Gasset,Azorin,Po
Baroja,AntonioMachado, and Ramn del Valle-Incln,knownfor
ponderingand lamentingthe diminishedstateof Spain afterthe
loss of its colonies, also engaged in the process of definingthe
national entityand its futurepath. Valle-Incln,in the writingof
his Sonata de estofictionallymakes Spain an enduring imperial
powerthatrecuperatesitscolonies throughthe use of fantasy, his-
toricalallusion,and allegory.He presentsthe other side of post-
colonial literature - the post-imperialside. As the novelistsof
nineteenth-century Latin Americainventa nativeperspectiveand
substitutethe Spanish historiesof the colonies writtenby the
colonizers with historiesthat support their contemporarysocio-
politicalneeds,Valle-Inclninventsa (hi) storythataffirms Spanish

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and Spring2004
Winter 23 7

male authorityover the colonial woman- Spanish imperial rule


throughromanticmetaphor.Michel de Certeau observesin The
Writing ofHistorythat "each tellingand retellingof the past is no
more thana projectionof the presentonto the past: In fact,histo-
riansbegin frompresentdeterminations.Currenteventsare their
real beginning" (11). The historicalnovel retellshistoryfroma
perspectivethatchanges the reader's perceptionof the past and
therebyof the presentas well.Valle-Inclnuses thisphenomenon,
mastered by the post-independencenovelistsof Latin America,
and changes the narrator'spresentperceptionof himselfbyalter-
ing the historyallegorically.His nostalgicand decadent narrative
agenda fantasticallyrecuperatesthe Empire throughthe substitut-
ing historywith fiction,thusin a sense, rewriting
his history.
The fictionalstoryof the Marqus de Bradomn and La Nia
Chole of the Sonatais graftedonto the symbolicstoryof the alle-
gorical (and historic) couple Hernn Corts and La Malinche.
Two layersof symbolism workas the narrator-protagonistof Sonata
de estouses La Nia Chole to stand in for La Malinche's body,
whichin turnsymbolizesthe lost colony.
The storybegins with El Marqus de Bradomn's departure
fromthe port of London fora romanticadventureaftercontem-
platingbittersweet memoriesof a formervoyageon whichhe lost
a lover,Lili. He arrivesin Veracruzon a tall ship, and he meets
La Nia Chole- in his wordsa beautiful"princesa india"- who is
marriedto Mexican General,Diego Bermdez.El Marqus and La
Nia decide to traveltogetherin the same party,he forcesher into
sexual submission,and she subsequentlyfalls in love with him.
Aftershe is sexuallyand sentimentally conquered by El Marqus,
her husband and fatherGeneral Bermdez violentlyreclaimsher
fromthe hands of the Spaniard. La Nia finallyescapes fromthe
Mexican patriarchand returnsthe armsof her Spanish lover,reas-
suringhis dominionwithher embrace.
While many criticsaddress Valle Incln's literaryand bio-
graphical relationshipto Mexico, they have not connected the
chroniclesof the Conquest or the nineteenth-century historical
novels to the Sonata de esto.Obdulia GuerreroBueno affirmsin
her analysisof Valle-Incln's writingsabout the Americas,"Valle-
Incln ama profundamentela tierramejicana ypor extensiontoda
Amricahispana. Esta es una verdadindiscutible"(13). Her analy-
sis, however,does not consider the possibilityof an allegorical
reading or of allusions to the Conquest. Luis Mario Schneider's
exhaustivecollection of Valle-Inclncriticismin Mexico includes
essaysbyAlfonsoReyes,JosEmilio Pacheco, RobertoBarrios,and
Emma Susana SperattiPiero- all of whom discuss the author's

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238 Discourse26 & 2

characterizationof Mexico,but do not tie the Sonatade estoto La


Malinche.Though the connectionto the rhetoricof the Conquest
is not exploitedin Valle-Inclncriticism, regularreferencesto the
decadence and nostalgiaof Spanish Modernismoabound. Valle-
Incln himselfdescribesthisSonataa yearafterpublicationstating
that"El mundo artsticode las Sonatasha desaparecido,y lo susti-
tuyeotro primitivo, elemental,y milenario,,(qtd. in Phillips189),
a statementwhich mayexplain the colonial desire in this Sonata.
Its hidden political agenda surprisesthe typically"art-for-art's-
sake" styleof Valle-Incln's prose and jests at the "woe is me"
Spanish intellectualsof the earlytwentiethcentury.
Valle-Incln'snarratorclaimsnot to sharethe afflictions of the
writersof the day: "Los decadentismosde la generacinnueva no
los he sentidojams. Todava hoy,despus de haber pecado tanto,
tengolas maanas triunfantes ..." (100). The characteristic deca-
dence of the Spanish Modernistasthatresidesin Spain's loss of its
imperialstatuswould not apply to the Marqus de Bradomnbe-
cause in his versionof the past,the colonies are not lost,and logi-
cally,thereis no reason fordecadence. The narrator'sopinion of
the "generacinnueva" appears in thefirsttwopages of thenovel,
where the narratorhas not yet leftthe narrativepresent to tell
his tale. This introductory section acquaints the reader withthe
narratorand providesthe retrospectivecontextof the storythat
he willtell.El Marqus tellsus that,"al sentircercana la vejez," he
willdo as the loversof his youth("de mistiempos ") would do, and
confess(99). This firstclue to his age, followedby the narrator's
distancinghimselffromthe eventsto be narrated("Por aquellos
das de peregrinacinsentimentalera yojoven y algo poeta, con
ninguna experienciay harta novelera en la cabeza" [99]), give
the reader an idea of the timethatpassed betweenthe action and
its narrationwhile also suggestingthatliteratureand fantasywill
influencethe tellingof his story.The Marqus narratesfromhis
matureyearswhile the narratedaction takes place when he is a
young man with,as he describeshimselfin the quote above, no
experienceoutsideof the greatnovelsand historybooks.
Two referencesto historicaleventsdivulgethe contextof the
storyand the identityof the "generacinnueva" ofwhichthe nar-
ratorspeaksunfavorably: theTreatyofVergara(el Abrazo de Verg-
ara) of 1839 and the Mexican secular Reforma. The young
narratoremigratesfromSpain to England after1839. A reference
to the Mexican Reformmade by another characterprovidesthe
reader a temporalframespecificto the timeof the action during
the action itself.In the twelfthchapter,the ReverendMotherof

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Winter
and Spring2004 239

the ConventthatEl Marqus and La Nia visitrefersto the anti-


religious ideology of the governinginstitutionof Mexican Re-
form3:"En todas partesgobiernanlos enemigosde la religion. . .
aqu lo mismoque en Espaa" (129). Since the ReverendMother
sayswithinthe narrationthatthe enemies of the Church are cur-
rentlygoverning,we can deduce thatthe action takesplace after
1857. Roughlyforty yearslater (at the timeof the narration), Spain
loses itslastcolonies and the Generationof '98 is the "generacin
nueva" thatthe narratorfindsso decadent.
These historicalreferencesprovideus withthe narrator'spo-
liticalviewsas well as a temporalreference.His migrationto Lon-
don and the unfavorablenickname that he gives the Treatyof
Vergara,"La Tracin de Vergara" tell us thathe is a monarchist,
loyal to the Spanish Crown. His conversationat the convent la-
mentingthe loss of the Church's power confirmshis conservative
politics.
The treatmentof La Nia Chole in Valle-Incln'snovel, the
treatmentof La Malinche in Bernal Daz del Castillo's 16th Cen-
turyeyewitness account Historiaverdadera de la conquistade la Nueva
Espaa, and in Flix Varela's Jicotncal, firsthistoricalnovel of
the
the Americaspublishedin 1826, are strikingly similar:she is a na-
tiveprincess,a prisonerenamored of her master,a noble victimof
a patriarchalsystem,and a polyglot.4Diaz del Castillo affirmsLa
Malinche's noble lineage when he presentsher to the Spanish
reading public in his text.In Chapter XXXVII Diaz del Castillo
remembers"Cmo doa Marinaera cacica e hija de grandesseo-
res, y seora de pueblos y vasallos" (69). The narratorof Sonata
de estocalls La Nia Chole "princesa maya" and "reina india"
throughoutthe entirestory.El Marqus also affirmsher respect-
able statusbypresentingher as being "de origen espaol" (130).
Valle-Inclndemonstratesthe connectionbetweenLa Nia Chole
and La Malinche in a tellingpassage where El Marqus character-
izes himselfas the conquistadorand her as the slave princess:
CrucanteLa NiaCholeorgulloso ysoberbio comounconquistador
Allen sustiempos
antiguo. miantepasado (. . .) no habrmostrado
mayor desavoantelasprincesas aztecassusprisioneras, ysindudaLa
NiaCholeeracomoaquellas quesentan
princesas el amoral serultra-
jadasyvencidas. loslabioscomolasesclavas
(...) La deshojaron deshoja-
banlasrosasal pasotriunfal delosvencedores.(121)

The narratorof the chronicle (and the historicalnovel) also


emphasize the victimizationof this Indian noble woman by the
circumstancesof the Conquest. Diaz del Castillo tellsus thatMa-
rina arrivesin Corts's possession "por manera que los de Xica-
lango la dieron a los de Tabasco, y los de Tabasco, a Corts" after

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240 Discourse26.1 & 2

havingexplainedher rightful place ofnobilityin her nativeculture


the establishment
(69) . Sandra MessingerCypessinterprets ofMal-
inche's good lineage combinedwithher subsequentvictimization
in Diaz del Castillo'stext:
HeaffirmshernobleIndian asproof
first,
lineage ofherappropriateness
forhersubsequentrole.(...) BernalDazthenaddsbackground infor-
mation onthebirth
andyouth ofLa Malinche.
(...) TheSpanish reader
(...) wouldreadilynoticethatevents in theearlylifeofthisyoung
Indianwoman corresponded toeventsduringthechildhood . . . [of]
Adamis, theexemplaryChristian Knightofa [Spanish]fictionalwork.
(...) BothDoaMarina andAdamis areofnoblelineage,andas chil-
drenthey becomevictims.(30)
Whetheror not Diaz del Castillo'saccountwas rhetorically en-
hanced is not as noteworthy as the patternof characterizationsof
La Malinche thatit establishesin literatureand popular culture.
Certainly,her alleged nobilitydoes make her a more appropriate
representative ofher people or the colonies at theallegoricallevel.
Three hundredyearslaterVarela and Valle-Inclnfollowthispat-
tern and portrayher as a victimof the patriarchalorder,but in
thesenarrationsshe is also a sinneror traitor.When La Malinche's
submissionis to a man who representsthe narrator'sOther,the
narratortends to characterizeher victimizationas her own fault.
Diaz del Castillodoes not blame her or accuse her of sin or trea-
son; he was,afterall, a loyalsoldierand admirerof Hernn Corts.
The narratorofLa Malinche's submissionto a Spaniardin Varela's
Americannovel, however,characterizesher as sinfulas does the
narratorof her submissionto a Mexican representative of la patria
in Valle-Incln's Spanish novel. In both depictionsLa Malinche is
a victimand simultaneouslya traitorwho, by submittingsexually
to her master- when thatmasteris the enemyof the narratorof
her story- has sinned.
In the case of La Nia Chole thewarsbetweenmen thatresult
in her victimization are not the sixteenth-centurywarsof the Con-
quest, but rather the nineteenth-century wars of independence
playedout throughthe allegoryof the MexicanCriollogeneral. In
her own words,Valle-Incln's Malinche confessesthat,44- Hay en
mi vida algo imperdonable.. . . He cometido el ms abominable
de los pecados. ... Yo era una pobre criaturainocentecuando fui
una vctimade aquel amor maldito" (138). The cursed love she
refersto is the sexual relationshipshe has withher father.This
relationshipbetweenLa Nia Chole and her fatherallegorizesthe
relationshipbetweenMexico and its post-colonial,nativeGovern-
ment.The post-imperial Spanish fantasycaststhe relationshipbe-
tween Mexico and its national governmentas unnatural,non-
procreative,and incestuous.La Nia Chole's subsequentreturnto

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and Spring2004
Winter 241

the Spaniard thusrestoresnaturallaw and saves the nativewoman


fromthebarbaricpostcolonialgovernmentembodies in the native
patriarch.Robert Young notes in ColonialDesirethat this in not
an infrequentscenario in imperial discourse. He quotes Gayarti
Chakravorty Spivak's observationof colonizers' common charac-
terizationof European interferencein traditionalCaribbean ritu-
als as "whitemen are savingbrownwomenfrombrownmen" (qtd.
in Young 152)- a concept thatjustifiesand almostdemands inter-
ventionon ethical or humanitariangrounds.Clearlythe Mexican
womanis betteroffwiththe Spanish suitor(the government)than
she would have been withthe violent,incestuousMexican Patri-
arch.The Spaniard's love savesher froma terriblefateforeseenin
the scene where the General whipsLa Nia Chole and drags her
awayviolently.
MessingerCypessand AntoniaCastaeda observein La Malin-
chein MexicanLiterature and "Sexual Violence in the Politicsof
Conquest" respectively, among othergiftsthatsolidifypoliti-
that
cal alliances between pre-Columbian states, women were fre-
quentlytraded as an admission of treatyor deferencefollowing
militaryconflict.The Marqus's treatmentof La Nia Chole as a
slavethatpasses symbolically fromman to man followsthishistori-
cal treatmentofwomen in general and more specifically the tradi-
tionalliterarytreatmentof La Malinche.
In addition to La Nia's resemblance to La Malinche,Valle-
Incln furthersthe alluded historicalframeby patterningthe tra-
jectoryofEl Marqus de Bradomn'sadventureafterCorts's 1519
expeditionas recordedbyBernal Daz del Castilloand byHernn
Cortshimself.In thefirstchapterof thenovelthenarratorreveals
his nostalgia for the colonial period as well as his adventurous
spirit.He describeshimselfas "poeta" with"harta noveleraen la
cabeza" (99) - a clue to the literaryallusionsto come, the firstof
which is a direct referenceto the sea route of Hernn Corts:
"Hice el viaje a vela en una vieja fragataque despus naufragen
las costas de Yucatn. Como un viajero de otros tiempos,iba a
perdermeen la vastedad del viejo Imperio Azteca" (100). Corts
writesin Las cartasde relacinthathis ship came to "dar a fondo a
la dicha tierraintituladade Yucatn" (43). Aside fromthe refer-
ence to the chroniclesof the Conquest,the generalizationthatthe
Yucatn peninsula is part of the Aztec Empire indicatesthat the
narratoris distortingaspects of his tale (especiallysince Valle In-
cln was well versed in Mexican historyand culture)- the Aztecs
neverconquered the Mayanpeninsula.
The Marqus situateshimselffromthe outsetin the place of
Hernn Corts.Among manyproper names of historicalfigures

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242 Discourse26.1 & 2

and places, he includes "Grijalba" (153), "Grijavla" en Diaz del


Castillo; "San Juan de Tuxlan" (the firstchapters), "Tustlan" in
the Historiaverdadera, and "Castillode Ula," "San Juan de Ula"
in the chronicle. Such use of real-worldhistoricalpeople and
places is a definingtechniqueof historicalallegoricalnovels.
Valle-Incln'spatterningof eventsin his textafterthe events
told in Diaz del Castilloand Cortsshowsclearlyin the following
passagesthatdetailthe arrivalto Veracruz.Cortsdescribesfound-
ing the cityand Valle Incln's narratordescribesadmiringit.Once
Cortsis ashore in Veracruz," [se] comenz con gran diligenciaa
poblary a fundaruna villa,a la cual puso por nombrela Rica Villa
de la Veracruz" (Corts 61). El Marqus in Valle Incln narrates
his arrivalsimilarly:
"la fragata. . .pudo doblar la Isla de Sacrificios
y dar fondo en aguas de Veracruz. . . contempl... la playadonde
desembarcaron... los aventurerosespaoles. ... Vi la ciudad
que fundaron" (113). Bernal Daz del Castillotellsus thatCorts
decides to "hacer su estada de asiento" (86), and withMoctezu-
ma's cooperation "acordamos de poblar e de fundarla Rica Villa
de la Veracruz" (91).
The narrator'sidentificationwiththe conquistadorsand his
generalattitudeabout hisjourney,fullof allusionsto greathistori-
cal empires- Ancient Greece (103), the Roman Empire (102),
Oriental Dynasties (165), for example- furtherreveal his en-
trenchmentin imperialistdiscourse.The followingquote, forex-
ample, describeshis firstimpressionof the Mexican shore thathe
refersto as "aquellas tierrasantes espaolas" (105): "Cautiva el
alma de religiosaemocin,contemplla abrasada playadonde de-
sembarcaron antes que pueblo alguno de la vieja Europa, los
aventurerosespaoles . . ." (113). He goes on to saythathe feels
like a conquistadorand compares himselfwithvariousexplorers
and landholdersof theAmericas:

Comonoesposible renunciar la patria, yo,espaolycaballerosentael


corazn
henchido de entusiasmo (. . .) yla memoriallenaderecuerdos
La imaginacin
histricos. exaltada mefinga al aventureroextremeo
poniendofuego a susnaves(...). Yoibaa desembarcar enaquellaplaya
(...) al perderme,
sagrada quizsparasiempre, enla vastedaddelviejo
Azteca,
Imperio senta levantarseenmialmade aventurero, de hidalgo
ydecristiano,
elrumor augustodela historia. (114)

The patterningof the trail,the Marqus's personal identifica-


tionwithCortsand the provinceof Extremadura,and the refer-
ence to the burning of the ships demonstrateValle-Incln's
attentiveincorporationof the informationin the chroniclesinto
his narrative.Valle-Inclneven has the Marqus narratethe story

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and Spring2004
Winter 243

of his youthas an old man, much like Diaz del Castillo himself
narratedhis youthfuladventuresin the colonies fromold age.
The narratordistortsLa Nia Chole in addition to making
her fitthe mold of La Malinche. She substitutesthe objectsof the
narrator'sdesire of his previoustravels.La Nia Chole, has the
*4
eyesand bodylanguage of la raza maya" and speaksin her "vieja
lengua" despiteher being "criolla" and "de origenespaol." Evi-
dentlythischaracter- not a realisticdepictionof a woman thathe
met on his travels,forby definitionone cannot be "criollo" and
Maya- is an impossible,all-encompassingmixtureofMexicanness.
Her pan-Mexicanidadbetraysthe allegorical charge of the repre-
sentationof Mexico thatshe will take on as the plot unfolds.She
is the lostwoman and the lostterritory - here,as withla Malinche,
one and the same.
The veryfirstsentenceof the noveldeclaresthepurpose ofthe
journeythatEl Marqus willnarrate:"Quera olvidarunos amores
desgraciados,y pens recorrerel mundo en romnticaperegrina-
cin" (99). The plural of the "amores desgraciados" contradicts
the informationthatthe narratorgivesus- thathe had onlyone
past love, Lili. The plural of "loves," however,does beg the post-
imperialreading. The lost loves can be forgottenby substituting
themwithone love thatincorporatesboth the loss of the colonies
and the loss of thewoman:the love of La Malinche.While crossing
theAtlanticon the tall ship El Marqus narrates

Pensaba siempre enmiprimer viaje.(. . .) El lamento


informe
ysinfn-
icode lasolasdespertaba enmunmundo derecuerdos: desva-
Perfiles
necidos,ecos de risas,murmullo de lenguasextranjeras (. . .)
mezclndose que en la cmarade losespejos
a lasnotasde la tirlesa
cantabaLili.Eraunaresurreccin desensaciones, unaesfumacin
delici-
osadelpasado.. . . (102)

The insistenceon recollectionsof the previousevents,here and


throughoutthe novel, points to the two levels of the tale. This
journey stimulateshis memoryof the boat tripthathe made with
his lost love, Lili, and thistripstimulatesthe memoryof thejour-
ney thathis ancestorsmade to the colonies- anotherlost love. El
Marqus is able to recuperateboth losses simultaneously substitut-
ing them with La Nia Chole who embodies Mexico and who has
the same smile as Lili. El Marqus slowlybegins to mix his desire
forLili withhis desire forLa Nia and he also begins to mix his
perceptionof the Mexican landscape withthe Mexicanwoman.La
Nia Chole' s bodyis the place wherethe colonial desire coincides
withromanticdesire. The narratorrevealsher metaphoricalrole
by feminizingthe land. For example, "La naturaleza lujuriosa y

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244 Discourse26.1 & 2

salvaje,an palpitantedel calor de la tarde,semejaba dormirel


sueo profundoyjadeante de una fierafecundada" (107).
This narrativepracticeof the feminizationof the territory is
not uncommonin the chroniclesof the Conquest. AlfredArteaga
showsus thatwe can observethispervasiveheterosexualmetaphor
for colonization by reading Cristobal Colon's diary, or John
Donne's "To His MistressGoing to Bed." The 1619 allegorical
painting,"Americae" byJan van der Straet,and any number of
imperialtexts,manyof whichPeterHulme discussesin his "Poly-
tropicMan: Tropes of Sexualityand Mobilityin EarlyColonial Dis-
course" demonstrate the same phenomenon. Robert Young
explains in ColonialDesirethatthe land and the people colonized
are typicallyfeminizedand that colonialismwas a "desiringma-
chine withits unlimitedappetite for territorialexpansion" (98).
Young also observesthatcolonial textstend to focus on the soil;
that "the focus on the soil emphasizesphysicality of the territory
thatis coveted,[and] occupied" (31). De Certeau opens his Writ-
ingofHistory withan analysisof the genderedwritingof European
identityon the feminizedAmericas.The attributionof feminine
human propertiesto the desired territories drawsattentionto the
realityof the sexual violence on the women duringthe Conquest,
it revealsthe colonizers' sexual desire to reproduce themselvesin
the population of thatland by havingsex withthe women,and it
makeseach sex act betweena conquistadorand a nativewoman a
micro-colonization pregnantwithallegoricalimplications.
Jicotncaland the postcolonial novels of Latin America build
on the colonial motifand furtherthe symbolismof the feminiza-
tion of the land presentin Corts,Coln, and Daz de Castilloby
blamingthevictim.As NormaAlarconhas pointed out, the novels
of the Latin Americanindependence movementperpetuate the
symbolismof the woman as territory and populace thatbegan in
the discourseof colonization.The ironic decolonial employment
of colonial rhetoricbecomes clear in Varela'sJicotncatb.

La soberana
de losEstadoses comoel honorde la mujer: cuandolos
puebloslaconservan sonrespetados
intacta, comoloesuna
yestimables,
mujer honradaentodoslospases;
mscuandoelinters,la corrupcin,
la debilidad,
o cualquiera
otracausaleshacencedersuapreciablejoya,
nilosunosnilasotras
sonmsqueobjetos dedesprecio,
dignos, cuando
ms,delstimaydeconmiseracin.(Varela107)

Here, as in variousmomentsthataspire to definenation,a wom-


an's sexual activityrepresentsthe nation's permeability,and the
male governingforcesmustprotectit.

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Winter
and Spring2004 245

The firstsexual encounter and the playingout of the Con-


quest fantasybyLa Nia and El Marqus furtherdemonstratethe
symbolismof thiswoman's body.InitiallyLa Nia Chole resiststhe
Spaniard's agressions:"Me puse en la faz sus manos de princesa
india, manos cubiertosde anillos, enanas y morenas,que yo hice
prisioneras.Sin dejar de mirarla,se las oprimhasta que lanz un
grito,y despus, dominando mi despecho, se las bes" (emphasis
added 135).
The next sexual encounter is the sexual reenactmentof the
conquest: "Quise primeroque la Nia Chole se desentrazeel cab-
ello, y vestido el blanco h [u] ipil me hablase en su vieja lengua,
como una princesaprisioneraa un capitn conquistador.Ella obe-
deci sonriendo" (157). Afterthistellingscene the nativewoman
belongs to the Spaniard. And, as in Jicotncal , thissexual domina-
tion means the metaphoric domination of the territory by the
Spanish. Later her father comes for her and she goes back to the
Patriarchas I have described.
The sequence of dominance up to thispoint can be interpre-
ted allegoricallyas a recountingof Mexican historyfromcontact
to independence. In the thirtiethchapter the narratorabandons
the historicalframeand the Marqus de Bradomn recuperates
the woman. She prefersthe Spaniard to her father/husband, and
shouts "Mi rey! Mi Rey querido" as she reuniteswiththe Mar-
qus (178). In his armsshe cries"Nunca nos hemos querido as!"
(180). The words thatValle-Inclnchooses to express this senti-
ment literallydescribe the illusion of the entiretextand lead us
again to the historicalreading,thussupportingan allegoricalread-
ing- theyneverloved each otherin such a waybecause the histori-
cal entitieswhichtheyrepresentneverdid reunite,Mexico did not
preferto go back to the Spanish kingaftergainingindependence.
The portrayalof the La Malinche as a culturalallegoricalfigurein
Sonata de estodemonstratesthat nationalistdiscourse,be it post-
imperialor post-colonial,uses thiswoman to articulateitself.The
characterization, domination,and moraljudgmentsof thewomen
charactersby the narratorsand by the other charactersof both
Varela's and Valle-Incln's novelsclearlymanifestthe angstresult-
ing fromthe loss.
The protagonistin Valle-Incln's text revivesSpain's former
domain over the American territoriesthroughthe sexual meta-
phor.El Marqus de Bradomnestablisheshis poweroverthe terri-
tory previouslydominated by his ancestors by means of its
substitution bya representative entitythatstilllends itselfto domi-
nation: a woman nativeto thatland. The lost Imperialpast is sub-
stitutedbya narrativepresentin whichMexico prefersand returns

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246 Discourse26.1 & 2

to the arms of the Spanish King. ("Mi Rey querido nunca nos
hemos querido as"). This Aztec/Maya/ Criollaprincess,described
as a representativeof a pre-Conquestculturalgroup as well as a
post-colonialperson,and confusedwiththe landscape itself,is La
Malinche,the incarnationof the desiredterritory and the desired
love.
Afterfusingthe fictitiouscontemporarycharactersinto real
historicalcharactersand allegoricalrepresentatives of theirrespec-
tivecultures,Valle-Inclnmoves them about as pawns,writinga
new historicalscriptforthemto follow.The use of allegorycreates
a new historyin which the Empire recuperates,or never really
loses the colonized territory. NormaAlarconnotesin her essential
essay "Traddutora,Traditora:A ParadigmaticFigure of Chicana
Feminism"thatin the 500-yeartrajectory of the Malinche legend
fromthe Conquest to Octavio Paz and, later,the Chicana feminist
interpretations, "thereare twopreviousstages(...) thefirstcorre-
sponds to the chroniclers and inventorsof legends; the second
corresponds to the developmentof the traitormythand scapegoat
mechanism, which apparentlycame intofruitionin thenineteenth
centuryduring the Mexican Independence movement" (281).
The nineteenth-century traitormyth,begun by a Cuban exile in
Philadelphia,maynot come frompreoccupationsabout Mexican
historyat all, however.Varela, observingSpanish-U.S.-Cubanpoli-
ticsfromthe perspectiveof the U.S. uses La Malinche to present
the futureof freeLatinAmericaand to call fora pan-LatinAmeri-
can decolonization that liberatesthe Caribbean. In this second
stageofLa Malinche'slegend,her symbolicchargeofrepresenting
the lostterritory is not particularto Mexico. I would like to add to
thischronologythatLa Malinche undergoesa new reconstruction
at the pen of one of the greatauthorsof the Spanish Generation
of '98 in her capacityas a symbolof thedenial ofloss. La Malinche,
constantly reconstructed at theserviceoftheideologyofthosewho
retell her, becomes the common object of Latin American and
Spanish nationalistdiscourse.During the 19thand early20thcentu-
ries' battlesfor territory, national identity,and national culture,
La Malinche remergesto remain at the frontof nationalistdis-
course and criticism,forevera symbolof colonial and decolonial
desire.When thosediscoursesjoin, as in the filmadaptationof the
Sonata, theydrop La Malinche as if to state that her presence
makes the collaborationimpossible- whichside would character-
ize her as traitor?In Manuel Barbachano's 1959 cinematographic
interpretationof Valle-Incln's Sonata de esto,the Spanish and
Mexican productionteam omitsLa Malinche fromthe equation,

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Winter
and Spring2004 24 7

and in doing so decolonizes the plot fromthe Mexican perspec-


tive.
In a Mexican nation-affirming move,the filmreversesthe nov-
el's European-over-Native hierarchyas symbolizedin the Malin-
che-Cortspairing.The strategicsubstitutionof the Conquistador
figurewitha Gonzalo Guerrero-type image of culturalcontactin
whichthe European man assimilatesto the nativewoman's culture
upsets a time-tested gender-raceparadigm.Althoughthe novel is
well loved in Mexico, the filmadaptationflops.
Maria Flix's cinematicromance withFranciscoRabal in the
Spanish-Mexicanproduction, entided Sonatas, affirmsMexican
cultureon an internationalstage.5At the tail end of the Golden
Age of MexicanCinema, the seasoned nationalindustry began col-
laborativeinternationalprojectswithLatinAmericaand Spain that
redefined"Mexican" withinthe industry(Lpez, "Cinema" 10).
Manuel Barbachano Ponce and JuanAntonioBardem's 1959 Sona-
tas, featuringCinede Oroall-starsMara Flix,FranciscoRabal, Fer-
nando Rey, and photographer Gabriel Figueroa and Spanish
tragicfilmstarAurora Bautista,uniquely addresses the question
of national Mexican culture byjuxtaposing the mid-nineteenth-
centurySpanish politicalturmoiland the post-independencebat-
tlesforMexico's establishment. The symbolicweightofFlix'sface
in the role of the Mexican lover and her abilityto convertthe
Spaniard froma selfishDon Juan into a Mexican liberal idealist
definethe film'sallegoricalstatementregardingMexican national
culture.
The filmfollowsthe life of El Marqus de Bradomn,played
by Francisco Rabal, throughhis romanticadventuresthatturnpo-
liticalat the strokeof luck. Disinterestedin politics,and victimof
unfortunatecoincidencespresentedthroughhis passionateaffairs,
Bradomnfindshimselfunwittingly at the centerof twomajor po-
liticalstruggleson eitherside of the Atlantic.Set in 1824 in Bra-
domin's romancewithhis cousin Concha (Bautista),the wifeand
countessof the presidentof the Fernando VII' s juntas de purifica-
cin, Part One begins and ends in provincialGalicia. Afterfalling
in to the hands of the rebel captain, General Casares (Fernando
Rey), Bradomn befriendsthe general and mustcomplywiththe
request thatleads him to be discoveredin Concha's quartersby
the MonarchistCount. Forced to flee among dissidentsto the
Spanish crownbecause of his romanticaffairwithConcha and the
resultinginvolvementin the political conflict,Bradomn must
leave behind his vengefully slain loverand his countryon the cold
Spanish shores.Bradomn carries the dead Concha as faras possi-
ble beforethe ocean wavesbegin to lap at his feetremindinghim

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248 Discourse26.1 & 2

thatthese shoresare the territorial limitsof Spain. Heart-broken,


he leaves Spain and the Spanishwoman behind.
Six yearslater in Veracruz,the 1830 battlesbetweenthe con-
servativeMonarchistsand the liberal heirs to Father Hildalgo's
cause lead byVicente Guerreroset the stageforBradomin's next
love affair.Bradomin's stayin Mexico coincides withthe Spanish
expeditionaryforces' attemptsto reestablishthe Spanish crown.
Consequently,Bradominmustfleethe liberales who seek the expul-
sion of all SpaniardsfromMexico. Passing throughthe beautiful
countryside,Bradomin comes upon La Nia Chole, played by
Mara Flix, at the famous Mayan ruins of El Tajin. Despite his
guide's warningthatChole is not "la diosa indgena" as Bradomin
claimsto see her,but ratherthe wifeof conservativeGeneral Ber-
mdez, he immediatelyfallsin love withher and attacheshimself
to her caravan.EventuallyBermdez's soldierscatch up withhim
and incarceratehim. La Nia Chole buyshis freedomafterall of
his cellmatesare murdered.Bradominthen sweepsher away,pro-
posing thattheyescape together.She playfully goes along forthe
ride, but when theyarriveat a conventto restfor the night,he
presentsMaria Flix's characteras "la Marquesa." She resiststhe
adulterousfarce at first,but amid death tolls and the threatof
her husband'srevenge,she eventuallyopens herselfto Bradomin's
advances as theyprofesslife-longlove to each other.At mass the
followingmorning,Bermdez's troops invade the chapel where,
unknownto the Marqus and his lover,fugitiveliberal leader Vi-
cente Guerrerois hiding.As the conservativetroopsadvance, the
priest reprimandsthe soldiers. La Nia Chole and Bradomin,
more out of the solidaritythatcomes frombeing pursued byBer-
mdez and his armythan out of politicalconvictions,buythe sol-
diers offwith her jewels to defend Vicente Guerrero. Guerrero
thanksthem,and afterthe twolovershave a briefromantictossin
the woods, he takes them to his party'sresidence where idealist
General Casares hasjoined the Mexican liberalforces.When Ber-
mdez's troops arriveat the town,Guerrero,his forces,and the
townspeoplethemselvesrise up to fightagainst them. Moved by
the liberalfervor,byCasares's death,and byLa Nia Chole's love,
Bradominmountsa whitehorse and rides to the battlefieldamid
shouts,"Que vivaMxico y el generalVicenteGuerrero!"
This 1959 Mexican-Spanishfilmcollaborationis the cinemato-
graphicinterpretation of Ramn del Valle-Incln's1902 and 1903
novels, Sonata de otooand Sonata de esto.The resolutionof the
film, however,reverses the novelist's post-imperialfantasyof
Spain's dominance over post-colonialMexico by changing the

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and Spring2004
Winter 249

Marqus de Bradomnfromthe Cortsfigurehe embodies in the


novel into a Gonzalo Guerrerofigure.The Barbachano-Bardem
screen adaptationfora Mexican public contradictsValle Incln's
projectand affirmsMexican nationhood throughBradomn's love
affairwithanotherfemale representativeof Mexico, Mara Flix,
and his subsequent assimilationto Mexican cultureand Mexican
Independence.
Bardem and Barbachano's Nia Chole has no Mayan,Aztec,
as she does in the novel,
or overtlyexotic culturalcharacteristics
aside fromher entranceonto the screen at the ruin of el Tajin.
The characteris strippedof the pan-ethnicrepresentativeness that
she carriesin the novel, and she no longer comes across as the
stand-infor La Malinche. While the film version discards the
chroniclesof the Conquest and la Nia Chole's symbolicrelation-
ship to La Malinche, and thus Mexico itself,Bardem's castingof
the quintessentialMexican movie star in the role of La Nia ac-
complishesthe national symbolism.Flix's internationalrecogni-
tion as the queen of Mexican cinema makes the use of Malinche's
national symbolismredundantor even obsolete. One wayor an-
other,la Nia Chole equals Mexico at the allegoricallevel.
Accordingto Flix biographerPaco Ignacio Taibo, Mexican
producer Manuel Barbachano met anti-FrancoSpanish director
JuanAntonioBardem and theydecided to collaborateon an inter-
nationalfilm.At thistimeMara Flixwas the confirmedcinematic
ambassadorof Mexico. Bardem insistedin castingFlix in the role
of La Nia Chole althoughBarbachano did not agree withthe fit.
Upon Bardem's arrivalto Mexico Citywithhis screenplayof Sona-
tas, the Mexican productionteam discoveredthat the Spaniard's
screenplaylacked an understandingof Mexican culture (Taibo
241). AlthoughBardem resistedthe changes to his writingand
never fullyagreed withany of them,Barbachano convinced him
thatall the "cambios propuestospor el equipo mexicano tenan
sentidoy eran absolutamentenecesarios" (241). While we do not
have access to the textthat never reached the silverscreen, one
can only inferwhat the changes entailed. The 1950s and 60s
markedMexican Cinema's period of internationalcollaborations
in whichMexico was establishingitspoca de Ororeputationat the
internationallevel (Lpez "Crossing" 33-34). Known forits color
local and Mexican themes, mid-centuryMexican cinema was
charged with national representation (Monsivis 117-123).
CharlesRamirezBergwritesthatduringMexican Cinede Oro, "the
Mexican filmindustrybecame the leading Spanish-languagefilm
producerin theworld (...) and a recognizedmedium of national

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250 Discourse26.1 & 2

(13). He continuesto describe"thisdevelopment


self-expression"
of nationalcinema," especiallythe moviesfilmedbyFigueroa:

Aspartofthenationalist
movement, Agefilms
Golden succeededincre-
anidealized,
ating andimaginary
romanticized, thatilluminated
Mexico
movie inMexico
screens andLatinAmerica.
(13)

Giventhe nationalistpreoccupationsof thispost-revolutionary pe-


riod of filmproductionthat finallyestablishesits culturallegiti-
macyand paritywithinthe internationalart scene, it is logical to
assume thatValle Incln's fictionalrecolonizationof Mexico by
Spain would not be well receivedin lightof the imperialisticover-
tones. With the culturalexpertiseof Revueltasand Cabada, the
experienceand fame of the Mexican productionteam,the name-
recognitionofValle Incln,and the dream castofFranciscoRabal,
Mara Flix,Fernando Rey,and Aurora Bautista,the filmlooked
likean inevitablesmashhit.The Mexicanadaptation,however,was
a flop. Bardem,who grewto hate the film,attributesthe flop to
intervention in his script,the choice of Valle Incln's Sonatasover
TiranoBanderas , and thefilm'sexample of "cmo se puede equivo-
car totalmenteel encargado del reparto" (qtd. in Taibo 244).
Taibo expands on his informant's opinion satingthathe findsBau-
tistatoo healthyto playa convincingConcha, Rabal too handsome
and pleasant to playBradomin,and Flix too definedas a person-
"
alityto fitinto the role of La Nia Chole: [E]n Mara Flix no es
posible encontrara la 'nia Chole', porque ella es otra cosa y
jams se podr fingir"(244) . The castmayindeed have caused the
failure,but not for the reasons Taibo and Bardem cite. Flix's
iconic statusas cinematicrepresentative of Mexico bringsback the
of
layer symbolism that the production team may have tried to
omit by removingLa Malinche. This substitutionmay "decolo-
nize" the story,but Flix's culturaldraw upsets the gender dy-
namic thatthe novel employswiththe Corts-Malinchesubtext.
Criticsand popular culture concur on Flix's iconic status.
Diane Hershfieldcited Flix as the exemplary"Mexican femme
fataV in her studyof Women and Mexican national identityin
film.Sam Dillon's recent New YorkTimeshomage to Mara Flix
followingher April2002 death tellsreadersthatduringthe three
decades of Flix's career, she "reigned as the supreme goddess
of Spanish-languagecinema" (A29). Dillon's interview withCarlos
Fuentes summarizesthe extent of Flix's stardom.In the same
obituaryFuentes states,"Maria has a mythicquality,and she's a
greatnationalsymbol."Octavio Paz comparesFlix to the "idols"
of Mexican womanhood in his prologue to a Mara Flix photo

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Winter
and Spring2004 251

collection.AftercomparingFlix to Coyolxauhqui (10), Paz ex-


plains thatMexico has traditionally been permeatedbymasculine
values, "el padre, el patriarcha,el abuelo, el jefe, el macho" (13).
Despite the "valoresmasculinos,"manyfeminineimages,he con-
tinues,have mythicand symbolicproportionsin their abilityto
encapsulateMexican culture.Some myths:

[S]ondulcescomolavirgen deGuadalupe, colinamaternal,amparo de


otrassonabismales
hurfanos; e insolandables
comola Malinche; otras
sonrisueas
ydenodadas comolaAdelita delosrevolucionarios.
Elmito
deMaraFlixesdistinto.(...) Fueyesundesafo antemuchasconven-
cionesyprejuicios
tradicionales. (...) MaraFlixes unamujermuy
mujerquehatenido la osadadenoajustarse a la ideaquesehanhecho
losmachosde la mujer. Es librecomoel viento; o congrega
dispersa a
lasnubes,
lasparteo lasilumina conunacentella, conunaMirada.(13)

Paz' s adept comparison of the Virgin,La Malinche, Adelita, La


Llorona and Mara Flix attestto the symbolismpresent in the
figureof Mara Flix and pinpointsFlix's proclivityfor defying
gender roles.As we see in the Barbachano-BardemfilmSonatas, it
is preciselyFlix'snationalsymbolismthatallowsthe subversionof
gender roles. Carlos Monsiviswritesin his studyof the Golden
Age of Mexican Cinema that among Mexican actresses,"[o]nly
Mara Flix constructedher powerfulaura" ( Mythologies121-122)
in a genre thatdemanded femalesubmissionand integrationinto
the landscape:

voiceandenslaving
[H]ercategorical undercut
gestures thehumilia-
tionsdemanded
bythescripts
(...) shetookonthetraits
ofthecacique
andrenouncedfemininepsychology.Shebecamesomething unheard
of:a woman
whocontrolled
herowndestiny. (122)

Monsivis'sdescriptionof Flix's abilityto "undercut" the submis-


siveroles demanded bythe period recallsLa Malinche. While Paz
comparesthe twoin theirmythicalrepresentativeness of Mexican
culture,Monsivisdescribes Flix in the way that Chicana femi-
nism describesLa Malinche. Indeed Monsivisis not the firstto
speak of Flix's abilityto destroygendered limitsin femalecharac-
ters;Elena Poniatowskawritesin 1990 that"Mara es la nica que
en Mxico ha logrado cambiar las reglas del juego" ( Quin72).
Unlike Malinche who has been narratedby others and was not
able to leave us with her own words, Flix's self-construction
throughrole choices and acting are an embodimentand textual
testamentto self-determination.
In addition to the obvious changes in plot, characters,and

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252 Discourse26.1 & 2

time frame,the Spaniard's loyaltyto the woman's cultureintro-


duces and old, forgottenparadigmthathistoryselectednot to em-
phasize: in the filmic resolution of the plot the Marqus de
BradomnfallsforLa Nia Chole and then takesup armsto fight
forMexican reformunder the Mestizoflag of independence. In-
stead of acting like Hernn Corts,Bradomn acts like Gonzalo
Guerrero;he fightson the side of Mexico,not onlyassimilatingto
thecultureofhisfemalelover,but also actingtowardsitsliberation
fromtheoppressionsponsoredbyhis nativeculture.Barbachano's
team assertsthe Spaniard's assimilationto Mexican culture and
the man's assimilationto the woman's culture since the woman
representsMexico. The consequential upsettingof the gender
dominance essentiallypreservesnational pride at the expense of
masculinepride.
The path of la Nia Chole fromvoluptuoussymboloffictional
Spanish recolonizationto nation-affirming Mexican maiden with
enough allure to a
get Spaniard to take up arms forMexican inde-
pendence traces Mexico's selective traditionof culture.The nu-
ances that govern the selection become evident with history's
selection of what Norma Alarcon calls the "two monstrousfig-
ures," Malincheand Corts,as the parentsof modernMexico over
Gonzalo Guerreroand his Mayan wife (Alarcon 279). Raymond
Williamstellsus "the factorconnectinglived cultureand period
cultures[is] the cultureof selectivetradition"(54). The historical
lines thatcontemporaryculturedrawsdepend upon the cultural
values of the contemporarysystemin such a way that "the tradi-
tionalcultureof a societywillalwaystend to correspondto itscon-
temporarysystemof interestsin values" (55). As Rolando Romero
points out in "Counter Malinche," the negativecharacterization
of Gonzalo Guerreroand celebrationofJernimode Aguilarcon-
firmsthevaluesthatthe institution of the Crownwishedto empha-
size. Aguilarreturnedto the Spaniards and reconfirmedSpain's
race, religion and Conquest mission; Guerrero stayed in his
adopted culturewithhis Mayanwife,and was consequentlycharac-
terizedas a traitorand a Jew.Romero notesin hisworkon Gonzalo
Guerrerothat"Guerrero'slifeis nevera partof those [Conquest]
narratives"and as a consequence, "historiansmentionhim only
brieflyand alwayswith contempt" ("Texts" 345). The selection
that Romero describesreveals a particularset of values that has
remained solidified - vestigeswe can observein the popular flop
of Sonatas. The 19thand 20thcentury'sselectionof the Malinche-
Cortscouple overthe Guerrero-Mayan wifecouple as the allegori-
cal parentsof modern Mexico and the model forLatin American
syncretism reflectsthe prescribedalignmentof gender and race.

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Winter
and Spring2004 253

History'spreferenceof Malinche and Corts over Guerreroand


his native wife also speaks to the pervasive,postcolonial Latin
American perception that assimilationto Westernways equals
progress.That's whythe filmdidn't hit home, and that'swhywe
don't rememberGonzalo. To do so would bringabout a reversal
of the racial/genderdynamicmodeled in the storyof La Malinche
and Corts,a dynamicthattiestogetherthe hierarchieswhiteover
brownand male overfemale.Such a reversalwould servepositively
to upset the racial-nationaldynamicof subordinationin accor-
dance witha nationalisticagenda by havingthe European assimi-
late to the Mexican culture.The coincidence of race and gender,
however,would cause theupset of thegender dynamicthatnation-
alisticpoliticstend to preserve.
More than Guerrero'ssidingwiththe "enemy," his assimila-
tion to the woman's culturehas caused his banishmentfromhis-
tory.If it were only his siding with the enemy that caused his
rhetoricalbanishment,would he not have been resurrectedfrom
historyduringthe independence movement?Williamstellsus, "in
theworkingsof the selectivetradition,reversalsand re-discoveries,
[and] returnsto work apparentlyabandoned as dead . . . keep
large areas of past culture,if not alive,at least available" (55). If,
then, Guerrerorepresentedan alternativemodel for syncretism
thatembodied the new social prescriptionsof post-colonialLatin
America,whywould authorsbeginningwithVarela rescue La Mali-
nche insteadof him?In all likelihoodthe primacyof the woman's
culture over the man's in the case of Guerrero does not fitthe
Liberal agenda of the 19th(or even 20th)century.Why,then,would
the new Marqus de Bradomn not achieve the popularityof his
novelisticoriginal despite his Mexico-affirming acts? Because he
lets himselfbe dominated by the cultureof the woman he loves.
Bradomn,like Guerrero,"renunci a Espaa/ypele como maya
entrelos mayas(Gonzalo/renouncedSpain/andbattledas a Mayan
among Mayans)" (JosEmilio Pacheco n.p.).
Carlos Velo, the directorin the Mexican productionteam,re-
calls the film'sbox-officeflop.In an interview withTaibo, he attri-
butesthe filmslack of popularityto the factthatthe film"era muy
lejos de lo que el pblico pareca esperary de lo que los lectores
de Valle Incln suponan" (Taibo 242). While Valle-Inclndraws
upon the stabilityof the colonial, gendered racial dynamicin his
novel,Bardemand Barbachano interruptitin favorof thenational
Mexico-affirming agenda and at the expense of masculinecultural
dominance. AlthoughBardem assuresTaibo thatthe filmSonatas
is not criticalof Valle Incln's Sonatas(Taibo 246), the difference

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254 Discourse26.1 & 2

betweenthe twoworksrevealsan unmistakableshiftin projects-


the firstbeing re-colonialand the second decolonial.
Barbachano's attemptto "forgetthe Alamo," as Pilar of Lone
Starmightsay,or to "reinscrib[e]a colonial imaginary witha deco-
lonial one" (Emma Prez 126) aims to forget La Malinche.The act
of national decolonization,however,contradictsthe gender fac-
torsthatgovernthe selectionof Malinche and CortsoverGuerre-
ro's familyin the firstplace. Norma Alarcon urges us to stop
isolatingepistemologiesof oppression,and to heed those figures
whosewholenessprovidesa model forwhole decolonization(Alar-
con, Interview1). IgnoringLa Malinche in effortsto decolonize
inevitablyleads to an incompletedecolonization.Ana Lpez, in
agreementwithDiane Hershfield(15-23), argues Mexican cine-
ma's inabilityto forgetla Malinche,statingthatMexicanfilminevi-
tablyalignswomen withLa Malinche or La Virgende Guadalupe
(151). GivenLa Nia Chole's adulteryand her affairwitha Span-
iard (in the film), she fallsunder the categoryof Malinche regard-
less of Barbachano's censoring. Is La Malinche inescapable as
Lpez would suggest,or do Williams'srules of selectivity demand
thatshe not be forgotten?Perhaps it is the masculinistconstruc-
tionofculturethatneeds forgetting beforeLa Malincheand Guer-
rero can share the Mestizostageof culturalrepresentation.

Notes

1RamndelValle-Incln, authorofLucesdeBohemia , Tirano Banderas,


theSonatas , and manyothercanonicaltextsofSpanishliterature, is con-
sideredan exemplary figureof Modernismo and fin-de-sicleliterature.
Hisworksappearinternationally in classroomsand M.A.and Ph.D.exam
listsin universitiesthatofferSpanishliterature programs.
2Fora comprehensive and
bibliography study ofthesenovelssee San-
draMessinger Cypesschapters 4 and 5.
3La Reforma beganat theinstitutional levelin 1855whentheliberal
government, including the future ZapoteeIndianpresidentBenitoJu-
rez,overthrew SantaAnna.In 1857theLey furezabolishing clericalprivi-
legesand military immunity and theLeyLerdodisentitling theChurch's
corporate landwereincorporated and passedin thenewliberalconstitu-
tionthatforthefirst timeomitted declaringMexicoa Catholicnation.
4Althoughone of La Malinche' s majorrolesin the conquestwas
translator (a skillthatmanyChicanacriticsand writers lateremphasize
andwithwhichtheyidentify foritattests toherintelligence and talentto
adapt to more than one in the
culture) ficotncal Spanish, Aztec, andTlax-
calancharacters in thenovelconverse without
freely needfortranslators.

This content downloaded from 149.142.48.204 on Sun, 27 Oct 2013 01:48:22 AM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Winter
and Spring2004 255

Fora discussionof Chicanawritersand La Malinche/LaLenguaplease


see TeyDiana RebolledoWomen Singingin theSnowchaptersix,"Con-
structing as
Identities 125-130.
Writers,"
51wantto thankRolandoRomeroformakingme awareofthisfilm;
withoutit,thispiece ofMalinchehistoriographywouldbe missingfrom
myresearch.

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