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16
ver 1.21
Chapter in R.A. Cord (ed.) The Palgrave companion to LSE economics, forthcoming.
1.
Introduction1
1.1
Turvey combined an unorthodox intellect with a conviction that economic theory
should serve practical ends. He graduated with a first in the BSc (Econ) in 1947,2 having
produced finals papers which became legendary.3 Indeed, Lionel Robbins considered him a
young man of quite outstanding attainments [even] before graduation (Howson 2011, p.
653). Awarded a DSc by the LSE in 1971, Turvey was of the last generation of British academic
economists who did not routinely undertake a PhD and who, in his own words, Started as [an]
economic theorist in the days when it was possible to keep up with everything in economics,
only later specializing as his discipline changed and he found his comparative advantage in the
applied aspects of efficient resource allocation where he endeavoured to combine economic
analysis with industry-specific knowledge (Blaug 1999, p. 1117). He was a classic British
intellectual of his era [who] did not suffer fools lightly, and had a nice dry way of showing
it, without ever displaying malice or opportunism (Anon 2012b). As Shepherd (1973, p. 680)
observed in a review of two of his most influential books (Turvey 1968b; 1971c), he provided
powerful demonstrations that theory can be both clear in content and useful in hard-pressed
practical situations, though he was clear that it was The job of the politician to take
decisions for which no rational foundation is possible (Anon 2012a).
1.2
Turvey was born on 1 May 1927 in Birmingham and died in Bute on 7 April 2012. His
parents were Quakers, his father an engineer, and he was educated at the Quaker Sidcot School,
Somerset, before matriculating at the LSE in 1944 (at that point still in its wartime residence
in Peterhouse, Cambridge). As per the cosmopolitanism of the LSE, Turvey spent the summer
of 1946 in Sweden as a praktikant, during which he initiated a meeting with Erik Lindahl, 4 a
leading member of the Stockholm school and foremost expert in public finance. Returning to
Uppsala as a postgraduate for the 1947/8 academic year, he acquired fluency in Swedish and
great expertise in Swedish economics.5 This Swedish connection would bear sustained fruit,
influencing his research agenda for a decade or more, and leading him to undertake translations
1
I would like to thank Nicholas Turvey for providing me with a copy of Anon (2012b), which assisted
greatly my writing his fathers entry for the DNB (Middleton 2014), and for answering subsequent
queries; Professor Jon Stern for detail on the Regulation Initiative (RI); and Dr Aled Davies for
compensating for my locational disadvantage with research assistance.
Howson (2011, p. 653) notes that Turvey had come to LSE in October 1944 as a second year student,
having passed the Intermediate examination externally, so that by 1946/7 he was effectively a
[post]graduate student.
Maurice Peston, who matriculated in 1949, said in his obituary (2012): In the immediate postwar period,
Ralph was regarded as the most brilliant LSE undergraduate. When I arrived there as a student not many
years later, he was already a legend, not least because of his final examination papers. Each of his answers
was set out on less than one side of a sheet of paper. Richard Sayers, the professor of money and banking,
told me that the examiners did not see how they could possibly award him a first. It then dawned on them
that his answers were, in fact, perfect. John Dunning (2009, p. 58), a research student at UCL who also
attended LSE lectures in 1951/2, said of Turvey at this period that most students believed [he] was born
clutching an economics textbook in his hand an advanced one at that!
Turvey would contribute to Lindahls festschrift (Turvey 1956b) and an appreciation for Ekonomisk
Tidskrift (Turvey 1960a).
Turvey (1960a, pp. 5-6) covers this period and is the nearest we have to a published autobiographical
fragment.
of key Swedish texts for the International Economic Association.6 On returning to the LSE, he
was appointed an assistant lecturer in 1948 and became a reader (with special reference to
public finance) in 1951, by which point he had already published in Economica and the
Economic Journal, made a significant contribution to Baumol (1951) on economic dynamics,
and edited and translated his first book, Wages policy under full employment (1952), with
contributions by Erik Lundberg and others. He was also at that time the youngest Reader in
Economics by far, being in age comparable to many of the returning serviceman becoming
LSE undergraduates (Alford 2009, p. 200).
1.3
As Peston (2012) noted in his obituary, Turvey was an economist with many careers.
From the early 1950s onwards he augmented his broad theoretical interests (publishing two
well-received books, The economics of real property in 1957, and Interest rates and asset
prices in 1960b), with more microeconomic, policy-oriented research. He also loosened his ties
with, though in reality never really left, the LSE. He spent part of 1953 and the academic year
1958/9 in the US as a visiting professor (at Johns Hopkins and Chicago respectively), but then
in the 1960s shifted direction, being seconded first to the Treasurys economic section (1960
2) and then to the Center of Planning and Economic Research in Athens (1963), where he
studied Greek taxation, publishing Break and Turvey (1964). He next served as chief economist
at the Electricity Council (19647) and was a member of the National Board for Prices and
Incomes (NBPI) between 196771, becoming deputy chairman between September 1968 and
March 1971.7 At the Treasury his work was varied but included taxation and cost-benefit
analysis of a Channel Tunnel; at the Electricity Council, he was important in recasting pricing
along long-run marginal cost lines (which, for such a highly capital intensive sector, needed to
incorporate capital costs), this finding expression in the 1967 white paper on the nationalized
industries (HMSO 1967); and, at the NBPI, he deepened his analysis of optimal pricing on an
economy-wide basis. The publication of his Optimal pricing and investment in electricity
supply (1968b) and Economic analysis and public enterprises (1971c) confirmed his reputation
among academics and policy-makers, one reviewer writing of his prismatically lucid treatment
of economic criteria for public enterprises [which made him] required reading for everyone
in the field (Shepherd 1973, p. 679). Noteworthy also from this period was his most cited
paper,8 Cost-benefit analysis: a survey (Prest and Turvey 1965).
1.4
In the 1970s Turvey published a widely adopted introductory textbook (Demand and
Supply, 1971a) and shifted employment sector, first into private consultancy (as economic
adviser with Scientific Control Systems, 19715; now known as Scicon)9 and then became an
economic adviser and subsequently chief of the department of labour information and statistics
at the International Labour Office (ILO, 197589), during which time he transformed
international conventions for both labour market statistics and consumer price indices (CPI).
6
7
8
Between 195067, the IEA published twelve volumes of English translations of important foreign journal
articles. As Haberler said in the foreword to the first (Peacock et al. 1951, p. v) In the field of economics
the dissemination of new ideas and theories is seriously retarded by the lack of ability, or at least facility,
in reading contributions in foreign languages with Economists in English-speaking countries
especially guilty of what is going on in other languages. Turvey was one of the editors for the first ten
volumes.
Initially, joint deputy chairman, 1 September 1968 31 October 1969 (Fels 1972, app. A).
Google Scholar search 27.08.16 has 953 cites, followed by Turvey (1963b) at 391 and Turvey and
Anderson (1977) at 293.
Turvey was on the short-list to become the first director of the Central Policy Review Staff established
within the Cabinet Office in 1971 and disbanded in 1983 (Agar 2011, p. 222). This probably prompted
his move into the private sector as the Turvey family remember his complaint about excessive political
interference in government appointments (email from Nick Turvey, 13 March 2014).
Expertise in the latter led to roles on CPI advisory councils in Britain, Canada, Sweden and
New Zealand; it also provided an enduring interest in retirement as he pursued long-standing
historical interests in market failure and the economic history of London, using his LSE base
to publish on such disparate topics as eighteenth- and nineteenth-century London refuse and
the cost of living.10 In retirement he was also much involved with various economic thinktanks, and in particular served as chairman of the University of Baths Centre for the Study of
Regulated Industries, from which, with colleagues, he continued to make significant
contributions, notably Burns et al. (1998) on the behaviour of the firm under alternative
regulatory constraints.
1.5
Turveys publication record amounted to at least 150 items: eight books, of which three
were joint or multi-authored; four edited books and a further 10 edited volumes for the IEA; at
least 75 papers; an unknown number of contributions to conference volumes; at least 34 book
reviews; and countless reports for overseas governments and other agencies, some of which
were published in full (for example, Turvey and Cook 1974) or in Turvey and Anderson (1977)
which included a number of World Bank-financed case studies in electricity economics (see
3.4). Whilst precise categorisation is difficult, for convenience, we have organised Turveys
work into macroeconomics (2), welfare economics (3) and, beginning with the ILO, his later
career (4). This chimes with his own description in Blaug (1999), cited earlier (para 1.1), but
also maps well to the second and third parts of his career which were in economic advice,
public and private sector, domestic and international. Above all this is a career best considered
in chronological sequence.
2.
Macroeconomics
2.1
In the immediate postwar years the LSE was not a stronghold of Keynesian economics.
Peacock (2010, pp. 5445), who arrived at the LSE in 1948, reflected much later that it was
more open to ideas on macro-economic policy devised by the Stockholm School and to
criticisms from Continental Europe more directly entertained by Hayek and Robbins than
by Meade and Paish, all of them both open-minded and approachable, such that Out of the
fiery discussion of Keynesianism there emerged a fiscal model of varying degrees of
sophistication that owed a great deal to Netherland and Scandinavian writings on the logic of
economic policy. Here, fresh from Sweden, Turvey was to be key in bringing a Walrasian
influence to emerging LSE macroeconomics,11 with even undergraduates aware that Swedish
economics mattered (Cory 1997, p. 179).
2.2
Turveys first papers, published in Ekonomisk Tidskrift and Economica,12 were on the
inflationary gap and the multiplier (Turvey 1948a; b; 1949a; b). All applied the Stockholm
approach. They also displayed what would become characteristic of all of his work: a focus on
current policy issues, with sensitivity to their political economy and with theory as the
handmaiden of policy. An early willingness to collaborate was also evident in a major
contribution to Baumol (1951) indeed, so much so that in the second edition Baumol thought
he ought to have been acknowledged as a joint author (Baumol 1970, p. ix) and in Turvey
10
11
12
and Brems (1951).13 Much of this work took as its foundation Lindahls (1939) period analysis,
being attempts to work through microfoundations and to achieve clarity about concepts and
accounting identities with appropriate attention to expectations and the classification of
equilibria. This decomposition of macroeconomic concepts to give complex systems of lags
and functions meshed with Bill Phillips (1950) early work on stabilisation policy and physical
modelling in economics at the LSE (the first Phillips Machine was completed in September
1950) and, elsewhere, Goodwin (1949, p. 553) on the multiplier as a matrix which had the
powerful policy conclusion that, with respect to the income flow in a society, there is no one
lag but many, endlessly compounded. In his most developed paper on the multiplier (Turvey
1953b), he followed the contemporary Metzler (1948) formulation of three lags (Income
Spending; Spending Production; Production Income) but arrived at a similar position to
Goodwin with his insistence (pp. 2945) on the multiplicity of goods and factor markets.
Figure 1
14
In the preface to the first edition, Baumol recorded that Turvey wrote most of ch. 8 (Period analysis),
the appendix to ch. 5 (Uncertainty and the equilibrium of the firm) and made his influence felt
throughout the volume (Baumol 1970, p. xi). In the preface to the second edition he began by correcting
a fundamental omission from the First Edition, that Turvey was not listed as joint author, and noted
that I shall not venture to speculate whether his categorical refusal represented excessive modesty or an
act of judicious criticism (Baumol 1970, p. ix).
Turvey (1951b, pp. 5345) defined inflation as the process resulting from competition in attempting to
maintain total real income, total real expenditure and/or total output at a level which has become
physically impossible or attempting to increase any of them to a level which is physically impossible
(emphasis in original).
2.5
Beginning in the early 1950s Turvey worked on the theory of interest (Turvey 1951a;
1954), culminating in his short book, Interest rates and asset prices (1960b), written whilst a
Ford Foundation Visiting Research Professor at Chicago. This emphasised multiple asset stock
equilibrium, and was part of a burgeoning interest in asset price theory generally (see 3).
Additionally, he contributed both directly (Turvey 1953b) and indirectly to the balanced budget
multiplier debate (Baumol and Peston 1955; Peacock 1956), and on the interaction between
fiscal and monetary policy (Turvey 1956a). Thereafter, there would be occasional
macroeconomic contributions: a demonstration that there was no evidence that the transaction
demand for money was a stable function of the level of national income (Turvey 1956b); a
reminder at the outset of the more inflationary decade of the 1960s of the power of the
inflation tax (Turvey 1961); and, in a review of Keynesian interest rate theory, the suggestion
of a new type of investment function which substituted comparisons of expected yields in
relation to the interest rate with the concept of relating second-hand and new asset prices
(Turvey 1965, p. 172).
15
16
In the preface to Turvey (1960b) he acknowledges Univac as having done the computation for table V
which reported multiple correlation results.
In closing, Turvey (1960b, p. 107) who is here citing Baumols (1959, p.1) strictures on methodology
noted I have endeavoured to set out a simple model which is suitable for incorporation in textbooks.
The approach followed is a simple and common-sense one whose relevance to the real world is direct
and obvious. I have shown how it can be applied and tested and have pointed out some of the directions
in which it might be developed. The analysis has not built irrefutable theorems into an empty edifice of
compound tautologies but has employed questionable premises to obtain questionable conclusions
which seems to me to be the right way to approach economic phenomena.
3.
3.1
3.1.1 Turvey wrote one of the first texts on urban land economics, The economics of real
property: an analysis of property values and patterns of use (1957), described by one reviewer
as an attempt to bring Ricardo up to date (Bailey 1958, p. 179). Certainly, it was a
characteristic work in that Turvey sought to bring elementary economic tools (the price
mechanism) to a field (estate management) sorely in need of enlightenment and to do so with
the minimum of words and maximum of clarity. Moreover, he was addressing core
contemporary issues such as rent controls and planning legislation where the Conservative
governments Town and Country Planning Act, 1954, had just abolished the development
charges on planning gains in Labours 1947 Act which, Turvey (1953c, p. 299) considered,
had been an ingenuous attempt to deal with the compensation-betterment problem for social
advantage. This new field also marked the beginnings of his publications in economic history,
with his first foray into this literature (Turvey 1953a) being on nineteenth-century London
street improvements.
3.1.2 There was a clear, generaliseable public policy message from his work in urban
economics: any scheme which is constructed without regard to the working of the property
market and the technicalities of valuation is unlikely to work well; legal elegance is a poor
criterion by which to assess proposals (Turvey 1956c, p. 122). Whilst Turvey did keep up his
interests in this area, though mainly for the Lloyds Bank Review and in book reviewing, with
his move to the Treasury in 1960 his academic research moved more towards related issues,
and especially cost-benefit analysis.
3.2
Cost-benefit analysis
3.2.1 At the beginning of the decade, the American Economic Association and Royal
Economic Society (AEA-RES) initiated a series of Rockefeller Foundation-funded literature
reviews. The first published was on welfare economics, with the LSE author (Mishan 1960, p.
255), providing a rather pessimistic conclusion about the prospects for the rehabilitation of this
field, and in particular: the notion of discrepancies between private and social benefit which,
at first glance, appears a promising field for the application of welfare economics and a
salutary reminder of the limited capacity of the invisible hand [but] when pursued in earnest
reveals grave difficulties. Turvey did not feature within this survey, but within the next few
years he was to write what would become a prominent contribution on externalities which had
a clear message for both economists and public policy:
It is now abundantly clear that any general prescription of a tax to deal with external
diseconomies is useless. Each case must be considered on its own and there is no a priori reason
to suppose that the imposition of a tax is better than alternative measures or indeed, that any
measures at all are desirable unless we assume that information and administration are both
costless.
To sum up, then: when negotiation is possible, the case for government intervention is
one of justice not economic efficiency; when it is not, the theorist should be silent and call in
the applied economist.
[Turvey 1963b, pp. 31213]
17
The sub-title comes from Pestons (2012) obituary and relates principally to Turveys Treasury period in
which, focusing much more on micro- than macroeconomic issues, he sought to embed opportunity cost
as the key reference point for decision-makers.
3.2.2 He was also beginning to rethink public sector investment criteria (Turvey 1963a), in
particular the economic problems of the electricity sector (Turvey 1963c; 1964b); and, with his
LSE colleague, Alan Prest, published what would be one of his most influential papers (see
3.3): the AEA-RES survey on cost-benefit analysis (CBA) which inter alia argued that the
case for employing CBA is strengthened, not weakened, if its limitations are openly
recognised and indeed emphasised and, in particular, that The technique is most useful in the
public utility area than in the social services area of government (Prest and Turvey 1965, p.
731). Then, at the end of the decade, he published his well-known Economic Journal paper,
Marginal costs (Turvey 1969) which, much later with privatisation, regulation and
competition-promotion, would attract the attention of a new generation preoccupied with the
theory and practice of measuring costs.
3.3
3.3.1 This area of Turveys work began in 1960 with his first LSE leave-of-absence to join
the Economic Section of the Treasury, during which time he was to begin to apply his
developing approach to CBA and marginal cost pricing. His work included the Channel Tunnel
project where, to judge from the official history (Gourvish 2006, p. 178), he brought immediate
analytical benefits to a sceptical Treasury seeking to understand the real costs and projected
benefits.18 After the Treasury he was diverted for a year or so by Greek taxation, but in 1964
he resigned from the LSE,19 having been headhunted by his former LSE colleague, one-time
professor of industrial economics and now Chairman of the Electricity Council, Ronald
Edwards, to become chief economist of the Council.
3.3.2 Turveys arrival at the Treasury coincided with an intense internal debate that would
soon produce the Plowden report on the control of public expenditure (HMSO 1961a) and a
white paper on the financing of the nationalised industries (HMSO 1961b) (Daniels 1977).
Peston (1968, p. 128), who was to succeed Turvey at the Treasury (19624), says of this and
the immediately succeeding period:
One of the most remarkable developments in public policy of the past six years or so has been
the growth of interest by officials, politicians, and the boards of nationalised industries in
efficient investment decision-making. Several forces have been at work here. There has been
Treasury concern with the financing of the nationalized industries, which allegedly imposed a
burden on the tax system. [HMSO 1961b] set out the new policy setting targets for the
nationalized industries, the result of which has been to raise significantly the extent to which
their investment is self-financing. A second force not wholly independent of the first has
18
19
Turvey was one of a number of academic economists in Whitehall in the 1950s and 1960s who, seconded
from their universities, sought to improve decision-making through greater employment of basic
economic tools: for example, Ian Little, who was Deputy Director of the Economic Section (19535)
and whose The price of fuel (1953) began to formalise some of the issues raised in the Ridley report
(HMSO 1952) about how there could be increased competition and an improved relationship between
prices and relevant costs; David Henderson, at the Treasury (19578) and the Ministry of Aviation
(19646), whose strictures on public sector investment still repay close reading, as does his later
condemnation, in his Reith lecture, of the continuance of Do-It-Yourself Economics (ersatz economics)
in public policy (Henderson 1965; 1986); and Michael Posner at the Ministry of Power (19667), where
the dominance of coal interests constrained the adoption of marginal cost pricing. Posner (1973) would
embody much of what he had learnt from his Whitehall experience together with clear guidance for
policy-makers of how to conduct an economically rational fuel policy.
Howson (2011, p. p. 909) records developments in 19634 at the LSE which culminated in Turvey not
being appointed to a professorship despite the initial recommendation of the appointment committee that
he be so honoured. He resigned in April 1964, though later would become a Visiting Professor and
eventually Emeritus.
been the activities of economists working for government, notably in the economic section of
the Treasury. Academic economists have long taken for granted that inter-temporal decisionmaking involves discounting future revenues and costs. It may be difficult for them to
appreciate, therefore, the triumph represented by the positive acceptance on the part of the
Treasury of discounted cash flow.
3.3.3 There is no evidence of Turveys direct influence on the first nationalised industry white
paper HMSO (1961b) whereas many have identified his effect on second (HMSO 1967) which
established marginal cost pricing and the ascendancy of Discounted Cash Flow (Price 1983, p.
360; Chick 2007, p. 76). More generally, in a close study on the diffusion of CBA techniques
in British government, Colvin (1985, pp. 46-7) has identified the importance of the PrestTurvey (1965) survey and other work by Turvey. All of this accords with the finding of Coats
(1981) and others that the influence of economists on policy at this time lay less with highprofile macroeconomics and much more with microeconomic decision-making.
3.3.4 With the move to the Electricity Council came a period of sustained research in energy
economics and public enterprise more generally, beginning with Turvey and Nobay (1965)
which used energy consumption as the raw material for an exploration of index number
problems associated with measuring consumption at constant prices. It has been argued that
hitherto the really important economic papers in the energy field [were at this time]
published in specialist journals rather than economic journals (Price 1983, p. 360). This now
began to change with Turvey a key driver. As he wrote in the introduction to his edited volume,
Public enterprise: selected readings (1968c, p. 8), a volume for the then very influential
Penguin series:
Economists seldom realize how much good work is done in their field by engineers and
operational researchers. Many of the most interesting economic problems of public enterprise
relate to operational and investment decisions. Economists tend to think of these as trivial and
to substitute their solution in given cost and production functions, leading to oversimplification
and disregard of a large body of knowledge. Econometric attempts to ascertain the presence and
extent of economies of scale in electricity generation, for instance, have been a complete waste
of time. However, planning engineers are directly concerned with this issue in so far as it is
relevant to action, for their job lies in optimizing the expansion of an interconnected system.
Thus an attempt to infer technology from ex post data, even if it were adequately sophisticated
and even if it gave a clear result, would merely furnish out-of-date information about what was
already known.
3.3.5 This constitutes something of a manifesto for this stage of Turveys career, being the
foundation stone for his major study, Optimal pricing and investment in electricity supply
(1968b), which sought to educate both economists and electricity engineers/administrators of
what each had to bring to a more enlightened understanding of rational cost-estimation, pricesetting and investment decisions. Put formally, the objective was to maximise the sum of
producers and consumers surplus, though in reality a tariff structure which fully reflected
the structure of marginal cost and included an ideal time pattern of peak capacity charge would
be extremely complex (1968b, p. 102). Turvey provided realism, political and commercial,
which led to tariff simplification along marginalist lines (Chick 2007). Issues of peak load
pricing as an exemplar of joint product were to attract much attention at this time in the
economic journals, with Turvey (1968a) joining battle in the Journal of Political Economy to
promote, for an international audience, both the developing marginal cost approach and the
large-scale long-term experiments of the type now being pioneered in Britain (p. 113).
Concurrently, the Economic Journal debate to which Turvey (1969) had been a catalyst,
smouldered on into the new decade with Turvey (1971b) an answer to his critics.
3.4
10
3.4.1 Turveys move from the Electricity Council to the NBPI in autumn 1967, and thence in
1971 into private consultancy, broadened considerably his understanding of general economic
policy and the political economy of distributional conflict in particular. His time at the NPBI
did not produce much in the way of new writing, and so far as is discernible his general view
of inflation remained similar to those he had held in the 1950s, as for example in his comments
to a Money Study Group (established by Harry Johnson in 1969) LSE conference in 1971 on
inflation in which he subscribed to the then dominant interpretation of exogenous wage push:
it is a question of relative deprivation and the perception of social justice which is the key to
understanding what has happened (Turvey 1971d, p. 200), although later in the decade he
expressed scepticism that any such mechanism could be the cause of accelerated inflation
(Turvey 1978, p. 196).
3.4.2 His earlier interest in how productivity issues impacted upon wage-setting were also
much evident, and he was necessarily preoccupied with how the new inflationary environment
affected pricing policy and business sustainability in cases that came before the NBPI (Turvey
1971e, p. 489; 1974) (on sustainability, he would in 1974 become a member of the Sandilands
committee on inflation accounting which reported just as inflation was peaking in the summer
of 1975 (RPI inflation was then 26 per cent) (HMSO 1975). Above all, however, this was a
period of extreme controversy with Turvey having a much higher public profile. This was often
uncomfortable, not least in late 1968-early 1969 when the NBPI report on academic salaries
(HMSO 1968) which were a standing reference for the Board was widely condemned, and
not just within academia. Even a Conservative former minister responsible for universities
described it as inept and superficial with academics having every right to be thoroughly
disappointed (Boyle 1969, col. 1341). One can but guess at the motive for his inclusion of
academic salary-determination an occupation where earnings play a relatively small role in
adjusting supply and demand as a case study in his little demand and supply textbook
(Turvey 1971a, p. 97).20
3.4.3 With the change in government in 1970 the fate of the NBPI was obvious. Turvey
completed his Economic analysis and public enterprise (1971c) in January 1971, just before
the Board was dissolved. For the next four years he was in private sector consultancy and his
published work was almost all amplifications and/or extensions of the new book to additional
sectors (the book had begun life as a series of lectures given in Norway in 1969 and was
explicitly informed by his NBPI experience) (1971c, p. 9).21 Here is the fullest expression of
his pursuit of optimal pricing, not through the intellectual elegance of general equilibrium,
but via second-best optimisation, partial rather than general equilibrium and the rough and
ready that is appropriate in practice to operate and analyse public enterprises (p. 21). Whilst
electricity featured in chapter 4 on simple versus complex price structures, the range of utility
undertakings encompassed is now much broader, whilst in any case he was still working on
electricity economics and would publish, in a very productive partnership with the CEGB
engineer turned economist Dennis Anderson, Electricity economics (1977). Widely reviewed,
20
21
This period throws up something of a curiosity. Aubrey Jones, who chaired the NBPI throughout its life
(196571), published a number of pieces on the Board, not least in his widely cited Penguin Special on
the new inflation but made no reference to Turvey save to Turvey (1971b) (Jones 1973, p. 108n).
From 1967 onwards it was government policy that all major price increases in the nationalised industries
be referred to the Board. The Board commissioned Cambridges DAE to investigate its effectiveness; its
report (Fels 1972, pp. xi, 214, 216, 219, 221) contains frequent references to Turveys work and his
publications (1969; 1971b).
11
widely used, and described in one core literature review of public sector pricing as
outstanding (Bs 1985, p. 175).
3.4.4 There is no extant evidence of Turveys period at Scicon, through from an advert in the
Economist in late 1974, which sought to recruit a young, capable and independent person to
join our small team of high-powered Economists, who include Professor Ralph Turvey, one
might infer that the company expected him to stay in post a while longer.22
4
4.1
Later career
ILO and the CPI
4.1.1 Turvey joined the ILO in 1975 as Director of its Department of Labour Information and
Statistics, becoming de facto its Chief Statistician.23 The ILO, whilst long-established in
Geneva (its origins lay with the League of Nations in 1919), has since the Second World War
been constituted as the specialist agency of the UN, with the Statistics section charged with
(a) the development of international statistical standards on the basis of the experience and
requirements of the different member States; (b) the provision of advice to member States in
the form of expert consultancies, training and manuals to assist them in the application of these
standards; and (c) the dissemination of key labour statistics and methodological information
through publications and electronic means (Laurie 1998, p. 5).
4.1.2 Turveys appointment brought him right to the heart of the nexus of key international
economic organisations UN-IMF-World Bank-OECD-EU) and he was to remain in post until
he retired (see 4.2), making contributions in two key areas: labour statistics (especially a
Labour Accounting System) and the development of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), the latter
allowing him to revive his earlier interest in the theory and practice of index numbers (Turvey
and Nobay 1965). In the context of the then highly topical debate about structural
unemployment, he quickly identified major shortcomings with existing labour statistics
pertaining to industrial structure (Turvey 1977). Then, beginning with a series of short papers
in the ILOs Bulletin of Labour Statistics in the 1980s, he made a number of proposals for
reforming labour statistics so that better cross-country comparisons might be made,
culminating in Developments in international labour statistics (Turvey 1990) which he edited.
He also contributed a number of chapters, notably on labour productivity where he made the
argument (still being developed in Turvey 2001) that we needed better measures of economic
change.
4.1.3 The most durable and influential output from this period was published upon his
retirement, the ILO manual on compilation of consumer price indices (Turvey et al. 1989). As
described by Afriat (2005, p. xxi), For practice [this] one book is important and without
alternative It is the basis for a worldwide standardization of practice. Indeed, such has been
its utility that the international Intersecretariat Working Group on Price Statistics (IWGPS)
produced a revised and expanded edition (ILO et al. 2004) which, unlike the original, also
addressed theoretical issues. Turveys practical influence also continued after he left the ILO
22
23
Scicon London Economist for Overseas Project, Economist, 21 December 1974, p. 107. The salary
offered was upwards of 5,000; by comparison a fixed-term research post at the LSE offered the salary
scale 2,118-3,990 plus 399 London allowance (Appointments, Economist, 3 May 1975, p. 133).
Turveys last Whos Who entry records: Economic Advr, then Chief Statistician, ILO, 197589; Dir,
Dept of Labour Information and Statistics, ILO, until 1989.
12
through his membership of the Retail Price Index Advisory Committee (19914). Its technical
recommendations (HMSO 1994) fed into the process that led to Britains Harmonised Index of
Consumer Prices which, launched by the ONS in 1996, replaced the RPI as the measure for the
Bank of Englands inflation targeting in 2003 and as the official inflation measure for uprating
welfare benefits in 2011. He was, however, something of a dissident about how housing costs
ought to be incorporated, signing a minority report (HMSO 1994, p. 62) that favoured including
only mortgage interest payments and actual maintenance expenditures rather than what
transpired (a combination of total mortgage payments plus historic cost depreciation) which
was rather appropriately described by Goodhart (2001, p. F351) as Analytically a dogs
breakfast.
4.1.4 The ILO manual had listed three general approaches to housing costs: net acquisition
(asset based); payments (cash outflows); and user cost. For Turvey the choice required a prior
question: the question. What inflation measure was sought; and this within the context that, in
a nice turn of phrase, We all face the same index number problem, perhaps best described as
that of encapsulating in a single monthly number what cannot be encapsulated in a single
monthly number! (Turvey 1997, p. 1915). The question, here put succinctly by Goodhart
(2001, p. F336), was: what kind of index you should want depends on the use that you intend
to make of it. In Britain, where mortgage-finance home ownership rates were relatively high,
monetary policy highly politicised, and house prices subject to cycles with high variance and
significant public debate, some economists had long contended that the RPI (which included
mortgage interest payments) produced perverse effects on public perceptions of inflation,
the conduct of economic policy and the success of that policy (HMSO 1994, p. 53). The
treatment of housing costs, and more broadly whether asset price inflation should be
incorporated, remains a live public policy issue in Britain, as elsewhere. Turvey made a major
contribution towards illuminating the central issues and offering practical solutions even if
that advice was often spurned in Britain and abroad.
4.2
Retirement
4.2.1 Formal retirement coincided with the coming to maturity of the Conservative
governments privatisation policies and the regulatory challenge thereby presented. Turvey
would be in his element, and after spending 198990 as a Research Fellow at Statistics Canada,
the national statistical agency, he joined the Centre for the Study of Regulated Industries (CRI),
established in 1991 by CIPFA at Bath University, serving as chairman of its Advisory
Committee, 19932009.Over the twenty years of the Centres activity Turvey made numerous
contributions to its annual regulatory reviews, as well as producing technical and other papers,
some of which were published in the academic journals, with Burns et al. (1998) which
proposed a hybrid form of regulation between price cap and rate-of-return the most wellknown and Turvey (2006) the last in a peer-reviewed journal.24 One highlight was a joint CRILondon Business School (LBS) conference to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Littlechild
report on telecom regulation which proposed the RPI-X formula of regulation, the foundation
stone of what has come to be known as the UK model of utility regulation (Bartle 2003;
Parker 2009, ch. 12). It was entirely appropriate that, as someone whose influence on
Littlechilds research stretched back over forty years (for example, Littlechild 1970 which was
prompted by Turvey 1969), he should jointly chair this conference.
4.2.2 In parallel with Turveys involvement with the CRI, and various foreign CPI advisory
24
CRI (2010) provides a complete publication and information list for the centre.
13
5.
Conclusions
5.1
Turvey was a very LSE economist of his time: one of the last of the generalist cohort
who, in a long publishing career (19482010), made significant contributions in
macroeconomics and, above all, applied welfare economics. He deserves to be better known
amongst the younger generation, not just for his writings, but for his cosmopolitanism and
commitment to public service. In a discipline where fads and fashions became part of the
formalism of the subject, he rejected empty formalism before the term had been invented. Thus,
in words which could be his epitaph, Turvey (1960a, p. 8) described Erik Lindahl, his first
mentor (Robbins would be the second, though with reservations):
What is so impressive is that Lindahl did not escape into empty formalism. It is all too easy for
elegance to become an end in itself so that economic analysis becomes as irrelevant to the real
problems of economics as the question of how many angels could dance on the head of a pin
became to the problem of good and evil. Lindahl never wasted his and his readers time.
5.2
In detailing his career and writings we have emphasised two central characteristics:
expositional clarity so that economics can fulfil its potential to do good; and realism about
25
26
27
Turveys Whos Who entry records New Zealand, 1991; Britain, 19924; and Canada and Sweden,
19922006.
Founded in 1999 and worker-owned, with a former Treasury Permanent Secretary and Head,
Government Economic Service as its current chairman: <www.frontier-economics.com>, 28.08.16.
For contemporary discussions of regulatory capture in the context of British public utility regulation, see
Parker (2002, esp. pp. 499500). In a major work, Moran (2003, p. 105) has argued that Littlechilds
RPI-X formulation embodied a determination to contain discretion, and therefore the dangers of special
interest politics ... [being] a powerful response to the old diseased club system that had wreaked such
havoc in the government of the nationalised industries. See also Mueller and Carter (2007) on the place
of Turvey in the new networks of engineers, economists and management accountants (a hybridisation)
which occurred in the post-privatisation, regulated utilities.
14
5.3
Turvey held no monopoly of these characteristics: they are part of the tradition of LSE
economics of which he was a front-rank exponent. Thus, as Tribe (2009, p. 81) puts it, what
distinguished the exposition of economic principles at the LSE was the strong normative
belief that such classroom principles could be translated unmediated into economic argument
and policy agendas, and this at a time when the schools pedagogic reach was far greater
than that of Oxford, Cambridge or even Manchester.
.
6.
6.1
15
References
Main works by Ralph Turvey28
Items indicated * were selected by Turvey as the publications he wished to record as significant in his
entry in Whos who in economics (Blaug 1999, p. 1117). A full bibliography is available upon request.
16
17
Turvey, R. (2010) The cost of living in London, 17401834, LSE Working Papers in
Economic History, 147/10.
Turvey, R. and Anderson, D. (1977) Electricity economics: essays and case studies.
Washington, DC: World Bank.*
Turvey, R. and Brems, H. (1951) The factor and goods markets, Economica, 18.1, 5768.
Turvey, R. and Cook, E. (1974) Report to the government of Pakistan on the prices of essential
commodities. London: Scicon.*
Turvey, R. and Nobay, A.R. (1965) On measuring energy consumption, Economic Journal,
75.4, 78793.
Turvey, R. et al. (1989) Consumer price indices: an ILO manual. Geneva: ILO.*
6.2
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