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OFFICIAL
ANTI-MILO
(DIGITAL)
TOOLKIT
CONTRIBUTORS
Lisa Hofmann-Kuroda
https://twitter.com/hofmann_kuroda
Beezer de Martelly
http://www.hellmanfellows.org/graduate-awardees/elizabeth-de-martelly-music/
Julia Havard
http://tdps.berkeley.edu/people/julia-havard/
Amanda Armstrong-Price
https://lsa.umich.edu/history/people/faculty/aarmst.html
Juliet Kunkel
https://www.linkedin.com/in/julietkunkel
Sarah Cowan
Miyuki Baker
https://heymiyuki.wordpress.com
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction .... 4
What is Free Speech Dialogue
....7
Sample Free Speech Syllabus
.10
Sample Free Speech Lesson Plan
....11
Sample Letters to Faculty and
Admin.... 13
Anti-Milo Flyer
Templates....16
Anti-Milo Banner and Sticker Templates
...20
What to Expect at an Anti-Milo Rally
.21
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INTRODUCTION
Milo Yiannopoulos is a Breitbart journalist and member of the so-called alt-right,
a loosely affiliated group mobilized largely through internet platforms with
far-right ideologies tied to white nationalism, Islamophobia, anti-feminism,
homophobia, transphobia, and anti-Semitism.
The name of his speaking tourThe Dangerous Faggot Tourwhich travels
through thirteen U.S. college campuses over the course of three months, brands
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itself on much of the same sensationalism that fueled the rise of Donald Trump:
inflammatory rhetoric couched in aggressive racism, xenophobia, transphobia,
homophobia, and Islamophobia.
Yiannopoulos repeatedly uses his identitiesas a white, foreign-born, gay
manto evade accountability for his violent rhetoric. And yet, he has leveraged
the recent gains around transgender rights in the United States to argue that
such gains are a distraction from the rights of white gay men.
He has also called for the incitement of physical violence against transgender
women, has named Black Lives Matter, a group that calls attention to the
disproportionate number of Black Americans killed by law enforcement, a
terrorist organization, and has called feminism a cancer that must be
obliterated.
As he has traveled through a number of university campuses these past months,
the level of violence at his events has been escalating.
In December of 2016, Milo outed a transgender woman who was a student at the
University of Wisconsin and had been active in the push for gender-neutral
bathrooms on campus. He projected her face and name onto a screen in front of
hundreds of people, livestreaming the projection to his internet audience, and
belittled and mocked her gender identity. This resulted in a deluge of hate mail
and her inability to return to campus.
In mid-January of 2017, Milos talk was shut down by activists at UC Davis, but
not before large groups of neo-nazis and white supremacists from around the
state of California gathered to network with one another at the event, creating a
potentially violent and extremely unsafe situation for the queer,
gender-nonconforming and transgender students in the crowd. Directly
following the shutdown of this event, student activists at UC Davis began
receiving rape and death threats.
In late January of 2017, an anti-racist organizer protesting Milos talk at the
University of Washington was shot by a white supremacist and left in critical
condition. Though his actions were completely unprovoked, the shooter was
released by police custody on grounds of self-defense.
Countering Milo and the alt-right requires an ability to critically assess the ways
in which the vocabulary of liberal-academic discourse is currently being
co-opted by extreme right-wing groups in order to legitimate and further a
platform of genocide and terror against historically marginalized groups. Rather
than cling to liberal ideologies that fail to place the rhetoric of rights within
historically specific frameworks, we must take a strong stance against the
legitimation and normalization of harassment, hate speech, and physical
violencea trend that is already well under way in the current Trump
administration.
We must hold the university accountable to its pledge to remain a sanctuary for
communities that have been historically under assault by those in power. We
can continue this work by not allowing space for the spread of violence.
students. Others bemoan these actions as impeding free speech. Whats behind
all the hype?
INTERVIEWER: When student groups protest or demand the cancellation of
speakers events, they are censoring that speaker and suppressing free speech.
RESPONDENT: Well, its not so simple as that. Students and groups protest or
demand the cancellation of events for a variety of reasons. Generally, these
protests are meant to draw attention to something problematic about the
speaker, including their incitements to violence against individuals or against
those who belong to particular communities.
Often these problematic things actually bear on others ability to speak and on
their access to free speech. For example, when students and faculty at Haverford
College raised concerns about then-UC Berkeley Chancellor Robert Birgeneaus
scheduled commencement speech in 2014, they did so because Birgeneau
himself had recently suppressed the speech of student protestors at UC Berkeley
who were involved in the Occupy movement.
In this case and others like it, its very important to keep in mind that different
people come to public spaces with different amounts of power and resources for
making speech. Birgeneau was an invited guest of Haverford College, set to
receive an honorary degree from the university. He had many other avenues
available to him for expressing his political, personal, and intellectual positions.
The UC Berkeley students who were beaten by police with batons with
Birgeneaus support had themselves been exercising their right to free speech
through protest. Relative to Birgeneau, they had fewer options for doing so. And
actually, protests often occur because groups have tried other avenues of
communicating concerns to no avail.
When we consider these two moments of free speech alongside one
anotheran invited speech by a campus administrator and student protestswe
see that free speech is not a monolithic thing. Most importantly, everyone
comes to speech with different amounts of power. For many people, organized
protest is a way of asserting their right to protected free speech in the face of
disempowerment.
INTERVIEWER: But if we dont let certain people speak on campus, then dont we
open ourselves up to being censored?
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RESPONDENT: The argument that Milo Yiannopoulos is being singled out and
denied access to free speech not only erases the many avenues he already has for
circulating his ideologies, but it masks the ways in which the university
routinely censors political opinions with which its administrators disagree. For
example, in 2016, UC Berkeley administrators called for the cancellation of a
student-taught class on settler colonialism in Palestine. Only after significant
public outcry about this act of political censorship was the class ultimately
reinstated. We need to acknowledge the already existing uneven access to free
speech on campus and pay closer attention to when, how, and for whom
administrators act to defend or suppress free speech rights.
INTERVIEWER: Students are treated like snowflakes and they live in bubbles. It's
good to be exposed to different points of view.
RESPONDENT: The bubble rhetoric is flawed, as the university is not a bubble
separating us from reality, but is itself a political space. It is up to all of us to
shape its values, understand its already existing exclusions and inequalities, and
work to extend its resources to communities that have been historically excluded
from university spaces. Furthermore, the notion that vigorous political debates
should be relegated to safer private spaces not only de-politicizes the public
sphere (including public university campuses) but also assumes that private
spaces, like homes, are necessarily safer spaces to which we all have access. This
is simply not true.
INTERVIEWER: You know the saying, stick and stones can break my bones, but
words will never hurt me. Arent students who dont want certain speakers on
campus being overly sensitive? Words arent going to hurt them, even if they
communicate bad ideas.
RESPONDENT: Words have concrete effects on the world, and they can inspire
others to commit violent acts and create a hostile environment for targeted
groups. Words can put peoples lives and well-being in danger. Take, for
example, the spike in hate crimes following Trumps inauguration, where in
some cases, individuals have shouted Trump after committing these crimes.
These instances make clear the links between Trumps violent rhetoric and acts
of harm committed against the communities he targets. Words embolden acts of
hatred and violence and we must also acknowledge the emotional and
exclusionary harms as well as the physical violence they enable.
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INTERVIEWER: OK, but everyone has a right to free speech. It's in the
Constitution.
RESPONDENT: To address this, lets turn to BeeBee Buchanan's recent article on
the histories that underline the writing of the Constitution. Their analysis
productively reframes this question: The Naturalization Act of 1790 extended
citizenship to free white men with propertymeaning that citizens were
required to have these social positions in order to be incorporated under the
Constitution of the United States. For those of us outside of that frame, neither
our speech nor our bodies were free. Black bodies and communities were
enslaved to support the speech and interests of white capitalists; preoccupation
with the free speech of landed whites occurred simultaneously with, and relied
on, the subjugation of Black bodiesbecause we were not considered people.
Freedom of speech, then, is not a universal, constant idea which has existed
throughout history; it is deployed differently depending on time frame, and
bestowed unequally based on social position. Understanding these
discrepancies, we cannot defend free speech without examining by whom and
for whom speech is free. Instead, let us ask: how does this idea defend the
interests of the powerful and silence the oppressed?
Neil Lawrence, An Open Letter to Milo Yiannopoulos. Op-Ed, The Daily Cal. 17
January 2017.
What Counts as Violence: Why the Right Can Shoot Us Now. CrimethInk. 23
January 2017.
Printed or projected copies of one or more of the articles referenced above; pens
or pencils; slips of blank paper for each student
Procedure:
Assign one or more of the articles referenced above to your students before class
meeting or have students read excerpts of one or more of these articles just
before you begin the discussion questions.
Free Write (5-10 minutes): Consider beginning class with a 5 minute free write
activity with the following prompt: What does free speech mean to you? What
are your associations with it? Who typically invokes this right and in what
contexts? Take up to 5 minutes to ask students if they would like to share their
reflections.
Framing (5-10 minutes): Briefly, provide a short introduction of Milo
Yiannopoulos and the conflicts surrounding his Dangerous Faggot tour. (For a
brief summary of the issues, which you can read aloud, visit this link or read the
Introduction to this Toolkit.)
Readings and Discussion (45-75 minutes): Take 15-30 minutes to either revisit
and summarize assigned readings or take some time to have students read
excerpts aloud from printed or projected sources. Next, move on to discussion
(some suggested questions appear below), taking 30-45 minutes to unpack the
free speech question together.
Discussion Questions:
1. Milo Yiannopoulos continuously derails conversations around privilege,
oppression, and violence by religious appeals to free speech that lack any
sort of context. What are some of the rhetorical strategies he engages in in
order to make his position of white supremacy and extreme misogyny
appear to be one that is under attack and in need of protection? Whats
missing from his framework?
2. Freedom of speech, then, is not a universal, constant idea which has
existed throughout history; it is deployed differently depending on time
frame, and bestowed unequally based on social position. Understanding
these discrepancies, we cannot defend free speech without examining by
whom and for whom speech is free. Instead, let us ask: how does this idea
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defend the interests of the powerful and silence the oppressed? How does
BeeBee Buchanans historical summary of the Constitution highlight its
exclusions and relationship with power, death, and vulnerability...created
by cissexism, anti-blackness, and nationalism? What might this mean in
the context of Milo Yiannopouloss invoking of free speech rights?
3. Those who decry the censorship of any type of speechincluding hate
speechin the public sphere increasingly resort to the logic of free market
capitalism, in which the speaker who already wields the most power and
influence, and thus speaks loudest, is heard. However, they forget that the
First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution has exceptions. Those are:
incitement to violence, defamation, fraud, obscenity, child pornography,
fighting words, and threats. As the Supreme Court held in Brandenburg v.
Ohio (1969), the government may forbid incitementspeech directed at
inciting or producing imminent lawless action and likely to incite or
produce such action. In what ways does Lisa Hofmann-Kurodas article
point to the limits of free speech?
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You can take action by spreading the word among colleagues and fellow faculty
members, and contacting the following individuals.
s your students, we ask you to please stand up for us and against institutional
A
support for white supremacy and violence.
In solidarity,
_______________
For additional letter templates to faculty and administration, see the following
link:
https://docs.google.com/document/d/16eu_m3fRKZ6WGzvsMHH3xXXHa9u3K8
KNF2UPrnMdiHI/edit
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WHAT TO EXPECT AT AN
ANTI-MILO RALLY
Rallies surrounding Milo Yiannopouloss talks can vary depending on the venue
particulars, and geographic proximity to areas with a higher concentration of
white supremacist groups. Generally, rallies have frequently included the
following elements:
~White nationalists (some very high profile) mingling and organizing with local
people sympathetic to their ideologies
~Lots of younger people, mostly white and mostly cisgender men, congregating
and agitating the crowd verbally and physically
~Several organized provocateurs, some who physically shove or assault people of
color, trans folks, and concerned students and/or members of the public
~Live streamers who record the events for live broadcast and ridicule during
Milo Yiannopouloss performance
~A mixture of local police presence, likely militarized and dressed in riot gear,
and private security (some in plainclothes) brought in by Milo Yiannopoulos
Come prepared:
~Learn to recognize and support all of your allies (including those who are
engaging in lower stakes peripheral support work and those who are helping
cancel these events) from agitators who may try to blend in with your allies to
sow confusion
~Check in with your affinity group (a smaller group of people you know and
trust) and decide on your levels of participation and escalation beforehand; stick
together and consider having a buddy who will always be next to you at the
event; designate meet-up points in case you become separated
~Coordinate with trained street medics to ensure the safety of your
communities; a useful street medic guide can be found here
~Some people have found it useful to anonymize themselves (e.g., through
wearing face masks and/or bandanas) in order to avoid harassment or targeting
by agitators or police
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A: Raising the price tag for controversial speakers is entirely missing the point,
and sets an unsettling precedent where the public is asked to pay the costs of a
hyper-militarized event. We do not support this as a tactic for discouraging
controversial events, as we recognize that increased policing is also a source of
violence for many communities. It also distracts from the fundamental concerns
around public appearances like Milos, where he has incited hatred and violence
against individuals and entire communities. It puts the cost of this talk in terms
of dollars instead of concrete lives, the lives that Milos hate speech threatens.
Q: Isnt using the word Nazi to describe Milo a bit extreme?:
A: The alt-right, the movement that Yiannapoulos largely identifies himself
with, is a movement that takes up racist and sexist ideologies and frames them
within liberal and academic language. His self-framing as a cultural critic is
particularly insidious. As academics and/or people who work within academic
institutions, we need to examine and unravel the way that his framing makes
white supremacy and other forms of historical violence seem palatable and
normal to a larger crowd. His racist, sexist, ableist, Islamophobic rhetoric also
speaks to groups that explicitly identify as white supremacist, white nationalist,
skinhead, and neo-nazi. We know that white supremacists have been using his
tour to network with each other and to grow stronger as a movement, for
instance, outside of the scheduled talk at UC Davis, which allies shut down.
Milos hate speech works to normalize these ideas and enables violence toward
marginalized people. None of us, as teachers and/or students of all identities,
can afford to let our institution become a safe harbor and organizing space for
hate groups, including nazis.
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DIGITAL SECURITY
Trolling, online harassment and threats, and doxxing (searching for and
publishing private or identifying information about a particular individual on
the Internet, typically with malicious intent) are some common tactics of Milo
and his followers. Activists who attach their name or identity to op-eds, event
groups, or protest actions should know that this may make them a target.
Organizers and activists are encouraged to use non-university affiliated email
accounts and end-to-end encrypted messaging apps such as Signal to
communicate with one another. They are also advised to keep personal
information about themselves out of the hands of alt-right members by using
pseudonyms, wearing identity-obscuring masks on the day of the protest, etc.
Safety and solidarity!
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