Traian Bsescu

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Traian Bsescu

4th President of Romania

In office
20 December 2004 21 December 2014[1]

Prime Minister

Clin Popescu-Triceanu
Emil Boc
Mihai Rzvan Ungureanu
Victor Ponta

Preceded by

Ion Iliescu

Succeeded by

Klaus Iohannis

Mayor of Bucharest

In office
26 June 2000 20 December 2004

Preceded by

Viorel Lis

Succeeded by

Adriean Videanu

Minister of Transport

In office
30 April 1991 19 November 1992

Preceded by

Doru Pan

Succeeded by

Paul Teodoru

In office
12 December 1996 11 February 1998

Preceded by

Aurel Novac

Succeeded by

Anton Ionescu

In office
17 April 1998 26 June 2000

Preceded by

Anton Ionescu

Succeeded by

Anca Boagiu

Personal details

Born

4 November 1951 (age 65)

Basarabi, Romania
(now Murfatlar)

Citizenship

Romania
Moldova[2] (2016-17)

Political party

Communist Party (Before 1989)

National Salvation Front (19891992)
Democratic Party (19922004)
People's Movement (2015present)

Spouse(s)

Maria Bsescu (1975present)[3]

Children

Ioana
Elena

Alma mater

Mircea the Elder Naval Academy

Religion

Romanian Orthodoxy

Signature

Traian Bsescu (Romanian pronunciation: [trajan bsesku] ; born 4 November 1951) is a Romanian
politician, who served as the fourth President of Romania from 2004 to 2014. His two consecutive
terms in office are marked by the adhesion of Romania to the European Union in 2007, but also
open conflicts with the Parliament, leading to two failed impeachments attempts against him in 2007
and 2012.[4]
Contents
[hide]

1Early life

2Professional career

3Earlier political career

4Mayor of Bucharest

5Leader of Justice and Truth Alliance

62004 Presidential campaign

7First term as President of Romania

o

7.1Domestic policy

7.2Foreign policy

7.3Conflict with Prime Minister Triceanu

7.4Impeachment vote by the Parliament

7.52007 Impeachment referendum

7.6PDL-PSD coalition government

7.72009 Presidential campaign

8Second term as President of Romania

9Late political career

10Relationship with the press

11Criticism and controversies

11.1Corruption scandals

11.2Comments regarding King Michael of Romania

12Honours
o

13References
o

12.1Foreign honours

13.1Other references

14External links

Early life[edit]
Bsescu Traian was born in Basarabi, (renamed Murfatlar in 2007), near the port city of Constana,
the largest Romanian port on the Black Sea. Bsescu's father, Dumitru (d. 2002), was an army
officer; his mother's first name was Elena (d. 2010). He has a brother, Mircea (b. 1953), who was

charged with influence peddling (in exchange for 250,000 he promised freedom to the president's
godson Florin Anghel, an underworld member). He was sentenced to four years in prison only after
his brother's mandate ended. Traian Bsescu and his wife Maria have two daughters: Ioana (b.
1977), a notary, and Elena (b. 1980), a Romanian former MEP.

Professional career[edit]
Bsescu graduated from the Naval Institute of Constana in 1976 and became a merchant marine
deck officer atNavrom, the Romanian state-owned shipping company. Between 1981 and 1987 he
served as captain on Romanian commercial ships. Throughout his career, questions have been
raised about Bsescu's links to the Securitate, the security services of the communist leader Nicolae
Ceauescu.[5] But Bsescu has said his links with the formerSecuritate were minimal, though some
contact was obligatory at the time for somebody working abroad in a senior position. [6] In 1984 he
was promoted to Captain of the oil tanker Biruina, the largest ship of the then Romanian commercial
fleet. In 1989, Bsescu moved to Belgium to head the Navrom Agency in Antwerp.[6]
The most controversial episode of his professional career is the disaster that happened on 10
September 1981 in the French port Rouen, when a fire started around the Romanian tanker Arge ,
then under the command of Traian Bsescu, affecting a large portion of the river Seine. The fire
destroyed two pusher ships and six barges, a major disaster being avoided on the last moment
when 70 French firemen coming from Rouen, Gran-Couronne, Grand-Quevily, Canteleu and
Moulineaux prevented the fire from reaching the nearby Shell refinery. According to an interview
given by Traian Bsescu to the Romanian TV channel Prima TV on 23 June 1998 (and quoted by
"Magazin Nautic", the official publication of the Romanian Nautical Club), Bsescu admitted to
having made alterations to the ship's installation before the French investigators were allowed to
come on board, a thing thatin Bsescu own wordsmade it impossible for the investigators to link
the cause of the disaster to the Romanian ship.[7]

Earlier political career[edit]

Bsescu was a member of the Communist Party before 1989.[8] After the downfall of Communism, he
claimed that he joined the PCR only in order to promote his career in the merchant marine. [citation
needed]
In a letter published in Romanian newspapers, former president Emil Constantinescu alleged
that Bsescu was in the second tier of the Communist Party leadership during the regime of former
communist leader Nicolae Ceauescu, but had managed to portray himself as anti-communist.
[6]
During an interview Traian Bsescu admitted that before 1989 he smuggled jeans and other
goods. A former communist official, director of a firm that was receiving the goods transported by
Traian Bsescu ship, said at Antena 3 that without bribes Traian Bsescu refused to bring the goods
in the country.
Traian Bsescu entered politics after the 1989 Romanian Revolution, as a member of the
large National Salvation Front (FSN) party. In April 1991, he becameMinister of Transport in Petre
Roman's Cabinet, and continued to hold this position during Theodor Stolojan's "Cabinet of
technocrats" in September 1991 November 1992. In 1992, after the FSN split in two factions
the Social Democratic Party of Romania (PDSR, later PSD), led by Ion Iliescu, and the Democratic
Party(PD), led by Petre Roman, Bsescu joined the PD faction. In 1992, he was elected to the lower
house of the Romanian Parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, then re-elected for the 19962000
term.
Concurrently with his second term in Parliament, from November 1996 to June 2000, Bsescu also
served as Minister of Transport in the center-right governments ofVictor Ciorbea, Radu Vasile,
and Mugur Isrescu.[citation needed]
In December 1997, he gave an interview to Claudiu Sftoiu of the newspaper Evenimentul Zilei, in
which he accused Prime Minister Victor Ciorbea of not implementing enough reforms, although

Ciorbea was accused by the Socialist opposition of being excessively reformist. This became the
first episode in an open dispute within the ruling center-right coalition, a dispute that eventually led to
Democratic Party ministers, including Bsescu, resigning from the cabinet, which, in turn, led to
Ciorbea's resignation. Subsequently (1998), Bsescu resumed his previous ministerial position in the
new cabinet headed by Radu Vasile.[citation needed]
During his tenure as Minister of Transportation, Bsescu oversaw privatization of
Romania's merchant fleet.[citation needed] While some argued that the aging ships at the time were of
minimal value,[citation needed] many Romanians believed the compensation received for the ships was
artificially low.[citation needed] The "scandal" of the fleet sale became known in Romania as The Fleet File
(Dosarul Flota) Affair. Prosecutors brought charges against Bsescu,[citation needed] but it was not proven
that he was involved in any malfeasances. In 1996, Bsescu was the first Romanian parliamentarian
to renounce his parliamentary immunity, in order to allow judicial procedures related to the Fleet File
Affair to continue against him (Romanian MPs were, by default, granted immunity from
prosecution of any kind).[citation needed]Although the case against him was closed at the time for lack of
evidence,[citation needed] it was reopened in early 2004, in what some considered a political maneuver
against him sponsored by the then PSD government.[citation needed] In 2004, the case was brought before
the High Court of Cassation and Justice, however the judges decided to send it back to the
Prosecutor's Office citing procedural errors (the signature of a prosecutor was missing). In
December 2007, the Romanian National Anti-corruption Directorate (Direcia Naional Anticorupie),
a subdivision of the General Prosecutor Office, ruled to end the investigation, based on the financial
expertise that there was not prejudice from the association of Romanian NM Petromin SA
Constana with the Norwegian Torvald Klaveness Group (April 1991 August 2000). However the
case is still opened as this is only the latest expertise published and the only one who serves as
evidence in favor of Bsescu. Some have seen this as a political maneuver destined to prove his
innocence. In total 136 people were investigated, 80 of which, including Bsescu, were retained for
the investigation of this case, while the facts pertaining to 51 others were separated for independent
investigations.[9]

Mayor of Bucharest[edit]
In 2000, Bsescu was elected Mayor of Bucharest, winning the run-off
against PDSR candidate Sorin Oprescu by a slim margin (50.69% to 49.31%), despite trailing 24%
behind him in the first round.
As Mayor, he was credited with a reduction in the number of stray dogs roaming freely through the
streets of the city from approximately 300,000 in 2000 to 25,000 in 2004, and thus in the number of
dog bite injuries from 1,500 a month to under 200 a month. [10][verification needed] This campaign was
controversial, as many opposed large-scale dog euthanasia. [11] On the other hand, there were also
numerous cases of people asking the authorities to take the stray dogs away, but after this was
done, neighbors, who had been feeding the dogs, would show up at the shelter to take them back to
their neighborhoods.[12] The campaign resulted in nearly 48,000 dogs being put down just in 2001,
with fewer numbers in the following years.[13][14] In 2004, Bsescu presented the situation as a
success.[citation needed]
Bsescu also claimed success in improvements to the water and lighting systems of the city, which
prior to that were in a very bad state;[15] as well as in modernization of the public transportation
system in the city.
His tenure was however marked by constant conflicts with the governing PSD-controlled institutions.
Citing the need for decentralization, the central government led by Adrian Nstase passed
several ordinances transferring powers from the city mayor to mayors of the city's six sectors and to
the city council. Bsescu accused council members of corruption and obstruction; he also
successfully challenged several council resolutions in Administrative Courts. As a consequence, on
10 January 2002, the central government decided to dissolve the council, yet it annulled that

decision later on. These conflicts led to the blocking or delay of several infrastructure loans, financed
by BEI, for municipal heating and road networks, and to the blocking of the city's ability to borrow
and finance reconstruction.[citation needed]
In February 2003, Bsescu bought from the state a 369 m2 (3,972 sq ft) apartment in a nationalized
house downtown Bucharest for the equivalent of US$19,000. A scandal broke, as the request to buy
the house was approved by the Mayor's Office, at a time when Bsescu was mayor. He explained
that he had filed in October 2002 an application to the specialized state agency (not to the Mayor's
office, which was not the owner of the building)[citation needed] for the apartment to be sold to him on the
basis of the Romanian Law 10 of 2001, which he claimed "gives priority to existing tenants to buy
previously nationalized houses, no matter whether they already owned other houses", and that only
the price was calculated based on a 1995 law. However, the press [who?] noted that, according to the
contract, the sale was based on Law 112 of 1995, and that Law 10/2001 had no provisions about
selling anything.[citation needed] The 1995 law prevents, with the provisions of Art. 9, sale to tenants that
already owned or sold a house after 1 January 1990, Bsescu already having bought a villa near
Bucharest in October 2002, donated to his daughter shortly after. Furthermore, the same law gave
the right to buy the nationalised houses only to those who were tenants at the time of its coming into
force (i.e. second half of 1996), while Bsescu had only lived in that house since August 2002.
According to the press,[citation needed][who?] these facts made it impossible for Bsescu to legally buy the
apartment. When the scandal broke again in early 2005,[citation needed] Bsescu first stated that he would
give up the apartment, but changed his mind later, announcing that he would renounce it only if the
Prosecutor's Office decided he had broken the law.[16][17] The prosecutors investigating the matter
concluded that, according to the provisions of the law, Bsescu did not breach it when he bought the
apartment.[citation needed]

Leader of Justice and Truth Alliance[edit]

In 2001, Bsescu was elected chairman of the PD, defeating Petre Roman, who had previously led
the party for nine years, after Roman managed to get only 3% of the vote at the 2000 presidential
elections.[18] At the time the PD had a social-democrat ideology.[19] That same year, Bsescu's party
and Iliescu's PDSR both attempted to join the Socialist International.[citation needed] Bsescu tried to
present his party as more democratically-oriented stating that "PDSR is far from modern socialdemocracy". He also negotiated a merger with Virgil Mgureanu's PNR, a party that had many
former Securitate employees.[20]
In 2003, Bsescu negotiated an electoral alliance for the PD with the National Liberal Party (PNL) in
order to create a cohesive opposition against the then-rulingPSD. The new pact, called the Justice
and Truth Alliance (Aliana Dreptate i Adevr), ran common candidates in local and national
elections, and agreed to vote as a bloc in Parliament. As chairman of PD, he became a co-chairman
of the DA alliance alongside the then PNL chairman Theodor Stolojan. In 2003, Stolojan, who was
the Justice and Truth candidate for president of Romania in 2004, stepped down as PNL chairman
and DA co-chairman, being replaced in these positions by Clin Popescu-Triceanu.
Although Stolojan announced to have withdrawn because of health concerns, Bsescu claimed to
the press that the reason behind this decision was blackmail from political opponents (Stolojan did
not confirm this).[21] This sudden change in leadership of the DA alliance transformed the 2004
presidential election in a race between two leaders of parties affiliated with the Socialist International.
Editorialist Dan Pavel decried the development as a "marginalization of the right", and the
presidential race as a choice between two former "FSN cadres".[18] Nevertheless, there were
significant differences in the economic programs of the DA alliance and PSD in 2004. The DA
alliance leaned towards economic liberalism, with the introduction of a 16% flat tax that replaced the
progressive personal income tax of up to 40%, and the 25% corporate tax. [citation needed] In January
2005, Financial Times described the DA alliance as "centrist".[22]
Bsescu's party would not officially abandon social-democrat ideals until 2005, after PD's leadership
was discontent with the support given by the Socialist International to the PDSR during the 2004

elections, and by the fact that the Socialist International admitted the PDSR's successor, PSD, with
full membership rights, while the PD remained only an associate member.[23] In a 2006 interview,
Bsescu stated that his party's exit from the Socialist International was a "huge concession" he
made to PNL after discussions of a merger of PD and PNL began in 2004. Change in the leadership
of PNL prevented the merger; according to Bsescu, most of the PNL leaders that negotiated the
joint governance with Bsescu in 2004 had been marginalized by 2006, making collaboration
difficult.[24] In December 2006, those members of the PNL that favored closer ties with Bsescu
formed their own party, the Liberal Democratic Party, which eventually merged with the PD in
January 2008. After December 2006, the remainder of the PNL became hostile to Bsescu and
formed a minority government supported by the PSD, effectively marking the end of the DA alliance.
(See Conflict with Prime Minister Triceanu below for further details.)

2004 Presidential campaign[edit]

Following Theodor Stolojan's surprise withdrawal from the 2004 presidential elections, Bsescu
entered the presidential race on behalf of the Justice and Truth Alliance. His main opponent was
then Prime Minister and PSD president Adrian Nstase. Like Bsescu, Nstase was a former
Communist Party member. Although Nstase came out ahead in the first round by 7%, Bsescu
achieved a surprise comeback and won the 12 December run-off election by a 2.46% margin,
receiving 51.23% of the vote. Bsescu won the Presidential election by using an anti-communist and
anti-corruption rhetoric. In the live TV debate with Adrian Nstase before the 2004 runoff presidential election, Bsescu caught his opponent off-guard with a rhetorical remark: "You know
what Romania's greatest curse is right now? It's that Romanians have to choose between two
former Communist Party members."
During the 2004 presidential campaign, before a TV interview with PSD counter-candidate Adrian
Nstase, Bsescu gave the latter a paper and told him: Put it in your pocket and read it when you
are away![25] Similarly, in June 2006, at the oath-taking ceremony of Radu Stroe as the new
secretary general of the Government, Bsescu gave him a sheet of paper as a "gift". After seeing it,
Stroe went pale and refused to make its content public. When asked, Bsescu said its content was
not classified.[26] Both Adrian Nstase and Radu Stroe were previously involved in corruption
scandals.[27]

First term as President of Romania[edit]

Presidential styles of

Traian Bsescu

Reference style

Preedintele (President)

Spoken style

Preedintele (President)

Alternative style

Domnia Sa/Excelena Sa (His Excellency)

Running on a strong reform and anti-corruption platform, Bsescu's victory was characterized in the
media as Romania's "Orange Revolution", in reference to the reformists' perceived victory in
neighboring Ukraine during the same period, and in reference to the orange color used by the
winning Justice and Truth Alliance.[28] In line with an agreement between the PD and PNL, he
appointed PNL leader Popescu-Triceanu as prime minister. In order to form a majority, PNL and PD
formed a coalition with the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania and the Humanist Party,
which later changed its name to the Conservative Party (PC). While the platform of the former has
been generally in line with that of the Justice and Truth Alliance, the latter (PC) was needed in the
coalition in order to obtain more than 50% of the seats in Parliament, due to the fact that apart from
the opposition Social-Democrat Party, many seats were held also by the ultra-nationalist Greater
Romania Party.
In late 2006, the PC withdrew from the cabinet, a move at least partially related to conflicts between
Bsescu and PC leader Dan Voiculescu. The withdrawal of the PC left the coalition without a
majority in the Parliament.

Domestic policy[edit]
This section needs expansion.You
can help by adding to it. (July 2009)

In domestic politics, Bsescu often has claimed he fights against high-level corruption. In spring
2005, Romania resolved a hostage crisis in Iraq involving three Romanian journalists and their
guide.
In 2005, he also focused on pressing the government to provide relief to thousands of Romanians
left homeless by widespread flooding throughout the spring and summer.
Main article: Official condemnation of Romanian communism regime
On 18 December 2006, Bsescu delivered a speech to Parliament (broadcast live on TV) in which
he condemned Romania's pre-1989 communist regime. Some members of the opposition, mainly of
the ultra-nationalist Greater Romania Party (PRM), and some members of the mainstream Social
Democratic Party, tried to disturb the speech. Particularly vocal was the ultra-nationalist PRM
leader Corneliu Vadim Tudor, who walked with posters throughout the Parliament floor, whistled and
interrupted Bsescu speech several times.

Foreign policy[edit]

Traian Bsescu with George W. Bush

Traian Bsescu in Afghanistan, June 2009

Bsescu repeatedly stated that Romania's accession to the European Union remained a top priority,
and he was president when the country acceded on 1 January 2007. Both the president and the
government of Prime Minister Popescu-Triceanu focused on Romania's planned accession to the
EU, which remained a central component in Romania's foreign policy.
In addition, Bsescu has focused on a strong strategic partnership with the United States, a
relationship which during the 2004 presidential campaign he called the "Bucharest-LondonWashington axis". In real terms, this meant a continued commitment to maintain Romanian troops
in Afghanistan and a smaller contingent in Iraq; and an agreement signed in December 2005
between Romania and the U.S. to allow U.S. troops to use a Romanian military facility (Mihail
Koglniceanu International Airport). Bsescu is singled out in a report by an investigator of
the Council of Europe on illegal activities of the US secret service CIA in Europe,Dick Marty, as one
of the persons who authorized or at least knew about and must stand accountable for the black
site at theMihail Koglniceanu military base from 2003 to 2005.[29] Bsescu made strong ties with the
President of the United States, who in return called him a friend: "The President and I are friends.
Romania and the United States are friends, and we're allies".
In June 2006, Bsescu came into open conflict with Popescu-Triceanu after the Prime Minister and
the Defence Minister announced that they and the PNL sought to withdraw Romania's troops from
Iraq. However, the troops stayed in Iraq, after Bsescu called a meeting of the Supreme Defense
Council, which voted that the troops should stay.[30]

Traian Bsescu with Lech Kaczyski in February 2007

Romanian President Traian Bsescu and Russian PresidentVladimir Putin, before NATO summit, in Bucharest,
on 4 April 2008

Traian Bsescu and German Chancellor Angela Merkel during the EPP summit of 2012

Bsescu has been vocal in calling for a regional approach to security in the Black Seabasin, which
he noted remained susceptible to trans-border security threats such as drug and human trafficking.
Bsescu alleged "that Russia might have been involved in his suspension", citing his pro-Western
foreign policy as a reason.[31]
Bsescu has tried to improve Romania's relations with Moldova, with which Romania shares a
common language and culture. Furthermore, he has expressed several times his belief in the future
unification of the two countries, either politically or in the framework of the European Union. His
player attitude has brought some practical success, but also an increase in anti-Romanian rhetoric
from the Communist government of Moldova, led by Vladimir Voronin. A divisive issue remains to
this day the opening of two Romanian consulates outside the capital of Moldova, as well as 900,000
Moldovans applying for Romanian citizenship. In both cases, Bsescu strongly supported moves to
strengthen relations with Moldova, while the Moldovan Communist leadership sought to cool down
Bsescu's energy.
In June 2016, Moldovan President Nicolae Timofti signed a decree granting Bsescu and his wife
Maria the country's citizenship.[2] The following January, Timofti's successor Igor Dodon signed a
decree annulling the grant and thus withdrawing Bsescu's citizenship. [32]
Bsescu stated that Romania regards Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia, as an outcome of
the Kosovo status process, and that Romania will not recognize any unilateral declaration of
independence by Kosovo.[33][34]
Romania formally terminated its mission in Iraq on 4 June 2009, and pulled out its troops. On 23 July
the last Romanian soldiers left Iraq.[35] Three Romanian soldiers had been killed during their mission,
and at least eight were wounded.

Conflict with Prime Minister Triceanu[edit]

Traian Bsescu and Clin Popescu-Triceanu

Bsescu continued to be popular due to his open style and hands-on approach. In his electoral
campaign, Bsescu promised to be a preedinte juctor (Romanian), "player-president", in contrast
to a more withdrawn president who would be just a mediator among political forces (thus creating in
the eyes of some a juridical conflict of a constitutional nature). After he became president, as legally
required, he resigned from the Democratic Party. However, he remained very involved in day-to-day
politics of Romania, often being accused by other political leaders of overstepping constitutional
boundaries on the role of the president. During the course of his presidency, his relations with
Popescu-Triceanu gradually soured, particularly following the Prime Minister's reversal of course in
July 2005 after Triceanu initially announced he would resign and prompt early parliamentary
elections,[36] which some hoped would have resulted in the Justice and Truth Alliance governing
alone. The ensuing poor relations between the President and the Prime Minister have become one
of the primary themes of Romanian post-2004 politics, [37] with many unrelated disputes converging
towards this dichotomy. Under the Romanian Constitution, the president appoints the prime minister,
but does not have the authority to dismiss him.
On 11 January 2007, Bsescu presided over the first half of the meeting of the Consiliul Suprem al
Magistraturii (CSM; Superior Council of the Magistracy) at which the election of a new President of
CSM took place. Before the candidacies were announced, Bsescu publicly said to judge Anton
Pandrea: "I heard you have announced your candidacy, Mr. Pandrea. I wish you great success". His
former counsellor Renate Weber later claimed that if Bsescu hadn't said those words, Pandrea
might not have been elected: "If the President hadnt said that, it would have been another
candidacy, if not another President." When asked by the press, Bsescu responded to this criticism
with: I made a mistake, I made a mistake.[38]
A public scandal broke out when Elena Udrea, a presidential adviser, revealed to the press that the
then Prime Minister Triceanu passed to Bsescu a "scandalous" written note. When the matter
became public debate, Bsescu stated about the note: The Prime Minister proposed to me a
partnership, one, unfortunately, with our oligarchies[39] The note, written by the hand of the Prime
Minister, was attached on top of a report from the Petromidia company, then under investigation by
Prosecutors, and asked the President to "talk about it" during a scheduled visit at the Prosecutor
Office. Bsescu stated: "Such type of partnership was unacceptable to me (...) it would have meant
that nothing had changed in Romania after the elections." [40] On the subsequent reaction of the Prime
Minister, Bsescu said: "The Prime Minister was consequent. and absolutely not nave." [citation
needed]
According to Bsescu, Triceanu phoned the Prosecutor General of Romania, then tried to put
further pressure through a specially dedicated speech to the Parliament on 8 November 2006, and
tried "the same thing" with Justice Minister Monica Macovei, arranging a meeting with a
businessman at the Government Palace.[41]
In response, the Prime Minister declared that the matter was just an attempt to hide "what is going
on at Cotroceni and around it" and publicly accused Bsescu of facilitating contracts to companies
"close to him". According to the Prime Minister, the newly appointed PD Transportation Minister told
a businessman "The President sent me to take care of you". He also stated that Bsescu wanted to
put the Department for Administration of the State Heritage and Protocol under the control of the
family of Elena Udrea. Bsescu immediately counteracted, publicly requesting Triceanu to produce
evidence to support his claims, to send them to the Prosecutor's Office, and to revoke the ministers
allegedly involved. "If the Prime Minister does not produce such proof, the President considers that
these statements are without substance and are of such a nature as to distract the public attention
from his own deed", a Presidential communiqu stated. [42]
Dinu Patriciu, an influential businessman and PNL member, stated on a public TV station that, in his
opinion, Triceanu's note was a "friendly gesture, a sign of normality". Patriciu also said that in a
discussion with Bsescu in October 2005, the latter advised him to invest in any country in the Black
Sea basin except Russia. According to Patriciu, Bsescu said "(...) because we must do so that
Russians invest in Romania, in order to have them hostages, because we certainly will have a
conflict with Russia".[42]

Furthermore, Dan Voiculescu, a member of the opposition, accused the president of influence
peddling, producing a note by Bsescu to a minister, which as Voiculescu claimed was a request to
support selling cheap energy to the ALRO company, where Democratic Liberal Party (PDL)
leader Theodor Stolojan was a stockholder. The note said: "Minister Seres, I ask you to analyze this
letter and take measures according to Governments interests and, if possible, with the interest of
national economy in mind."[43]
Daily newspaper Adevrul published another note, in which the President requested the PD
Transport Minister to analyze and find a "legal solution" to a petition from a company close to
Bsescu. The newspaper claimed that this was outside the legal prerogatives of the president,
accused Bsescu of sending the note directly to the Minister instead of following the usual
administrative procedures, and furthermore noted that the matter was a commercial dispute that
neither the President nor the Transport Minister had the legal means to solve. [44]
In the spring of 2007, when Foreign Minister Mihai-Rzvan Ungureanu resigned, Bsescu refused to
accept Prime-Minister Triceanu's nomination of Adrian Cioroianu as the country's new Minister of
Foreign Affairs, claiming that Cioroianu did not have enough experience. On 5 April 2007,
the Constitutional Court decided that "The Romanian President doesn't have veto power, but, if he
observes that the proposed person does not correspond to the legal conditions required to be a
member of Government, he can ask the Prime Minister to renounce his proposal". On the same day
(two months after Ungureanu announced his resignation and 17 days after Ungureanu's resignation
was accepted by the President), Bsescu accepted Cioroianu and the latter assumed office at the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Impeachment vote by the Parliament[edit]

In early 2007, Bsescu was proposed for impeachment by the members of the parties in opposition
for alleged unconstitutional conduct.[45] Allegedly, one of the major issues in the confrontation was the
activity of Justice Minister Monica Macovei, who supported prosecutor's efforts to follow up on cases
of corruption, especially those involving politically connected individuals. [46] Among the main reasons
given in the proposal to suspend Bsescu were:

infringing upon and "substituting the authority" of the Government,

the judicial system and the Parliament.

committing acts of "political partisanship" with direct reference to the

Democratic Party, abuse of power and acting more like a "judge of
the other public authorities" than a "collaborator", thus "abandoning
his role of impartial mediator required by the Romanian
Constitution."

manipulating and "instigating public opinion against other state

institutions" such as the Parliament and the Government.

Bsescu and his supporters denied the accusations, stating that his actions and statements were
ways of fighting against corruption in the political and judicial systems, and against "circles of
business interests" with unlawful purposes.
The Constitutional Court of Romania found no clear evidence of his breach of the Constitution in the
sense required by the fundamental law.[47] However, the court ruling was only consultative and the
two chambers of the Romanian Parliament voted in favor of Bsescu's impeachment on 19 April
2007, with 322 votes for the impeachment proposal, 108 against and 8 abstentions (the minimum
number of votes needed was 233).[48] Bsescu contested the decision, but the Constitutional Court
rejected his appeal as inadmissible, and upheld the vote.

In the meantime, the independent Macovei and the PD ministers had been dismissed by Prime
Minister Popescu-Triceanu, while the European election had been postponed to the fall of 2007.
Pro-Bsescu politicians have characterized the anti-Bsescu coalition that formed as "the black
alliance", as it contained a broad spectrum of political parties and interests: Social-Democrats
favoring heavy state involvement in the economy, National-Liberals and Conservatives favoring
business interests, Hungarian minority MPs, and anti-Hungarian ultra-nationalists. [49]
In 2007, when Traian Bsescu was temporarily suspended from Presidency, he said in a meeting: "It
seems [former] President Ion Iliescu turned to more modern means [of removing political
opponents], this time without calling the miners to "defend the country", but used 322 Members of
Parliament for my impeachment."[50]

2007 Impeachment referendum[edit]

Main article: Romanian presidential impeachment referendum, 2007
As a result of the impeachment vote by the Parliament, Bsescu was suspended from his function
as president on 19 April 2007,[51] and a national referendum was held on May 19, 2007[52][53] to decide
by popular vote whether to dismiss the President. According to the electoral law (article 5(2) of the
Referendum Law), an absolute majority of all Romanians with the right to vote is required for a
positive result in a dismissal referendum, which means that almost 9 million people would have had
to vote against Bsescu.[54] After the impeachment vote, several public rallies to support Bsescu in
the referendum and protest against his suspension were organized by PD and PLD both in Romania
(Bucharest, Iai, etc.), as well as abroad (e.g. in Madrid).
On 17 April Bsescu stated that if Parliament voted for his impeachment, he would resign "five
minutes" after the vote, avoiding a referendum for dismissal and triggering early presidential
elections. However, on 20 April he decided not to resign, claiming he wished to limit the period of
political instability.[55][56]
Bsescu and his supporters in the Democratic Party also suggested that his political opponents
would try to modify the electoral law in order to obstruct a previously suspended president to run in
the elections again,[57] following a Rolandas Paksas scenario.
On 25 April the Constitutional Court approved the modifications brought by parliament to the
Referendum Law. The new article 10 (regarding the presidential impeachment process) considers
that the impeachment process "will be approved through the majority of votes for the participants at
the referendum, and article 5(2) does not apply to this type of referendum". Therefore, the 19 May
referendum remained valid, despite the participation of less than 40% of eligible Romanians.
[58]
However, since only a 25% minority of voters voted in the affirmative, and a 75% majority in the
negative, Bsescu regained full prerogatives on 24 May after the referendum results were
confirmed.

PDL-PSD coalition government[edit]

In December 2008, in the aftermath of legislative elections which gave PDL and PSD similar scores,
the two joined forces to form a coalition, under a PDL Prime Minister. After one of its ministers was
expelled from the government by the prime minister against the will of the party, the PSD decided to
leave the government in early October. Soon afterwards, the government fell following the adoption
of a motion of no confidence in Parliament. Bsescu nominated Lucian Croitoru as a new prime
minister, against the will of the Parliament majority, which supported Klaus Iohannis as prime
minister. After Croitoru was voted down, Bsescu nominated as Prime Minister PDL member Liviu
Negoi, ignoring again the proposal of the Parliament majority.[59] A caretaker government remained
in office. The ongoing political crisis prevented Romania from getting two instalments of a 20-billioneuro loan from the International Monetary Fund and the European Union.[60]

2009 Presidential campaign[edit]

Bsescu ran for a second term in the 2009 presidential elections. Incumbent Bsescu and his
Social-Democrat opponent Mircea Geoan offered different ways to tackle the economic crisis.
Bsescu pledged to cut public spending and promised "more equity" to people living in the
countryside.[60]
Bsescu tried to portray himself as the champion of the people against what he called the "corrupt
political elite". A widely used election poster carried the text: "They cannot avoid what they are afraid
of". Bsescu's opponents countered that he is part of that elite, simply with different backers. In
a Cluj-Napoca meeting with his supporters he claimed that he "was the one to stop doubtful
privatisations," implicitly accusing rival Social-Democrats of underhand practices while in power. He
vowed to fight against the Parliament, which blocked his bid to install the Croitoru cabinet, and the
"media moguls".[60] In the campaign for the first round, his favourite campaign theme was reducing
the number of lawmakers.[60] This theme proved popular, with the majority of the electorate voting for
the reduction of the number of lawmakers from current 471 to a maximum of 300, and in favour of a
transition from the current bicameral Parliament to a unicameral one in a referendum held
simultaneously with the first round of elections.
In the first round held on 22 November Bsescu came first with 32.44% of the votes, and Geoan
second with 31.15%.[61] Although Bsescu claimed the results of the first round as "a significant vote
for the right" because he and Crin Antonescu together received over 50% of the vote, the next day
Antonescu refused to back Bsescu in the runoff, and shortly thereafter announced an alliance with
Geoan. Subsequently Bsescu reproached Antonescu to "have thrown himself in the arms of the
Social-Democrat party, a party opposed to reforms", and added "This alliance will bring us back to 20
years ago when the PSD was controlling all state institutions". [62] Antonescu in turn called Bsescu "a
demagogue and a populist",[citation needed] and vowed to support Geoan as "the lesser of two evils".[63]
On 26 November 2009, footage from the 2004 election campaign showing Bsescu apparently
hitting or pushing a 10-year-old boy at a campaign rally was broadcast. The press [who?] unfavorable to
Bsescu interpreted the footage as "hitting with his fist", [citation needed] whereas the press favorable to
Bsescu either interpreted it as a push, or called the footage fake. Asked in a talk show about the
incident, the President stated that he does not recall it, but did not outright deny it either, saying that
perhaps the child uttered profanity. Later, he made a public declaration that "never in his life has he
hit a child", but he refused to comment on whether the footage was video manipulated or not. [citation
needed]
PDL member Roberta Anastase, who had accompanied Bsescu during the rally, declared the
child uttered profanity and that Bsescu pushed the child aside. The footage was released within 24
hours of a declaration of Dinu Patriciu, also present at the rally, who claimed that he saw Bsescu
hitting a child in 2004.[64][65] The boy has been identified, and was interviewed later that night. He
acknowledged that Bsescu had hit him after he chanted a slogan favourable to Ion
Iliescu and Adrian Nstase, but said he was not physically hurt. He also said that for the moment he
was happy that Bsescu had paid attention to him, and they smiled at each other, but later he felt
disappointed.[citation needed] He added "it was a hit as if he wanted to say: go away!" [66] On 27 November
Bsescu told a Mediafax journalist that he saw the footage "de-mounted on computer", suggesting it
was manipulated.[67] Cecilia Gheorghe, the boy's aunt, declared that the child now refuses to give
further details because he is now "afraid for his life and that of his mother". [68]
In the second round of the presidential election Bsescu won against Geoana by 50.3% to 49.7%.
The opposition's legal objection to their narrow defeat was dismissed.

Second term as President of Romania[edit]

This section needs expansion.You
can help by adding to it. (July 2012)

Main article: Romanian presidential impeachment referendum, 2012

Traian Bsescu speaking in his support during an anti-impeachment protest in Bucharest, 2012

Bsescu was suspended by the Parliament a second time on 6 July 2012, with a referendum on his
impeachment being held on 29 July 2012. After initially calling on the population to vote, PDL called
for a boycott, accusing the majority party USL of attempted fraud. [69] Bsescu, however, declared that
he would still vote,[70] albeit not voting after all. An overwhelming 88.7% of people who went to vote
rejected his leadership.[citation needed] However, the turnout at the referendum was estimated at 46%,
[71]
which was less than the 50% + 1 required for it to be validated.
The Romanian Constitutional Court subsequently invalidated the referendum [72] by a vote of 63,
which reinstated Bsescu as president of Romania. [73] In June 2015 The Attorney General of
Romania started investigating illegalities committed by certain members of the Constitutional Court
in order to save the embattled president. The US envoy Philip Gordon visited Romania supporting
Bsescu, accused the president opposition of massive fraud, angering the 8.4 million voters, per
Romania TV. Of the thousands of people investigated of election fraud only one received the guilty
verdict in Court, a saving face verdict for the errors committed by the US envoy, as per DC News.
Bsescu said that now is the time to leave old conflicts aside in order to solve Romania's problems,
and to "restore a functioning democratic Romania, and restore our credibility." On the other
hand,Crin Antonescu, who has served as acting president during this entire process, claims Bsescu
is an "illegitimate" leader as he was suspended by Parliament and dismissed by the people. [74]
Following his return to Cotroceni, Bsescu maintained a low profile until the regular parliamentary
elections. On the 9th of December 2012, the elections produced a new parliamentary configuration,
with an overwhelming USL majority dominating the other parties by a 70% margin. [citation needed] The
"presidential party", PDL, only attained 16% of the total votes, failing to win all but one electoral
circumscription while former presidential adviser Eugen Tomac won the second external
circumscription, including the Republic of Moldova. The landslide victory of the former opposition
coalition marginalized Bsescu and drastically reduced his possibilities to negotiate a new PDLbased coalition, thus being left with no other viable alternative than to nominate PSD president Victor
Ponta to form the new government.
Bsescu and Ponta signed a framework treaty, intended to smoothen the future institutional
collaboration between the Presidency and the Government. But soon afterwards, first tensions
started to creep in, as Ponta depicted the EU-Budget negotiations outcome for Romania as a
political defeat for Bsescu.

Late political career[edit]

On 9 October 2015, Bsescu joined the People's Movement Party (PMP). PMP's fourth congress
was held on 24 October, with Bsescu being elected president of the party.[75]
In the light of the local elections of 2016, Bsescu expressed his intentions to run for a new term as
Mayor of Bucharest.[76] However, following an acusation of money laundering, Bsescu retired and
PMP subsequently nominated journalist Robert Turcescu as their official candidate.[77]
At the legislative elections, Bsescu won a seat as senator of Bucharest on PMP's list, as the party
placed sixth in the elections, with 5.35% of the vote.

Relationship with the press[edit]

Bsescu is a major target of criticism by the press, and in turn he used controversial language to
describe some of the journalists that have been critical of him.
In October 2006, Traian Bsescu referred to journalist Ovidiu Zara, of the Curentul newspaper, using
the Romanian word "gozar" (roughly "faggot").[78][79][80][81] In 2009, the president's brother, Mircea
Bsescu, also used the word "gozar" to refer to Gndul journalist Robert Veress. In protest leading

Romanian journalistCristian Tudor Popescu, the editor in chief of the Gndul newspaper, showed up
on his TV show Cap i Pajur holding a sign reading "gazetar gozar" (roughly "faggot journalist"). [82]
[83]

On 19 May 2007, the day of the suspension referendum, Bsescu took the mobile phone of Antena
1 journalist Andreea Pan, who was filming him while he was shopping with his wife, despite being
asked to leave him alone. Forgetting to turn it off, he was recorded referring to Pan as a stinking
gypsy during a conversation with his wife in his car.[84][85] The recording was made public by the
Antena 1 TV station after the phone was returned to Pan the next day. After public outcry,
Bsescu's spokesman expressed regret over the fact that "an inappropriate expression in a private
discussion became public".[86] The president of the Commission for Human Rights, Cults and
Minorities in the Chamber of Deputies, Nicolae Pun, who is himself part of the Roma community,
stated that President Bsescu is not a racist and cannot be condemned for a statement made in
private.[87] Romani CRISS, on the other hand, issued a letter of protest, saying "Romani Criss
consider unacceptable for the Romanian President to use such language, sexist and racist
alike."[88] Other criticism came from the International Federation of Journalists,[81]Agenia de
Monitorizare a Presei, and Clubul Romn de Pres.[89] Romania's National Council for Combating
Discrimination decided that the expression "stinking gypsy" was discriminatory and sanctioned
Traian Bsescu with a warning.[90]
In 2008, Bsescu referred to journalist Victor Ciutacu, the editor in chief of Jurnalul Na ional, which
was highly critical of him, as "jukebox on euros" (Romanian: "tonomat cu euro"), [91] a meme that
Ciutacu later used repeatedly in his TV show Vorbe grele, even in the show's logo.
During the 2009 presidential election, Bsescu released two video clips starring himself and actors
that were parodying his Antena 3 critics: Mircea Badea, a TV Host, well known for his critical stance
of Bsescu, as well as Mihai Gdea and Valentin Stan, the host and respectively a frequent guest of
the TV political talk show Sinteza Zilei.[92][93]
Bsescu had a good relationship with journalists that praised him, in particular TV host Radu Moraru,
of the B1 TV show Naul, who described Bsescu as "the greatest president of Romania in the last
20 years" in the opening of an interview with him. [94]

Criticism and controversies[edit]

Corruption scandals[edit]
In the summer of 2009, Bsescu was criticized in an editorial in the Gndul newspaper for remaining
silent for a long time regarding the corruption scandal surrounding Monica Iacob Ridzi, the PD-L
Youth Minister, in contrast to the harsh criticism he had expressed against ministers from other
parties when they were accused of corruption (Tudor Chiuariu, Codru ere).[95] Similarly, Tom
Gallagher, a Romania specialist at Bradford University, wrote that Bsescu's public image suffered
after his daughter, Elena Bsescu, became a MEP through "purely byzantine maneuvers" with the
help of Ridzi, and after Bsescu "appeared to express solidarity" with Ridzi against the media that
was reporting on the scandal.[96] At Monica Ritzi trial it was said that the beneficiary of the illegal
financial activities was Traian Bsescu's daughter. In 2015 Mircea Bsescu, the ex president brother
has been accused and jailed for receiving money with the promise to save an imprisoned criminal.
Other family members, son in law, nephew, have been accused of selling justice and producing false
documents. There is evidence presented at Antena 3, Romania TV and Realitatea TV that Mircea
Bsescu said that his brother knew of the illegal dealings.
On 20 April 2016 the General Prosecutor's Office announced that they decided to prosecute Traian
Bsescu for money laundering in a criminal case concerning sale of land in Bucharests northern
neighbourhood of Bneasa to the businessman Costel Cuneanu (ro).[97] This prompted Bsescu to
drop his bid for Bucharest's mayor office in the upcoming local elections.[98]

Comments regarding King Michael of Romania[edit]

In June 2011, during a televised talk-show, president Bsescu made a somewhat disputed remark
about former King Michael of Romania saying that "he was a slave to the Russians" and calling his
1947 abdication "an act of treason".[99] The president noted that King Michael was the official head of
state at the time of the events in question both during the alliance with Nazi Germany, and during
the Soviet occupation. This triggered a wave of criticism from the opposition parties and their
sympathizers, who expressed their disapproval of such an interpretation of Romanian history and
the perceived lack of respect towards the former king.[100] Some letters requesting the president's
immediate resignation came from the members of the opposition parties and their sympathizers. [101]
President Bsescu added that if he was in Marshal Antonescu's position, he too would have ordered
the Romanian troops to cross the Prut river and attack the USSR, with the purpose of
regaining Bessarabia, lost in 1940. In response to this, the Russian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs released a press statement asking for the immediate response of "civilized Europe to this
justification of Nazi aggression against USSR and dishonor to the memory of millions lost during
World War II" and called Bsescu's declarations a "shameless bravado". [102] On 23 July he told the
public he "deeply regrets" his comment of King Michael calling it a sensitive issue. [103]

Honours[edit]
Foreign honours[edit]

Estonia: Collar of the Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana

Latvia: 1st Class with Chain of the Order of the Three Stars

Moldova: Order of the Republic (Moldova)

Monaco: Grand Cross of the Order of Saint-Charles (16 April

2009) [104]

Poland: Order of the White Eagle (Poland)

Serbia: Order of the Republic of Serbia

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83. Jump up^ (Romanian) Cristian Tudor Popescu = "gazetar gozar"
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88. Jump up^ Romani CRISS:Scrisoare de protest adresat Presedintelui
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89. Jump up^ (Romanian) The filthy gypsy woman became a lady
90. Jump up^ (Romanian) Consiliul National pentru Combaterea
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91. Jump up^ (Romanian) Bsescu atac analitii-tonomat ai lui Felix

Motanul
92. Jump up^ (Romanian) Bsescu i parodiaz pe Mircea Badea, Mihai
Gdea i Valentin Stan pe Youtube.
93. Jump up^ (Romanian) Bsescu i ironizeaz pe Badea, Gdea i
"omul cu laptopul"
94. Jump up^ "Traian Bsescu la Naul B1 TV, 12 nov 2009".
Youtube.com. Retrieved30 July 2012.
95. Jump up^ (Romanian) Simfonia tcerii n Ridzi minor
96. Jump up^ (Romanian) Bilantul de dupa Ridzi
97. Jump up^ "Ex-President Traian Basescu prosecuted for money
laundering". Nine O'Clock. 20 April 2016.
98. Jump up^ "Traian Bsescu: Am intenionat s candidez, dar renun.
Robert Turcescu este candidatul PMP la Primrie". Digi 24 (in
Romanian). 22 April 2016.
99. Jump up^ (Romanian) [1]
100. Jump up^ (Romanian) [2]
101. Jump up^ (Romanian) [3]
102. Jump up^ (Romanian) [4]
103. Jump up^ "Bsescu deeply regrets". gandul.info. Retrieved 31
July 2012.
104. Jump up^ Nomination by Sovereign Ordonnance n 2165 of 16
April 2009 (French)

Other references[edit]

Asociatia Civic Media, May 2007 "Piata Universitatii respinge noul

puci al Moscovei" ("Supporting Bsescu, Civic Net University
Square is opposing the new coup-de-etat of Moscow inspiration")

Cronica Romn, 22 June 2006 "Constantinescu l acuz pe

Bsescu de colaborare cu Securitatea" ("Constantinescu accuses
Bsescu of collaborating with the Securitate")

Evenimentul, 14 December 2005. "Emil Constantinescu a adus

documente despre care spune c atest colaborarea preedintelui
Traian Bsescu cu Securitatea" ("Emil Constantinescu brought
documents of which he says that prove the collaboration of
President Traian Bsescu with the Securitate")

Oana Stancu, Strada Mihileanu Bsescu vede legal ce e

ilegal ("Mihileanu Street Bsescu sees as legal what is
illegal"), Jurnalul Naional, 25 November 2005

Andrei Tudor, Dosarul Casa din Mihileanu: Bsescu a btut

aua Morar i a priceput iapa Boto ("'House on Mihileanu' file:
Bsescu has beaten the Morarsaddle so that the [Ilie] Boto mare
may understand" (reference to a traditional Romanian
saying), Gardianul, 15 December 2005

Ramona Lic, NUP pentru Bsescu n dosarul Casa din

Mihileanu ("NUP (Nenceperea Urmririi Penale Decision of
non-indictment) for Bsescu in 'House on Mihileanu' file", Gndul,
11 January 2006

Maria Manoliu, Bsescu nu mai d inapoi casa de pe

Mihileanu ("Bsescu no longer giving back the house on
Mihileanu", Adevrul, 18 February 2005, accessed on HotNews.ro.
24 March 2006.

Narcis Iordache Dosarul Flota reinviat pentru a fi ingropat ("The

Fleet File resurrects in order to be buried again"), Evenimentul Zilei,
6 December 2005.

External links[edit]
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news:Traian Bsescu

(Romanian) Basescu.ro: Official candidacy site

Official web site of the President of Romania

Official Twitter account of the President of Romania

Traian Bsescu's short biography on the Romanian Presidency web

site

(Romanian) Traian Bsescu's Curriculum Vitae

BBC Profile: Traian Bsescu

Analyzing EU Article

Political offices
Preceded by
Viorel Lis

Mayor of Bucharest
20002004

Succeeded by
Adriean
Videanu

Preceded by
Ion Iliescu

President of Romania
20042007

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Preceded by
Nicolae
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President of Romania
20072012

Succeeded by
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President of Romania
20122014

Succeeded by
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Acting

Preceded by
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VIAF: 73621738
LCCN: no2006135993
ISNI: 0000 0000 8453 3090
GND: 141921374
SUDOC: 15563593X

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