Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
58
Frans Kamsteeg
Department of Culture, Organizaton & Management. Faculty of Social Sciences, Vrije Universiteit,
De Boelelaan 1081, 1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands
fh.kamsteeg@fsw.vu.nl
In the Western Cape, a system has emerged in recent years where informal groupings of poor people make a living by recycling
waste material
in exchange for cash. There are several dynamic interfaces in this process, and this short study h/gh/;ghts the
relationships between
the different actors - from the poor peopte, who make a living by collecting waste, through to the needs
of the formal recycling organisation, which increases its turnover and efficiency by accommodating
study explores the organising processes and cultural meaning systems that have emerged as the recycling activity has evolved
and adapted to the needs ofthe various actors. It considers both local and macro contexts, situating the recycling aaivity in the
social reality of poverty and lack of formal employment
opportunities.
organisational life, those adaptive but sometimes hidden and unofficial arrangements
ignored. Looking through the lens of symbols (words, deeds and objects), the observer becomes aware of issues of identity
positions of the players),
culture
(the
(their
playing strength).
(the
organisational work processes, in which the stories find their roots, offers the opportunity for unexpected insights into what
happens in 'a world of waste'
59
ethnicity and power. In short, we will attempt to shed some
light on the cultural bricolage of waste pickers and discuss
whether some kind of cultural texture emerges that suggests
the contours of what might evolve into an organisational culture.
I. American anthropologist, Geertz (1973), already convincingly highlighted the dynamic aspect of culture by making a distinction between
culture as a model (reflection) of the world and a nnodel for (behaviour in) the world. Yet his definition of culture as 'a system of symbols' has too easily led to dealing with cultural as an autonomous sphere.
60
Symbols
(words, deeds, objects)
Identity
Culture
(sense makingi
(imageiy, commitinenl)
61
tending to violence. Here we see partictJarly the women sharing
a common identity, considering themselves responsible for the
survival of their families. Some ofthe men joke with each other,
mocking each other for poor pickings, or showing off an item of
value or something unusual. Two of die men are taciturn, just
focused on packing their goods. They are solitary men who
wander off with their trolleys after soning them, without a
word, and make their own way to the waste recycling depot.
Evidendy the pickers range from homeless individuals to couples living in informal housing areas, supporting families. The
more interactive members are part of a loose network, always
collecting in the same areas, using the same collection point and
collection routines, and catching up with odier's news and views
whilst sorting waste. Since this procedure repeats on a daily basis
in different residential areas, we may consider waste picking an
emerging profession, with more or less fixed working procedures.
Transporting the recyclables: Once the waste has beeTi
sorted into piles by the pickers, a housewife comes out to offer
to telephone the waste recycling depot for transport. Shortly
thereafter the depot truck arrives, with friendly greetings
exchanged between driver and pickers, and a few jokes while the
bags are loaded, each with an identifying string or tape. One
woman shouts at a quiet man to pick up any left over rubbish
and make sure the place is tidy. Trolleys are thrown on top ofthe
bags of waste, and people climb in and hang onto the side railings. The driver explains that the traffic officers turn a blind eye
to these truck loads of bags and people as they only drive a short
route, and are careful about safety. He explains that the Municipality has designated collection points for waste collection
because of public objection to pickers moving randomly around
the town and leaving a mess behind them. This step prompted
the waste recycling depot to offer to transport the pickers and
their waste to the depot so as to make the collection process
more efficient. Thus a link was established between the informal
waste pickers and the formal and business-orientated recycling
company. There are three such depots in Stellenbosch, each having agreements with various businesses to collect recyclable
paper, glass, cardboard, plastic and metal products, which is
paid for in relation to weight. This collected material is sorted at
die depots and transported to the major recycling industries for
final processing. Individuals taking recyclable waste are reimbursed according to the weight of the tnaterial, a means of
income-generation that has become poptilar in many South
African cities.
At the recycling depot: At the waste recycling depot the
sympathetic rapport between depot management and pickers is
cotispicuous. The truck arrives, people jump off and help each
other offload, one collector arguing with another over an
unmarked bag, but resolving the isstie quickly. At this point the
seven pickers, whom the researcher has accompanied, merge
into the larger gathering of waste pickers from all over the town.
These include Coloured and Xhosa people ranging from young
children to eldedy people. The women are mostly betweeti the
ages of 25 and 40 while the men are older and in the majority.
The depot foreman greets the people informally, often by name,
and jokes about the day's pickings, praising those who have large
bags, noting the more unusual items. The attiiosphere is friendly
62
and relaxed, with people chatting and laughing as they gather
their goods and stand in the qtieue to weigh in. After getting the
slip of paper with the value ofthe goods, the people queue at the
barred window of the office, which is the cash payout point.
The waste pickers are paid between RIO and R40 depending on
their pickings, most of them working from very early morning
until midday. One picker, who has been laughing with a friend
in the queue, peers through the office window and notices that
his friend is featuring on the closed circuit television set in the
office...'daar staan die clown op die T V (the clown is on die
TV), he cries, and those around him burst into laughter and
mockery. But not everyone is cheerful, some of the older men
are silent and go through die process without a word. In general
the women move though the queues quickly and immediately
walk off with their money, sometimes accompanied by a male
partner, but otherwise with other women. Many women, as they
walk away from the depot, become noticeably more proud in
their carriage, straighten out their clothes, one of them unpacks
a smart jacket from a bag and puts it on, thus becoming part of
the normal social scene on the street, no longer associated with
garbage bags. The men who are not in teams with women tend
to hang about the waste recycling depot after getting their cash,
chatting and smoking and laughing together. It seems that while
for women waste collecting is predominantly a way of earning a
(family) living, for men it is cleady also a way of passing the day.
A new waste picker among the men says that although he found
the work distasteful at first, he realises that he will at least get
cash for his work. The other pickers then say that they always
encourage people who are unemployed and hanging around the
streets to join them, even 'tsotsis' (rascals), as this is a way to
make money rather than stealing or begging.... 'jy voel eers
skaam om in mense se vullis te skarrel, maar later besef jy dat jy
iets vir jouself en jou familie kan verdien.' (At first you feel
embarrassed to scratch in other people's garbage, but then you
realise that you can earn something for yourself and your family). Waste collecting then - although far from being an ordinary job - is increasingly considered a decent job through which
people may (re)gain self-respect.
Artefacts of collection: A few trolleys are custom made, even
with some decoration, and those are guarded by their owners.
They seem to represent the artefacts of a craft, symbolising the
owners' identification with it. The supermarket trolleys are
eidier wheeled off by the pickers for use die next day, or left in a
detiiarcated area at the gate ofthe depot where a truck from the
supermarket comes to retrieve them. A picker explains that
while some people keep their trolleys and use them repeatedly,
others look around the town for discarded trolleys to tise each
day, then park diem outside the depot for the supermarket truck
to fetch tlieni, after which they are washed and put back into use
in the supermarket. In explaining this, the picker declares soTnewhat defensively: 'dis tiie steel nie, dis net leen.' (it's not stealing,
it's just borrowing.) Thtis trolleys symbolise different things to
different people, a vehicle with which to earn a living versus a
potential object of tlieft. This turns the conversation to odier
crime issues.
Contrasting representations of livelihood: The researcher
learns, while cotiversing with the waste pickers at the depot, that
the police in Stellenbosch very ofreTi target them after a crime
has been committed. This makes the pickers angry because they
feel they are serious about their work, and shotild not arbitrarily
63
Even the Coloured newcomers from out of town were
quickly made part of the Coloured group although they were
good-naturedly teased about bringing trouble from outside.
While there was no noticeable animosity between the Xhosa
and Coloured pickers, the Coloured pickers gave the impression of lively and noisy cohesion, whereas the Xhosa-speaking
pickers worked either singly or in pairs and only chatted qui-'
etiy to each other, as if they were not quite at ease in this
environment.
Power play: Power balances are uneven in that the pickers are in a position of dependency regarding access to gar bage in the suburbs, as well as access to the exchange ol
waste for cash at the depot of the waste recycling company
Pickers therefore, must comply with expectations of both
suburban householders and depot management. Whereas
there is some reciprocation from the depot managemeni in
that transport is provided, there is not always co-operatiofi
by the householders, many of whom seem intent on having
the pickers banished from their sanitised middleclass neighbourhoods. In general there was an impression of harmony at
the interface between the waste depot and the pickers, a
respect for each person's role in the organising process,
which overrode the small disagreements that arose, and led
to their rapid resolution. While there was a spirit of competition amongst some of the pickers regarding how much they
had earned for the day, this did not translate into competitive
jostling between pickers to sell their goods, since the organising process ensured that each person was fairly reimbursed
according to the category and weight of their products. The
security measures, barred entrances to office and surveillance
cameras, aaed as strong symbols of power, but remained
benign during everyday activities, only being activated when
necessary. Presumably the cooperative relationship is advantageous to the organisation in that the pickers facilitate the
recycling of a great deal of material which increases turnover
and therefore profit for the organisation.
Waste-collecting in context: Alvesson (2002), Bate
(1997) and Kamsteeg & Wels (2004) emphasise that a theory
of organisational culture should account for the broader
social context because of the influence of the ideas, values
and symbols shared by groups of people in regions, industries
and occupations. The present study of organising processes
demonstrates the need to consider both local and macro
contexts so that cultural manifestations can be understood.
The South African context, for example, was referred to indirectly on a number of occasions by the pickers in explanations of their poverty and lack of work opportunities which
forces them into informal waste recycling. While South Africa
celebrates its tenth year of freedom from the oppressive
apartheid regime, certain social problems still hold sway in
the country. More than half the population live in poverty,
one third are unemployed, and widespread illness and death
caused by the HIV/AIDS epidemic entrench the poverty further On the other hand, the middle class and elite sectors of
society are thriving on an increasingly capital-intensive economy, reinforcing the fragmented urban landscape, and thus
widening the gap between rich and poor. Government legislation is attempting to correct the imbalances in society, but
there are still enormous backlogs, especially in housing,
health and education services (Daniel, Southall & Lutchmann
64
2005; Terreblanche 2002). This social context provides a
backdrop against which to better understand the emergence
of organising practices that offer poor people a means of
earning a living. Three pickers commented that the collection
of waste offered them a means of making money through
their own efforts rather than by depending on others. This
indicates that the organising of elementary work generates
meaning and helps the pickers to gain dignity and access to
resources even through a distasteful task, when the social
context is not conducive to such self-realisation.
The generally determined and positive way in which the
pickers went about their work, respecting each others' 'territories' vy^ile also adapting their behaviour to the demands of
the social context, indicates the value implicit in this pasttime.
The faa that pickers try to engage others in the working
process, citing it as more favourable than begging or crime
(the primary options in the poor sector of the society), also
indicates implicit meaning in the process. Even the resistance
of some householders to the 'invasion' of poor people in their
exclusive and sanitised suburbs can be explained in the context of the wider society. The elitist way of life that was possible under the proteaion of the previous government has
been threatened by the democratisation of society where
people are now entitled to move around freely. A major
defence is the scapegoating of the pickers by accusing them
of crimes. Yet even this resistance is slowly being diluted as
more householders realise the meanings attached to the colleaing activity, and start responding in co-operative ways.
Postscript
Since this study in May 2004, the Stellenbosch Municipality
has come under great pressure by some householders in the
middleclass suburbs to remove the waste pickers from their
streets. Associations with crime and untidyness have been
cited, and one resident, known by the waste pickers as 'die
kommandant', drives around with his barking dogs on waste
collection days and threatens the pickers. Interestingly
enough, the Municipality has gone to great lengths to find a
solution that satisfies all parties, rather than merely strongarming the pickers. They have introduced a recycling project
on a pilot basis with the rationale that the local landfill site has
a limited life so requiring householders to sort their waste
and put out recyclable v^^aste on the day prior to the collection day. The Department of Geography and Environmental
Studies at the University of Stellenbosch is conducting
research on the inhabitants' willingness to participate in this
waste separation and recycling scheme. A private company
has been hired to collect the recyclable waste which is sorted
at the landfill site by a group of waste pickers and who are
paid according to the weight. To remedy the initial rush of
65