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Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) and
copy deletion in PF*
The 3rd International Linguistics and Language Studies Conference
June 24-25, 2016
YPi.[XP .YPi]
The highest null copy deleted to satisfy a PF constraint (Bobaljik 1995; Pesetsky
1997; Richards 1997; Roberts 1997; Franks 1998; Bokovi 2001)
YPi.[XP .YPi]
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Roadmap
Background
BCS Accent
BCS enclitics
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( H )
--> rising accent on the host
The interaction is not possible if:
The ECL does not have a High tone
(H )
--> falling accent on the host
The ECL is not in the same prosodic word of the host
((H ) (H) ) --> falling accent on the host
The ECL follows a host that has a High tone
(H (H) )
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Interaction of ECL with the accent of the host has not been discussed in the
literature (for interactions of proclitics with the accent of the host, see: Zec
and Inkelas 1991; Zec 2005; Rianovi, and Aljovi 2009; Tali 2015, under
review)
In a dialect of BCS, we find contexts where such interaction is possible.
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(7) a. K dolazi?
who comes
Who is coming?
b. t kae?
what says
What did he say?
c. t plae?
why cries
Why is he crying?
d. Gdj borave?
where stay
Where are they staying?
If ECL do not interact with the accent of these hosts, we expect them to have the same prosody as in (6) and (7).
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interaction
10
interaction
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interaction
Aida Tali (UConn) - LILA '16
11
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interaction
12
Aux
(interaction)
(interaction)
Dat
(interaction)
(interaction)
Acc
(interaction)
(interaction)
je, se
(interaction)
Table 1: Summary
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interaction
interaction
Option 2:
The special clitics: cannot attach inside the accentual domain of the host
interaction
((Host) + ECL)
Other clitics: can attach inside the accentual domian of the host
(Host + ECL)
interaction
Prosodic subcategorization:
(see e.g. Inkelas 1990; Zec and Inkelas 1991; Zec 2005, Bennett et al. 2015)
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Falling: interaction
(12) t mu
je rekao?
what him.dat is said
What did he say to him?
(13) t mu govori?
what him.dat says
What is he telling him?
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Inkelas 1990; Percus 1993; avar and Wilder 1994; Schtze 1994; Wilder and avar
1994; 1997; Bokovi 1995, 2000, 2001; Bokovi and Franks 2002; Hock 1992; Franks
and Progovac 1994; Roberts 1994; Dimitrova-Vulchanova 1995; Halpern 1995; Anderson
1996; King 1996; Phillips 1996; Progovac 1996, 1998, 2000; Tomi 1996, 2000; Embick
and Izvorski 1997; Franks 1997, 1998; Rivero 1997; Caink 1998, 1999; Stjepanovi 1998,
1999; Boeckx and Stjepanovi 2000; Franks and King 2000; Law 2001)
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Bokovi (2001):
The syntax is blind to the 2P requirement;
High clitics: the interrogative particle li in C and Aux in C or T
Low clitics: object clitics in the verbal domain below TP
Syntax
a. XPi enclitic enclitic. XPi YP
Phonology
(2P) a. XPi enclitic enclitic. XPi YP
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(16) interaction
a. t li hoe?
what Q wants
I wonder what he wants.
a. t su vam
rekli?
what are you.pl.dat say
What did they tell you?
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Paradox:
Low ECLs can interact with the accent of the host if the high Aux ECL je is
also present and if it follows them.
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(19) On mi
ga
je dao, a i
ona je mi
ga
dala takoe.
he mi.dat it.acc is gave, and also she is me.dat it.acc gave too
He gave it to me, and she did, too.
(Stjepanovi 1998: 532)
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object clitic
rekao]]]]
said
*(je mu)
PF reordering
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(21) a. t
mu
se desilo?
what him.dat SE happened
What happened to him?
interaction
23
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(24) a. t li mu govori?
what Q him.dat says
I wonder what hes saying to him?
b. Syntax: [CP ta li [TP govori [FP mu [ vP govori]]]]
c. Phonology: (((ta li) (govori mu) ))
(((ta li) (govori mu) (govori)))
interaction
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In Sum
interaction
interaction
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Conclusions
In this dialect of BCS enclitics fall into three classes regarding whether they
interact with the accent of the host, or not:
(i)
li always interacts
(ii)
Aux, Dat, Acc interaction depends on the construction
(iii) je, se - never interact
The phonology ignores null lower copies of moved elements, but it is
sensitive to the highest copies of moved elements even when they are null.
BCS enclitics are not in the same syntactic position and their 2P requirement
is entirely phonological (see Bokovi 2001).
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