Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy as

Reflected in Archival Sources

Adil Baktaya *
Abstract
Syrian Protestant College was established by the American
missionaries in Beirut in 1866, and the medical school got its
start the following year. Yet, the medical school was challenged
soon as it was preparing to give its first graduates. As the school
was not officially recognized by the Ottoman State, holders of its
diploma were not eligible for performing their profession within
the Ottoman territory.
This article aims to display to explain the reasons why the
Ottoman State did not want to grant the American missionaries
the same privilege about the medical school exams, it provided to
the French missionaries. In doing this analysis, the specific
position of the medical faculties will also be stressed, and in
addition to the other reasons, it will be shown that the US
demands conflicted with the new role the Ottoman State aimed to
assume in the health field.

Introduction

S
yrian Protestant College (SPC) was one of the two medical schools
established by the missionaries in the 19th century at Beirut. The
College was established by the American missionaries in 1866, and the medical
school began to function the following year. 1 According to the 1892 dated
Ottoman report, the College was composed of Idadi (preparatory), li (higher
technical education) and Medical Departments. The Ottoman officers in Beirut
were well aware that the school was established by a charity organization based in
New York, yet were uninformed about its relations with the American
government. 2 However, the Sublime Porte was frequently witnessing the US
governments interventions and the US Ministrys requests of privileges on behalf
of the school. Besides, United Kingdom was the other significant protector of the
College. 3
The American missionaries saw SPC as part of a broader strategy, and as
an initiative which would increase interests to its primary schools. Thus, they
attached a great importance to the success of the school. 4 On the other hand, the

*
stanbul University
26 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

Ottoman State also overrated this type of College's activities and apart from the
missionaries all remaining actions, Ottomans were especially disturbed by any
other powers existence in a new field under its monopoly: medical education. As a
state paying much attention to its reputation on behalf of the Western States' public
opinion, Ottoman State could not contemplate to close down the school, and tried
to present this as a proof of its support and of the importance it placed to its
subjects education. Yet, it also tried to undermine the schools prestige by
reexamining the graduates of the school in Istanbul, although they already held a
diploma.
This article analyses the American missionaries' and their initially
reluctant then eager supporter, the US governments' bargain and struggles with the
Ottoman State for obtaining the necessary permission that would confer the licence
of Doctor of Medicine to the graduates of the Medical Department of the SPC. It is
important to note here that the Ottoman State was not in favor of granting authority
to the SPC for giving the Doctor of Medicine License and resisted to the American
missionaries' requests to that effect, for a long time. The Ottoman State's persistent
resistance deserves attention on various grounds. For instance, the French Medical
School Saint Joseph (as a consequence of France's diplomatic pressure, which was
a much greater power on behalf of the Ottoman State) that was established in the
same city and got its start sixteen years later managed to receive the privileges the
SPC was longing for. Hence, there must be some particular reasons for Ottoman
States' resistance to the American school besides its general attitude to the two
medical schools.
This article aims firstly at displaying medical educations importance in
American missionaries' education system, then the initiatives the American
missionaries and the US government took on behalf of the Ottoman State, and
lastly it attempts to explain the reasons why the Ottoman State did not want to
grant the American missionaries the same privileges it granted to the French
missionaries. In analysing the reasons, the medical schools' specific position will
especially be stressed, and in addition to the remaining reasons, it will be shown
that the SPC's requests conflicted with the role Ottoman State sought to assume in
the public health field.
Ultimately, the Ottoman State had to grant the SPC the privileges it
required, though five years after the French School. However, it took the American
battleships to visit the Ottoman ports and the persistent American pressures on
several occasions when the Ottoman-American relations got tense. The American
missionaries persistently informed their governments that the only way to persuade
the Ottoman State was power demonstration.

1. Colleges Importance in the Inter-communal Competition

Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 27

Robert College was the first high school the American Protestant
missionaries established outside the American territory. It was established in 1863
in Istanbul, and when it received much more interest than expected, other colleges
followed. Unlike the Robert College, the SPC (1866) in Beirut incorporated a
medical school and it proved very successful. Upon the medical schools' success,
the American missionaries would attempt to establish similar medical schools in
other places. According to the missionaries observations which proved true in a
short while- it was in fact no longer a question whether or not education is to be
obtained, but simply who are to be the teachers. 5
Medical schools were important both for supporting the missionaries'
activities in places where it was very hard to undertake missionary actions, and
thus for nurturing medical missions that were quite very important for missionaries
(the school itself also functioned as a medical mission) and for providing a
profession to its graduates. 6 The children subscribed to the missionaries'
preliminary schools could continue their educations in these high schools in the
future, in which they can learn a foreign language and attain a job title. Thus, this
opportunity would increase interests to the American missionaries preliminary
level schools. 7
On the other hand, the economic revival that came with the Tanzimat
created a necessity to qualified labor force and an increase in demand in education.
Now, instead of being a priest, the graduates preferred being a teacher, doctor,
chemist, bureaucrat or they worked in the British companies in various jobs. The
school which met this demand and the sect behind it would be one step ahead. Yet,
the inclination to the school was somehow being transformed into the inclination to
the sect by the school executives. 8 To give an example from the SPC, according to
its president Daniel Bliss, students from all sects and religions were welcomed to
their school, and it was possible to graduate from this school by believing in one
God or in many Gods or in no God at all; but it will be impossible for anyone to
continue with them long without knowing what they believe to be the truth and
their reasons for that belief. 9
The school at least obligated its message to be listened, and it appears
that the ones that refused to subscribe to Protestantism were having difficulties. 10
The school insisted on its posture even years after, following the declaration of
Second Constitution, when the Muslim and Jewish students upraised because they
are no more wanted to join the religion lessons. 11
For the local residents, it was not just the school that was important: at
first, there had to be a consistent education system consisting of compatible levels,
and then this education system had to integrate with an opportunity system in
which the students would be advantageous. The Russian Consulate at Damascus
told that most of their students left their schools to enroll to Lazarist and Protestant
schools. The reason of their departure was that these mentioned schools were
teaching English which could be useful for them. 12 The American missionaries
28 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

realized this professional education demand earlier and followed a conscious

strategy on high schools, which brought them one step further. 13
However, the French Jesuits were observing this interest to the American
college in Beirut closely. The competition between the two sects was such that
knowing the Jesuits would respond in return, during its opening ceremony, SPC's
founding President Daniel Bliss declared it was the opening ceremony of not one,
but two universities. Indeed, nine years after, the Jesuits established Universit St.
Joseph at Beirut in response.

2. The Ottoman States Diploma Obstacle to the College and the US

Governments Initiatives
SPC Medical School was a very assertive initiative. When it decided to
give a four-year medical education to its students, great deals of the medical
schools at the US were still giving a three-year education. 14 Yet, the school was
challenged soon as it was preparing to give its first graduates: the Ottoman State
was not allowing the graduates of the school to perform their profession with its
diploma. 15 Thus, the school left its not to draw to itself the attention of the
Government officials, before its roots should have struck deep into the land
strategy, soon after its establishment, and had to knock on the governments
doors. 16
In 1870, i.e. before the school started to give its first graduates, the US
and Ottoman State were already in contact about the medical students
examinations. The US government, as it appears, under the influence of its
missionaries, described the medical schools advantages for residents of Syria
province and for the Ottoman army, and pointed to the local residents and the
Governor General as witnesses. According to the Ministry, the Governor General
was also intending to write a report (layiha) on the benefits of the school. The
technical infrastructure of the school was perfect. The Ministry defines the quality
of the faculty and the four-year education, and how seriously the exams are
undertaken and lastly requests for the exam to take place in Beirut, not in Istanbul,
and for the delegation of Damascus Province Chief-Doctor for signing and sealing
the diplomas. It appears that the Ottoman State mentioned about the obligation of
graduates to present themselves for examination at Istanbul, and the rationale of
Ministrys request was that once this condition is applied, this would surmount
many students financial potentials. 17
Following the American governments' initiatives 18 , for not refusing a
friend country's request, the Turkish government officially recognized the
American school as a branch of the Imperial Medical School and a second ranked
medical school and announced that its students, if successful in passing the
examination in Istanbul, could receive their license. This decision was conveyed to
the US Ministry on March 15, 1871. However, unlike the Ministry's stated request
to the Sublime Porte, the Ottoman officers were not interested in the proposal of
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 29

the diplomas ratification in Istanbul, instead of sending the student there, and dwelt
on what could be done for the poor students. In order to prove how it wants to see
science spread all over the state, the Ottoman State, decided to cover the expenses
of the students who are really such poor that they cannot handle the Istanbul trip. 19
In 1871, SPC's founder President Daniel Bliss personally paid a visit to
Istanbul both for getting information on the schools' relocation to a new building
and for discussing the recognition of the diploma with the officials. The Board of
Trustees of the SPC recommended that Bliss spent the summer in Istanbul. Yet,
although he received very useful information on the school building, he could not
get a result from his negotiations on the diplomas recognition. Salih Pasha -
Minister of Imperial Medical School- told him that according to the Ottoman Laws
only Imperial Medical School was in command of issuing diplomas. 20 The
Ottoman State could assume the expenses of the candidates' two-way trips to
Istanbul, but that was all it intended to do. 21 Concerning this initiative, Daniel Bliss
stated that we failed in our efforts because the Imperial Ottoman Government was
in the right and we in the wrong. 22
The Ottoman State could not close down the school and it appears that
when the Ottomans tried to present the non-closing of the school and the covering
of the expenses of the students as "a new evidence of the Ottoman State's support
and its desire to see sciences' proliferation across the empire", it indeed was trying
to use the argument of not closing down the school to its favor. On the other hand,
the State was trying to undermine the schools reputation by bringing the graduates
to Istanbul for reexamination, and protecting the Imperial Medical School. Five
doctorate examinations to be carried out with outmost attention were planned;
official recognition would be valid only under these conditions. 23
But, it is observed that this official recognition did not satisfy the
American missionaries. The recognition of diploma equivalence continued to be of
crucial importance for the SPC. The college graduates that would attempt to
perform their profession without a certified diploma might be oppressed by the
licensed doctors, and they could even be arrested. In 1872, the Governor General
Subhi Pasha did not create a problem, when Ibrahim Mesharkas diploma was
shown to him. He may have been awed by the size of it, the red seal and blue
ribbon, and the writing in Latin and Arabic. However, in 1873, four doctors
informed against Asad Haddad, and he could hardly be rescued by his strong
friends. 24
This type of incidents began to occur frequently. The College was still not
obeying to the rules and was seeking other ways to protect its graduates, even a
few years after the Ottoman State conveyed the necessary regulation to the US
Ministry and to the School. The Ottoman officials realized the School was not
obeying to the regulation, when they learnt that the School was signing and
distributing the US imported empty diplomas. This caused the Ottoman State to get
harsher. A report conveyed to the US Ministry once again reminded of the
30 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

Ottoman State's position concerning the Medical School Graduates, criticized the
disobedience and reminded that the Ottoman officers in the Syria province were
responsible of applying the rules, in case they were ignored. The framework of the
acts to be applied to the school was already determined, it was impossible to do
anything beyond it. 25 Although the American school uttered its complaints every
now and then, 26 it had had to admit this regulation. 27
In June 1876, this time, the missioner Doctor George Post came to
Istanbul to undertake negotiations with the Imperial Medical School. It appears that
Post's initiatives did not lead to a change in the regulations. 28 Moreover, the
Ottoman State which was coping with a financial crisis was not carrying out its
promise and was avoiding to cover the expenses of the students who comes to
Istanbul for examination. 29 Despite this type of problems, SPC's relations with the
Ottoman State stabilized over time. Vis--vis the Ottoman State's interventions, the
school had to give the education in Turkish and obey the renowned 129th article of
the Education Regulation. 30 The Decrees concerning all of the schools within the
Ottoman State were distributed via the province (the texts of speeches delivered on
various ceremonies, and on the staged plays were demanded etc.) including the
SPC and the College applied these.
In the following years, the College's primary demand from the Ottoman
State was still the recognition of its medical diploma without the obligation of
taking an exam in Istanbul-. 31 However, in the 1890s, another, much more serious
issue started to dominate the US-Ottoman relations, and the Ottoman State came to
approach the American missionaries which were proud of their contributions to the
Bulgarian uprising and thus were marked on behalf of the Ottomans, with growing
skepticism and anxiety. The cause of the tension in bilateral relations was the
Armenian issue, which remained its currency for a very long time. The Ottoman
State both believed the missionaries were behind the publications that ruined
Ottomans' reputation in the Western public opinion, and stated that the
missionaries were personally involved in the disputes and helped the Armenians.
Indeed, the missionaries sometimes displayed no hesitation to use their own names
in their news and statements to the journals, and they clearly called the Western
powers for military intervention to the Ottoman State. Other than Ottomans general
attitude towards the Armenian issue, some abstract cases served to linger the
tension. The compensation demands of the missionaries that were damaged during
the disputes were not met for years and this caused tensions in diplomatic
relations. 32 In accordance with the Ottoman-American relations' pace, the US
several times had sent its battleships to the Ottoman ports in the 1890s to
intimidate Ottomans. 33
In 1898, a very important development concerning the recognition of the
medical schools' diplomas took place. On this issue, the Sublime Porte faced not
only Americans, but also the French's demands. The years long French pressure
resulted in 1898, and the Ottoman State had to change its posture vis--vis the
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 31

schools under the French protection, because it required the French diplomatic
support at a time when it was coping with the regulations that were tried to put in
action following the war with Greece. 34 The Saint Joseph University Medical
School graduates were no longer required to go to Istanbul for examination, an
examination jury shall be sent to Istanbul. Each successful candidate will be given
a certified Imperial Medical School diploma, as well as a French one. The SPC
Board of Trustees did not worry when they heard about this privilege, in an interior
discussion they stated that they believed the Sublime Porte would grant this
privilege to them too. 35 Yet, the Sublime Porte did not grant the privilege to the
Jesuit school willingly, and it would resist for not granting the same privilege to
the American school.
When the Sublime Porte did not automatically give SPC the privileges it
gave to the French, the US Ministry stepped in again. The Ministry wrote another
letter as it could not obtain a result from its initiative in March 1899. In the letter,
the Ministrys demands concerning some issues (six issues including citizenship
agreement, the opening of a Protestant graveyard in Jerusalem, etc.) were ranked in
articles and the demanded privilege concerning the examination ranked number
one. 36 But the Ottoman State refused to change its position on this issue.
The issue became even more urgent for the SPC on another aspect, when
the French gained the right to take the exam in Beirut. This rendered the Jesuit
school very advantageous, and even harder to compete. 37 Even though, this
disadvantage could be compensated to an extent by investing in the Colleges
necessities of building and the infrastructure, the new President Howard Bliss
preferred to fight on the other front, i.e. to solve the diploma problem, instead of
devoting all his energy to finding fund. 38
Bliss managed to speak with the American President concerning this
issue, and he convinced him to take a new initiative. The President made a request
from the Sultan concerning this problem. Yet, when the privilege was not given
after some time, the College officials started to believe that this privilege will never
be given if something is not done. 39 Ultimately, the College decided to send its
faculty member George Post to the US for drawing the governments attention to
the issue and to provide the government to exert some pressure upon the Ottoman
State. Post met the other prominent missionaries there. 40 The US President
Roosevelt received the missionary delegation headed by the President of the
Chamber of Commerce of New York, Morris K. Jessup -Jessup was also the
President of the Board of Trustees of the SPC- and in the delegation, other than
George Post, there were Robert College Board of Directors Member John S.
Kennedy, and 20 high level missionary executives working on education and
religious propaganda. The delegation complained about the challenges facing
American missionaries in the Ottoman Empire, and called the government to deal
with the situation. According to them, the Sultan was not fair to the American
religious institutions and the government had to take an action on behalf of the
32 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

Ottoman State, and request the privileges that were provided to the French, Italian,
Russian and German institutions. 41
The missionary delegation wanted to remind the President of the fact that
American citizens were meant to be a most favoured state citizen in accordance
with several agreements between the US and the Ottoman State, and that this
embraced the missionary activities as well. Nevertheless, now they were
discriminated on various issues, primarily on the medical schools demands. 42 The
President should put pressure on the Ottoman State in the name of civilization,
humanity and justice; there was no doubt the government would find the
American nations' support behind it. According to a New York Times news report,
the President gave no evidence on what kind of an action the government was
planning. 43 But later the delegates representing the missionaries in the Ottoman
State were called by the American Ministers and were told that the Ministry in
Istanbul will be instructed to act insistent on the issue. There was no doubt that this
was a result of President Roosevelt's promise to the committee that he would
personally deal with the issue. 44
About a month after, Post made his way to Beirut and he stayed in
Istanbul for some time upon the Board of Trustees instruction. He was asked to
meet the American Minister. As a result of the American Ministers' insistent and
threatening initiatives, which surprised the Ottoman State, the irade [authorization]
was received in the end, and Post returned to Beirut with an examination jury on
June 22. 45 However, the American government and the American missionaries
continued their pressure to the Sublime Porte, until they guarantee the received
privileges and until they receive all of the privileges provided to the other Western
States' missionaries. 46 They finally succeeded in getting the privileges equivalent
to the other states in 1907, including the one about diplomas. 47

3. The Ottoman States Opposition and Concerns

The Ottoman State was in a struggle with the missionaries, with all the
institutions opened by the missionaries and with the Western States behind these
institutions, for not losing its sovereignty and moreover extending it on its territory.
The American missionaries were one of the parts in this struggle. Yet, the Ottoman
State believed the American missionaries were involved in the Armenian disputes,
which no doubt played an important role in the Ottoman States reluctance to
provide the Americans with the privilege it already gave to the French. Although
there were few references to the American missionaries relations with the
Armenian nationalists in the Ottoman documents, the concerning some reason
statement in some letters probably first and foremost addressed this factor. 48 The
missionaries medical schools were propaganda centers, which provided opposition
ideas that could not be approved by the Ottoman State. Loyalty to the State was
undermined in these places. Long before the Armenian disputes, it was known that
the Robert College played an important role in the Bulgarian uprising. 49 Moreover,
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 33

the number of American schools and its dreadful increase required to take
precautions. 50
According to a 1898 dated report of the Ministry of Medical Schools,
instead of making things easier for the French and American medical schools on
such an issue like the diploma equivalence (or on doing the graduation exams in
Istanbul), these schools indeed had to be closed down immediately. Yet, as it was
not possible to close down the schools for particular reasons, they should at least
be provided to function in the framework of the regulations that shall be
determined. Sending a jury to Beirut for the graduates' examination would
technically create a problem. Hence, according to the Imperial Medical School, in
this type of an exam although the jury members would fulfill the task effectively
on issues concerning their branches, there was no doubt the exam would get
superficial on issues unrelated to their own branches. However, the problem was
beyond such a technical problem. The American missionaries opened high schools
in various places of the Empire, and they seemed to continue doing this. Among
these were the medical schools established in Merzifon, Sivas and Aintab.
However, these medical faculties were closed one by one due to the obligation of
taking an exam in Istanbul. This indicated that the existent application was
successful. Now if the requested right is provided, i.e. if the medical school
graduates were examined in their present locations without coming to Istanbul, it
was almost certain that the closed schools would re-open and new schools would
be established. Given the available staff, although the re-opening of these schools
would create the problem of sending examination juries to all over the Empire, the
real problem was that these schools would start functioning again. For this reason,
this schools actions need not be facilitated. 51 This was probably the preliminary
reason why the American missionaries were not provided with the same privilege.
It is evident that the Ottoman State realized the importance of high schools, and of
the medical schools among the high schools, in the American missionaries'
education strategies.
The general struggle with the missionaries, along with the specific
skepticism towards the American missionaries created another adverse effect,
which could be viewed as a consequence of all these factors together. The problem
was about the overall Ottoman-American relations; by refusing to provide the
Americans with the privileges it granted to the great powers, the Ottoman State
were in essence evaluating the US outside the Great Powers category, which
included the European powers. The US wanted to be accepted as a Great Power,
and thus it primarily wanted the promotion of its legation to an Embassy level,
whereas the Ottoman State did not want to make this promotion because it did not
trust the US. 52 This was important concerning almost every issue the Great Powers
used to exert pressure on the Ottoman State, as well as concerning the US'
struggles to put pressure on the Ottoman State, especially on the missionaries and
the Armenian issue. 53 Thus, the diploma problem, along with the other concessions
34 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

the missionaries requested in the name of equality were also gaining a symbolic
meaning in the Ottoman-American relations.
The occurrence of the Ottoman State's opposition concerning the medical
faculties diplomas in the 1870s, i.e. more than 20 years before the Armenian
dispute started to occupy the public opinion and about five years before the
Bulgarian uprising, indicated that there could be other reasons. The mentioned
institution is a medical school, and this is what the fourth factor is about. In its
struggle with the missionaries, the Ottoman State attributed a different significance
to the medical schools. The Ottoman State's above-mentioned objection reasons
have been discussed in various researches in the literature in the context of
Ottoman-American relations' general pace, however its specific posture towards
the medical faculties drew very little attention of the historians, including the
historians of education and medicine.
The developments in the West on medical science in the 19th century and
especially in the second half of that century, laid out that much of the diseases were
caused by environment and social factors. Thus, it was understood that these type
of disease factors could only be diminished by state intervention, and therefore the
State was expected to find a solution to the public's health problems. On the other
hand, with the Tanzimat, the state-subject relations have also gone into a
transformation, and a Western type duty-right relationship began to form. Thus,
while the State started to assume a new responsibility concerning the public health,
the centralization of the State and the development of the bureaucratic apparatus
led the State to intervene to the health sector much more efficiently. 54 So to say,
some historians referred medicine as the most successful field in the Tanzimat. 55
In accordance with the developments in the West in the 19th century, the
State of the Ottoman Empire was also trying to bring the health service, which a
modern state is responsible of providing to all its citizens, to all over the Empire.
While it was enhancing its central institutions authority, it was at the same time
trying to reduce the efficiency, control or abolish the centers, which provided any
health service (doctoring or surgery, pharmacy, obstetrics, which were still
separated from doctoring at that time) beyond its control and delegation.
Establishment and centralizing, and in the absence of those, formalizing, covering
and regulating activities was continually enlarging the State's field. In this process,
the politic danger that would be created by the doctors who were educated by the
missionaries and were assumed to maintain no loyalty to the State, was viewed in
the context of a danger to the public health. Among those that were banned from
doing their jobs because they did not possess a licence were the ones who gave
various medical services for long time, drug producers, professional doctors,
pharmacists , and obstetrics , and charlatans, and also the graduates of medical
faculties in Europe that worked as a doctor in the Ottoman State without the
required permission of the authorities, and the graduates of medical faculties
opened by the missionaries. These were all in the same category, in terms of
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 35

touching the hikmet-i hkmet (reason of state). 56 Now the health sector was
considered as a field, which the State should strictly control and the State was
formalizing the sector by forbidding the activities beyond its permission.
In 1860 pharmacy, and in 1861 doctoring regulations covering the
execution of the profession were issued, and the latter one announced that the
ones that did not hold a diploma from the Imperial Medical School, or of a foreign
school could not perform their profession. In 1869, Cemiyet-i Tbbiye-i Mulkiye
(Association of Civil Medicine) was established. Its duty was to assign health
staff to the Municipality, like doctor, chemist, vaccinator and obstetrics, and to
give work permission in the Ottoman State to the ones that were educated in
foreign countries. 57 The Ottoman State opened Imperial Medical School in the
same year with the SPC Medical School (1867). The aim of opening the Imperial
Medical School was filling the gap the SPC also hoped to fill, and meeting the civil
medical necessities (municipal doctoring, general practicing etc.) which the State
required. 58 According to the Grand Viziers draft, the school was opened to
educate doctors under the high auspices of the Sultan for provinces. 59 At the
same time, the Ottoman State was trying to control, regulate and stop when
necessary the new trend of doctor influx to the Ottoman State, caused by the
demand to the civil medical services. This was one of the reasons for opening the
Imperial Medical School. 60
On the other hand, the Ottoman State was putting the Idare-i Umumiye-i
Tbbiye Nizamnamesi (Regulation of Medical Administration) (1871) in force, at
a time when the American missionaries frequently visited Istanbul to ask for
concessions from the Ottoman State for the graduates of the SPC Medical School,
and the American diplomats made requests from the Sublime Porte. The year 1871
could be accepted as the official beginning of public health services, by reason of
issuing this regulation. The regulation included assigning doctors to provinces
under the name of Memleket Tabibi (State Doctor). The municipalities were
going to open a pharmacy, also pay the wages of the State Doctor who is going to
cure the poor without charge. 61 To express this development in the context of this
study, it should be noted that the Ottoman State was assigning doctors to all over
the Empire, and hence to Beirut and its neighbourhood, which harboured American
and French medical faculties. In the summary, the legitimacy of the State gained a
new dimension with the public health and the Ottoman State was trying not to get
wounded in this field.

Conclusion
The American missionaries attributed a great significance to the high
schools and to the medical schools. Yet, the Ottoman State also realized the high
schools significance and enacted the obligation to take an exam in Istanbul to
control and restrict the development of the SPC Medical School. Although the
Ottoman State had to give up its insistence on the issue vis--vis the French
36 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

Medical School, it did not want to give the same privilege to the SPC, and acted
with the fear of protecting the status quo. The Ottoman State continued to create
problems for both schools and their graduates in the following years. The
continuity and stability of the Ottoman State's posture could be observed before
and after it granted the diploma equivalence privilege to France in 1898, and to the
US five years after. An important weapon was lost when the concessions on
diplomas were given, yet, the State was decisive on continuing the struggle in other
ways. The graduates of these faculties were not admitted to civil service, the
American and French medical school graduates employed in the municipalities
were discharged at the first opportunity, and the Imperial Medical School graduates
were assigned in succession. For instance, Ibrahim Salibi's appointment as
municipal doctor to the Gazze district was abolished. The rationale was that he was
an American Medical School graduate, and the employment of these schools
graduates in such a post was unfavourable for some reasons. 62 Bealbek district
doctor Nasif, Antakya Municipality Doctor Manuel Efendi, and many other doctors
also faced the same situation. 63 The Ottoman State sometimes evaluated the
Imperial Medical School graduates' warnings, and sometimes is informed about the
missionary medical school graduates employment in the municipalities due to
another official activity, and intervened immediately. Except its interventions to
the cases one by one, it wrote memorandums to the provinces, and ordered the
discharging of American and French medical school graduates and the assignment
of Imperial Medical School graduates in return. 64 This application was still in force
in 1910, and it caused the complaints of the two schools graduates. 65
There was no doubt that the right to take the exam in Beirut was a crucial
gain for the SPC and Saint Joseph. Yet, given the Ottoman State continued to
challenge the medical schools and their graduates after giving the required
privileges, it imprinted the empire seal to the diplomas, but this did not mean
they were approved. At a time when George Post visited Istanbul after returning
the US, and finally secured the privilege of imprinting the diplomas with the
empire seal, the Ottoman officials decided to establish a medical school at
Damascus. The Ottoman State was on a new path in its struggle with the
missionaries' medical schools. In June 1903, George Post returned to Beirut with
an examination jury, and in August the Ottoman State opened its first and only
medical faculty outside Istanbul at Damascus. 66

1
Frederick Bliss (ed.), The Reminiscences of Daniel Bliss, New York: Fleming H. Revell
Company, 1920, p: 187.
2
Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi (BOA) Yldz/Mtenevvi Maruzat (Y.MTV) 73/67, 28
November 1892. (The referred BOA archive documents are noted with Group Name in the
first references and only with the Group Code in the latter ones.)
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 37

3
Samir Khalaf notes that the College was, in fact, indebted to British diplomatic
interventions for its very existence. See Samir Khalaf Yeni ngiltere Pritenlii ve Orta
Douda Liberal Eitim: Bir Kltr Nakli Olarak Beyrut Amerikan niversitesi, Orta
Douda Kltrel Geiler, ed. erif Mardin, translated by Birgl Koak, Ankara:
Doubat, 2007, p: 92.
4
For some journal news stressing the Colleges success, see Church and Ministers: Home
and Foreign Events, The New York Times (NYT), 16 February 1879; Church and
Ministers: Home and Foreign Events, NYT, 7 August 1881.
5
Marwa Elshakry, The Gospel of Science and American Evangelism in Late Ottoman
Beirut, Past and Present, N: 196, August 2007, p: 190.
6
The education was also important as a way of contacting the Muslims, who as it
appeared- did not pay attention to the missionaries. In a missionaries words
Mohammedanism, as a system, is vulnerable through science. . . .To an educated mind
there are in it puerilities, absurdities, glaring inconsistencies. Ibid: p: 196.
7
For a study, noting that SPC was viewed as an opportunity by local residents, see Afif I.
Tannous, Missionary Education in Lebanon: A Study in Acculturation, Social Forces,
Vol. 21, N: 3, March 1943, p: 340.
8
Although Daniel Bliss noted on several occasions that the aim of the school was to plant
the seeds of a good society and a good administration, evangelism was never neglected. In
addition to the regular lessons, all of the students had their daily Bible readings done,
regardless of the departments they enrolled. Elshakry, p: 194.
9
Khalaf, pp: 82-83.
10
For example, for a students complaint claiming he was not graduated because he is
Catholic, see BOA Y.MTV 105/68, 25 September 1894.
11
Stephen B.L. Penrose, Jr., That They May Have Life: The Story of the American
University of Beirut: 1866-1941, Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1970, p: 134
and on.
12
Derek Hopwood, The Russian Presence in Syria and Palestine: 1843-1914, Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1969, p: 155.
13
For the place and importance of high schools in American missionaries education
strategies, also see Uygur Kocabaolu, Anadoludaki Amerika: Kendi Belgeleriyle
19.Yzylda Osmanl mparatorluundaki Amerikan Misyoner Okullar, stanbul:
mge Kitabevi, 2000, pp: 138-164. For example, for an evaluation of the missionaries,
which resulted in a decision to establish a medical faculty at Aintab, see NYT, 27 January
1874.
14
Penrose, p: 33; Bliss, p: 188.
15
A.L.Tibawi, The Genesis and Early History of the Syrian Protestant College, American
University of Beirut Festival Book, eds. Fuad Sarruf and Suha Tamim, Beirut:
American University of Beirut, 1967, pp: 278-279.
16
Bliss, p: 217.
17
BOA Hariciye Nezareti/Tercme Odas (BOA HR.TO) 147/17, 8 August 1870.
18
For the US Ministrys 22 May 1871 dated another initiative, see BOA HR.TO 147/29,
22 May 1871.
38 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

19
BOA HR.TO 495/31, 1871; BOA HR.TO 147/38, 22 August 1871. The Sublime Portes
regulation was re-confirmed with another written report by the Rashid Pasha on 18
September 1873. See BOA HR.TO 147/112, 5 July 1877.
20
Bliss, p: 197.
21
Bkz. A.L. Tibawi, American Interest in Syria: 1800-1901: A Study of Educational,
Literary and Religious Work, London: Clarendon Press, 1966, p: 203.
22
Bliss, p: 197.
23
BOA radeler/Hariciye (BOA .HR) 1316/R.-10 (10), 15 August 1898.
24
Penrose, p: 41.
25
BOA HR.TO 495/36, 18 September 1873.
26
According to the 1875 dated report, the American missionaries primary complaint is still
the diploma issue. see BOA Hariciye Nezareti/Siyasi Ksm (BOA HR.SYS) 68/112,
17 February 1876.
27
The Ottoman documents reveal that all the rules the Ottoman State wanted to be obeyed
including the exam obligation had been accepted by the American missionaries long
time ago, and by the French Embassy last year (1890). See BOA Dahiliye
Nezareti/Mektubi Kalemi (BOA DH.MKT) 1826/12, 2 April 1891; BOA DH.MKT
1876/64, 07 October 1891.
28
BOA HR.TO 147/118, 6 August 1879.
29
For two complaint cases concerning breaching the promised payments, see BOA HR.TO
147/112, 5 May 1877; BOA HR.TO 147/118, 6 August 1879.
30
According to this, if the 3 conditions required for opening schools were not fulfilled, the
continuation of the opened schools and the opening of new schools would in no way be
permitted. These conditions were; the teachers that were going to work at the foreign
schools were required to hold a diploma certified by the Ministry of Education; the list of
books to be studied in the foreign schools and the curriculums were required to be
approved by the Ministry of Education, and the upcoming schools and the ones that want
to continue their activities were required to receive their license from the Ministry of
Education, after fulfilling the necessary conditions.
31
It appears that, at the present time, the suspected people were having difficulties during
the diploma confirmation and licensing. The American Ministry also complained about
this situation. See BOA DH.MKT 1798/42, 08 January 1891.
32
There are lots of resources on the Ottoman-American relations in the 1890s. Reeds study,
which analyses the missionaries position in the Armenian dispute and the missionaries
influence on the American foreign policy is just one of those. See James Eldin Reed,
American Foreign Policy, The Politics of Missions and Josiah Strong, 1890-1900,
Church History, Vol. 41, N:2, June 1972, p:230-245; For a detailed assessment, also see
ar Erhan, Trk-Amerikan likilerinin Tarihsel Kkenleri, stanbul: mge Kitabevi,
2001, pp: 302-339.
33
Ibid.
34
For the French proposal offering to receive privileges in return for diplomatic support, see
BOA Yldz-Perakende Evrak- Elilik, ehbenderlik Ve Ataemiliterlik (BOA
Y.PRK.EA) 32/95, 1898. The privilege did not include providing diploma equivalence
directly, but it included the exam to take place in Beirut by a mixed jury. See BOA
Syrian Protestant Colleges Struggle Legitimacy 39

Yldz/Sadaret Resm Maruzat Evrak (BOA YA.Res) 95/20, 28 September 1898;

BOA radeler/Askeri (BOA .AS) rade No: 14/1316.Ca.16, 2 October 1898.
35
Tibawi, American Interest, p: 286-287.
36
BOA HR.SYS 74/72, 21 July 1899
37
The College must have thought this instability would not be preferred by the Ottoman
State as well, and for this reason, it tried to draw the interests of the officials to this issue.
In the exchange of letters between the Ottoman State and the American Embassy, it was
stated that the students would always chose the French school hereafter. See BOA
YA.Res 113/9, 9 April 1901; BOA YA.Res 113/9, 13 April 1899
38
Penrose, p: 101-102.
39
Ibid: p: 106.
40
Ibid: p: 103.
41
Protest against Turkey, NYT, 11 December 1902; Missions in Turkey: Representatives
of Religious Bodies Tell President Roosevelt That Sultan is Unfair to Americans, NYT,
12 December 1902.
42
Penrose, p: 106.
43
Protest against Turkey, NYT, 11 December 1902; Missions in Turkey: Representatives
of Religious Bodies Tell President Roosevelt That Sultan is Unfair to Americans, NYT,
12 December 1902.
44
Penrose, p: 104. In fact, Roosevelt gave the instruction the missionaries have been longing
for to its Minister in Istanbul, and asked him to take an action to benefit from all the rights
granted to the other states since 1901. The President asked him to convey that he
attached very much importance to this issue. See BOA .HUS 102-1320.Za/21, 3
February 1903.
45
Penrose, p: 107. The US Presidents telegraph to his Minister in Istanbul was read by the
Sublime Porte (BOA .HUS 102-1320.Za/21, 3 February 1903), Leichman made some
negotiations and the Cabinet discussed the issue (.HUS 102-1320.Za/107, 26 February
1903) and finally on May 24, 1903, a jury was delegated for the first time to be ready in
the SPC Medical Schools exams. BOA .DH 1409-1321.S/28, 24 May 1903.
46
Even after the SPC received the diploma privilege, the US navy were cruising along the
Ottoman territorial waters for power demonstration. For the tensions it caused in Sublime
Porte, see BOA .HR 437/38, 17 September 1903; BOA .HR 437/58, 17 September
1903.
47
George Washburn, Fifty Years in Constantinople: And Recollections of Robert
College, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1909, pp: 285-286.
48
An irade on the American College at Aintab presents an example directly relating the
diploma discussion to the Armenian issue. American consul had previously requested the
Education Commission to impress the official seal to the colleges diplomas and the
consul had asked his ministry to take an action concerning this issue. The Ottoman State
presumed that the American Ministry would soon apply to the Ottoman officials with this
request. Yet, most of the College students were Armenian and if their diplomas were
approved this way, this graduates would be free to give education in anywhere they
wished within the Ottoman territory. It was clear that this would be extremely harmful, so
a special irade was written in case of a request from the American Embassy to that effect.
40 International Review of Turkology / V: I - N: 2

According to this irade, such a request would not be met, and will be avoided in a
convenient manner. See, BOA .HUS 119/1322.Ca/27, 23 July 1904.
49
Erhan, pp: 280-294; also see Zafer Toprak, Robert Kolej, Dnden Bugne stanbul
Ansiklopedisi, Vol 6, stanbul, 1994, pp: 335-338.
50
BOA .HUS 102-1320.Za/21, 3 February 1903.
51
BOA YA.Res 113/9, 4 June 1899.
52
There are lots of documents showing that the Ottoman State did not want to promote the
US legation to the Embassy level, and saw this extremely inconvenient. For some, see
BOA .HUS 112-1321.L/30, 29 December 1903; BOA .HUS 115-1322.M.22, 8 April
1904; BOA .HUS 116-1322.S/88, 14 May 1904.
53
Penrose, p: 103.
54
Erdem Aydn, Tanzimat ve Osmanl Salk Hizmetleri, IV. Trk Tp Tarihi Kongresi
Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler stanbul, 18-20 Eyll 1996, Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu
Basmevi, 1996, p: 446.
55
Ibid: p: 445.
56
In a memorandum sent to the provinces, most of these elements were mentioned together.
See BOA DH.MKT 2053/134, 20 April 1893.
57
Nuran Yldrm, Tanzimattan Cumhuriyete Koruyucu Salk Uygulamalar,
Tanzimattan Cumhuriyete Trkiye Ansiklopedisi, Vol 5, letiim: stanbul, 1985, pp:
1319-1338.
58
Aykut Kazancgil, Osmanllarda Bilim ve Teknoloji, stanbul: Ufuk Kitaplar, 2000, p:
272.
59
Aydn, p: 451.
60
Ekrem Kadri Unat ve Mustafa Samast, Mekteb-i Tbbiye-i Mlkiye , I.Trk Tp
Tarihi Kongresi: stanbul (17-19 ubat 1988): Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, Ankara:
Trk Tarih Kurumu, 1992, p: 113.
61
Aydn, pp: 448-451.
62
BOA DH.MKT 1501/45, 17 April 1888.
63
BOA DH.MKT 2398/58, 2 September 1900; BOA DH.MKT 2320/111, 19 March 1900.
64
For example, see BOA DH.MKT 2276/15, 26 November 1899; BOA DH.MKT
2180/109, 15 March 1899; BOA DH.MKT 592/32, 3 September 1902.
65
BOA Dahiliye Nezareti/Muhabert- Umumiye daresi Belgeleri (BOA DH.MU) 98-
1/50, 30 May 1910.
66
Ekmeleddin hsanolu, Suriyede Son Dnem Osmanl Salk Messeseleri le lgili
Baz Notlar, I. Trk Tp Tarihi Kongresi: Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler (stanbul,
17-19 ubat 1988), Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basmevi, 1992, p: 48.