Documenti di Didattica
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Amitabh Bachchan
Bachchan in 2013.
Born
Residence
Nationality Indian
Occupatio
presenter
Religion
Hinduism
Spouse(s)
Children
Shweta Nanda
Abhishek Bachchan
Parent(s)
Relatives
Awards
Website
Official blog
Signature
Amitabh Harivansh Rai Shrivastava Bachchan (IPA: [mtab btn]; born 11 October 1942) is
an Indian film actor. He first gained popularity in the early 1970s for movies
like Zanjeer and Deewaar, and was dubbed India's first "angry young man" for his on-screen roles
in Bollywood. Referred to as the "Shahenshah of Bollywood", "Star of the Millennium" or "Big B",[3][4][5]
he has since appeared in over 180 Indian films in a career spanning more than four decades. [7]
[8]
Bachchan is widely regarded as one of the greatest and most influential actors in the history
of Indian cinema.[9][10][11][12][13] So total was his dominance on the movie scene in the 1970s and 1980s
that the French director Franois Truffaut called him a "one-man industry."[14][15]
[6]
Bachchan has won numerous accolades in his career, including four National Film Awards as Best
Actor and many awards at international film festivals and award ceremonies. He has won
fifteen Filmfare Awards and is the most-nominated performer in any major acting category at
Filmfare, with 40 nominations overall. In addition to acting, Bachchan has worked as a playback
singer, film producer and television presenter. He has hosted several seasons of the game
show, Kaun Banega Crorepati, India's version of the game show franchise, Who Wants to Be a
Millionaire?. He also had a stint in politics in the 1980s.
The Government of India honoured him with the Padma Shri in 1984, the Padma Bhushan in 2001
and the Padma Vibhushan in 2015 for his contributions to the arts.[16] The Government of
France honoured him with its highest civilian honour, Knight of the Legion of Honour, in 2007 for his
exceptional career in the world of cinema and beyond. [17]
Bachchan made his Hollywood debut in 2013 with The Great Gatsby, in which he played a nonIndian Jewish character, Meyer Wolfsheim.
Contents
2Career
2.4Politics: 198487
2.8Television career
2.9Voice
3Humanitarian causes
4Business investments
6Memorials
7Selected filmography
8References
9Further reading
10External links
Career
Early work: 19691972
Bachchan made his film debut in 1969 as a voice narrator in Mrinal Sen's National Award winning
film Bhuvan Shome.[25] His first acting role was as one of the seven protagonists in the film Saat
Hindustani directed by Khwaja Ahmad Abbas and featuring Utpal Dutt, Anwar Ali (brother of
comedian Mehmood), Madhu and Jalal Agha.[26][27]
Anand (1971) followed, in which Bachchan starred alongside Rajesh Khanna. His role as a doctor
with a cynical view of life garnered Bachchan his first Filmfare Best Supporting Actor award. He then
played his first antagonist role as an infatuated lover-turned-murderer in Parwana (1971). Following
Parwaana were several films including Reshma Aur Shera (1971). During this time, he made a guest
appearance in the film Guddi which starred his future wife Jaya Bhaduri. He narrated part of the
film Bawarchi. In 1972 he made an appearance in the road action comedy Bombay to Goa directed
by S. Ramanathan. Many of Bachchan's films during this early period did not do well, but that was
about to change.[28]
Bachchan and wife Jaya Bhaduri Bachchan in 2013, the couple got married in 1973, after the release
of Zanjeer.
Director Prakash Mehra cast him in the leading role for the film Zanjeer (1973) as Inspector Vijay
Khanna. The film was a sharp contrast to the romantically themed films that had generally preceded
it and established Amitabh in a new personathe "angry young man" of Bollywood cinema.
[8]
Filmfare considers this one of the most iconic performances of Bollywood history.[28] The film was a
huge success and one of the highest-grossing films of that year, breaking Bachchan's dry spell at the
box office and making him a star.[29] From then onwards, Bachchan became one of the most
successful leading men of the film industry. He earned his first Filmfare nomination for Best Actor
for Zanjeer. The year 1973 was also when he married Jaya, and around this time they appeared in
several films together; not only in Zanjeer but in films such as Abhimaan which followed and was
released only a month after their marriage and was also successful at the box office. Later,
Bachchan played the role of Vikram, once again along with Rajesh Khanna, in the film Namak
Haraam, a social drama directed by Hrishikesh Mukherjee and scripted by Biresh Chatterjee
addressing themes of friendship. His supporting role won him his second Filmfare Best Supporting
Actor award.
In 1974, Bachchan made several guest appearances in films such as Kunwara Baap and Dost,
before playing a supporting role in Roti Kapda Aur Makaan. The film, directed and written by Manoj
Kumar, addressed themes of honesty in the face of oppression and financial and emotional hardship
and was the top earning film of 1974. Bachchan then played the leading role in film Majboor,
released on 6 December 1974, which was a remake of the Hollywood film Zig Zag. The film was a
success at the box office.[30] In 1975, he starred in a variety of film genres from the comedy Chupke
Chupke, the crime drama Faraar to the romantic drama Mili. 1975 was also the year when Bachchan
appeared in two films regarded as important in Hindi cinema history. He starred in the Yash
Chopra directed film Deewaar along with Shashi Kapoor, Nirupa Roy, and Neetu Singh, earning him
a Filmfare nomination for Best Actor. The film became a major hit at the box office in 1975, ranking in
at number 4.[31] Indiatimes Movies ranks Deewaar amongst the Top 25 Must See Bollywood Films.
[32]
Released on 15 August 1975 was Sholay, which became the highest-grossing film of 1975 and
also of all time in India, earning INR 2,364,500,000 equivalent to US$60 million, after adjusting for
inflation.[33] in which Bachchan played the role of Jaidev. In 1999, BBC India declared it the "Film of
the Millennium" and like Deewar, has been cited by Indiatimes movies as amongst the Top 25 Must
See Bollywood Films.[32] In that same year, the judges of the 50th annual Filmfare Awards awarded it
with the special distinction award called Filmfare Best Film of 50 Years.
In 1976, he was cast by Yash Chopra in the romantic family drama Kabhie Kabhie. Bachchan starred
as a young poet named Amit Malhotra who falls deeply in love with a beautiful young girl named
Pooja (Rakhee Gulzar) who ends up marrying someone else (Shashi Kapoor). The film was notable
for portraying Bachchan as a romantic hero, a far cry from his "angry young man" roles
like Zanjeer and Deewar. The film evoked a favourable response from critics and audiences alike.
Bachchan was again nominated for the Filmfare Best Actor Award for his role in the film. That same
year he played a double role in Adalat as father and son. In 1977, he won his first Filmfare Best
Actor Award for his performance in Amar Akbar Anthony where he played the third lead
opposite Vinod Khanna and Rishi Kapoor as Anthony Gonsalves. The film was the highest-grossing
film of that year. His other successes that year include Parvarish and Khoon Pasina.[34] He once
again resumed double roles in films such as Kasme Vaade (1978) as Amit and Shankar
and Don (1978) playing the characters of Don, a leader of an underworld gang and his look alike
Vijay. His performance won him his second Filmfare Best Actor Award. He also gave towering
performances in Yash Chopra's Trishul and Prakash Mehra's Muqaddar Ka Sikandar both of which
earned him further Filmfare Best Actor nominations.
In 1979, Bachchan starred in Suhaag which was the highest earning film of that year. In the same
year he also enjoyed critical acclaim and commercial success with films like Mr. Natwarlal, Kaala
Patthar and The Great Gambler. Amitabh was required to use his singing voice for the first time in a
song from the film Mr. Natwarlal in which he starred with Rekha. Bachchan's performance in the film
saw him nominated for both the Filmfare Best Actor Award and the Filmfare Award for Best Male
Playback Singer. He also received Best Actor nomination for Kaala Patthar and then went on to be
nominated again in 1980 for the Raj Khosla directed film Dostana, in which he starred
opposite Shatrughan Sinhaand Zeenat Aman. Dostana proved to be the top-grossing film of 1980.
[35]
In 1981, he starred in Yash Chopra's melodrama film Silsila, where he starred alongside his wife
Jaya and Rekha. Other films of this period like Shaan (1980), Shakti (1982) which pitted him against
the veteran actor Dilip Kumar were not successful at the box office but Ram
Balram (1980), Naseeb (1981) and Lawaaris (1981) were successful.[36]
In 1982 he played double roles in the films Satte Pe Satta and Desh Premee which succeeded at the
box office.[37] In 1983 he played a triple role in Mahaan and starred in the top-grossing film of that
year Coolie.[38]
Politics: 198487
In 1984, Bachchan took a break from acting and briefly entered politics in support of long-time family
friend, Rajiv Gandhi. He contested Allahabad's seat of 8th Lok Sabha against H. N. Bahuguna,
former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and won by one of the highest victory margins in general
election history (68.2% of the vote).[44] His political career, however, was short-lived: he resigned after
three years, calling politics a cesspool. The resignation followed the implication of Bachchan and his
brother in the "Bofors scandal" by a newspaper, which he vowed to take to court.[45] Bachchan was
eventually found not guilty of involvement in the ordeal [citation needed].
His old friend, Amar Singh, helped him during the financial crisis caused by the failure of his
company, ABCL. Thereafter Bachchan started supporting the Samajwadi Party, the political party to
which Amar Singh belonged. Furthermore, Jaya Bachchan joined the Samajwadi party and
represented the party as an MP in the Rajya Sabha.[46] Bachchan has continued to do favours for the
Samajwadi party, including appearing in advertisements and political campaigns. These activities
have recently got him into trouble in the Indian courts for false claims after a previous incident of
submission of legal papers by him, stating that he is a farmer.[47]
A 15-year press ban against Bachchan was imposed during his peak acting years by Stardust and
some of the other film magazines. In his defence, Bachchan claimed to have banned the press from
entering his sets until late 1989.[48]
In 1988, Bachchan returned to films, playing the title role in Shahenshah, which was a box office
success.[49] After the success of his comeback film however, his star power began to wane as all of
his subsequent films like Jaadugar, Toofan and Main Azaad Hoon (all released in 1989) failed at the
box office. The 1991 hit film, Hum, for which he won his third Filmfare Best Actor Award, looked like it
might reverse the trend, but this momentum was short-lived and his string of box office failures
continued. Notably, despite the lack of hits, it was during this era that Bachchan won his first National
Film Award for Best Actor for his performance as a Mafia don in the 1990 film Agneepath. These
years would see his last on-screen appearances for some time. After the release of Khuda Gawah in
1992, Bachchan went into semi-retirement for five years. With the exception of the delayed release
of Insaniyat (1994), which was also a box office failure, Bachchan did not appear in any new
releases for five years.[50]
Soon after the company was launched in 1996, the first film it produced was Tere Mere
Sapne, which did not fare well at the boxoffice but launched the careers of actors like Arshad
Warsi and South films star Simran.[citation needed] ABCL produced a few other films, none of which did well.
needed]
[citation needed]
In 1997, Bachchan attempted to make his acting comeback with the film Mrityudata, produced by
ABCL. Though Mrityudaata attempted to reprise Bachchan's earlier success as an action hero, the
film was a failure both financially and critically.[citation needed] ABCL was the main sponsor of the 1996 Miss
World beauty pageant, Bangalore but lost millions. The fiasco and the consequent legal battles
surrounding ABCL and various entities after the event, coupled with the fact that ABCL was reported
to have overpaid most of its top level managers, eventually led to its financial and operational
collapse in 1997. The company went into administration and was later declared a failed company by
Indian Industries board.[citation needed] The Bombay high court, in April 1999, restrained Bachchan from
selling off his Bombay bungalow 'Prateeksha' and two flats till the pending loan recovery cases
of Canara Bank were disposed of. Bachchan had, however, pleaded that he had mortgaged his
bungalow to raise funds for his company.[51]
Bachchan attempted to revive his acting career and had average success with Bade Miyan Chote
Miyan (1998),[50] and received positive reviews for Sooryavansham (1999)[52]but other films such
as Lal Baadshah (1999) and Hindustan Ki Kasam (1999) were box office failures.
In 2000, Amitabh Bachchan appeared in Yash Chopra's box-office hit, Mohabbatein, directed
by Aditya Chopra. He played a stern, older figure that rivalled the character of Shahrukh Khan. His
role won him his third Filmfare Best Supporting Actor Award. Other hits followed, with Bachchan
appearing as an older family patriarch in Ek Rishtaa: The Bond of Love (2001), Kabhi Khushi Kabhie
Gham... (2001) and Baghban (2003). As an actor, he continued to perform in a range of characters,
receiving critical praise for his performances in Aks(2001), Aankhen (2002), Khakee (2004)
and Dev (2004). His performance in Aks won him his first Filmfare Critics Award for Best Actor. One
project that did particularly well for Bachchan was Sanjay Leela Bhansali's Black (2005). The film
starred Bachchan as an ageing teacher of a deaf-blind girl and followed their relationship. His
performance was unanimously praised by critics and audiences and won him his second National
Film Award for Best Actor, his fourth Filmfare Best Actor Award and his second Filmfare Critics
Award for Best Actor. Taking advantage of this resurgence, Amitabh began endorsing a variety of
products and services, appearing in many television and billboard advertisements. In 2005 and
2006, he starred with his son Abhishek in the hit films Bunty Aur Babli (2005),
the Godfathertribute Sarkar (2005), and Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna (2006). All of them were successful
at the box office.[53][54] His later releases in 2006 and early 2007 were Baabul (2006),
[55]
Ekalavya and Nishabd (2007), which failed to do well at the box office but his performances in
each of them were praised by critics.[56]
In May 2007, two of his films Cheeni Kum and the multi-starrer Shootout at Lokhandwala were
released. Shootout at Lokhandwala did well at the box office and was declared a semi-hit in India,
while Cheeni Kum picked up after a slow start and only had average success.[57] A remake of his
biggest hit, Sholay (1975), entitled Ram Gopal Varma Ki Aag, released in August of that same year
and proved to be a major commercial failure in addition to its poor critical reception. [57] The year also
marked Bachchan's first appearance in an English-language film, Rituparno Ghosh's The Last Lear,
co-starring Arjun Rampal and Preity Zinta. The film premiered at the 2007 Toronto International Film
Festival on 9 September 2007. He received positive reviews from critics who hailed his performance
as his best ever since Black.[58] Bachchan was slated to play a supporting role in his first international
film, Shantaram, directed by Mira Nair and starring Hollywood actor Johnny Depp in the lead. The
film was due to begin filming in February 2008 but due to the writer's strike, was pushed to
September 2008.[59] The film is currently "shelved" indefinitely.[60] Vivek Sharma's Bhoothnath, in which
he plays the title role as a ghost, was released on 9 May 2008. Sarkar Raj, the sequel of the 2005
film Sarkar, released in June 2008 and received a positive response at the box-office. Paa, which
released at the end of 2009 was a highly anticipated project as it saw him playing his own son
Abhishek's Progeria-affected 13-year-old son, and it opened to favourable reviews, particularly
towards Bachchan's performance. It won him his third National Film Award for Best Actor and fifth
Filmfare Best Actor Award. In 2010, he debuted in Malayalam film through Kandahar, directed
by Major Ravi and co-starring Mohanlal.[61] The film was based on the hijacking incident of the Indian
Airlines Flight 814.[62] Bachchan declined any remuneration for this film.[63] In 2013 he made his
Hollywood debut in The Great Gatsby making a special appearance opposite Leonardo
DiCaprio and Tobey Maguire. In 2014, he played the role of the friendly ghost in the
sequel Bhoothnath Returns. The next year, he played the role of a grumpy father suffering from
chronic constipation in Piku. It won him his fourth National Film Award for Best Actor and his third
Filmfare Critics Award for Best Actor. His next film Pink which was released in 2016 was a box office
success grossing over 100 crores at the box office.[64]
Television career
In 2000, Bachchan hosted the first season of Kaun Banega Crorepati (KBC), the Indian adaptation of
the British television game show, Who Wants to Be a Millionaire?. The show was well received.[65] A
second season followed in 2005 but its run was cut short by STAR Plus when Bachchan fell ill in
2006.[66]
In 2009, Bachchan hosted the third season of the reality show Bigg Boss.[67]
In 2010, Bachchan hosted the fourth season of KBC.[68] The fifth season started on 15 August 2011
and ended on 17 November 2011. The show became a massive hit with audiences and broke many
TRP Records. CNN IBN awarded Indian of the Year- Entertainment to Team KBC and Bachchan.
The Show also grabbed all the major Awards for its category.[citation needed] Bachchan continued to host
KBC until 2014.
The sixth season was also hosted by Bachchan, commencing on 7 September 2012, broadcast
on Sony TV and received the highest number of viewers thus far.[69]
In 2014, he debuted in the fictional Sony Entertainment Television TV series titled Yudh playing the
lead role of a businessman battling both his personal and professional life. [70]
Bachchan is also the brand ambassador for Gujarat Tourism, which he has been since 1 February
2010.
Voice
Bachchan is known for his deep, baritone voice. He has been a narrator, a playback singer, and
presenter for numerous programmes.[71][72][73]Renowned film director Satyajit Ray was so impressed
with Bachchan's voice that he decided to use Bachchan as the narrator in his 1977 film Shatranj Ke
Khilari (The Chess Players).[74] Bachchan lent his voice as a narrator to the 2001
movie Lagaan which was a super hit.[75] In 2005, Bachchan lent his voice to the Oscar-winning
French documentary March of the Penguins, directed by Luc Jacquet.[76]
He also done voice over work for the following movies:
Lagaan (2001)
Parineeta (2005)
Swami (2007)[77]
Kahaani (2012)
Krrish 3 (2013)
Mahabharat (2013)
Humanitarian causes
Amitabh Bachchan has been involved in many social works. Amitabh donated 11 lakh (US$16,000)
to clear the debts of nearly 40 beleaguered farmers in Andhra Pradesh. [78] He also donated 30
lakh (US$45,000) to clear the debts of some 100 Vidarbha farmers.[79]In 2010, he donated 11
lakh (US$16,000) for Resul Pookutty's foundation, for medical centre at Kochi.[80][81][82] Amitabh
Bachchan donated 2.5 lakh (US$3,700) to Delhi Police constable Subhash Chand Tomar's family,
who died after succumbing to injuries during anti-gangrape protest for 2012 Delhi gang rape.[83][84] He
opened a Harivansh Rai Bachchan Memorial Trust, or HRB Memorial Trust in his father's name in
2013.[85] Amitabh Bachchan was made UNICEF goodwill ambassador for polio Eradication Campaign
in India in 2002, when 1,556 polio cases were detected that year .[86][87][88] On 27 March 2014, World
Health Organization (WHO) declared India a polio free country with no case of disease being
reported in the previous three years.[89][90][91] In 2013, Amitabh and his family donated 25
lakh(US$37,000) to charitable trust Plan India, that works for the upliftment of the girl child in India. [92]
[93][94]
Amitabh Bachchan donated 11 lakh (US$16,000) to Maharashtra Police Welfare Fund in 2013.
[95]
Amitabh was the face of 'Save Our Tigers' campaign that promoted the importance of tiger
conservation in India.[96]
Amitabh also supported PETA India's campaign to free, Sunder, a 14-year-old elephant who was
chained and tortured in a temple in Kolhapur, Maharashtra. [97][98] After the elephant was freed and
rehabilitated in Bannerghatta National Park in Bangalore, he was reported to tweet, "@PetaIndia has
turned elephant Sunders home into free-roaming, forested sanctuary... feeling good I contributed to
this cause !"[99]
In 2014, it was announced that he had recorded his voice and lent his image to the Hindi and
English language versions of the TeachAIDS software, an international HIV/AIDSprevention
education tool developed at Stanford University.[100]
Business investments
Amitabh Bachchan has invested in many upcoming business ventures. In 2013, he bought a 10%
stake in Just Dial from which he made a gain of 4600 percent. He holds a 3.4% equity in Stampede
Capital, a financial technology firm specializing in cloud computing for financial markets. The
Bachchan family also bought shares worth $252,000 in Meridian Tech, a consulting company in U.S.
Recently they made their first overseas investment in Ziddu.com, a cloud based content distribution
platform.[101][102]
On 27 July 2012, Bachchan carried the Olympic torch during the last leg of its relay in London's
Southwark.[122]
Severals books have been written about Bachchan. Amitabh Bachchan: the Legend was published
in 1999,[123] To be or not to be: Amitabh Bachchan in 2004,[124] AB: The Legend (A Photographer's
Tribute) in 2006,[125] Amitabh Bachchan: Ek Jeevit Kimvadanti in 2006,[126] Amitabh: The Making of a
Superstar in 2006,[127] Looking for the Big B: Bollywood, Bachchan and Me in
2007[128] and Bachchanalia in 2009.[129]
Bachchan himself wrote a book in 2002: Soul Curry for you and me An Empowering Philosophy
That Can Enrich Your Life.[130] In the early 80s, Bachchan authorised the use of his likeness for the
comic book character Supremo in a series titled The Adventures of Amitabh Bachchan.[131] In May
2014, La Trobe University in Australia named a Scholarship after Bachchan.[132]
He was named "Hottest Vegetarian" by PETA India in 2012.[133] He won the title of "Asia's Sexiest
Vegetarian" in a contest poll run by PETA Asia[134]
Memorials
Amitabh Bachchan Sports Complex in Allahbad managed by UP Sports Directorate is named after
him.[citation needed] Also a road is named after him as Amitabh Bachhan Road in his home town, Allahabad.
[citation needed]
There is a temple in Kolkata, where Amitabh is worshipped as a God.[135] The tiles of the temple are
adorned with words Jai Shri Amitabh; in place of the idol, you see his photo and a pair of white
shoes that the actor wore in his movie, Agneepath[136]
Selected filmography
Main article: Amitabh Bachchan filmography
Ye
ar
Film
Role
Notes
197
Anand
1
197 Namak
3
Haraam
Vikram (Vicky)
197
Sholay
5
Jai (Jaidev)
Anthony Gonsalves
197
Don
8
Don/ Vijay
199
Agneepath
0
199
Hum
1
Tiger / Shekhar
200
Mohabbatein
0
Narayan Shankar
200
Aks
1
Manu Verma
Debraj Sahani
200
Black
5
200
Paa
9
Auro
201
Piku
5
Bhashkor Banerjee
201
Pink
6
Deepak Sehgal
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original on 14 October 2010. Retrieved 2 October 2010.
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Britain. via Highbeam (subscription required)
Wikimedia Commons
has media related
to Amitabh
Bachchan.
Further reading
Bhawana Somaaya (1 February 1999). Amitabh Bachchan: The Legend. Macmillan India
Limited. ISBN 978-0-333-93355-8.
Kavi, Ashok Row (2008). "The Changing Image of the Hero in Hindi Films". Journal of
Homosexuality. 39 (3-4): 307312. doi:10.1300/J082v39n03_15. ISSN 0091-8369.
Rao, R. Raj (2008). "Memories Pierce the Heart". Journal of Homosexuality. 39 (3-4): 299
306. doi:10.1300/J082v39n03_14. ISSN 0091-8369.
Mishra, Vijay; Jeffery, Peter; Shoesmith, Brian (1989). "The actor as parallel text in Bombay
cinema". Quarterly Review of Film and Video. 11 (3): 49
67. doi:10.1080/10509208909361314. ISSN 1050-9208.
Aftab, Kaleem (2002). "Brown: the new black! Bollywood in Britain". Critical Quarterly. 44 (3):
8898. doi:10.1111/1467-8705.00435. ISSN 0011-1562.
Jha, Priya (2003). "Lyrical Nationalism: Gender, Friendship, and Excess in 1970s Hindi
Cinema". The Velvet Light Trap. 51 (1): 4353. doi:10.1353/vlt.2003.0007. ISSN 1542-4251.
Garwood, Ian (2006). "THE SONGLESS BOLLYWOOD FILM". South Asian Popular
Culture. 4 (2): 169183. doi:10.1080/14746680600797210. ISSN 1474-6689.
External links
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Mahesh Manjrekar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mahesh Manjrekar
Born
editor, politician
Years acti
1984present
ve
Political
party
Religion
Hindu
Children
Website
http://www.maheshmanjrekar.com/[1]
1Filmography
o
1.1Actor
1.2Television
1.3Director
1.4Producer
2Awards
3References
4External links
Filmography[edit]
Actor[edit]
Ye
ar
1999
Film
Role
As himself in Song
Languag
e
Hindi
Ye
ar
Film
Role
Languag
e
2001
Michael
Hindi
2003
Kaante
Raj "Balli" Y
Hindi
2003
Hindi
2004
Plan
Sultan
Hindi
2004
Run
Ganpat Chowdhury
Hindi
2004
Musafir
Lukka
Hindi
2005
Brij Bhushan
English/Ben
gali
2006
Zinda
Joy Fernandes
Hindi
2006
Chappu Bhai
Hindi
2007
Dus Kahaniyaan
2007
Okkadunnadu
Sonu Bhai
Telugu
2007
Hindi
2008
Hindi
Hindi
Ye
ar
Film
Role
Languag
e
2008
Slumdog Millionaire
Don Javed
Hindi/Englis
h
2008
Homam
Daddy
Telugu
2009
Shivaji Maharaj
Marathi
2009
Wanted
Inspector Talpade
Hindi
2009
99
Hindi
2009
Khandar Zala
Hindi
2009
Teen Patti
Dagdu Seth
Hindi
2010
Adhurs
Telugu
2010
Dabangg
Hindi
2010
Don Seenu
Navin duggal
Telugu
2011
Ready
Hindi
2011
Bababhai
Marathi
2011
Bodyguard
Ranjan Mahatre
Hindi
Ye
ar
Film
Role
Languag
e
2012
Tukkaa Fitt
Hindi
2012
OMG: Oh My God!
2012
2013
Himmatwala
Sher Singh
Hindi
2013
Shootout at Wadala
Inspector Bhinde
Hindi
2013
Hindi
2013
Arrambam
Mahadev Rane
Tamil
2013
Rajjo
Begam
Hindi
2014
Jai Ho
Auto-Rickshaw Driver
Hindi
2014
Rege
Pradeep Sharma
Marathi
2014
Singham Returns
Hindi
2014
Ardhangini by Abhishek
Mukherjee
2015
Lawyer Sardesai
Hindi
Marathi
Bangla
Hindi
Ye
ar
Film
Languag
e
Role
2015
Akhil
Telugu
2016
Guntur Talkies
Jakie
Telugu
2016
Shyam Vhai
Bengali
2017
Running
Marathi
Television[edit]
Ye
ar
Serial
Role
Notes
Channel
2nd
Runner up
Sony TV
Himself (Contestant)
200
Monica Mogre
9
Zee TV
200
Specials @ 10
9
Sony TV
Himself (contestant)
STAR
Plus
201
Maharashtracha Superstar
0
Himself (Judge)
Zee
Marathi
201
C.I.D.
0
HD (Harpeez Dongra)
Sony TV
201
Agent Raghav - Crime Branch
5
Dilip Chauhan
& TV
Director[edit]
Astitva (2000)
Kurukshetra (2000)
Nidaan (2000)
Hathyar (2002)
Pitaah (2002)
Rakht (2004)
City of Gold
Kaksparsh (2012)
Kutumb (2012)
Natsamrat (2016)
Producer[edit]
Shala (2012)
Awards[edit]
References[edit]
1.
2.
3.
4.
Jump up^ "The day my work suffers, I'll retire". Rediff.com. 12 November 2001. Retrieved 21
August 2011.
Jump up^ "Manjrekar refuses to reveal Chhota Shakeel's name".
5.
Jump up^ "Mahesh Manjrekar was MNS Candidate from Mumbai North West". IANS.
news.biharprabha.com. Retrieved 9 March 2014.
6.
Jump up^ "Celeb politicians: who won and who lost". Hindustan Times. 16 May 2014.
Retrieved 17 October 2014.
External links[edit]
[show]
Categories:
1958 births
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Karunanidhi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Kalaignar" redirects here. For the television channel, see Kalaignar TV.
This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by
adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly
sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (April
2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
M Karunanidhi
In office
13 May 2006 15 May 2011
Preceded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Succeeded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Constituency
Chepauk
In office
13 May 1996 13 May 2001
Preceded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Succeeded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Constituency
Chepauk
In office
27 January 1989 30 January 1991
Preceded by
Janaki Ramachandran
Succeeded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Constituency
Harbour
In office
15 March 1971 31 January 1976
Preceded by
President's rule
Succeeded by
President's rule
Constituency
Saidapet
In office
10 February 1969 4 January 1971
Preceded by
V. R. Nedunchezhiyan (acting)
Succeeded by
President's rule
Constituency
Saidapet
Personal details
Born
Daksinamoorthy
3 June 1924 (age 92)
Thirukuvalai,
Tanjore district,
Madras Presidency,
British India
Nationality
Indian
Political party
Spouse(s)
Padmavathi (deceased)
Dayalu
Rajathi
Children
M. K. Muthu
M. K. Alagiri
M. K. Stalin
M. K. Tamilarasu
M. K. Selvi
M. K. Kanimozhi
Residence
Religion
Atheism
Signature
Website
Official website
In this Indian name, the name Muthuvel is a patronymic, not a family name, and the person should
be referred to by the given name, Karunanidhi.
Muthuvel Karunanidhi (born as Daksinamoorthy on 3 June 1924)[1][2] is an Indian politician who has
served as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu on five separate occasions. He is the head of the Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK),[3] a Dravidian political party in the state of Tamil Nadu. He has been the
leader of the DMK since the death of its founder, C. N. Annadurai, in 1969.[4] He holds the record of
winning his seat in every election in which he has participated, in a political career spanning more
than 60 years.[5][6] In the 2004 Lok Sabha Elections, he led the DMK-led DPA (UPA and Left Parties)
in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry to win all 40 Lok Sabhaseats. In the following 2009 Lok Sabha
Elections, he was able to increase the number of seats for the DMK from 16 to 18 seats, and led the
UPA in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, to win 28 seats, even with a significantly smaller coalition. He is
also a playwright and screenwriter in Tamil cinema. He is popularly called Kalaignar.[7][8][9] Since
1975, Karunanidhi has published six volumes of his autobiography, Nenjukku Neethi.[10]
Contents
[hide]
1Personal life
2Screenwriting
3Literature
o
3.1Films
4Politics
o
4.2Rise to power
6Controversies
o
6.4.1Involvement in 2G Scam
7.1Posts in legislature
8See also
9Notes
10References
11External links
Personal life[edit]
M.Karunanidhi was born as Dakshinamoorthy[2] in Thirukuvalai, Nagapattinam district[11][12] on 3 June
1924 to Muthuvel and Anjugam.[1] He married three times; his wives are the late Padmavathy, Dayalu
Ammal and Rajathi Ammal.[13][14] Karunanidhi's first wife Padmavathy was a sister of Chidambaram S.
Jeyaraman, notable Tamil musician, music director and playback singer. She died young.
Karunanidhi's sons are M. K. Muthu, M. K. Alagiri, M. K. Stalin, and M. K. Tamilarasu. His daughters
are Selvi and Kanimozhi. Kanimozhi is a Rajya Sabha MP. M. K. Muthu, his eldest son was born to
Padmavathy, who died at a young age. Alagiri, Stalin, Selvi and Tamilarasu were born to Dayalu,
while Kanimozhi is the only daughter from his third wife, Rajathi. He has donated his house, that is to
be converted into a free hospital for the poor after the lifetime of him and his wife Dayalu . [15][16] He is
an atheist.[17]
Screenwriting[edit]
See also: Parasakthi (1952 film) and Tamil cinema and Dravidian politics
Karunanidhi began his career as a screenwriter in the Tamil film industry.[18] Through his wit and
oratorical skills he rapidly rose as a popular politician. He was famous for writing historical and social
(reformist) stories which propagated the socialist and rationalistideals of the Dravidian movement to
which he belonged. He first began using Tamil cinema to propagate his political ideas through the
movie Parasakthi.[19] Parasakthi was a turning point in Tamil cinema, as it espoused the ideologies of
the Dravidian movement and also introduced two prominent actors of Tamil filmdom, Sivaji
Ganesan and S. S. Rajendran.[20] The movie was initially banned but was eventually released in
1952.[20] It was a huge box office hit, but its release was marred with controversies. The movie was
opposed by orthodox Hindus since it contained elements that criticized Brahmanism.[21] Two other
movies written by Karunanidhi that contained such messages were Panam and Thangarathnam.
[19]
These movies contained themes such as widow remarriage, abolition of untouchability, selfrespect marriages, abolition of zamindari and abolition of religious hypocrisy.[20] As his movies and
plays with strong social messages became popular, they suffered from increased censorship; two of
his plays in the 1950s were banned.[20]
Karunanidhi rose to fame as a scriptwriter for the Modern Theatres Studio in Salem about 350
kilometers from Madras or present day Chennai. T R Sundaram, the owner of Modern Theatres
Studio at Yercaud foot hills, was instrumental in honouring the talents of Karunanidhi, Jayalalithaa
and M G Ramachandran. Even today, whenever Karunanidhi visits Salem, he takes a ride through
Modern Theatres ( now a gated community of exclusive bungalows)and goes up to the first hair pin
bend on the Yercaud hill road to relive nostalgia.
Literature[edit]
Karunanidhi is known for his contributions to Tamil literature. His contributions cover a wide range:
poems, letters, screenplays, novels, biographies, historical novels, stage-plays, dialogues and movie
songs. He has written Kuraloviam for Thirukural, Tholkaappiya Poonga, Poombukar, as well as many
poems, essays and books. Apart from literature, Karunanidhi has also contributed to the Tamil
language through art and architecture. Like the Kuraloviyam, in which Kalaignar wrote about
Thirukkural, through the construction of Valluvar Kottam he gave an architectural presence
to Thiruvalluvar, in Chennai. At Kanyakumari, Karunanidhi constructed a 133-foot-high statue of
Thiruvalluvar in honour of the scholar.
The books written by Karunanidhi's include Sanga Thamizh, Thirukkural Urai, Ponnar
Sankar, Romapuri Pandian, Thenpandi Singam, Vellikizhamai, Nenjukku Needhi, Iniyavai
Irubathu and Kuraloviam. His books of prose and poetry number more than 100.
Karunanidhi's stage plays include: Manimagudam, Ore Ratham, Palaniappan, Thooku Medai,
Kagithapoo, Naane Arivali, Vellikizhamai, Udhayasooriyan and Silappathikaram.
Films[edit]
At the age of 20, Karunanidhi went to work for Jupiter Pictures as a scriptwriter. His first
film, Rajakumaari, gained him much popularity. It was here that his skills as a scriptwriter were
honed. He wrote 75 screenplays including: Rajakumaari, Abimanyu, Manthiri
Kumari, Marudhanaattu Ilavarasi, Manamagal, Devaki, Parasakthi, Panam, Thirumbi
Paar, Naam, Manohara, Ammaiappan, Malaikkallan, Rangoon Radha, Raja
Rani, Pudhaiyal, Pudhumai Pithan, Ellorum Innattu Mannar, Kuravanji, Thayillapillai, Kaanchi
Thalaivan, Poompuhar, Poomalai, Mani Makudam, Marakka Mudiyuma?, Avan Pithana?, Pookkari,
Needhikku Thandanai, Paalaivana Rojakkal, Pasa Paravaikal, Padadha Theneekkal, Niyaya
Tharasu, Pasakiligal, Kannamma, Uliyin Osai, Pen Singam,Ilaignan and Ponnar Shankar
Ilaignan (2011)
Kannamma (2005)
Poomalai (1965)
Poompuhar (1964)
Arasilangkumari (1961)
Kuravanji (1960)
Pudhaiyal (1957)
Malaikkallan (1954)
Panam (1952)
Manohara (1952)
Manamagal (1952)
Parasakthi (1952)
Abimanyu (1948)
Rajakumaari (1947)
Politics[edit]
Entry into politics[edit]
Karunanidhi entered politics at the age of 14, inspired by a speech by Alagiriswamii of the Justice
Party, and participated in Anti-Hindi agitations. He founded an organisation for the local youth of his
locality. He circulated a handwritten newspaper called Manavar Nesan to its members. Later he
founded a student organisation called Tamil Nadu Tamil Manavar Mandram, which was the first
student wing of the Dravidan Movement. Karunanidhi involved himself and the student community in
social work with other members. Here he started a newspaper for its members, which grew
into Murasoli, the DMK party's official newspaper.
The first major protest that aided Karunanidhi in gaining ground in Tamil politics was his involvement
in the Kallakudi agitation in Kallakudi. Original name of this industrial town was Kallakudi and it was
changed to Dalmiapuram after a cement mogul who built a cement plant there. DMK wanted to
change the name back to Kallakudi. In the protest Karunanidhi and his companions erased the name
Dalmiapuram from the railway station and lay down on the tracks blocking the course of trains. Two
people died in the protest and Karunanidhi was arrested. [22]
Rise to power[edit]
Karunanidhi was first elected to the Tamil Nadu assembly in 1957 from the Kulithalai assembly
of Thiruchirapalli district. He became the DMK treasurer in 1961 and deputy leader of opposition in
the state assembly in the year 1962 and when the DMK came to power in 1967, he became the
minister for public works. When Annadurai expired in 1969, Karunanidhi became the Chief Minister
of Tamil Nadu and the first leader of DMK, since the leader post was left vacant for Periyar when
Annadurai was alive (Annadurai was the general secretary only). He has held various positions in
the party and government during his long career in Tamil Nadu political arena. However, he suffered
multiple electoral defeats against his primary opponent M.G.Ramachandran's ADMK until the latter's
death in 1987.
After a brief stint as Chief Minister during the late 1980s (his government was dismissed by the
Central government on accusations of degrading Law and Order situation in the state), Karunanidhi
became the CM of Tamil Nadu in 1996 following a sweeping electoral win in the preceding elections.
Following a 5-year rule, his party again lost at the elections to J. Jayalalithaa's AIADMK in 2001. He
was however back in power when he took over as chief Minister of Tamil Nadu on 13 May 2006 after
his coalition defeated his main opponent J. Jayalalithaa in the May 2006 elections.[23] He
currently represents the constituency of Tiruvarur in the Tamil Nadu state Legislative Assembly. He
has been elected to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly 12 times and once to the now abolished
Tamil Nadu Legislative Council. At the end of the 5-year administration, the DMK lost the majority of
seats in the legislative assembly of Tamil Nadu when elections were held in 2011, thereby ceding
power again to the AIADMK under J. Jayalalithaa.
Controversies[edit]
He has been indicted by the Sarkaria commission for corruption in allotting tenders for
the Veeranam project.[30] Indira Gandhi dismissed the Karunanidhi government based on charges of
possible secession and corruption. His Government was the first state Government in India to be
dismissed on charges of corruption. In 2001 Karunanidhi, former chief secretary, K.A. Nambiar, and
a host of others were arrested on charges of corruption in the construction of flyovers in Chennai.
[31]
He and his party members were also charged under Sections 120(b) (criminal conspiracy), 167
(public servant framing an incorrect document with intent to cause injury), 420 (cheating) and 409
(criminal breach of trust) of the IPC, and Section 13 (2) read with 13 (1)(d) of the Prevention of
Corruption Act, but no prima facie evidence was found against him and his son M K Stalin. [32][citation needed]
stating that "Prabhakaran is my good friend" and also said, "India could not forgive the LTTE for
assassinating Rajiv Gandhi".[40][41]
Yea
r
Constituenc
y
Opposition
Candidate
Opposition
Party
Result
1957
Kulithalai
Won
K. A.
Dharmalingam
INC
1962
Thanjavur
Won
A. Y. S. Parisutha
Nadar
INC
1967
Saidapet
Won
S. G.
Vinayagamurthy
INC
Oppositio
n vote
percentag
e
Yea
r
Constituenc
y
Result
1971
Saidapet
Won
1977
Anna Nagar
Won
1980
Anna Nagar
1989
Vote
percentag
e
Opposition
Candidate
Opposition
Party
Oppositio
n vote
percentag
e
N. Kamalingam
INC
50.1
G. Krishnamurthy
ADMK
30.98[44]
Won
48.97
H.V.Hande
ADMK
48.31[44]
Harbour
Won
59.76
K.A.Wahab
Muslim
League
13.84[45]
1991
Harbour
Won
48.66
K. Suppu
ADMK
47.26[45]
1996
Chepauk
Won
77.05
INC
17.24[46]
2001
Chepauk
Won
51.91
R. Damodharan
INC
43.5[46]
2006
Chepauk
Won
50.96
Independent
38.25[46]
2011
Thiruvarur
Won
62.9
M. Rajendran
ADMK
33.93[47]
2016
Thiruvarur
Won
R. Pannerselvam
ADMK
Posts in legislature[edit]
Assembly
Third Assembly
From
1962
To
1967
Position
Party - Number of
seats
/Seats contested
50/143[48]
Fourth Assembly
1967
1969
138/233[49]
Fourth Assembly
10 February
1969
5 January 1971
136/233[51]
Fifth Assembly
15 March 1971
31 January
1976
182/203[52]
Sixth Assembly
25 July 1977
17 February
1980
48/230[53]
Seventh Assembly
27 June 1980
18 August
1983
37/112[54]
Ninth Assembly
27 January
1989
30 January
1991
150/202[55]
Eleventh
Assembly
13 May 1996
14 May 2001
173/182[56]
Thirteenth
Assembly
13 May 2006
14 May 2011
96/132[57]
Fourteenth
Assembly
16 May 2011
Present
MLA
23/124
See also[edit]
Karunanidhi family
Notes[edit]
1.
2.
^ Jump up to:a b "With Them / Against Them: The DMK's bitter battles
with the state BJP continue, so how long can they hang on at the
Centre?". Outlook India. Retrieved 22 November2013.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Jump up^ "Karunanidhi wife pulls out stake in Sun TV". Indian
Express. 8 November 2005. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
7.
8.
9.
10. Jump up^ "At 92, age no bar for Karunanidhi's passion for
screenwriting". Zee News. 7 June 2015. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
11. Jump up^ "Thirukuvalai Population - Nagapattinam, Tamil
Nadu". 2011 Census of India.
12. Jump up^ Menon, Jeya (20 April 2005). "Karunanidhi's been nice, but
his village not blind to Amma option". The Indian Express.
Thirukuvalai. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
13. Jump up^ "In South India, more the merrier". The Times of India. 2
May 2006. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
14. Jump up^ N., Sathiya Moorthy (2 November 2008). "Rama, Ravana
battle again in TN". Madras: Rediff. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
15. Jump up^ "Karunanidhi Donates his House to Establish Free Hospital
for Poor". Asian Tribune. 3 June 2010. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
16. Jump up^ "The Wives & Wherefores". The Outlook. New Delhi. 8
June 2009. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
17. Jump up^ http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/antihindu-rhetoricnothing-new-for-atheist-dmk-chief/219610/
18. Jump up^ "The Last Lear The Long Profile of Karunanidhi in The
Caravan". The Caravan India. Archived from the original on 26 March
2012. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
34. Jump up^ Which engineering college did Rama study, asks Karuna,
New India Press Archived9 November 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
18 September 2007
35. Jump up^ "Karuna earns BJP's wrath for comments on Lord Ram".
Rediff. 17 September 2007. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
36. ^ Jump up to:a b "DMK chief rubbishes Ram again". The Pioneer. 20
September 2007. Archived from the original on 17 August 2007.
37. Jump up^ As per Valmiki, Rama was a drunkard: Karunanidhi[permanent dead
link]
AndhraNews.net
38. Jump up^ "India Today Cover Story Jain Commission Revelations:
Damning the DMK]". India Today. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
39. Jump up^ "No adverse comments on DMK leaders in Jain
report". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 14 February 2004. Retrieved 22
November 2013.
40. Jump up^ "Karunanidhi flip flops, says can't forgive LTTE". CNN-IBN.
Retrieved 22 November2013.
41. Jump up^ TamilNet (21 April 2012). "Karunanidhi: "Tamil Eelam Still
Around the Corner"". Tamilnet.tv. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
42. Jump up^ "Politics: Special Series; M K Stalin". India Today. 1
November 1999. Retrieved 22 November 2013.
43. Jump up^ "Enough proof to nail Karuna's wife, Kanimozhi in 2G
scam: ED tells JPC". Times of India. 4 July 2012. Retrieved 4
July 2012.
44. ^ Jump up to:a b "Party wise comparison since 1977 in Anna Nagar
constituency". Election Commission of India. Retrieved 10
November 2013.
45. ^ Jump up to:a b "Party wise comparison since 1977 in Harbour
constituency". Election Commission of India. Retrieved 10
November 2013.
46. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Party wise comparison since 1977 in Chepauk
constituency". Election Commission of India. Retrieved 10
November 2013.
47. Jump up^ Statistical report on Tamil Nadu Assembly elections 2011,
p. 191
48. Jump up^ Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review
1962-70 1967, pp. 6-7
49. Jump up^ Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review
1967-70 1971, p. 7
References[edit]
"Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review 196267" (PDF). Fort St. George, Madras: Legislative Assembly
Department. June 1967.
"Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review 196770" (PDF). Fort St. George, Madras: Legislative Assembly
Department. June 1971.
"Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review 197176" (PDF). Fort St. George, Madras: Legislative Assembly
Department. June 1976.
"Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly Quadrennial Review 197780" (PDF). Fort St. George, Madras: Legislative Assembly
Department. 1980.
External links[edit]
Political offices
Vacant
Preceded by
C. N. Annadurai
President's Rule
Title next held by
M. G. Ramachandran
Vacant
President's Rule
Title last held by
Vacant
Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
Second Tenure
19891990
Janaki Ramachandran
Preceded by
J. Jayalalithaa
President's Rule
Title next held by
J. Jayalalithaa
Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
Third Tenure
19962001
Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
Fourth Tenure
20062011
[show]
Succeeded by
J. Jayalalithaa
Categories:
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Tamil screenwriters
Karunanidhi family
Tirukkural commentators
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Jayalalithaa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In this Indian name, the name Jayaram is a patronymic, not a family name, and the person should
be referred to by the given name, Jayalalithaa.
J Jayalalithaa
Jayalalithaa in 2014
In office
23 May 2015 5 December 2016
Preceded by
O. Panneerselvam
Succeeded by
O. Panneerselvam
Constituency
In office
16 May 2011 27 September 2014
Preceded by
Karunanidhi
Succeeded by
O. Panneerselvam
Constituency
Srirangam
In office
2 March 2002 12 May 2006
Preceded by
O. Panneerselvam
Succeeded by
Karunanidhi
Constituency
Andipatti
In office
14 May 2001 21 September 2001
Preceded by
Karunanidhi
Succeeded by
O. Panneerselvam
Constituency
In office
24 June 1991 12 May 1996
Preceded by
President's rule
Succeeded by
Karunanidhi
Constituency
Bargur
Personal details
Born
Komalavalli
24 February 1948
Mandya, Mysore State (now Karnataka), India
Died
Political party
Profession
Actress, politician
Religion
Hinduism
Jayalalithaa Jayaram[a] (24 February 1948 5 December 2016) was an Indian actress and politician
who served five terms as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, for over fourteen years between 1991
and 2016. From 1989 she was the general secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (AIADMK), a Dravidian party whose cadre revered her as their Amma (mother), Puratchi
Thalaivi (revolutionary leader) and Thanga Tharagai (golden maiden). Critics in the media and the
opposition accused her of fostering a personality cult, and of demanding absolute loyalty from
AIADMK legislators and ministers who often publicly prostrated themselves before her.[3]
Jayalalithaa first came into prominence as a leading film actor in the mid-1960s. Though she had
entered the profession reluctantly, upon the urging of her mother to support the family, Jayalalithaa
worked prolifically. She appeared in 140 films between 1961 and 1980, primarily in
the Tamil, Telugu and Kannada languages. Jayalalithaa received praise for her versatility as an actor
and for her dancing skills, earning the sobriquet "queen of Tamil cinema".[4] Among her frequent costars was M. G. Ramachandran, or MGR, a Tamil cultural icon who leveraged his immense
popularity with the masses into a successful political career. In 1982, when MGR was chief minister,
Jayalalithaa joined the AIADMK, the party he founded. Her political rise was rapid; within a few years
she became AIADMK propaganda secretary and was elected to the Rajya Sabha, the upper
house of India's Parliament. After MGR's death in 1987, Jayalalithaa proclaimed herself his political
heir and, having fought off the faction headed by Janaki Ramachandran, MGR's widow, emerged as
the sole leader of the AIADMK. Following the 1989 election, she became Leader of the Opposition to
the DMK-led government headed by Karunanidhi, her bte noire.
In 1991 Jayalalithaa became chief minister, Tamil Nadu's youngest, for the first time. She earned a
reputation for a punishing work ethic and for centralising state power among a coterie of
bureaucrats; her council of ministers, whom she often shuffled around, were largely ceremonial in
nature. The successful cradle-baby scheme, which enabled mothers to anonymously offer their
newborns for adoption, emerged during this time. Despite an official salary of only a rupee a month,
Jayalalithaa indulged in public displays of wealth, culminating in a lavish wedding for her foster son
in 1995. In the 1996 election, the AIADMK was nearly wiped out at the hustings; Jayalalithaa herself
lost her seat. The new Karunanidhi government filed several corruption cases against her, and she
had to spend time in jail. Her fortunes revived in the 1998 general election, as the AIADMK became
a key component of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's 199899 government; her withdrawal of
support toppled it and triggered another general election just a year later.
The AIADMK returned to power in 2001, although Jayalalithaa was personally disbarred from
contesting due to the corruption cases. Within a few months of her taking oath as chief minister, in
September 2001, she was disqualified from holding office, and forced to cede the chair to loyalist O.
Panneerselvam. Upon her acquittal six months later, Jayalalithaa returned as chief minister to
complete her term. Noted for its ruthlessness to political opponents, many of whom were arrested in
midnight raids, her government grew unpopular. Another period (200611) in the opposition followed,
before Jayalalithaa was sworn in as chief minister for the fourth time after the AIADMK swept
the 2011 assembly election. Her government received attention for its extensive social-welfare
agenda, which included several subsidised "Amma"-branded goods such as canteens, bottled water
and salt. Three years into her tenure, she was convicted in a disproportionate-assets case,
rendering her disqualified to hold office. She returned as chief minister after being acquitted in May
2015. In the 2016 assembly election, she became the first Tamil Nadu chief minister since MGR in
1984 to be voted back into office. That September, she fell severely ill and, following 75 days of
hospitalization, died on 5 December 2016 due to cardiac arrest.
Contents
[hide]
2Film career
2.1Early career
2.2Later career
3Political career
o
5Legislative career
o
5.1Elections contested
7Notes
8References
9Further reading
10External links
to help support the family in 1950. Her younger sister Ambujavalli had moved to Madras, working as
an air hostess. She also started acting in drama and films using the screen name Vidyavathy. On the
insistence of Ambujavalli, Jayalalithaa's mother Vedavalli also relocated to Madras and stayed with
her sister from 1952. Vedavalli worked in a commercial firm in Madras and began dabbling in acting
from 1953 under the screen name Sandhya. Jayalalitha remained under the care of her mother's
sister Padmavalli and maternal grandparents from 1950 to 1958 in Mysore. [3][9] While still in
Bangalore, Jayalalithaa attended Bishop Cotton Girls' School.[11] In later interviews, Jayalalithaa
spoke emotionally about how she missed her mother growing up in a different city. She had the
opportunity to visit her mother during summer holidays. [9]
After her aunt Padmavalli's marriage in 1958, Jayalalitha moved to Madras and began to live with
her mother. She completed her education at Sacred Heart Matriculation School (popularly known as
Church Park Presentation Convent or Presentation Church Park Convent). [9][12] She excelled at school
and was offered a government scholarship to pursue further education.[11] She won Gold State Award
for coming first in 10th standard in the state of Tamil Nadu. She appears not to have accepted the
admission offer from Stella Maris College.[3] She was fluent in several languages, including Tamil,
Telugu, Kannada, Hindi, Malayalam and English.[13]
Her brother Jayakumar, his wife Vijayalakshmi and their daughter Deepa lived in T.Nagar Chennai.
Her brother died in 1995 in an accident.[14]
Film career[edit]
See also: Jayalalitha filmography
Early career[edit]
In Chennai, Jayalalitha was trained in Carnatic music, western classical piano[15] and various forms of
classical dance, including Bharatanatyam, Kuchipudi, Mohiniyattam, Manipuri Kathak.[16] She learnt
Bharatnatyam and dance forms under K.J.Sarasa.She had also learnt Kuchipudi under Padma
Bhushan Guru Dr. Vempati Chinna Satyam. She became an accomplished dancer and gave her
debut dance performance at the Rasika Ranjani Sabha in Mylapore in May 1960. [17] The Chief Guest
at the Arangetram was Shivaji Ganesan , who expressed wish that Jayalalitha becomes a film star in
future.[18]
While a child, Jayalalithaa acted in the Kannada-language film Sri Shaila Mahathme (1961), which
had Rajkumar and Krishna Kumari in lead roles.[19] She had been taken to the studio by her mother
as she was shooting in the same premises for a different film. While Jayalalithaa was watching the
shooting, a problem arose as the child actor playing the Goddess Parvathy in a school drama scene
in the film failed to show up and the producer Neerlahalli Thalikerappa and director Aroor Pattabhi
asked Sandhya if Jayalalitha could be asked to act in the dance sequence. Sandhya agreed and
Jayalalitha was swiftly dressed up as Parvathy and the scene was shot. [20]
She played Krishna in a three-minute dance sequence held on stage in the Hindi
film Manmauji (1962) and danced with Kumari Naaz who played Radha. Y. G. Parthasarathy ran the
drama troupe United Amateur Artistes (UAA), which staged English and Tamil plays. Soon
Jayalalitha while a schoolgirl began acting in some plays of Parthasarathy along with her mother and
aunt. She acted in small roles in plays such as Tea House of the August
Moon and Undersecretary between 1960 and 1964. Shankar Giri, the son of the former Indian
President V. V. Giri, saw her small role in the English play Tea Houses of August Moon and was
impressed. Shankar Giri approached her mother Sandhya and told he wanted to cast her daughter
in an English film called The Epistle. Sandhya reluctantly agreed with the condition that shooting
should be held only during weekends or school holidays. [17]
Sandhya had acted in the 1964 Tamil film Karnan, produced and directed by Kannada film-maker B.
R. Panthulu. Jayalalithaa accompanied her mother to a party related to the film and was spotted by
Panthulu, who then decided to cast her opposite Kalyankumar in the Kannada movie Chinnada
Gombe. He promised to finish all shooting within two months in order not to interfere with her
education. Since Jayalalitha would be studying for her PUC in two months' time, Sandhya had
declined the offer initially.[21] Sandhya agreed when that promise was made and Jayalalithaa started
acting and she was paid 3,000 (equivalent to 110,000 or US$1,700 in 2016). Panthulu kept his
promise and completed shooting in six weeks. Jayalalithaa had forgotten all about films after acting
in her Kannada debut film and had got ready to attend classes at Stella Maris as she had an
ambition to be a lawyer. But the Kannada debut film became a blockbuster in 1964 and she became
a well-known face. Meanwhile, Jayalalithaa continued acting in Parthasarathy's plays. She played
the leading role in plays such as Malathi, The Whole Truth, and the dance drama Kaveri Thanda
Kalaiselvi between 1960 and 1966. She made her debut as the lead actress in Kannada films while
still in school, age 15, in Chinnada Gombe (1964).[21] She also appeared in a dance sequence of a
song named "Malligeya Hoovinantha" in the movie Amarashilpi Jakannachari (1964).[3]
She made her debut in Tamil theatre in April 1964, when she played a sales girl in the drama
named Undersecretary. Parthasarthy and Sandhya were the lead characters, while Jayalalitha and
Cho Ramaswamy were paired together and A. R. Srinivasan was also involved. The play was based
on the lives of middle aged couple and Jayalaitha played character of sales girl in the drama. Her
performance caused Parthasarthy to make her lead heroine in a drama named Malathy. Meanwhile,
the films she had shot during her vacation in AprilMay 1964 Chinnada Gombe and Manushulu
Mamathalu became blockbusters. By end of 1965 she had become popular among film producers
and directors.[21] She was approached by C. V. Sridhar for her Tamil film debut as well. Between 1964
and 1966 she did around 35 shows of drama named Malathy and later discontinued as she became
very busy in films.[17] It was during the year 1964, financial debts had increased of Sandhaya and she
suggested her daughter to make use of the increasing film offers coming her way.[22]
Jayalalithaa's debut in Tamil cinema was the leading role in Vennira Aadai (1965), directed by C. V.
Sridhar. She made her debut in Telugu films as lead actress in Manushulu Mamathalu opposite
Akkineni Nageshwara Rao. Her last Telugu release was also opposite Akkineni Nageswara Rao in
the film Nayakudu Vinayakudu, which was released in 1980.[23] She was the first heroine to appear
in skirts in Tamil films.[24] She acted in one Hindi film called Izzat, with Dharmendra as her male costar
in 1968.[25] She starred in 28 box-office hit films with M.G. Ramachandran between 1965 and 1973.
[26]
The first with MGR was B.R. Panthalu's Aayirathil Oruvan in 1965 and their last film together
was Pattikaattu Ponnaiya in 1973.[27]
Jayalalitha donated gold jewelleries she had to the then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri during
the 1965 Indo-Pak war.[28]
She had 11 successful releases in Tamil in 1966. In the opening credits of Arasa Katalai, for the first
time her name was affixed with the phrase Kavarchi Kanni.[29] In 1967 she bought her bungalow,
Veda Nilayam, in Poes Gardens for 1.32 lakh (equivalent to 49 lakh or US$73,000 in 2016).
[30]
Sandow M. M. A. Chinnappa Thevar was on the lookout for a regular heroine for his production
after he had fight with the actress Savithri after the release of Vetaikkaran, and he signed Jayalalitha
on in 1965. She became a regular heroine for production house Devar films from 1966. [31]
Jaishankar was romantically paired with Jayalalithaa in eight Tamil films including Muthuchippi, Yaar
Nee?, Nee (film), Vairam, Vandhale Magarasi, Bommalattam (1968 film)(1968), Raja Veetu
Pillai and Avalukku Aayiram Kangal whereas the films Thanga Gopuram and Gowri Kalyanam had
him play elder brother to her. Jayalalitha acted in twelve films as heroine opposite N. T. Rama Rao,
in Telugu Gopaludu Bhoopaludu (1967), Chikkadu Dorakadu (1967), Tikka
Shankaraiah (1968), Niluvu Dopidi (1968), Baghdad Gaja Donga (1968), Kathanayakudu (1969
film) (1969), Kadaladu Vadaladu (1969), Gandikota Rahasyam (1969), Ali Baba 40
Dongalu (1970), Shri Krishna Vijayam (1970), Shri Krishna Satya (1971), Devudu Chesina
Manushulu (1973). Jayalalitha had 7 films with Akkineni Nageswara Rao in Telugu Manashulu
Mamatalu (1965), Aastiparulu (1966), Brahmachari (1968), Aadarsa
Kutumbam (1969), Adrushtavanthalu (1969), Bharya Biddalu (1971), Nayakudu Vinayakudu (1980).
She also made guest appearance in Telugu film Navarthi (1966). Her films in Telugu included two
films with Krishna and one each with Sobhan Babu, Jaggaiah, Ramakrishna and Haranath. [32] She
has been given on-screen credit as Kalai Selvi in most of her Tamil films since 1967. [21]
Later career[edit]
List of Best Actress awards for J.Jayalalithaa
Wins
Award
5[33]
8[34]
5[35]
1[34]
1[34]
7[36]
the lead male hero but the story and the title was built around the character played by Jayalalithaa.
Similarly, Engerindo Vandhaal, Sumathi En Sundari, and Anbai Thedi had Sivaji Ganeshan as the
male lead but the title and the story was built around her character. She did many female-centric
films where the story revolved on her character, such as Vennira Adai, Yaar Nee?, Kumari
Penn, Nee, Gowri Kalyanam, Magaraasi, Muthu Chippi, Thanga Gopuram, Avalukku Ayiram
Kangal, Annamitta Kai, Vandhaale Magaraasi, Suryagandhi, Thirumangalyam, Yarukkum Vetkam
Illai, and Kanavan Manaivi.
She received the title "Nadippuku Ilakkium Vahuthuvar" and also won Tamil Nadu Cinema Fan
Award for Best Actress for her 100th film in 1974.[44] Her last film in Tamil was Nadhiyai Thedi Vandha
Kadal (1980).[25] Her last film as the heroine was Nayakudu Vinayakudu in Telugu,[45] which became
the highest grosser of the year in Telugu.
Her successful Kannada films include Badukuva Daari (1966), Mavana Magalu (1965), Nanna
Kartavya (1965), Chinnada Gombe (1964) and Mane Aliya (1964). Jayalalithaa holds the record for
having been the Tamil actress with maximum silver jubilee hits in her career 85 hits of 92 Tamil
films as main female lead heroine and in addition she also has all 28 films in Telugu as silver jubilee
hits.[22] She was the highest paid Indian actress from 19651980. She made guest appearances in
nine films and six of her films were dubbed into Hindi. She had 119 box office hits between 1961 and
1980, of the total 125 films she did as the main female lead. She made a brief appearance in
1992's Neenga Nalla Irukkanum.[46]
Jayalalithaa won the Tamil Nadu State Film Award for Best Actress for Thanga Gopuram in 1971,
Raman Thediya Seethai in 1972, Suryagandhi in 1973, Thirumangalyam in 1974, Yarukkum Vetkam
Illai in 1975.[47] She acted in mythological films like Kandan Karunai, Aadhi Parashakti, Shri Krishna
Satya, Shri Krishna Vijayam, Shri Rama Katha, Shri Krishna Leelai, Shakti Leelai, Ganga
Gowri, Annai Velankanni, and Jesus. Her period dramas include Ayirathil Oruvan, Neerum
Neruppum, Mani Magudam, Adimai Penn, Ali Baba 40 Dongalu, Arasa Katalai, and Baghdad
Perazhagi. She acquired the reputation of being a multi-faceted actor equally comfortable in fantasy
and mythological genres as well as in modern social dramas [48] and hence in 1969, in Tamil
Conference, she was given the tag of Kaveri Thandha Kalai Selvi.[49] She and Saroja Devi have been
cited as the first female superstars of Tamil Cinema. She did double roles in eight films. [50] Her
performance in Pattikada Pattanama, Suryagandhi were critically acclaimed and won her
consecutive Filmfare Award for Best Actress in 1972 and 1973 respectively.
From 1968-73, Jaya at peak of career took interviews and wrote columns in the magazines
like Bommai. She wrote a column-Ennanga Selar in magazine Tughlaq in the 1970s. She also wrote
short story "Oravin Kaidhigal" for the magazine Kalki, Manadhdai Thotaa Malargal
for Thaai magazine in the early 1980s etc.[51] She wrote about her own life in a serialised memoir in
the Tamil weekly magazine Kumudam.[52]
In 1980, she decided to voluntarily decline any new film offers. The journalist Brian Laul wrote an
article specifying Jayalalitha was trying for a comeback but was not being offered any roles.
Jayalalitha chose to respond to him by writing a letter, in which she mentioned that she was not
struggling to make any comeback and that she turned down the offer from producer Balaji to star
opposite in Billa opposite Rajnikanth. She added she wanted to pursue other interests and was not
interested in pursuing her film career any further.[53]
Political career[edit]
Early political career[edit]
Jayalalithaa claims that MGR, who had been chief minister for the state since 1977, was
instrumental in introducing her to politics.[3][54] In 1982, she joined the AIADMK, which was founded by
MGR.[55] Her maiden public speech, "Pennin Perumai" ("The Greatness of a Woman"), was delivered
at the AIADMK's political conference in the same year.[56]Her seat number in Rajya Sabha was
185,which was same as that of C.N.Annadurai had while he was in Rajya Sabha. [57]Even the then
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the Rajya Sabha member Khushwant Singh came to witness her
speech which was widely acclaimed for its clarity of diction and elegant prose. [58] In 1983, she
became propaganda secretary for the party and was selected as its candidate in the by-election for
the Tiruchendur Assembly constituency.[55]
MGR wanted her to be a member of the Rajya Sabha because of her fluency in English. [59] Indira
Gandhi lauded Jayalalitha for the various speeches she made on issues including the one on
internal security in Rajya Sabha.[60] Jayalalithaa was made nominated and elected to that body in
1984 and retained her seat until 1989.[61] Her success in her role as propaganda secretary caused
resentment among high-ranking members of the party. By engineering a rift between her and MGR,
these members influenced MGR to stop her writing about her personal life in a Tamil magazine.
Despite these machinations, she remained admired by the rank and file of the party.[3]
In 1984, when MGR was incapacitated due to a stroke, Jayalalithaa was said to have attempted to
take over the position of chief minister or the party on the pretext that his health would prevent him
from the proper execution of his duties.[62] She successfully led the campaign in the 1984 general
elections, in which the ADMK allied with the Congress. [61] Following his death in 1987, the AIADMK
split into two factions: one supported his widow, Janaki Ramachandran, and the other favoured
Jayalalithaa. Janaki was selected as the Chief Minister on 7 January 1988 with the support of 96
members; due in part to irregularities by speaker P.H. Pandian, who dismissed six members to ease
her victory, she won a motion of confidence in the house. However, Rajiv Gandhi used Article 356 of
the Constitution of India to dismiss the Janaki-led government and impose president's rule on the
state.[3][63][64]
Jayalalithaa contested the subsequent 1989 elections on the basis of being MGR's political heir.[65][66]
2011.[80] Her party had 26 elected members to the assembly. Her government was the first to
introduce police stations operated solely by women. She introduced 30% quota for women in all
police jobs and established as many as 57 all-women police stations. There were other all-women
establishments like libraries, stores, banks and co-operative elections. [81] She began to be referred
as Thanga Gopuram, Thanga Chillai and Thanga Tharagai (Golden Maiden) by her followers.[82]
In April 2011, the AIADMK was part of a 13-party alliance that won the 14th state assembly elections.
Jayalalithaa was sworn in as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu for the third time on 16 May 2011,
having been elected unanimously as the leader of the AIADMK party subsequent to those elections.
[98]
On 19 December 2011, Jayalalithaa expelled her long-time close aide Sasikala Natarajan and 13
others from the AIADMK after she became aware that Sasikala and her family were working against
her.[99] Most of the party members welcomed her decision,[100] and on 2 February
2012, Tehelka magazine claimed that Natarajan and some of her relatives were conspiring to kill her
by poisoning her food over a period of time.[101] The matter was resolved by 31 March when Sasikala
Natarajan was reinstated as a party member after issuing a written apology.[102]Sasikala in her written
apology mentioned that she had no ambitions either in the party or in the government and wanted to
serve Jayalalitha and added that she became aware of misdeeds done by her family members when
Jayalalitha was in power.Only after Sasikala promised to be not in touch with her family members,
Jayalalitha allowed Sasikala back in her house and party.[103]
by-election held on 27 June 2015. In a landslide victory, she polled more than 88 per cent votes of
the 74.4 per cent turnout, winning by a margin of over 150,000 votes. [109]
Jayalalithaa's memorial.
On 22 September 2016, Jayalalithaa was admitted to Apollo Hospitals in Chennai, as she suffered
from infection and acute dehydration. Her official duties were handed over to her aide O.
Panneerselvam on 12 October 2016.[113] She was also said to be suffering from severe pulmonary
infection and septicaemia, which were cured. On 4 December 2016, she was re-admitted to the
critical care unit after suffering a cardiac arrest around 16:45.[114] The hospital released a press
statement stating that her condition was "very critical" and that she was on life support. [115] On 5
December 2016, the hospital officially announced her death 23:30 IST.[116][117]
Government of India declared a one-day national mourning with the national flag in all government
buildings flying at half-mast. While a seven-day mourning from 612 December 2016 was observed
by Government of Tamil Nadu,[118] also three day state mourning from 68 December 2016 were
observed by Government of Kerala,[119] and Government of Puducherry.[120] One day state mourning
on 6 December 2016 was observed by Government of Karnataka,[121] Government of Punjab,
[122]
Government of Uttarakhand and Government of Bihar.[123] Her body was kept in state at her
residence in Poes Garden and Rajaji Hall. Her last rites were performed on the evening of 6
December 2016 and she was interred in the northern end of the Marina Beach in Chennai in
sandalwood casket, near the grave of her mentor M. G. Ramachandran.[124] Various film celebrities
including Rajinikanth, Vijay, Dhamu, Nayanthara, Prabhu, Suriya, Sivakarthikeyan, Silambarasan, Vij
ay Sethupathi, Dhanush, Sarathkumar, Radha
Ravi, Vyjanthimala, Vadivelu, Ilaiyaraaja, Sachu, Sivakumar, Saroja
Devi, Thanu, Karthi, Ponvannan, Nassar, Vishal, Vivek, Kushboo, Sundar C, Vijayakumar, Arun
Vijay, Revathi, Simran[125] as well as several politicians,[126] including President Pranab Mukherjee,
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, C. Vidyasagar Rao, M. K. Stalin, Vaiko, Vijaykanth, Rahul
Gandhi, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Venkaiah Naidu and Pon Radhakrishnan and more paid homage to her
at Rajaji Hall.[127] The final rites were performed by Sasikala and her nephew Deepak Jayakumar.[128]
Legislative career[edit]
Elections contested[edit]
Ye
ar
Constituency
Resul
t
Vote
percen
tage
Oppositio
n
Candidat
e
Opposi
tion
Party
Opposi
tion
vote
percent
age
1989
Bodinayakkanur
Won
54.51
Muthumano
karan
DMK
27.27[129]
1991
Bargur
Won
69.3
T. Rajendar
TMK
29.34[84]
1991
Kangayam
Won
63.4
N. S.
Rajkumar
Mandradiar
DMK
32.85[130]
1996
Bargur
Lost
43.54
E. G.
Sugavanam
DMK
50.71[84]
2001
Nominat
Andipatti, Krishnagiri, Bhuvanagir
ion
i, Pudukkottai
rejected[1
31]
2002
Andipatti
Won
58.22
Vaigai Sekar
DMK
27.64[96]
2006
Andipatti
Won
55.04
Seeman
DMK
36.29[132]
2011
Srirangam
Won
58.99
N Anand
DMK
35.55[133][134]
2015
R.K. Nagar
Won
88.43
C
Mahendran
CPI
5.35[135]
2016
R.K. Nagar
Won
55.87
Shimla
Muthuchozh
an
DMK
33.14[136]
Notes[edit]
1.
1.
2.
Jump up^ Tusha Mittal. "Chasing The Poll Stars". Tehelka.. May
2009.
3.
4.
5.
Jump up^ "Why J Jayalalithaa was buried and not cremated". The
Economic Times. 7 December 2016.
6.
Jump up^ Yogesh Pawar (19 May 2014). "J Jayalalithaa's victory in
Tamil Nadu finds resonance in Mumbai". Daily News & Analysis.
Retrieved 5 December 2016.
7.
8.
Jump up^ "In school her name was Komalavalli". Daily News and
Analysis. 7 May 2006. Retrieved 11 December 2016.
9.
^ Jump up to:a b c d Chandrakanth, W (6 December 2016). "A neversay-die leader". The Hans India. Retrieved 11 December 2016.
References[edit]
29. Jump up^ "Arasa Kattalai (1967)". 24 April 2016 via The Hindu.
30. Jump up^ "Jaya assets worth Rs 113.73 cr, Rs 3.40 cr less than in
2015". Times Now.
31. Jump up^ Samiksha Panda. "The End of an Inspiration : Jayalalithaa
Jayaraman ScrollToday Breaking News, Technology, Business,
Politics and Sports". ScrollToday. Retrieved 6 December 2016.
32. Jump up^ "Jayalalithaa's tryst with Telugu films". The Hindu.
Retrieved 6 December 2016.
33. Jump up^ "The life and times of Tamil Nadu's six-time woman Chief
Minister". The New Indian Express. Retrieved 6 December 2016.
34. ^ Jump up to:a b c The Times of India directory and year book including
who's who, p 234
35. Jump up^ "J Jayalalithaa: The Superstar Deccan Chronicle |
DailyHunt". M.dailyhunt.in. 24 February 1948. Retrieved 6
December 2016.
36. Jump up^ Collections, p 394
37. Jump up^ Ramaswamy 2007, p. 101
38. Jump up^ "A life in song". The Hindu. Retrieved 8 December 2016.
39. Jump up^ TOI 1984, p. 305
40. Jump up^ R.L, Hardgrave (1979). Essays in the political sociology of
South India. Usha. p. 120. Retrieved 9 December 2016.
41. Jump up^ "Jesus: 1973". The Hindu. 29 March 2015. ISSN 0971751X. Retrieved 22 February2016.
42. Jump up^ "Director Vincent passes away". Business Standard.
Retrieved 1 February 2016.
43. Jump up^ "Box office report of 1968". Box Office India. Retrieved 10
November 2013.[dead link]
44. Jump up^ "Remembering Jayalalithaa: From film star to Tamil Nadu
CM". Khaleej Times. Retrieved 6 December 2016.
45. Jump up^ http://www.ibtimes.co.in/revisiting-top-10-movies-jjayalalithaa-706973
46. Jump up^ "Jayalalithaa's brief appearance in Neenga nalla
irukanum". India Today. Retrieved 1 February 2016.
47. Jump up^ "J Jayalalithaa: The Superstar". Deccanchronicle.com.
Retrieved 6 December 2016.
64. ^ Jump up to:a b c d "List of Chief Ministers in Tamil Nadu". Tamil Nadu
Legislative Assembly. Retrieved 10 November 2013.[dead link]
65. Jump up^ "I'm the political heir of MGR: Jayalalitha". Zee News. 13
March 2010. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
66. Jump up^ "I'm MGR's true heir: Jayalalithaa". Chennai, India: The
Hindu. 15 February 2002. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
67. Jump up^ "Ex-Express photographer recounts how his iconic
photograph helped Jayalalithaa become a giant slayer".
68. Jump up^ "The Revenge Of Draupadi". Outlook. Retrieved 7
February 2016.
69. Jump up^ "When two titans clashed on the Tamil Nadu assembly
floor". Caravan. Retrieved 7 February 2016.
70. Jump up^ "Jayalalithaa's conviction opens up new political options in
Tamil Nadu". Times of India. Retrieved 7 February 2016.
71. Jump up^ "Vow to avenge insult". Tribune. Retrieved 7
February 2016.
72. Jump up^ "Pepper spray pales against past TN Assembly events".
The Hindu. Retrieved 7 February 2016.
73. Jump up^ Vinod K. Jose (24 April 2014). "When two titans clashed on
the Tamil Nadu assembly floor". Caravan.
74. Jump up^ Shashank Chouhan (23 November 2012). "A small,
shameful history of unparliamentary behaviour". Reuters.
75. Jump up^ Vaasanthi 2008, pp. 8688
76. Jump up^ "1989 ugly episode haunts the House". The Hindu.
Chennai. 26 March 2003. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
77. Jump up^ Jacob, Satish (1 July 2001). "Rival's revenge in Tamil
Nadu". BBC. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
78. Jump up^ Das 2005, p. 45
79. ^ Jump up to:a b Ramaswamy 2007, p. xxxiv
80. Jump up^ "TN: Cradle Baby Scheme In Districts With Low Sex
Ratio". Chennai: Outlook India. PTI. 24 July 2011. Retrieved 10
November 2013.
81. Jump up^ Vanitha 2007, p. 158
82. Jump up^ Anwesha Madhukalya Trends Editor, Huffington Post,
India. "10 Videos Of Jayalalithaa's Dance Performances That Explain
Further reading[edit]
Sir Stanley Reed, ed. (1983). The Times of India directory and year book
including who's who. Bennett Coleman. Times of India Press.
External links[edit]
Find more aboutJayalalithaaat Wikipedia's sister projects
Categories:
Jayalalithaa
1948 births
2016 deaths
Tamil Brahmins
Indian actor-politicians
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Narendra Modi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Narendra Modi
Incumbent
Assumed office
26 May 2014
President
Pranab Mukherjee
Preceded by
Manmohan Singh
In office
7 October 2001 22 May 2014
Governor
Preceded by
Keshubhai Patel
Succeeded by
Anandiben Patel
Kamlesh Patel
Succeeded by
Suresh Patel
Personal details
Born
Spouse(s)
Residence
Alma mater
University of Delhi
Gujarat University
Religion
Hinduism
Signature
Website
Official website
Government website
Narendra Modi
Public image
2002
2007
2012
Campaign
Swearing-in
Council of Ministers
Timeline
Mann Ki Baat
International trips
Premiership
hiding. The RSS assigned him to the BJP in 1985, and he held several positions within the party
hierarchy until 2001, rising to the rank of general secretary.
Modi was appointed chief minister of Gujarat in 2001, due to Keshubhai Patel's failing health and
poor public image following the earthquake in Bhuj. Modi was elected to the legislative assembly
soon after. His administration has been seen as complicit in the 2002 Gujarat riots,[1][2][3][4][5] or
otherwise criticized for its handling of it, although a court found no evidence to prosecute Modi. [6][7]His
policies as chief minister, credited with encouraging economic growth, have received praise, [8] and
several industrial projects were begun during his tenure. His administration has been criticised for
failing to significantly improve health, poverty, and education indices in the state. [4][5]
Modi led the BJP in the 2014 general election, which gave the party a majority in the Lok Sabha, the
first time a single party had achieved this since 1984. Modi himself was elected to parliament from
Varanasi. Since taking office, Modi's administration has encouraged foreign direct investment in the
Indian economy, increased spending on infrastructure, and reduced spending on health and social
welfare programs. Modi has encouraged efficiency in the bureaucracy, and centralized power
through the abolition of the planning commission. Modi has begun a high-profile sanitation
campaign, and loosened environmental and labor laws. A Hindu nationalist and member of
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Modi remains a controversial figure domestically and
internationally.[4][9][10][11][12][13][14]
Contents
[hide]
3.1Taking office
3.32002 election
3.4Second term
3.5Development projects
3.6Development debate
3.7Final years
5Prime Minister
o
5.1Economic policies
5.4Foreign policy
5.5Defence policy
5.6Environmental policies
6Personal life
7Image
8Books
9.1State honours
10References
o
10.1Notes
10.2Citations
10.3Sources
11Further reading
12External links
Modi with his mother, Hiraben, on his 63rd birthday on 17 September 2013.
At age eight, Modi discovered the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and began attending its
local shakhas (training sessions). There, Modi met Lakshmanrao Inamdar, popularly known as Vakil
Saheb, who inducted him as a balswayamsevak (junior cadet) for RSS and became his political
mentor.[26] While Modi was training with the RSS, he also met Vasant Gajendragadkar and Nathalal
Jaghda, Bharatiya Jana Sangh leaders who were founding members of the BJP's Gujarat unit in
1980.[27][28]
Engaged while still a child to a local girl, Jashodaben Narendrabhai Modi, Modi rejected the
arranged marriage at the same time he graduated from high school.[29] The resulting familial tensions
contributed to his decision to leave home in 1967. [30]
Modi spent the ensuing two years travelling across Northern and North-eastern India, though few
details of where he went have emerged.[31] In interviews, Modi has described visiting Hindu ashrams
founded by Swami Vivekananda: the Belur Math near Kolkata, followed by the Advaita
Ashrama in Almora and the Ramakrishna Mission in Rajkot. Modi remained only a short time at
each, since he lacked the required college education. [32][33][34] "Modi's life is said to have Vivekananda's
deep influence. People close to Modi have often been quoted, saying that Modi has molded many
aspects of his life as Vivekananda's."[35]
Reaching the Belur Math in the early summer of 1968 and being turned away, Modi wandered
through Calcutta, West Bengal and Assam, stopping by Siliguri and Guwahati. [36] Modi then went to
the Ramakrishna Ashram in Almora, where he was again rejected, before travelling back to Gujarat
via Delhi and Rajasthan in 196869.[37] Sometime in late 1969 or early 1970, Modi returned to
Vadnagar for a brief visit before leaving again for Ahmedabad.[38] There, Modi lived with his uncle,
working in the latter's canteen at the Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation.[39][40]
In Ahmedabad, Modi renewed his acquaintance with Inamdar, who was based at Hedgewar Bhavan
(RSS headquarters) in the city.[41][42][43] After the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, he stopped working for his
uncle and became a full-time pracharak (campaigner) for the RSS.[40] In 1978, Modi became an
RSS sambhag pracharak (regional organiser), and received a degree in Political Science after
a distance-education course from Delhi University.[44][45] Five years later, he received a Master of
Arts degree in political science from Gujarat University in 1982.[46][47]
He was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985.[27] In 1988, Modi was elected organising secretary
of the party's Gujarat unit, marking his entrance into electoral politics. [44][55]He rose within the party,
helping organise L. K. Advani's 1990 Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 and Murli Manohar Joshi's 1991
92 Ekta Yatra (Journey for Unity).[21][56] As party secretary, Modi's electoral strategy was considered
central to BJP victory in the 1995 state assembly elections.[27][57][58] In November of that year Modi was
elected BJP national secretary and transferred to New Delhi, where he assumed responsibility for
party activities in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.[57][59] The following year, Shankersinh Vaghela(one
of the most prominent BJP leaders in Gujarat) defected to the INC after losing his parliamentary seat
in the Lok Sabha elections.[21] Modi, on the selection committee for the 1998 Assembly elections in
Gujarat, favoured supporters of BJP leader Keshubhai Patel over those supporting Vaghela to end
factional division in the party. His strategy was credited as key to the BJP winning an overall majority
in the 1998 elections,[57][60] and Modi was promoted to BJP general secretary (organisation) in May of
that year.[61]
Modi and his cabinet ministers at a Planning Commission meeting in New Delhi, 2013.
In 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assembly seats in byelections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's
standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001.[57][62]
[63]
The BJP national leadership sought a new candidate for chief minister, and Modi, who had
expressed misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement. [21] Although senior
BJP leader L. K. Advani did not want to ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of
experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister, telling Advani
and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On 3
October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the
BJP for the December 2002 elections.[64]On 7 October 2001, Modi was administered the oath of
office.[65] On 24 February 2002 he won a by-election to the Rajkot II assembly constituency,
defeating Ashwin Mehta of the Indian National Congress (INC) by 14,728 votes, which enabled him
to take office.[66]
driven to refugee camps.[77] Numerous women and children were among the victims; the violence
included mass rapes and mutilations of women.[2]
The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have been complicit in the
riots,[1][2][3] and has otherwise received heavy criticism for its handling of the situation. [78] Several
scholars have described the violence as a pogrom, while others have called it an example of state
terrorism.[79][80][81] Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is by
now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways
it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and
officers of the law."[2] The Modi government imposed a curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight
orders and called for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the violence from
escalating.[72][73] The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed support for the bandh, despite
such actions being illegal at the time.[3] State officials later prevented riot victims from leaving the
refugee camps, and the camps were often unable to meet the needs of those living there. [82] Muslim
victims of the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state government announced that
compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindus, although this decision was
later reversed after the issue was taken to court. [83] During the riots, police officers often did not
intervene in situations where they were able.[2][71][84] In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi's
government from 2007 to 2009, was convicted of participation in the Naroda Patiya massacre during
the 2002 riots.[85][86] Although Modi's government had announced that it would seek the death penalty
for Kodnani on appeal, it reversed its decision in 2013.[87][88]
Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. During the riots, Modi
said that "What is happening is a chain of action and reaction."[2] Later in 2002, Modi said the way in
which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding the episode. [89] Modi has not offered
an apology for the riots.[90] In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to the
2002 riots, including that of the Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a Special Investigation
Team (SIT) to look into the issue.[78][91][92] In response to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan
Jafri, who was killed in the Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked the SIT to
investigate the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings.[91] The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010; in
May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence against Modi. [91][93] In July 2011, the courtappointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the
SIT's position, he said that Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence. [94][95] The
Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate court. The SIT examined Ramachandran's report,
and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the case to be closed. Zakia Jaffri filed a
protest petition in response. In December 2013 the magistrate court rejected the protest petition,
accepting the SIT's finding that there was no evidence against the chief minister.[96]
2002 election
In the aftermath of the violence came widespread calls for Modi to resign as chief minister from
within and outside the state, including leaders of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu
Desam Party (allies in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance coalition), and opposition parties
stalled Parliament over the issue.[97] Modi submitted his resignation, which was not accepted, at the
April 2002 BJP national executive meeting in Goa.[98] His cabinet had a 19 July 2002 emergency
meeting, offered its resignation to the Gujarat Governor S. S. Bhandari and the assembly was
dissolved.[99][100] Despite opposition from the election commissioner, who said that a number of voters
were still displaced, Modi succeeded in advancing the election to December 2002. [101] In the
elections, the BJP won 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.[102]Although Modi later denied it, he
made significant use of anti-Muslim rhetoric during his campaign,[103][104][105][106] and the BJP profited by
the division of the vote along religious lines.[101] Modi hired the public relations firm APCO
Worldwide to manage his image.[101] He won the Maninagar constituency, receiving 1,13,589 of
1,54,981 votes and defeating INC candidate Yatin Oza by 75,333 votes. [107] On 22 December 2002,
Bhandari swore Modi in for a second term.[108] Modi framed the criticism of his government for human
rights violations as an attack upon Gujarati pride, a strategy which led to the BJP winning two thirds
of the seats in the state assembly.[1][103]
Modi's public speeches during the election campaign had been focused on the 2002 riots, but after
the election, the stated agenda of the government shifted toward economic development. [1][103] Modi
organized a "Vibrant Gujarat" summit, where Gujarat was advertised as an attractive destination for
private investment. During the summit, which would later become a biennial event, Modi offered
financial incentives to investors, and also referred to Gujarat's culture as a factor which made the
state well-suited for business. Modi's rhetoric at the time was aimed at a middle-class Hindu
audience and sought to consolidate a Gujarati cultural identity based on upper-caste, Hindu cultural
elements.[1]However, after the 2002 election the BJP reduced the use of anti-Muslim rhetoric in its
campaigns in favor of statements about economic development.[1]
Second term
After an election campaign in which the BJP benefited from religious polarisation among the voters,
during Modi's second term the rhetoric of the government shifted from Hindutva to Gujarat's
economic development.[62] Modi curtailed the influence of Sangh Parivar organisations such as
the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),[109] entrenched in the state
after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry,[62] and dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an ally of former
Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia) from his cabinet. When the BKS staged a
farmers' demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from state-provided houses, and his decision to
demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinagar deepened the rift with the VHP.[109][110] Sangh
organisations were no longer consulted or informed in advance about Modi's administrative
decisions.[109] Nonetheless, Modi retained connections with some Hindu nationalists. Modi wrote a
forward to a textbook by Dinanath Batra released in 2014, which stated that ancient India possessed
technologies including test-tube babies.[111][112]
Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to be criticised. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (who
asked Modi for tolerance in the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat violence and supported his resignation
as chief minister)[113][114] distanced himself, reaching out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok
Sabha elections. After the elections Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a reason for the BJP's
electoral defeat and said it had been a mistake to leave Modi in office after the riots. [115][116]
Questions about Modi's relationship with Muslims were also raised by many Western nations during
his tenure as chief minister. Modi was barred from entering the United States under a provision of
the Immigration and Nationality Act banning violators of religious freedom,[117] the only person denied
a US visa under this provision.[118] The UK and the European Union refused to admit him because of
what they saw as his role in the riots. As Modi rose to prominence in India, the UK [119] and the
EU[120] lifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013, respectively, and after his election as prime
minister he was invited to Washington.[121][122]
During the run-up to the 2007 assembly elections and the 2009 general election, the BJP ramped up
its rhetoric on terrorism.[123] On 18 July 2006, Modi criticised Prime Minister Manmohan Singh "... for
his reluctance to revive anti-terror legislation" such as the 2002 Prevention of Terrorism Act. He
asked the national government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006
Mumbai blasts[124] and demanded the execution of Afzal Guru,[125] who was convicted of involvement in
the 2001 Indian Parliament attack.[126] After the November 2008 Mumbai attacks Modi held a meeting
to discuss the security of Gujarat's 1,600-kilometre (990 mi)-long coastline, resulting
in governmentauthorisation of 30 high-speed surveillance boats.[127] In July 2007 Modi completed
2,063 consecutive days as chief minister of Gujarat, making him the longest-serving holder of that
post,[128] and the BJP won 122 of 182 state-assembly seats in that year's election. [129]
Development projects
As Chief Minister, Modi favoured privatisation and small government, which was at odds with the
philosophy of the RSS, usually described as anti-privatisation and anti-globalisation. [62] His policies
during his second term have been credited with reducing corruption in the state. [62] He established
financial and technology parks in Gujarat and during the 2007 Vibrant Gujarat summit, real-estate
investment deals worth 6.6 trillion were signed in the state.[62] Modi's administration branded Gujarat
as a state of dynamic development, economic growth and prosperity with the slogan "Vibrant
Gujarat".[1][130][131]
The governments led by Patel and Modi supported NGOs and communities in the creation of
groundwater-conservation projects. By December 2008 500,000 structures had been built, of which
113,738 were check dams, which helped recharge the aquifers beneath them.[132] Sixty of the
112 tehsils which had depleted the water table in 2004 had regained their normal groundwater levels
by 2010.[133]As a result, the state's production of genetically modified genetically modified
cotton increased to become the largest in India.[132] The boom in cotton production and its semi-arid
land use[134] led to Gujarat's agricultural growing at an average rate of 9.6 percent from 2001 to 2007.
[135]
Public irrigation measures in central and southern Gujarat, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam,
were less successful.[132] The Sardar Sarovar project only irrigated 46% of the area it was supposed
to.[132] Nonetheless, from 2001 to 2010 Gujarat recorded an agricultural growth rate of 10.97 percent
the highest of any state.[134] However, sociologists have pointed out that the growth rate under the
199297 INC government was 12.9 percent.[136]
In 2008 Modi offered land in Gujarat to Tata Motors to set up a plant manufacturing the Nano.[137] This
happened after a popular agitation had forced the company to move out of West Bengal. [137] Several
other companies followed the Tata's to Gujarat.[137]
The Modi government completed the process of bringing electricity to every village in Gujarat, which
had been nearly completed under the previous administration.[136] Modi significantly changed the
state's system of power distribution, greatly impacting farmers. Gujarat expanded the Jyotigram
Yojana scheme, in which agricultural electricity was separated from other rural electricity; the
agricultural electricity was rationed to fit scheduled irrigation demands, reducing its cost. Although
early protests by farmers ended when those who benefited found that their electricity supply had
stabilised,[132] according to an assessment study corporations and large farmers benefited from the
policy at the expense of small farmers and labourers.[138]
Development debate
There has been a contentious debate surrounding the development of the state of Gujarat during
Modi's tenure as chief minister.[139] The GDP growth rate of Gujarat averaged 10% during Modi's
tenure, a value above that of the country as a whole, and similar to other highly industrialised states.
[137]
Gujarat also had a high rate of economic growth in the 1990s, before Modi took office. [140] Some
scholars have stated the rate of growth did not accelerate during Modi's tenure, [140] although the state
is considered to have maintained a high growth rate during Modi's Chief Ministership. [83] Under Modi,
Gujarat topped the World Bank's "ease of doing business" rankings among Indian states for two
consecutive years.[141] In 2013, Gujarat was ranked first among Indian states for "economic freedom"
by a report measuring governance, growth, citizens' rights and labour and business regulation
among the country's 20 largest states.[137][142] In the later years of Modi's government, Gujarat's
economic growth was frequently used as an argument to counter allegations of communalism. [1] Tax
breaks for businesses were easier to obtain in Gujarat than in other states, as was land. Modi's
policies to make Gujarat attractive for investment included the creation of Special Economic Zones,
where labor laws were greatly weakened.[103]
Despite its growth rate, Gujarat had a relatively poor record on human development, poverty relief,
nutrition and education during Modi's tenure. In 2013, Gujarat ranked 13th in the country with
respect to rates of poverty and 21st in education. Nearly 45 percent of children under five were
underweight and 23 percent were undernourished, putting the state in the "alarming" category on
the India State Hunger Index.[143][144] A study by UNICEF and the Indian government found that Gujarat
under Modi had a poor record with respect to immunisation in children.[145]
Over the decade from 2001 to 2011, Gujarat did not change its position relative to the rest of the
country with respect to poverty and female literacy, remaining near the median of the 29 Indian
states.[83] It showed only a marginal improvement in rates of infant mortality, and its position with
respect to individual consumption declined.[83] With respect to the quality of education in government
schools, the state ranked below most Indian states.[83] The social policies of the government
generally did not benefit Muslims, Dalits, and Adivasis, and generally increased social inequalities.
[83]
Under Modi, the state government spent far less than the national average on education and
healthcare.[83]
Development in Gujarat was generally limited to the urban middle class, and citizens in rural areas
or from lower castes were increasingly marginalised. In 2013 the state ranked 10th of 21 Indian
states in the Human Development Index. Political Scientist Christophe Jaffrelot says that under Modi
the number of families below the poverty line has increased and conditions for
rural adivasi and dalits, in particular, have declined.[146] In July 2013 economics Nobel
Laureate Amartya Sen expressed disapproval of Modi's governance record, saying that under his
administration Gujarat's "record in education and healthcare is pretty bad". [147]
However, economists Arvind Panagariya and Jagdish Bhagwati say that Gujarat's social indicators
have improved from a lower baseline than that of other Indian states. According to them, Gujarat's
performance in raising literacy rates has been superior to other states and the "rapid" improvement
of health indicators is evidence that "its progress has not been poor by any means." [148]
Final years
Modi with Anandiben Patel at a meeting of BJP MLAs after his election as prime minister; Patel succeeded him
as Gujarat chief minister.
following protests by Indian-Americans.[153] After his election as prime minister, Modi resigned as the
chief minister and as an MLA from Maninagar on 21 May 2014. Anandiben Patel succeeded him as
the chief minister.[154]
On 31 March 2013 Modi was appointed to the BJP parliamentary board, the highest decision-making
body in the party,[155][156] and at a meeting of the party's national executive on 9 June he was appointed
chair of the BJP's central election campaign committee for the 2014 general election. [155][157] BJP
founding member L. K. Advani resigned his party posts after the appointment, citing concern with
leaders who were "concerned with their personal agendas". His resignation, which was described as
being a protest against Modi's elevation, was withdrawn the following day at the urging of RSS
chief Mohan Bhagwat.[158] In September 2013, the BJP announced that the chief minister would be
their candidate for prime minister in the 2014 Lok Sabha election.[157][159] Other BJP leaders also
initially expressed opposition to Modi's candidature.[155] Modi's nomination also drew attention for his
reputation as "one of contemporary India's most controversial and divisive politicians." [139]
Modi played a dominant role in the BJP's 2009 general-election campaign. [160][161] Several people who
voted for the BJP stated that if Modi had not been the prime-ministerial candidate, they would have
voted for another party.[162] The BJP projected an image of Modi as a strong, masculine leader, who
would be able to take difficult decisions.[139][155][157][162][163] The focus on Modi as an individual was unusual
for a BJP election campaign.[155][164]The election was described as a referendum on Narendra Modi.[139]
During the campaign, Modi focused on the corruption scandals under the previous INC government,
and played on his image as a politician who had created a high rate of GDP growth in Gujarat. [139]
[155]
Modi projected himself as a person who could bring about "development," without focus on any
specific policies.[155] His message found support among young Indians and among middle-class
citizens.[139] The BJP under Modi was able to downplay concerns about the protection of religious
minorities and Modi's commitment to secularism, areas in which he had previously received criticism.
[139]
Prior to the election Modi's image in the media had centered around his role in the 2002 Gujarat
riots, but during the campaign the BJP was able to shift this to a focus on Modi's neoliberal ideology
and the Gujarat model of development.[161] Although the BJP avoided issues of Hindu nationalism to
an extent, Hindutva remained a significant part of its campaign. [155][162][165] Through the campaign, the
BJP received significantly more positive media coverage than its competitors, particularly in the
northern and western parts of the country. Commentators attributed this to Modi's influence in the
area.[166] The campaign also made extensive use of advertising in vernacular media sources,
portraying Modi as the victim of a "news media conspiracy" among the English language sources.
[161]
However, the BJP's campaign was assisted by its wide influence in the media. [144] Modi's
campaign blitz cost approximately INR 5000 crores ($830 million),[139] and received extensive
financial support from corporate donors.[144] In addition to more conventional campaign methods,
such as rallies and the use of print media, Modi also made extensive use of social media, [139][155] and
addressed more than 1000 rallies via hologram appearances.[165] The election was described as
"India's first social media election.[167]
The BJP won 31% of the vote,[90] and more than doubled its tally in the Lok Sabha to 282, and
became the first party to win a majority of seats on its own since 1984. [161][162] The results were
described as a pro-Modi "wave."[139][162] Voter unhappiness with the INC, as well as with regional
parties in North India, was another reason for the success of the BJP.[162] The support network of the
RSS played a role in Modi's success.[155] Scholars studying the election also stated that Modi had an
ability to attract supporters who would campaign for him, thus strengthening his position as a
candidate but making the party's victory relatively fragile.[155][157] In states such as Uttar Pradesh in
which the BJP performed well, it drew exceptionally high support from upper-caste Hindus. [162] It won
only 10 percent of the Muslim vote, which was nonetheless more than it had won before. [162] It
performed particularly well in parts of the country that had recently experienced violence between
Hindus and Muslims.[162]
The magnitude of the BJP's victory led many commentators to say that the election constituted a
political realignment away from progressive parties and towards the right-wing BJP.[139][162][168][169] Modi's
tweet announcing his victory in the election was the most re-tweeted in India, [170] and was described
as being emblematic of the political realignment away from a Nehruvian secular, socialist state
towards capitalism and Hindu cultural nationalism.[170]
Modi himself was a candidate for the Lok Sabha in two constituencies: Varanasi and Vadodara.
[171]
He won in both constituencies, defeating Aam Aadmi Party leader Arvind Kejriwal in Varanasi
and Madhusudan Mistry of the INC in Vadodara by 570,128 votes.[172] The BJP-led NDA won the
general election overall and the INC experienced its worst-ever defeat. [173][174][175] Modi, who was
unanimously elected leader of the BJP after his party's victory, was appointed prime minister by
India's president.[176][177] To comply with the law that an MP cannot represent more than one
constituency, he vacated the Vadodara seat.[178]
Prime Minister
Main article: Premiership of Narendra Modi
Wikinews has related
news: Narendra Modi
elected new Prime
Minister of India.
Modi (far right) being sworn in as Prime Minister, in the presence of President Pranab Mukherjee (far left),
2014.
Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014 at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. He
became the first Prime Minister born after India's independence from the United Kingdom.[179] His first
cabinet consisted of 45 ministers, 25 fewer than the previous UPA government. [180] 21 new ministers
were added to the council of ministers in November 2014.[181]
Economic policies
The economic policies of Modi's government focused on privatisation and liberalisation of the
economy, based on a neoliberalframework.[181][182] Modi liberalised India's foreign direct
investment policies, allowing more foreign investment in several industries, including in defence and
the railways.[181][183][184][185] Other reforms included removing many of the country's labor laws, to make it
harder for workers to form unions and easier for employers to hire and fire them. [182] These reforms
met with support from institutions such as the World Bank, but opposition from scholars within the
country. The labour laws also drew strong opposition from unions: on 2 September 2015, eleven of
the country's largest unions went on strike, including one affiliated with the BJP.[182] The Bharatiya
Mazdoor Sangh, a constituent of the Sangh Parivar, stated that the reforms would hurt laborers by
making it easier for corporations to exploit them.[181] In his first budget, Finance Minister Arun
Jaitley promised to gradually reduce the budgetary deficit from 4.1% to 3% over two years, and to
divest from shares in public banks.[181] Over Modi's first year in office, the Indian GDP grew at a rate
of 7.5%, making it the fastest growing large economy.[182]
The funds dedicated to poverty reduction programs and social welfare measures was greatly
decreased by the Modi administration.[112] The money spent on social programs declined from 14.6%
of GDP during the Congress government to 12.6% during Modi's first year in office. [181] Spending on
health and family welfare declined by 15%, and on primary and secondary education, by 16%.
[181]
The budgetary allocation for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, or the "education for all" program,
declined by 22%.[181] The government also lowered corporate taxes, abolished the wealth tax, and
reduced customs duties on gold, jewelry, and increased sales taxes.[181] In October 2014, the Modi
government deregulated diesel prices,[186] and later increased taxes on diesel and petrol.[181] In July
2014, Modi refused to sign a trade agreement that would permit the World Trade Organization to
implement a deal agreed in Bali, citing a lack of protection to Indian farmers and the needs of food
security.[181]
In September 2014, Modi introduced the Make in India initiative to encourage foreign companies to
manufacture products in India, with the goal of turning India into a global manufacturing hub. [181]
[187]
Supporters of economic liberalisation supported the initiative, while critics argued it would allow
foreign corporations to capture a greater share of the Indian market.[181] In order to enable the
construction of private industrial corridors, the Modi administration passed a land-reform bill that
allowed it to acquire private agricultural land without conducting a social impact assessment, and
without the consent of the farmers who owned it.[188] Under the previous bill, the government had
required the consent of 80% of the owners of a piece of property before acquiring it for a private
project: this requirement was waived.[189] The bill was passed via an executive order after it faced
opposition in parliament, but was eventually allowed to lapse. [189]
The government substantially increased the percentage of central revenue directly granted to states,
while decreasing the amount granted through various central government programs. Overall, states'
share of revenue increased marginally.[112] The criteria upon which individual states' allocation was
determined were changed, such that the revenue to 19 states increased, and that of 10 states
decreased. Only one of the ten states was ruled by the BJP when the policy was enacted. [112]
The government signed large deals with General Electric and Alstom to supply India with 1,000 new
diesel locomotives, as part of an effort to reform the Indian railway, which also included privatisation
efforts.[190][191] In December 2015, Modi's government signed an agreement with Japan to jointly build
a bullet train system linking Mumbai and Ahmedabad.[192] The Indian government put forward a plan
on converting 101 rivers into national waterways for the transport of goods and passengers. The
government also began an ambitious program to increase the number of highways in the country,[193]
[194]
allocating 700 billion rupees to the project.[181]
On 25 June 2015, Modi launched a program intended to develop 100 smart cities.[195] The "Smart
Cities" program is expected to bring IT companies an extra benefit of 20,000,000,000 rupees. [196] He
also launched a "smart villages" initiative, under which villages would be given Internet access, clean
water, sanitation, and low-carbon energy, with Members of Parliament overseeing the program's
implementation. The program had a stated goal of at least 2,500 smart villages by 2019. [196]
In June 2015, Modi launched the "Housing for All By 2022" project, which intends to
eliminate slums in India by building about 20 million affordable homes for India's urban poor.[197]
[198]
Modi launched Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana in August 2014. The initiative aimed to create
bank accounts and debit cards for 150 million families, and to allow them an overdraft of 5000
rupees.[181] 125.4 million accounts had been opened by January 2015.[181] The programme also
promised accident insurance to each of these families.[181] He launched Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala
Yojana (PMUY) on 1 May 2016 to distribute LPG connections to women of BPL families. [199]
In his first cabinet decision, Modi set up a team to investigate black money.[200][201][202][203][204][205][206] On 9
November 2016, the government demonetised 500 and 1000 banknotes, with the stated intention
of curbing corruption, black money, the use of counterfeit currency, and terrorism. [207] The move led to
widespread protests throughout the country, including one by opposition parties, which stalled
the winter session of parliament.[208] In the days following the demonetisation, banks across the
country faced severe cash shortages,[209][210][211] which had detrimental effects on a number of small
businesses, on agriculture, and on transportation. People seeking to exchange their notes had
lengthy waits, and several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange cash. [212][213] Following Modi's
announcement, the Indian stock indices BSE SENSEX and NIFTY 50declined steeply.[214]
In his first year as prime minister Modi reduced the amount of money spent by the government on
healthcare.[145] The Modi government launched a "New Health Policy" in January 2015. The policy did
not increase the government's spending on healthcare, but placed emphasis on the role of private
healthcare organisations.[215] In its budget for the second year after it took office, the Modi
government reduced healthcare spending by 15%.[215] This represented a shift away from the policy
of the previous Congress government, which had supported programs to support public health goals
including reducing child and maternal mortality rates.[215] The National Health Mission, which included
public health programs targeted at these indices received nearly 25% less funds in 2015 than in the
previous year.[215] 15 national health programs, including those aimed at controlling tobacco use and
supporting healthcare for the elderly, were merged with the National Health Mission, and received
less funds than in previous years.[215] Modi initially appointed Harsh Vardhan, a doctor and an
advocate of tobacco control, minister of health. However, Vardhan was removed in November 2015.
[215]
The government also proposed introducing stricter packaging laws for tobacco, but this effort was
postponed because of the efforts of the tobacco lobby.[215]
Modi's government developed a draft policy to introduce a universal health care system, known as
the National Health Assurance Mission. Under this plan, the government was to provide free drugs,
diagnostic treatment, and insurance coverage for serious ailments, although budgetary concerns
have delayed its implementation.[216][217][218]
On 2 October 2014, Modi launched the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan ("Clean India") campaign. The
states goals of the campaign included eliminating open defecation, eliminating manual scavenging,
and improving waste management practices.[219][220] The campaign was announced on the anniversary
of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday, and was planned to achieve these aims in five years, or in time for
the 150th anniversary of his birth.[220] As part of the programme, the Indian government began the
construction of millions toilets in rural areas, as well as efforts to encourage people to use them. [221][222]
[223]
The government also announced plans to build new sewage treatment plants. [224] The
administration plans to construct 60 million toilets by 2019. The construction projects have faced
allegations of corruption, and have faced severe difficulty in getting people to use the toilets
constructed for them.[220][221][222]
Modi has generally emphasized his government's efforts at sanitation as a means of ensuring good
health.[215] He has also advocated yoga and traditional forms of medicine.[215]An article in the medical
journal Lancet stated that the country "might have taken a few steps back in public health" under
Modi.[215]
the ruling party, questioned his credentials as a historian. Several stated that the appointment was
part of an agenda of cultural nationalism.[165][227][228]
The government began formulating a New Education Policy, or NEP, soon after its election. As of
March 2016, this policy had yet to be implemented. [226] This was the third education policy introduced
by the Indian government, following those of 1968 and 1986. [226] The policy was described as having
overtones of Hindutva.[226] The RSS had a role in its creation, and it did not explicitly mention the
goals of "socialism, secularism and democracy" that had been mentioned in the first two policies.
[226]
The policy emphasized the education of minority students, as well as those of economically
backward groups, in particular on improving enrollment in schools among those groups. [226] The
policy proposed bringing religious educational institutions under the Right to Education Act.[226] There
was also a debate about removing caste-based reservation in favor of reservation based on income,
a move supported by the RSS, but which was criticized as being discriminatory on the basis of
caste.[226]
Foreign policy
Further information: Foreign policy of Narendra Modi and List of prime ministerial trips made by
Narendra Modi
Modi with other BRICS leaders in 2016. Left to right: Temer, Modi, Xi, Putin and Zuma.
Foreign policy played a relatively small role in Modi's election campaign, and did not feature
prominently in the BJP's election manifesto.[229] Modi invited all the other leaders of SAARC countries
to the ceremony where he was sworn in as prime minister.[230][231] He was the first Indian prime minister
to do so.[232] Observers have stated that due to Modi portraying himself as a strong and nationalist
leader during his election campaign, he would be politically unable to follow a policy of restraint that
India had previously followed after terrorist attacks, and is more likely to have a military response. [230]
Modi's foreign policy focused on improving economic ties, improving security, and increased regional
relations, which is very similar to the policy of the preceding INC government. [229] Modi continued his
predecessor Manmohan Singh's policy of "multialignment."[233] This involved the use of regional
multilateral institutions and strategic partnerships to further the interests of the Indian government.
[233]
The Modi administration tried to attract foreign investment in the Indian economy from several
sources, especially in East Asia.[229] The Modi government also upgraded several of India's military
alliances, although it was unable to conclude negotiations for a trilateral defense agreement with
Japan and Australia.[229] As a part of this policy, the Modi government completed India's application to
join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, which is led by China and Russia. (SCO). It also joined
the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank founded by China.[233] Together with the US government, it
created a "Joint Strategic Vision" for the Indian and Pacific oceans. [233] The government also tried to
improve relations with Islamic republics in the Middle East, such as Bahrain, the Islamic Republic of
Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as with Israel, with the intent to also "link
west."[233] Modi added five bilateral strategic partnerships to the 25 that had been agreed by his
predecessors Singh and Vajpayee.[233]
Prime Minister Modi with President Barack Obama of the US, 2015
During the first few months after the election, Modi made trips to a number of different countries to
further the goals of his policy, and attended the BRICS, ASEAN, and G20 summits.[229] During these
visits, Modi attempted to draw further foreign investment in the Indian economy,[229] with the use of
slogans such as "Make in India" and "Digital India," put forward during a visit to Silicon Valley.[233] One
of Modi's first visits as prime minister was to Nepal, during which he promised a billion USD in aid.
[234]
Another early visit was to Bhutan.[234]Modi also made several overtures to the United States,
including multiple visits to that country.[231] While this was described as an unexpected development,
due to the US having previously denied Modi a travel visa over his role during the 2002 Gujarat riots,
it was also expected to strengthen diplomatic and trade relations between the two countries. [231] As of
July 2016, Modi had made 51 trips to 42 countries with the intent of strengthening diplomatic
relations.[235][236]
In 2015, the Indian parliament ratified a land exchange deal with Bangladesh about the India
Bangladesh enclaves, which had been initiated by the government of Manmohan Singh. [189] Modi's
administration gave renewed attention to India's "Look East Policy", instituted in 1991. The policy
was renamed the "Act East Policy", and involved directing Indian foreign policy towards East
Asia and Southeast Asia.[233][237] The government signed agreements to improve land connectivity
with Myanmar, through the state of Manipur. This represented a break with India's historic
engagement with Myanmar, which prioritized border security over trade.[237]
Defence policy
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Narendra Modi accuses
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During the 2014 election campaign, Modi and the BJP pledged to revisit India's nuclear weapons
doctrine, and in particular India's historical policy of no-first-use. [238] The pressure to revise the
doctrine came from a desire for assertiveness among Indian government and defence officials. Soon
after being sworn in as Prime Minister, Modi said that no revision would take place in the immediate
future.[238]The election manifesto of the BJP had also promised to deal with illegal immigration into
India in the Northeast, as well as to be more firm in its handling of insurgent groups. [239] During the
election campaign, Modi said that he would be willing to accommodate Hindu migrants who were
being persecuted in Bangladesh, but those that came with "political objectives" would have to be
sent back to Bangladesh.[239] The Modi government issued a notification allowing Hindu, Sikh, and
Buddhist illegal immigrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh to legalize their residency in India. [239] The
government described the measure as being taken for humanitarian reasons. However, it drew
criticism from several Assamese organizations.[239]
Modi continued the previous INC administration's policy of increasing military spending every year,
announcing an increase of 11% in the military budget in 2015.[240][241] This increase was larger than the
average growth under the Congress.[240]
The Modi administration negotiated a peace agreement with the largest faction of the National
Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCM), which was announced in August 2015. The Naga insurgency
in northwest India had begun in the 1950s.[239][242] The NSCM and the government had agreed to a
ceasefire in 1997, but a peace accord had not previously been signed. [242] In 2015 the government
abrogated a 15-year ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCM (NSCM-K). The NSCM-K
responded with a series of attacks, which killed 18 people.[239] The Modi government carried out a
raid across the border with Myanmar as a result, and labelled the NSCM-K a terrorist organization. [239]
Modi has repeatedly stated that Pakistan was an exporter of terrorism.[243][244] Modi increased the
monetary compensation for victims of terrorist attacks, and stated that citizens of Azad
Kashmir could also apply for this compensation.[245] In September 2016, he urged the BRICS to target
and destroy funding channels of terrorist groups.[246] On 29 September 2016, the Indian Army stated
that it had conducted a surgical strike on terror launchpads in PoK,[247] although Pakistan denied the
claim, and the details of the confrontation are still in dispute.[248][249]
Environmental policies
Modi(right) at CoP21 Climate Conference, in Paris, announcing the founding of an International Solar
Alliance (ISA). November 2015.
In naming his cabinet, Modi renamed the "Ministry of Environment and Forests" the "Ministry of
Environment, Forests, and Climate Change."[250] In the first budget of the government, the money
allotted to this ministry was reduced by more than 50%. [250] The new ministry also removed or diluted
a number of laws related to environmental protection. These included no longer requiring clearance
from the National Board for Wildlife for projects close to protected areas, and allowing certain
projects to proceed before environmental clearance was received. [181][250] The government also tried to
reconstitute the Wildlife board such that it no longer had representatives from non-governmental
organisations: however, this move was prevented by the Supreme court.[250]
Modi also relaxed or abolished a number of other environmental regulations, particularly those
related to industrial activity. A government committee stated that the existing system only served to
create corruption, and that the government should instead rely on the owners of industries to
voluntarily inform the government about the pollution they were creating. [181][251] The changes were
made with the aim of accelerating approval for industrial projects.[citation needed] Other changes included
reducing ministry oversight on small mining projects, and no longer requiring approval from tribal
councils for projects inside forested areas.[251] In addition, Modi lifted a moratorium on new industrial
activity in the most polluted areas in the countries.[250] The changes were welcomed by
businesspeople, but criticized by environmentalists.[251]
Under the UPA government that preceded Modi's administration, field trials of Genetically Modified
crops had essentially put on hold, after protests from farmers fearing for their livelihoods. [252] Under
the Modi government these restrictions were gradually lifted. [252] The government received some
criticism for freezing the bank accounts of environmental group Greenpeace, citing financial
irregularities, although a leaked government report said that the freeze had to do with Greenpeace's
opposition to GM crops.[252]
At the CoP21 Climate Conference on 30 November 2015 Modi announced the founding of an
International Solar Alliance (ISA). The headquarters of the ISA would be located in Gurgaon, and
would receive support from the Indian government for a few years. All tropical countries were invited
to join the alliance.[253]
Modi at the consultation meeting on replacing the Planning Commission with Chief Ministers of various states.
Modi's first year as prime minister saw significant centralization of power relative to previous
administrations.[112][254] Modi personally selected the civil servants who served under his ministers,
frequently giving them instructions without involving the ministers themselves. [112] Modi's efforts at
centralisation have been linked to an increase in the number of senior administration officials
resigning their positions.[112] Although the government has a majority of seats in the Lok Sabha, it
does not have one in the Rajya Sabha, which led to its policied frequently being stymied there. Thus,
Modi resorted to passing a number of ordinances, or executive orders, to enact his policies, leading
to further centralisation of power.[189] In 2014, the Prime Minister's Office prevented Gopal
Subramaniam from being appointed to the Supreme Court. The stated reason was that his conduct
in the 2G spectrum allocation scandal had been suspect: commentators stated it was because he
had been the amicus curiae in the Sohrabuddin Sheikh case, which had implicated BJP leaders
including Modi's aide Amit Shah.[181] The government also passed a bill increasing the control that it
had over the appointment of judges, and reducing that of the judiciary.[90]
On 31 December 2014, Modi announced that the Planning Commission had been scrapped. It was
replaced with a body called the National Institution for Transforming India, or NITI Aayog.[255][256] The
Planning Commission was a legacy of the Indian Independence movement, although critics said that
it was slowing economic growth.[257] The new body includes the leaders of all 29 Indian states, but its
full-time staff report directly to the prime minister.[255] The move had the effect of greatly centralizing
the power previously with the planning commission in the person of the prime minister.[181][189][255][256][257] It
also reduced the extent of control individual states had over their financial allocation from the union
government,[256][257] and unlike the planning commission, it does not have the power to allocate funds.
[256]
The planning commission had received heavy criticism in previous years for creating inefficiency
in the government, and of not filling its role of improving social welfare: however, since the economic
liberalisation of the 1990s, it had been the major government body responsible for measures related
to social justice.[256]
As Prime Minister, Modi announced the abolition of a number of regulations previously placed on
Indian businesses, such as a complex permit and inspection system. The move was aimed at
reducing red tape and making it easier to do business.[258][259] Modi also ordered reform among the
bureaucrats of the Indian Administrative Service to ensure a more efficient government bureaucracy.
[260][261]
The Modi government launched a crackdown against a number of civil society organisations.
Several tens of thousands of organisations were investigated by the Intelligence Bureau in the first
year of the administration, on the grounds that they were slowing economic growth.
[112]
International humanitarian aid organisation Medecins Sans Frontiereswas among the groups that
were put under pressure.[112] Other organisations affected included the Sierra Club and Avaaz.
Cases of sedition were filed against individuals criticising the government. [112] This led to
discontent with Modi's style of functioning within the BJP, and drew comparisons to the governing
style of Indira Gandhi.[112][189]
[181]
Modi repealed 1,159 obsolete laws in first two years as prime minister, against a total of 1,301 such
laws repealed by previous governments over a span of 64 years.[262][263] He started a monthly radio
program titled "Mann ki Baat" on 3 October 2014.[264] Modi also launched the Digital India programme,
which has the goal of ensuring that government services are available electronically, building
infrastructure so rural areas get high-speed Internet access, boosting manufacturing of electronic
goods in the country, and promoting digital literacy.[265][266][267] Under the programme, 400 railway
Stations across the country are being equipped with Wi-Fi technology.[268]
Personal life
In accordance with Ghanchi tradition, Modi's marriage was arranged by his parents when he was a
child. He was engaged at age 13 to Jashodaben, marrying her when he was 18. They spent little
time together and grew apart when Modi began two years of travel, including visits to
Hindu ashrams.[21][269] Reportedly, their marriage was never consummated and he kept it a secret
because otherwise he could not have become a 'pracharak' in the puritan Rashtriya Swayamsewak
Sangh (RSS).[270][44] Although Modi kept his marriage secret for most of his career, he acknowledged
his wife when he filed his nomination for a parliamentary seat in the 2014 general elections. [271]
[272]
Modi maintains a close relationship with his mother, Hiraben and often visits her on his birthday to
seek her blessings.[273]
Image
Main article: Public image of Narendra Modi
A vegetarian,[274] Modi has a frugal lifestyle and is a workaholic and introvert.[275] Adept at using social
media, he has been since September 2014 the second-most-followed leader in the world (with over
25.8 million followers on Twitter as of December 2016), behind only Barack Obama.[167][276][277] Modi's
31 August 2012 post on Google Hangouts made him the first Indian politician to interact
with netizens on live chat.[278][279]
Modi has also been called a fashion-icon with his signature, crisply ironed, half-sleeved tunic-shirt
(dubbed the "Modi kurta"), brand-name accessories, and a suit with his name embroidered
repeatedly in the pinstripes that he wore during a state visit by US President Barack Obama,
drawing particular public and media attention, and sometimes criticism. [280][281][282]
Although he is considered a controversial, polarising and divisive figure, [283][284][285] British economist Jim
O'Neill blogged that Modi is "good on economics" one of the things "India desperately needs in a
leader".[286] In August 2013, financial analyst Chris Wood of CLSAwrote in his weekly "Greed & fear"
report: "The Indian stock market's greatest hope is the emergence of Gujarat Chief Minister
Narendra Modi as the BJP's prime ministerial candidate".[286]
As prime minister, Modi has received consistently high approval ratings; at the end of his first year in
office, he received an overall approval rating of 87% in a Pew Research poll, with 68% of people
rating him "very favorably" and 93% approving of his government. [287] His approval rating remained
largely consistent at around 74% through his second year in office, according to a nationwide poll
conducted by instaVaani.[288] At the end of his second year in office, an updated Pew Research poll
showed Modi continued to receive high overall approval ratings of 81%, with 57% of those polled
rating him "very favorably."[289][290]
Books
In 2001, Modi co-authored Setubandh, a biography of the RSS leader Lakshmanrao Inamdar.[291] In
2007, a collection of Modi's poems was published as a book titled Aankh Aa Dhanya Chhe (Our
Eyes Are So Blessed) .[292][293] Modi also authored Karmayog, a 101-page booklet discussing manual
scavenging. In it, Modi argued that scavenging was a "spiritual experience" for Dalits.[294][295][296]
[297]
However, this book was not circulated that time because of election code of conduct. [298] His
Gujarati book titled Jyotipunj was published in 2008. The book contained biographical profiles of
various RSS leaders that had inspired Modi. The longest profile was of M. S. Golwalkar, under
whose leadership the RSS expanded and whom Modi refers to as Pujniya Shri Guruji ("Guru worthy
of worship").[299] According to The Economic Times, his intention was to explain the workings of the
RSS to his readers and to reassure RSS members that he remained ideologically sound. Modi has
authored eight other books, mostly containing short stories for children. [300]
State honours
Decoration
State Order of
Ghazi Amir
Amanullah Khan
Order of
Abdulaziz al Saud
Country
Afghanistan
Saudi
Arabia
Date
Note
4 June
2016
3 April
2016
Ref
.
[317]
[318]
Arabia
References
Notes
1.
Jump up^ The exact number of people killed in the train burning is
variously reported. For example, the BBC says it was 59,[67] while The
Guardian put the figure at 60.[68]
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
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BBC. Retrieved 10 April 2012.
7.
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Retrieved April 10, 2012.
8.
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of the Past in India". The New York Times. Retrieved 10
October 2012.
9.
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PM?". The New Indian Express. Retrieved 22 May 2014.
29. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 21.
30. Jump up^ Marino 2014, pp. 2223.
31. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 25.
32. Jump up^ Marino 2014, pp. 3033.
33. Jump up^ Mukhopadhyay 2013, pp. 128129.
34. Jump up^ "Narendra Modi invited to Ramakrishna Mission's
headquarter in Belurmath". The Economic Times. 26 May 2014.
Retrieved 17 October 2014.
35. Jump up^ "The tale of two Narendras: Narendra Modi and Swami
Vivekananda". The Statesman. 5 July 2016.
36. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 26.
37. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 27.
38. Jump up^ Marino 2014, pp. 2829.
39. Jump up^ Mukhopadhyay 2013, p. 131.
40. ^ Jump up to:a b Mukhopadhyay 2013, p. 138.
41. Jump up^ Unnithan, Sandeep (2014). "The man behind Modi:
Lakshmanrao Inamdar". India Today. Ahmedabad. Retrieved 22
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42. Jump up^ Mukhopadhyay, Nilanjan (2014). "Narendra Modi: The
making of the political leader". Retrieved 22 May 2014.
43. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 35.
44. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Narendra Modi: From tea vendor to PM
candidate". India Today. 13 September 2013. Retrieved 20 April 2014.
45. Jump up^ Marino 2014, p. 48.
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Relations'".
47. Jump up^ "Modi proves to be an astute strategist". Hindustan Times.
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77. Jump up^ Brass, Paul R. (15 July 2005). The Production of HinduMuslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington
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Violence Cling to Indian Politician". The New York Times. Archived
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National Democratic Alliance and India's Politics". Journal of
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80. Jump up^ Pandey, Gyanendra (November 2005). Routine violence:
nations, fragments, histories. Stanford University Press. pp. 187
188. ISBN 978-0-8047-5264-0.
81. Jump up^ Baruah, Bipasha (2012). Women and Property in Urban
India. University of British Columbia Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-77481928-2.
82. Jump up^ Hampton, Janie (2002). Internally Displaced People: A
Global Survey. Routledge. p. 116. ISBN 978-1-85383-952-8.
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128. Jump up^ "Narendra Modi wins Maninagar by 70,000
votes". Hindustan Times. 20 December 2012. Archived from the
original on 7 December 2013. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
129. Jump up^ "BJP adds 5 seats in Gujarat Assembly bypolls". Deccan Herald. 14 September 2009. Retrieved 17
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130. Jump up^ Ibrahim, Farhana (25 August 2007). "Capitalism,
Multiculturalism and Tolerance: A Perspective on'Vibrant
Gujarat". Economic and Political Weekly. 42: 3446
3449. JSTOR 4419936. (subscription required)
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state of Gujarat: authoritarian developmentalism, democracy and the
politics of Narendra Modi". South Asian History and Culture. 1 (4):
577596. doi:10.1080/19472498.2010.507028. (subscription required)
132. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Shah, Tushaar (2011). Business Standard India
2011. Business Standard Books. pp. 195199. ISBN 978-93-8074004-1.
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sector". The Hindu. 12 July 2012. Retrieved 12 April 2013.
135. Jump up^ Shah, Tushaar; Gulati, Ashok; Hemant, P.; Shreedhar,
Ganga; Jain, R. C. (December 2009). "Secret of Gujarat's Agrarian
Miracle after 2000". Economic and Political Weekly. 44(52): 45
55. JSTOR 25663939. (subscription required)
136. ^ Jump up to:a b Mishra, Mayank (20 July 2013). "Did Narendra Modi
make Gujarat Vibrant?". Business Standard. Retrieved 29 April 2014.
137. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Schttli, Jivanta; Pauli, Markus (2016). "Modinomics and the politics of institutional change in the Indian
economy". Journal of Asian Public Policy. 9 (2): 154
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138. Jump up^ Shah, Tushar; Verma, Shilp (22 February 2008). "CoManagement of Electricity and Groundwater: An Assessment of
2. "Gujarat results 2012 Live :Modi's claim for PM's post gets
stronger". Samay Live. 20 December 2012. Retrieved 21
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152. Jump up^ Gupta, Smita (6 June 2013). "BJP sweeps Gujarat
bypolls, RJD trumps JD(U) in Bihar". The Hindu. Chennai, India.
Retrieved 17 April 2014.
153. Jump up^ Bhowmick, Nilanjana (5 March 2013). "Why Wharton
Canceled Narendra Modi's Speech". Time. Retrieved 23 May 2014.
154. Jump up^ "LIVE: Anandiben Patel named new Gujarat chief
minister IndiaToday May 21 2014l". Retrieved 1 October 2014.
155. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). "The Modicentric BJP 2014 election campaign: new techniques and old
tactics". Contemporary South Asia. 23 (2): 151
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156. Jump up^ "Narendra Modi inducted into BJP Parliamentary Board,
Rajnath rejigs team". The Economic Times. 31 March 2013.
Retrieved 18 May 2014.
157. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Chhibber, Pradeep K.; Ostermann, Susan L.
(2014). "The BJP's Fragile Mandate: Modi and Vote Mobilizers in the
2014 General Elections". Studies in Indian Politics. 2 (2): 137
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158. Jump up^ "Advani grabs lifeline, meekly withdraws
resignation". The Times of India. 12 June 2013. Retrieved 15
August 2013.
159. Jump up^ Reddy, B. Muralidhar (14 September 2013). "BJP
announces Modi as prime ministerial candidate". The Hindu. Chennai,
India. Archived from the original on 17 October 2013.
160. Jump up^ Srivastava, Ritesh (30 August 2011). "Election 2009
dissected: How parties cut the vote pie". Zee News. Retrieved 4
June 2014.
161. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Chakravartty, Paula; Roy, Srirupa (2015). "Mr.
Modi Goes to Delhi: Mediated Populism and the 2014 Indian
Elections". Television & New Media: 1
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162. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j Chacko, Priya; Mayer, Peter. "The 'Modi
lahar [wave]' in the 2014 Indian national election: A critical
realignment?". Australian Journal of Political Science. 49 (3).
163. Jump up^ Srivastava, Sanjay (April 2015). "ModiMasculinity". Television & New
Media. 16 (4). doi:10.1177/1527476415575498.
164. Jump up^ Narayan, Badri (17 May 2014). "Modi's Modus Operandi
in the 2014 Elections". Economic & Political Weekly. 49 (20): 1214.
195. Jump up^ "Cities should get chance to plan their growth, says
Modi". New Delhi. The Hindu. 25 June 2015. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
196. ^ Jump up to:a b Preetam Kaushik (25 November 2014). "Smart
Villages: Lending A Rural Flavour To Modi's Growth Agenda |
Business Insider India". Businessinsider.in. Retrieved 3 October2015.
197. Jump up^ Shrivastava, Bhuma (26 July 2015), "Mumbai Is
Overflowing with Garbage", Bloomberg
198. Jump up^ "Cabinet Passes PM Modi's Ambitious "Housing For All
By 2022" Scheme For The Urban Poor. No More Slums? - Youth
Connect", Youthconnect.in, 19 June 2015
199. Jump up^ "Scheme for LPG to BPL families to be launched in
Odisha", The Times of India, 7 June 2016
200. Jump up^ "SIT formed to unearth black money Narendra Modi
Cabinet's first decision", The Times of India, 27 May 2014
201. Jump up^ "Amit Shah hails Narendra Modi for "surgical strike"
against black money, corruption", The Economic Times, 8 November
2016
202. Jump up^ "Demonetisation is just the beginning in fight against
black money: PM Modi", Business Standard, 22 November 2016
203. Jump up^ "Demonetization is just the beginning of a long battle
against black money: Modi", The New Indian Express, 22 November
2016
204. Jump up^ "Tackling black money: Modi govt's two-year report
card", Hindustan Times, 10 November 2016
205. Jump up^ "Ban on 500, 1,000 notes to help curb corruption: SIT
chief on black money", The Economic Times, 9 November 2016
206. Jump up^ "Demonetisation will push GDP growth to ten percent:
Meghwal", The New Indian Express, 4 December 2016
207. Jump up^ "Rs 500, Rs 1000 currency notes stand abolished from
midnight: PM Modi". The Indian Express. 9 November 2016.
208. Jump up^ "Thousands Protest Across India Against Currency
Policy". New York Times. 28 November 2016. Retrieved 4
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209. Jump up^ "Demonetisation: Chaos grows, queues get longer at
banks, ATMs on weekend". 12 November 2016.
210. Jump up^ "India demonetisation: Chaos as ATMs run dry". Al
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258. Jump up^ "Modi tackles India's 'Licence Raj' with a thousand
cuts", Financial Times
259. Jump up^ Niharika Mandhana (16 October 2014), "India Takes On
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260. Jump up^ "It's all work, no holiday for babus in Modi govt | india".
Hindustan Times.
261. Jump up^ Gowen, Annie (11 July 2014), No golf, long days are new
norm for India's bureaucrats, The Washington Post, retrieved 3
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262. Jump up^ "1,159 obsolete laws scrapped by Modi govt; 1,301
junked in previous 64 years", The Times of India, 8 June 2016
263. Jump up^ "Report card: Two years later, here's how much Modi
has delivered on his promises", Daily News and Analysis, 26 May
2016
264. Jump up^ "PM Modi thanks nation on 'Mann Ki Baat' anniversary,
AIR plans survey", The Indian Express, 3 October 2015
265. Jump up^ "Govt launches 22 new schemes under Digital India
programme", Live Mint, 29 December 2015
266. Jump up^ "GST to take care of many of e-commerce firms' tax
issues: IT minister", Live Mint, 21 November 2014
267. Jump up^ "What is Digital India Campaign? Impact of Digital India
by 2019 | Digital India Project Campaign", Digitalindiainsight.com
268. Jump up^ "High-speed facility in 400 railway stations by 2017end", The Hindu, 6 May 2016
269. Jump up^ "Narendra Modi's 'wife' Jashodaben finally speaks, 'I like
to read about him (Modi) ... I know he will become PM'". The Financial
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272. Jump up^ "Jashodaben is my wife, Narendra Modi admits under
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273. Jump up^ "PM Narendra Modi takes blessings from mother Hiraba
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277. Jump up^ "Modi's world second most followed politician on Twitter,
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294. Jump up^ "'Karmayogi' swears by caste order 'Scavenging A
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295. Jump up^ "Modi's spiritual potion to woo karmayogis".
296. Jump up^ "Narendra Modi is 'anti-Dalit': Congress".
297. Jump up^ "Scavenging, a spiritual experience for Dalits: Modi".
298. Jump up^ "Modi against dalits".
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Sources
Guha, Ramachandra (2008). India After Gandhi: The History of the World's
Largest Democracy. Harper Perennial. ISBN 978-0-06-095858-9.
Further reading
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