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Journal of Contemporary History Copyright @ 2008 SAGE Publications, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi
and Singapore, Vol 43(2), 171-194. ISSN 0022-0094.
DOI: 10.1 177/0022009408089028
Max Whyte
The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the
Third Reich: Alfred Baeumler's 'Heroic
Realism'
The nazis, it has long been held, were not interested in ideas.' Arendt's i
ential thesis of the 'banality of evil' in the Third Reich has only recently
subjected to comprehensive criticism. New studies have revealed the perp
tors of National Socialism's crimes as ideologically driven activists, not
bureaucrats and pedantic penpushers.2 Though by no means the most ac
architects of nazi policy, few in the Third Reich were more self-consci
concerned with the 'idea' of National Socialism than its philosophers. An
held greater sway over their attempts to furnish nazi Germany with a
sophical raison d'etre than Friedrich Nietzsche.
Numerous German intellectuals considered Nietzsche the herald of the
'German awakening' and sought to locate his philosophy at the very core of
National Socialist ideology. The identification of Nietzsche as the prophet of
Hitlerism also spread beyond Germany through the polemical works of Anglo-
American and Marxist philosophers.3 Yet, in a process that began soon after
the war and has grown in strength ever since, Nietzsche has been rehabilitated
into the pantheon of great philosophers as an essentially benign thinker largely
concerned with the shaping of the self and the soul, while the 'nazified'
Nietzsche has been summarily dismissed as a crass and manipulative misinter-
pretation.4 As one commentator notes, 'perhaps no opinion in Nietzsche
1 H. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York 1976), and also H. Mommsen, trans. P.
O'Connor, From Weimar to Auschwitz: Essays in Germany History (London 1991). I gratefully
acknowledge the financial support of the Arts and Humanities Research Council of Great Britain,
which made the research for this paper possible.
2 See, for example, U. Herbert, Best: Biographische Studien iiber Radikalismus, Weltan-
schauung und Vernunft, 1903-1989 [Best: Biographical Studies of Radicalism, Ideology, and
Reason] (Bonn 2001); Y. Lozowick, trans. H. Watzman, Hitler's Bureaucrats: The Nazi Security
Police and the Banality of Evil (London 2002); M.T. Allen, The Business of Genocide: The SS,
Slave Labor, and the Concentration Camps (Chapel Hill, NC, 2002); M. Wildt, Generation des
Unbedingten: das Fiihrungskorps des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes [Generation of the Unbound:
the Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office] (Hamburg 2002); and R. Bessel's review, 'Not
Only Obeying Orders', Times Literary Supplement, 24 January 2003.
3 C. Brinton, Nietzsche (New York 1941); B. Russell, A History of Western Philosophy (London
1946), chap. XXV; W.M. McGovern, From Luther to Hitler (Cambridge, MA, 1941); and G.
Lukics, trans. P. Palmer, The Destruction of Reason ([1955] London 1980), chap. III.
4 See most notably W. Kaufmann, Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist ([1950]
Princeton 4th edn 1974) and A. Nehamas, Nietzsche: Life as Literature (Cambridge, MA, 1985).
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172 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
scholarship is now more widely accepted than that the nazis wer
and/or ignorant in their appropriation of Nietzsche'. 'Nietzsche',
summarizes, 'has in fact been de-nazified'.s
The claim that the National Socialists simply falsified the 'true
has spawned a certain interpretative myopia, a failure to eng
Nietzsche's concrete, historical role in the ideological apparatus o
regime. A comprehensive analysis of what Steven Aschheim calls the 'h
transmission belts'6 between Nietzsche and nazism is predicated on
examination of those philosophers who saw in his work both the a
and the justification of the new regime. Of supreme importance in th
was Alfred Baeumler: an established philosopher in Germany prior
rise to power, author of the influential Nietzsche: The Philos
Politician (1931)7 and Professor of Pedagogy and Politics in Berlin
to 1945. A close personal and professional ally of Alfred Rosenberg
proclaimed 'chief ideologist' of National Socialism - and the prim
between the universities and the so-called Amt Rosenberg,8 Baeu
closer to the centres of power in the Third Reich than any other p
His ideas, as Charles Bambach observes, constituted a 'kind of intel
philosophical nexus' within which National Socialist ideology develo
1930s.9
The appropriation of Nietzsche for the National Socialist cause was not
conducted solely within the academic realm, of course. Nietzsche reached a
popular audience in the Third Reich through a number of channels, from
Gottfried Benn's poetry10 to Joseph Goebbels' propaganda addresses, and the
Continental philosophers have contributed, in a very different way, to the image of the non-polit-
ical Nietzsche. For the likes of Deleuze and Foucault, Nietzsche's philosophy was more anarchic,
more mercurial, more postmodern. G. Deleuze, trans. H. Tomlinson, Nietzsche and Philosophy
(New York 1983) and M. Foucault, trans. D. Bouchard, 'Nietzsche, Genealogy, History', in
Language Countermemory, Practice (Ithaca 1977). German scholars, it should be noted, remain
far more reserved about labelling Nietzsche as the great liberator. See in particular J. Habermas,
trans. F. Lawrence, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity (Cambridge, MA, 1987) and B.
Taureck, Nietzsche und der Faschismus: Eine Studie iiber Nietzsches politische Philosophie und
ihre Folgen [Nietzsche and Fascism: A Study of Nietzsche's Political Philosophy and its
Consequences] (Hamburg 1989).
5 T.B. Strong, 'Nietzsche's Political Misappropriation', in B. Magnus and K.M. Higgins (eds), The
Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche (Cambridge 1996), 131, and K.R. Fischer, 'A Godfather too
Far', in J. Golomb and R.S. Wistrich (eds), Nietzsche, Godfather of Fascism? (Princeton 2002), 294.
6 S.E. Aschheim, 'Nietzsche, Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust', in J. Golomb (ed.), Nietzsche
and Jewish Culture (London 1997), 6.
7 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker (Nietzsche: The Philosopher and
Politician) (Leipzig 1931).
8 Officially, the 'Office for the Surveillance of the Whole Intellectual and Ideological Education
and Training of the NSDAP [Amt fiir die Uberwachung der gesamten geistigen und weltan-
schaulichen Schulung und Erziehung der NSDAP]'.
9 C. Bambach, Heidegger's Roots: Nietzsche, National Socialism, and the Greeks (Ithaca 2003),
275.
10 See J. Wulf, Kultur im Dritten Reich, Band 2, Literatur und Dichtung: Eine Dokumentation
[Culture in the Third Reich, vol. 2, Literature and Poetry: A Documentation] (Frankfurt 1989), 131.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 173
11 In his infamous 'total war' speech at the Berlin Sportpalast on 18 February 1943, shortly after
the German defeat at Stalingrad, for example, Goebbels pronounced: 'As we so often have in the
past, so again shall we now bear the hardest burdens. And we shall once more justify the words of
the philosopher [Nietzsche]: "That which does not kill me makes me stronger"'. H. Heiber (ed.),
Goebbels-Reden [Goebbels' Speeches], vol. 2, 1939-1945 (Diisseldorf 1972), 168.
12 See, for example, A. Baeumler, 'Um Theologie und Wissenschaft. Zum Descartes-Kongre1W'
[On Theology and Scholarship. To the Descartes Congress], Voilkischer Beobachter, 30 July 1937,
1-2; A. Baeumler, 'Friedrich Nietzsche. Zu seinem 100. Geburtstag am 15. Oktober' [Friedrich
Nietzsche: On his 100th Birthday on 15 October], Volkischer Beobachter, 13 October 1944, 1-2;
'Deutsche Geistesgeschichte seit der Reformation. Vortrag von Professor Dr. Alfred Baeumler'
[German Intellectual History Since the Reformation. Speech by Alfred Baeumler], V61kischer
Beobachter, 1 October 1935, 5; and 'Eine Nietzsche-Revision. Zu einem Vortrag Prof. Baeumlers'
[A Revision of Nietzsche: On a Speech by Professor Baeumler], Volkischer Beobachter, 13 March
1945, 2.
13 W. Kaufmann's introduction to F. Nietzsche, The Will to Power, ed. W. Kaufmann (New
York 1968), xiii; D.F. Krell's 'Analysis' of M. Heidegger, trans. D.F. Krell Nietzsche (4 vols, New
York 1979-87), IV, 270; C. Diethe, Nietzsche's Sister and the Will to Power: A Biography of
Elisabeth Firster-Nietzsche (Urbana and Chicago 2003), 156; and J. Golomb and R.S. Wistrich
(eds), Nietzsche, Godfather of Fascism?, op.cit., 42, 5, 14.
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174 Joumal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 175
If ever there was a friend of war, who loved warriors and those who struggle, and placed his
highest hopes on them, then it was Friedrich Nietzsche. 'My brothers in War! I love you com-
pletely, I am and I was one of your kind'. That is why so many young heroes are marching
into enemy territory with Zarathustra in their pocket. My brother could never sufficiently
stress the purifying, uplifting and sublime effect of war, and as I have already mentioned,
he received one of his deepest philosophical insights precisely during the period of his war
experience."9
17 See R.N. Stromberg, Redemption by War: The Intellectuals and 1914 (Lawrence, KS, 1982)
and R. Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (London 1980).
18 The working-class youth, it should be stressed, was rather less willing to view the outbreak
of war as a moment of 'spiritual renewal'.
19 E. Forster-Nietzsche, 'Nietzsche und der Krieg', Der Tag, 10 September 1914, 9, reprinted in
Hamburgischer Correspondent, 15 September 1914, 2, cited in C. Diethe, Nietzsche's Sister and
the Will to Power, op. cit., 138. The portrait of Nietzsche as a bellicose German nationalist was
also prominent in British political propaganda. See N. Martin, 'Nietzsche as Hate-Figure in
Britain's Great War: "The Execrable Neech"', in F. Bridgham (ed.), The First World War as
Clash of Cultures (Rochester, NY, 2006), 147-66. Elisabeth and the staff at the Nietzsche Archive
held Baeumler in high regard as the chief protagonist in securing Nietzsche's legacy for the political
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176 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
Right. After the National Socialists seized power in 1933, Elisabeth invited him to
worker at the Archive. Baeumler declined on account of his university commitments,
ing: 'I will not cease to serve the great cause of Friedrich Nietzsche with all my power
A. Baeumler to E. F6rster-Nietzsche, 22 May 1933: Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, W
144.
20 Cited in M. Warren, 'Nietzsche and Political Philosophy', Political Theory 12(2) (May 1985),
210, n. 7. For more on Nietzsche's influence on fin-de-siecle politics, see R. Hinton Thomas,
Nietzsche in German Politics and Society, 1890-1918 (Manchester 1983).
21 T. Mann, trans. W.D. Morris, Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man, ([1918] New York 1983),
57.
22 E. Bertram, Nietzsche: Versuch einer Mythologie [Nietzsche: Attempt at a Mythology],
([1918] 7th edn Bonn 1929). Mann and Bertram's close friendship deteriorated around 1927 as
Bertram embraced National Socialism while Mann belatedly but steadfastly endorsed the Weimar
democracy, a shift precipitated by the assassination of Walter Rathenau in 1922. On the relation-
ship between the two men and their initially similar, but ultimately divergent, appreciation of
Nietzsche, see M.A. Ruehl, 'A Master from Germany: Thomas Mann and the Faustian Charm of
Albrecht Diirer's Ritter, Tod und Teufel", in R. Gorner (ed.), Images and Words. Literary
Representations of Pictorial Themes (Munich 2005), 11-65.
23 E. Bertram, Nietzsche, op. cit., 2.
24 Ibid., 79. The identification of the Germanic hero with the knight in Albrecht Diirer's 'Ritter,
Tod und Teufel' had been popularized in Willibald Hentschel's Varuna, das Gesetz des auf
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 177
The book by Ernst Bertram ... shows us a Nietzsche that does not start out from the Will to
Power ... The fundamentally Greek character of his philosophy is entirely misunderstood,
and his malleable concept of justice distorted into a Christian and dialectical non-concept
[Unbegriff].27
steigenden und sinkenden Lebens in der Volkergeschichte [Varuna: The Law of Ascending and
Descending Life in the History of the Nations], ([1907] Leipzig 4th edn 1924-25). Both Bertram
and Mann drew attention to Nietzsche's love for Durer's etching: see Bertram's chapter 'Ritter,
Tod und Teufel', in Nietzsche, 42-63, and Mann's Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man, 399. In his
Ritter, Tod und Teufel: Der heldische Gedanke [Knight, Death and the Devil: The Heroic Idea]
(Munich 1924), Hans Giinther - later to become the chief racial theorist of the Third Reich -
stressed the volkisch characteristics of the knight: heroism, loyalty, honesty and, crucially, racial
purity. References from G.L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the
Third Reich (New York 1964), 205-9.
25 Thomas Mann had recommended Nietzsche: Attempt at Mythology as 'truly charming'
(wahrhaft liebenswert) to Baeumler over a decade before the publication of Nietzsche: The
Philosopher and Politician. T. Mann to A. Baeumler, 7 March 1920: cited in M. Baeumler, H.
Bruntrager and H. Kurzke (eds), Thomas Mann und Alfred Baeumler: Eine Dokumentation
[Thomas Mann and Alfred Baeumler: A Documentation] (Wiirzburg 1989), 92.
26 A. Baeumler to Dr. Arthur Hiibscher, 8 November 1949: document obtained by the author
from Marianne Baeumler (the original copy lies in the archive of the Schopenhauer-Gesellschaft in
Frankfurt).
27 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker, op. cit., 78-9.
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178 Joumal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
ally enraptured character who has felt the presence of god sinks in the end ex
ground. His experience has a clearly limited trajectory, and nothing points bey
process.28
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 179
Once Nietzsche the philosopher has become visible, Nietzsche the writer [Schriftsteller], the
'free-spirit', aphorist and moralist, necessarily recedes into the background.40
35 See A. Baeumler, 'Ausziige aus "Mein Weg als Schriftsteller", 1957' [Excerpts from "My Path
as a Writer", 1957], in M. Baeumler et al., Thomas Mann und Alfred Baeumler, op. cit., 250.
36 Nietzsche Werke. Auswahl in vier Biinden [Selected Works of Nietzsche in Four Volumes]
(Leipzig 1931).
37 The following account of the dispute between Hofmiller and Baeumler draws extensively on
D.M. Hoffmann, Zur Geschichte des Nietzsche-Archivs: Elisabeth Forster-Nietzsche, Fritz Koegel,
Rudolf Steiner, Gustav Naumann, Josef Hofmiller: Chronik, Studien und Dokumente [On the
History of the Nietzsche Archive: Elisabeth F6rster-Nietzsche, Fritz Koegel, Rudolf Steiner, Gustav
Naumann, Josef Hofmiller: Chronicle, Studies, Documents] (Berlin 1991), 106f.
38 J. Hofmiller, 'Neuerscheinungen' [New Publications], Siiddeutsche Monatshefte, May 1931,
608.
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180 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 181
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182 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
He who throws the dice for a prize also has to dare a wager, hence we have made
words come true: 'Have the courage to live dangerously.' Obviously major project
carried out as long as dozens of parties get under one's feet. These parties don't m
they only make a fuss. Today one man speaks for the Reich, and his voice echoes
of 66 million people.54
Led by the Fuhrer and inspired by Nietzsche, the challenge facing the
could not be clearer. 'World-historically, Germany can only exist i
of greatness. It has only this one choice: either to be the anti-Roman p
Europe, or to be nothing'."5 The unique characteristics of the Germ
bestowed upon it a historical mission. 'The old task of our race r
before Nietzsche's eyes: the task to be leaders of Europe'.16
52 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker, op. cit., 171-2. Baeumler
without acknowledgement, to Nietzsche's reflections 'On Great Politics', in Dayb
S 189. Nietzsche's comments on the 'lower classes' are less than flattering in their ori
which continues: 'There comes again and again the hour when the masses are ready t
life, their goods, their conscience, their virtue so as to acquire that higher enjoymen
torious, capriciously tyrannical nation to rule over other nations (or to think it rule
impulse to squander, sacrifice, hope, trust, to be over-daring and to fantasize spring
abundance that the ambitious or prudently calculating prince can let loose a war
crimes in the good conscience of the people.'
53 Cf. K. Hildebrandt, 'Die Idee des Krieges bei Goethe, H1olderlin, Nietzsche' [Th
in Goethe, H1olderlin, Nietzsche], in A. Faust (ed.), Das Bild des Krieges im deutschen
Image of War in German Thought], vol. 1 (Stuttgart and Berlin 1941), 406-7;
Nietzsche als Vorbote der Gegenwart [Nietzsche as Herald of the Present] (Diisseld
54 J. Goebbels, cited in K. L6with, trans. E. King, My Life in Germany Before an
A Report (London 1994), 148.
55 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker, op. cit., 183. The Nietzsc
dichotomy between 'German' and 'Roman' existence, previously popularized by B
Stefan George, became a leitmotif of nazi philosophy. Roman culture, in contra
German primordial authenticity, was derided in the Third Reich as 'rootless' (Heideg
ficial' (Baeumler), 'barbarian' (Richard Oehler), Christian (Heinrich Hirtle) an
miscegenation (Kurt Hildebrandt, who talked of the Roman 'Negrification of th
survey of this rhetorical Kulturkampf, see C. Bambach, Heidegger's Roots, op. cit., 3
56 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker, op. cit., 182.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 183
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184 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
62 Traditionally translated as 'truth', for Heidegger aletheia had the more primordial meaning
of 'unconcealment' (Unverborgenheit).
63 M. Heidegger, trans. R. Manheim, An Introduction to Metaphysics (Yale University Press
1987), 62.
64 M. Heidegger to V. Schwoerer, 2 October 1929: cited in M. Stassen (ed.), Martin Heidegger:
Philosophical and Political Writings, op. cit., 1.
65 M. Heidegger, 'The-Self Assertion of the German University', reprinted in ibid., 2-11.
66 M Heidegger, Gesamtausgabe, vol. 43, Nietzsche: Der Wille zur Macht als Kunst (Frankfurt
am Main 1985), 193.
67 A. Baeumler, 'Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus', 250.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 185
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186 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
Here we encounter the basic contradiction: whether one proceeds from a natural life context
or from an equality of individual souls before God. Ultimately the idea of democratic equal-
ity rests upon the latter assumption. The former contains the foundation of a new policy. It
73 Transcripts from the 'German Philosophy Conference' at Schlosl Buderose, March 1939:
Bundesarchiv, Berlin-Zehlendorf, NS 15/312, 59735f.
74 See 'Hitler's Reichstag Speech', 30 January 1939, cited in N.H. Baynes (ed.), The Speeches of
Adolf Hitler, April 1922-August 1939 (New York 1969), vol. 1, 736-41.
75 Transcripts from the 'German Philosophy Conference' at SchloI Buderose, March 1939:
Bundesarchiv, Berlin-Zehlendorf, NS 15/ 312, 59735f.
76 Though Nietzsche should not be whitewashed as a 'philo-Semite', his writings after 1876 fre-
quently denounced antisemites and detailed the multifarious contributions of the Jewish people to
European culture. For more on this issue, see A.E. Eisen, 'Nietzsche and the Jews Reconsidered',
Jewish Social Studies 48(1) (Winter 1986); M.F. Duffy and W. Mittlemen, 'Nietzsche's Attitude
toward the Jews', Journal of the History of Ideas 49(2) (April-June 1988); M. Brinker, 'Nietzsche
and the Jews', in J. Golomb and R.S. Wistrich (eds), Nietzsche, Godfather of Fascism? ; J. Golomb
(ed.), Nietzsche and Jewish Culture (London 1997).
77 A. Baeumler, Nietzsche, der Philosoph und Politiker, 158.
78 R. Oehler, Friedrich Nietzsche und die deutsche Zukunft [Friedrich Nietzsche and the
German Future] (Leipzig 1935), 87f.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 187
takes unexcelled boldness to base a state upon race. A new order of things is the natural
consequence. It is this order which Nietzsche undertook to establish in opposition to the
existing one.79
The National Socialists plainly concurred with Nietzsche that the breeding
of a new man simultaneously entailed the 'remorseless extermination
[schonungslose Vernichtung] of all degenerate and elements'.80 And
though Nietzsche's biologism was not predicated upon race, his imperative to
'raise apes into men' did, according to R6mer, push open 'a row of mighty
doors that led to a racial view of life'.81
While Baeumler's ideas shaped much of the initial discourse on Nietzsche in
nazi Germany, his interpretation did not exert a homogenizing influence; even
within the constraints of the Third Reich there was room for more than one
Nietzsche. Despite suggestions to the contrary by certain nazis and some
contemporary scholars, there was no generally accepted, monochromatic,
'nazified' Nietzsche to serve as the ideological precursor to Hitler. This ambi-
guity was touched upon in Heinrich Hartle's popular handbook Nietzsche and
National Socialism, published in 1937 and reprinted in 1939, 1942 and 1944.
Hirtle defined his text as 'an attempt to make Nietzsche's ideas fruitful to the
National Socialist worldview', explaining, 'I do not count myself among the
esoteric Nietzscheans; I merely want to present Nietzsche as a great ally in the
present spiritual warfare'.82 He thus extolled the productive ideas in
Nietzsche's philosophy, most notably his critique of the Second Reich, dem-
ocracy and Marxism, and his veneration of war and the breeding of a super-
race. Displaying a palpable intellectual debt to Baeumler, under whose
leadership he worked in the Amt Rosenberg, Hirtle depicted Nietzsche as a
heroic, Nordic pagan, who had opposed the cultural heritage of romanitas in
all its forms - especially Christianity and Renaissance humanism.8 Yet Hirtle
also drew attention to some flaws in Nietzsche's thought - the individualism,
the elitism, the hostility towards the state and the misguided hope for a cosmo-
politan Europe. Unlike Baeumler, Hartle suggested that a synthesis of
Nietzsche's ideas and National Socialist race theory was impossible. Though
Nietzsche had demonstrated 'the error and dangers of a doctrine teaching the
equality of all that bears a human face' - the impossibility, that is, of a uni-
versalist ethics - his understanding of the Volk remained purely 'historical'
and 'intuitive':
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188 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
Nietzsche once attempted to explain the development of a Volk in this way: '
have lived for a long time together under similar conditions (of climate, soil, da
and work), then something arises in which there is a certain "agreement", a Volk
is lacking here, which for us is central: race.84
84 Ibid., 82.
85 Ibid.
86 E. Krieck, 'Die Ahnen des Nationalsozialismus' [The Ancestors of National Socialism]
im Werden 3 (1935), 184.
87 C. Steding, Das Reich und die Krankheit der europdischen Kultur [The Reich and the
of European Culture] (Hamburg 1938), 207.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 189
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190 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
Despite all his overturnings and revaluings of metaphysics, Nietzsche remains in the
broken line of the metaphysical tradition when he calls that which is established and ma
fast in the will to power for its own preservation purely and simply Being, or what is in bein
or truth. Accordingly, truth is a condition posited in the essence of the will to power, nam
the condition of the preservation of power. Truth is, as this condition, a value.92
92 M. Heidegger, trans. W. Lovitt, 'The Word of Nietzsche: "God is Dead"', in The Question
Concerning Technology and Other Essays (New York 1977), 84.
93 M. Heidegger, Nietzsche, IV, 203.
94 M. Heidegger, Nietzsche, I, 22-3.
95 Ibid.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 19 I
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192 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
100 A. Baeumler, 'Friedrich Nietzsche. Zu seinem 100. Geburtstag am 15. Oktober' [Friedrich
Nietzsche: On his Hundredth Birthday on 15 October], V1olkischer Beobachter, 13 October 1944,
1-2.
101 Ibid.
102 Nietzsche had barely received a mention in Rosenberg's writings hitherto. His semi-
ideological tract Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts [The Myth of the Twentieth Century] (M
1930), for example, only referred to Nietzsche twice. As recently as 1940, moreover, Ro
had blocked a request from Karl Schlechta to Baeumler for financial support for the historis
tische Ausgabe of Nietzsche's work being prepared in Weimar. The Reichsleiter was of th
ion, Baeumler reported to Schlechta, that 'resources are primarily for newly undertaken re
The Nietzsche-Ausgabe may still be as important - in any case it cannot be considered
research'. A. Baeumler to K. Schlechta, 31 May 1940: Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, 72/158
103 H. Sluga, Heidegger's Crisis, op. cit., 232.
104 A. Rosenberg, Friedrich Nietzsche. Ansprache bei einer Gedenkstunde anlafllich de
Geburtstages Friedrich Nietzsches am 15. Oktober 1944 in Weimar [Friedrich Niet
Memorial Speech on the Occasion of the Hundreth Birthday of Friedrich Nietzsche on 15 Oc
1944 in Weimar] (Munich 1944), 8.
105 Ibid., 3.
106 Ibid.
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Whyte: The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich 193
Max Whyte
recently completed his PhD at the University of Cambridge on the
relationship between philosophy and politics under National
Socialism, focusing specifically on the contribution made by Alfred
Baeumler to the ideational framework of the Third Reich. Other
interests include the intellectual history of the Weimar Republic and
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194 Journal of Contemporary History Vol 43 No 2
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