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Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION
CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
APPENDIX
10
Introduction
Countries enter trade agreement to mutually benefit from the tax, tarif
and duty impositions of certain services and goods. These agreements
can either be a preferential or free trade and can be between two
countries or more. Regional trade agreements are much more beneficial
than bilateral trade agreements in a way that they reduce the noodle
bowl efect i.e. the need for multiple agreements is reduced. The recent
multilateral (more than two signatory countries) trade agreement signed
is the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement (TPP).
The TPP agreement was initiated by four countries Chile, Brunei,
Singapore and New Zealand and later 8 other countries have joined the
negotiations, with the US being the major economy. The agreement has
been signed by all the twelve countries; the US, Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam,
Singapore, Australia, New
Zealand,
Brunei, Canada,
Mexico,
Chile
and Peru, and will enter into force after the ratification by at least 6 states
that together have GDP higher than 85%. Per the US, this trade
agreement is very crucial to integrate trade relations among the Asia
Pacific countries and the West. It is also the central theme for the US to
rebalance itself in the Asia Pacific, as the aggregate trade of these
countries in this agreement amount to approx. 35% of the global trade. No
trade agreement in the past has looked into reaching out to behind the
border regulations to regulate capital flows, investment, intellectual
property and SOEs.
One concern that looms the agreement is the exclusion of China. China is
a major economy in the Asia Pacific region which is too large to ignore.
However, it has not entered the partnership agreement, possibly due to
multiple reasons, Chinas existing practices that do not align with the key
objectives of the partnership or the vision of US to use TPP as a tool to
contain China, as its Asia-pacific strategy.
This article will discuss the key aspects to look at reasons why China will
not like to enter the agreement and the alternatives that China has to
keep the Asia pacific integrated, and at the same time maintain trade
supremacy in the Asia Pacific and the world.
implementation
of
intellectual
property
rights,
primarily
These features provide mutual benefit for the businesses and also the
governments to work and promote a growth in terms of economy.
However, there are concerns that such an agreement would cause higher
unemployment and structural change in the developed economies, mainly
the US. Fear of losing the jobs to the Asia Pacific region is one of the
primary concerns of the people in the US.
Other members in the pact, though concerned of the negative aspects of
enhanced liberalization, look forward to benefit in terms of trade, and also
reduce their dependency on China. A recently released World Bank report
on Global Economic Prospects outlines that the major winners of the
partnership is Vietnam accounting to a 10% increase in Growth by 2030
(Ref: FIG 1), and an overall growth in member countries by 1.1%. The
report as well suggests that there is not much impact on the GDP and
trade of non-member countries, primarily China. China can look forward to
the transition from a manufacturing economy to a service economy with
the manufacturing resources moving to the developing TPP member
countries.
Major issues raised by the US in the recent past are (reference to WTO
Trade Dispute website)
1) Hidden tax exemptions are given to certain Chinese aircraft
producers.
2) Chinas ofering of undue advantage to its domestic exporters by
the
means
of
establishing
clusters
of
industries,
called
which expand the role of the market is a great liability for countries whose
government programs have built their basis on social welfare, national
development and international cooperation. As an example, most
countries have governments promising free or reduced medical care. The
intellectual property clause in the TPP will tend to benefit the private
enterprises and in turn, increase the prices of essential drugs. China
though liberalized, still has the highest level of state intervention in all its
national and foreign afairs which prevents it from joining TPP. As per Eric
Stadius and Elizabeth Briggs (2012) Beijings policy of sustaining staterun enterprises, the difficulties surrounding land purchase in China, the
Chinese Central Banks intentional undervaluation of the currency, and
various barriers to free trade, all violate the principles of the TPP.
Many China watchers both national and foreign opine that there is already
open trade between the members of TPP and that the agreement has
ulterior motives such as to contain China, reorient discussion in Pacific
trade away from China and to compete with Chinas economic interest.
(Cai 2011, Li 2012, John Ross (2011), K.V. Kesavan and Kartikeya Khanna
(2012)).
China on the other edge is on a leading front to negotiate a regional free
trade agreement with countries in the pacific. This trade agreement is
closed door negotiation and is an alternative form to the more open and
high-standard TPP. The RCEP is seen as a complementary free trade
agreement (FTA) to the TPP. In the view of China, RCEP enhances
cooperation between the ASEAN countries, India, Australia, Japan and New
Zealand. With India and China, two major economies on the east and the
ASEAN countries, the RCEP tends to a have stronger hold on the eastern
hemisphere trade. The RCEP has a relatively weak agenda than the TPP,
with lower standards of regulations for intellectual property and Investor
relations. Considering the political and business environment of China and
India, RCEP is a reasonably achievable, and implementable FTA.
The United States has a higher power in the TPP with 62% share in total
GDP (Figure 2). The key implication of this would be major decisions in
favor of the US. Even if China decides to join the pact, US will still have a
45% share in the total GDP of the members. The key decision maker with
a larger pie will still be the US, but there will be a slight shift in the power.
Therefore, in terms of power, the US will still be in the driver seat, but with
China applying the brakes.
Conclusion
TPP is designed on an ideal platform of liberal views and is very beneficial
for multi-national companies. However, stricter laws have to be enforced
by emerging countries to ensure to meet the requirements of TPP. This
will need a greater amount of government involvement, and would also
lead to a major resistance from domestic markets. This is one of the major
issues that China would not like to join TPP. Secondly, the dominance of
the US in the TPP may also be a reason for its reluctance to join and finally
the strained trade relations between two major economies also play an
important role.
The emergence of two individual regional FTAs, the TPP and RCEP, will
have a higher impact on the global trade. The countries such as Vietnam,
Malaysia etc., which are mere spectators currently, will become direct
beneficiaries due to the complementary trade agreements with the US
and China in the form of TPP and RCEP. Some of the countries which are
willing to be part of both the trade agreements will see added advantages
of increased exports to China, and tax-free imports from the US at the
same time.
Therefore, at this point in time, in my opinion, China not being a part of
TPP would benefit the global economy. There will be increased scope for
MNCs to reap the benefits of competition from smaller emerging
countries and cheaper trade when operating from the East Asian region.
The host countries will enjoy a growth in GDP. China can also benefit from
the manufacturing sector moving to less developed economies, and can
concentrate on transitioning to a service economy to increase its growth
rate.
References
Summary of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement | United States Trade
Representative.
(n.d.).https://ustr.gov/about-us/policy-offices/pressoffice/press-releases/2015/october/summary-trans-pacific-partnership
Trans-Pacific Partnership: Summary of U.S. Objectives | United States Trade Representative.
(n.d.). Retrieved June 14, 2016, from https://ustr.gov/tpp/Summary-of-US-objectives
World Bank Group. 2016. Global Economic Prospects, January 2016: Spillovers amid Weak
Growth. Washington, DC: World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-14648-0675-9. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO
Stadius, E., & Briggs, E. (2012, August 20). The Trans-Pacific Partnership:
Free Trade at What Costs? http://www.coha.org/the-trans-pacificpartnership-free-trade-at-what-costs/
Cai, Penghong (2011) The Trans-Pacific Partnership: A Chinese
Perspective, presentation delivered at the 20th PECC General Meeting,
Washington D.C., www.pecc. org/resources/ cat_view/44-trade-andinvestment?limit=40&order=name&dir=DESC
Kesavan, K.V. and Kartikeya Khanna (2012) Japans Dilemma On The
Trans-Pacific Partnership Analysis, Eurasia Review, 11 September.
www.eurasiareview.com/11092012-japans-dilemma-on-the-trans-pacificpartnership-analysis/
Ross, John (2011) Realities behind the Trans-Pacific Partnership,
China.org,
18
November,
www.china.org.cn/opinion/201111/18/content_23953374.htm
Yu, P. K. (2015). How Chinas exclusion from the TPP could hurt its
economic growth. Fortune.Com, N.PAG.
Appendix
Figure 1: Forecast of Changes in Growth due to TPP among members and non-members
Source: World Bank Group. 2016. Global Economic Prospects, January 2016: Spillovers amid Weak Growth. Washington, DC: World
Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1-4648-0675-9. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO