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Southern Pannonia
The state of research and selected problems in the
Croatian part of the Roman province of Pannonia
Edited by
Branka Migotti
Published by
Archaeopress
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BAR S2393
The Archaeology of Roman Southern Pannonia: The state of research and selected problems in the Croatian
part of the Roman province of Pannonia
Archaeopress and the individual authors 2012
The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free
from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com
Pannonians:
This paper will discuss ancient Pannonian identitynarratives and their transformations until Late Antiquity.
As far as we know, Pannonian identity first appears in the
written sources as an outsiders depiction of the indigenous
communities living in what will become Roman southern
Pannonia and northern Dalmatia. After the Roman conquest,
the narratives of Pannonianess become more complex and
develop into what we can today see as a set of different
outside labels, and internal self-perceptions relating to the
roman province(s) of Pannonia, their regions, and individual
communities. The focal point will be, in tune with this
whole volume, Pannonian narratives from the southern
parts of the province. It is impossible to treat Pannonian
identities here in full detail such an encompassing study
would need a whole monograph, rather than just a single
chapter. What we offer here is more an outline of the
different identity-narratives rather than a full and thorough
exploration of all available sources.
See for example Thurston 2009, or Hill 1995; 2006; Bevan 1999;
Haselgrove and Moore 2007.
4
On Romanization, from its rejection to the basic defence of its
framework see e.g. Mattingly 1997b; 2004; Millett 1990; Woolf 1992;
1998; Keay and Terrenato 2001; Alfldy 2005; Hingley 1996; 2005;
Cecconi 2006; Pitts 2007, etc.
5
See the concise and ecompassing recent overview in Hodos 2010.
6
Barth 1969; Yelvington 1991, see also Barth 1989.
93
Fig. 1. The peregrine civitates composed from the groups perceived as the Pannonii in pre-conquest period (after Google Maps,
modified by D. Dzino).
94
etc.
For the notion of emblemic style, see the works of Wiessner 1983;
1989; 1990.
19
See in different historical contexts Curta 2007a; Antonaccio 2001;
2010.
20
They are usually refered to in the scholarship as the Pannonii. This
should be distinguished from the term Pannonians which depicts the
Pannonian identity from Roman times we will follow this convention
in the paper, and italicise the term.
21
Mcsy 1974, 4-5., cf. recently Colombo 2010, 202: n puri Celti,
n meri Iliri, ma piuttosto Celto-Iliri.
22
Benac 1987b, followed by Oluji 2004; 2007, 11-24 and Matijai
2009, 30-50.
18
Wells 1999 is perhaps the most popular work on the topic, earlier
Dauge 1981; Hartog 1980. See also the new research on Roman
ethnography as a literary category: Murphy 2004; Dench 2005, 93-151
and the overview in Syed 2005, or for example Clarke 1999 on Hellenistic
geography (Strabo, Posidonius and Polybius) as a genre.
15
Morris 1992, 156-173; Hope 1997; 2001; 2003 etc.
16
Van Driel-Murray 2002, Roymans 2004; Derks 2009 (Batavian);
Oltean 2009 (Dacian); Dzino 2010b (Dalmatian). Pannonian auxiliaries
and sailors are discussed in Domi Kuni 1988; 1996a; 1996b; 1996c.
17
Criticisms of culture-history approach are numerous: see Shennan
1989; Jones 1996; 1997; Graves-Brown et al. 1996; Brather 2004 etc.
14
95
On the Iron Age groups in the western part of the Balkan peninsula in
English see: Wilkes 1992, 40-206; ael Kos 2005, 219-244; Dzino 2010a,
36-43, in German see Lippert 2004 and Pavic 2010.
24
ael Kos 2005, 376-378, quote from 378.
25
Katii 1963; 1965, 69-73 for the Central Dalmatian or PannonianDalmatian anthroponymic group, see the general overview of
anthroponymic research in Wilkes 1992, 74-87; ael Kos 2005, 228-231.
For the analysis of the written sources, see below.
26
Mari 1964a (links with the Urnfielders), see also Wilkes 1992, 202207. Milin 2003 unconvincingly attempted to reconcile material with the
anthroponymic and paleolinguistic evidence. See below for the analysis
of the material evidence.
27
See Dzino 2011
28
Straub 2002, see also above.
23
29
96
97
Tac. Germ. 43, Mcsy 1967. Anreiter (2001, 9-21) assumed the
existence of the Pannonian language/dialect, which might be closer to the
languages of the Iapodes, Delmatae and southern Illyrians, than that of
the La Tne inhabitants of the south-eastern Alps. This view is disputed
for a good reason, Adamik 2003. Pannonian population used significant
amount of words from the Celtic language (Colombo 2010, 193-202),
relying mostly on the evidence from imperial period
50
Heterarchy is the theoretical concept based on the ideas of Crumley,
see e.g. Crumley 2007. The new opinions and approaches in research of
the European Iron Age based on the concept of heterarchy are surveyed
in Thurston 2009, 360-367.
51
Cf. ael Kos 2005, 377-378.
49
98
52
Recently Dzino 2010a, 99-155; Domi Kuni 2006, 91-115. See also
ael Kos 2005, 393-472, and ael Kos 2011 for Octavians expedition.
53
Augustus in Strabo: Dzino 2008, 180. There were more autobiographies
reporting on Octavians expedition, such as Valerius Messalla Corvinus
(Welch 2009, 207), or even Agrippa, Roddaz 1984, 568-571.
54
App. 14.40; ael Kos 2005, 375-379.
55
Strab. 7.5.2, 7.5.3, 7.5.10. Under Dalmatia, Strabo probably sees the
land controlled by the Delmatian alliance, and views the territory of the
Hellenistic Illyrian kingdom as the Ardiaei, see Dzino 2008, 182-183.
56
The more common Latin spelling of these groups is used. It has been
suggested that Strabo took a description of the defeated groups from
Tiberius triumph, Colombo 2007, 7.
57
Aug. RG 30.1; see commentary in Ridley 2003, 154-157.
58
Tib. Paneg. 3.108-109; Ov. Cons. 385-390. Colombo 2007, 5 objects,
preferring to view these mountains as Mt. Papuk (Mons Claudius). While
we will never know what Ovid and Tibullus were thinking, and whether
they wanted to be accurate or not to their audience this would not matter.
59
However, that was really a fluid perception, as Ovid himself shows:
Adde triumphatos modo Paeonas, adde quietissubdita montanae brachia
Dalmatiae, Ov. Ep. 2.2.75-76.
99
5. Becoming Roman
The indigenous societies in Pannonia can be characterized as
societies under stress after the Roman conquest. Significant
transformations brought about by the establishment of
Roman rule affected all aspects of daily life, including the
construction of identities inside the Roman political and
ideological frameworks in the period after the conquest socalled Romanization.70 There are two basic views on the
process of transformation in Pannonia defined in the earlier
scholarship as either a top-down acceptance of Roman
identity and the indigenous assimilation into this general
Roman identity, or as resistance-discourse as continuity
of indigenous culture and identity under the surface, with
minimal influence of Romanization.71 Neither of these
views can today provide us with sufficient insight into
the multiple narratives of change occurring in any Roman
provincial society, including Pannonia. Redefining culture
as an inventive and continuing process rather than a system
based on determined values and symbols allows us to see
the development of provincial societies within the Roman
Empire as the appearance of new and distinctive cultural
practices. Provincials used symbols and artifacts related
to what we view today as either indigenous or Roman
culture, but combined them in forms which represented
neither the continuance of indigenous, nor the assimilation
E.g. Woolf 1998, 242; Riggsby 2006, 28-32, 47-71; Krebs 2006;
Osgood 2009 (Gaul); OGorman 1993 (Germany); Stewart 1995; Rutledge
2000; Clarke 2001 (Britain); Purcell 1990 (Cisalpine Gaul); Dzino 2010a,
80-84 (Illyricum). Nevertheless, it was not an invention of the period the
same attitude towards the landscaping of conquered spaces occurs as early
as early 3rd century BC in Italy, Dench 2005, 162-165.
66
App. 22, taken from the Memoirs, fits nicely into the ethnographic
prelude to Octavians attack on the Segestica after he took Metulum a
chief stronghold of the Transalpine Iapodes. The same statement used
earlier in Illyrike 14 looks out of context.
67
Dio, 49.36.1 clearly said it was unprovoked, while Augustus in App.
22.62 said that they were attacked for their arrogance. Segestica was
considered to be an important point of attack for the Dacians, which
Octavian might have considered, or pretended to consider App. 22; Strab.
7.5.3; ael Kos 2005, 397-398, 438-439; Dzino 2010a, 106.
68
These Paeones did not live in cities, but rather according to clans
throughout the countryside and in villages. They did not gather for
consultation, nor did they have collective leader, App. 22.63 (transl.
ael Kos).
65
100
6. Romanness/globalness
It is perhaps misleading to observe Romanness as a distinct
and fixed set of values and symbols as such a thing did
not exist: Romanness was a sum of all provincial cultures,
united by imperial ideology developed in Augustan times.78
It is more useful to redefine Romanness here as a set of
global practices and symbols established in the ancient
Mediterranean world, some of which were articulated in
Roman imperial ideology.79
101
See Barkczi 1964; Fitz 1980, 151-154. It is important to note that the
present state of evidence is insufficient to provide any definitive
conclusions on the degree of depopulation the Marcommanic wars might
have caused in the cities of southern Pannonia.
93
Dizdar et al. 2003 (grapes, figs and north Italian products in graves
from Ilok); for the wider context of imports to the Danubian provinces see
Tassaux 2004, 174 f. and Dizdar and Radman-Livaja 2004 (weapons). It
is difficult to agree that the use of local pottery or Celtic swords reflect
a particular identity (e.g. Celtic soldiers in the Roman army), and that
it can be used for the ethnic identification of individuals, as concluded in
Dizdar et al. 2003 and Dizdar and Radman-Livaja 2004.
94
Laurence 2001a, 95-98, see also the more comprehensive exploration
of links between Roman objects and culture in Hingley 2005, 72-90.
95
See e.g. Haynes 1999; James 1999b; 2001; Mattingly 2006, 166-224
on the identity of the Roman soldiers as a separate social group with its
own identity-narratives.
96
Similar to the concept of Colonial Middle Ground developed in the
research of American frontier society accomodation and mutual
incomprehension, a new means of discourse developing in a neutral
context, showing the inability of both sides to gain the upper hand through
force, White 1991. See Malkin 2004, who used it in the context of Greek
colonial encounters, Woolf 2009, esp. 209-210 in the early imperial West,
and Ulf 2009 for comparative perspectives.
92
For example, the rise of Latin proficiency and literacy amongst the
Batavians: Derks and Roymans 2002; Hingley 2010, 64-69.
84
CIL III 3224; ael Kos 2005, 455-458.
85
See also Dzino 2009, 35-39 for members of the regional indigenous
elite finding themselves between two worlds in the period of conquest,
and Woolf 2009; 2011, 8-31 on individuals in the early Empire who acted
as cultural mediators, operating in both worlds indigenous and Roman.
86
See Derks and Roymans 2006 for returning Batavians. The discovery
of military diplomas from the first century is most frequent around
Sirmium (civitas Breucorum), see Duani 1978; 1998; Dorn 1984; Mikiv
1998; Koledin 2000, and also CIL XVI 2; XVI 17; cf. CIL XVI 31 (civitas
Iasorum).
87
See Dzino 2010a, 167-168 with bibliography.
88
See Fitz 1993/95, 1.119-124; Ferjani 2002, 21-55 for military
settlement and colonisation.
89
On the cities in Pannonia see the comprehensive Pannonia I, II.
90
See Whittaker 1997, 144-148; Zanker 2000; Hingley 2005, 77-87 on
the role of cities and Carroll 2003; Romans 2004, 196-205 on Roman cityplanting as a deliberate policy of control in the western frontier provinces.
91
See the evidence for population structure in early imperial Siscia, from
the names on lead tesserae (commodity tags) Radman-Livaja 2010, 541547.
83
102
Stat. Silv. 1.4.79-80 (warlike); Front. Princ. Hist. 2.13 (stupid); Dio
49.36 (brave, bloodthirsty and primitive); Hdn. Hist. 2.11 (skillful in battle
but slow-witted).
104
See Domi Kuni 1996a; 1996b for the sailors from Dalmatia and
Pannonia in Ravennate and the Misene fleet; Dzino 2010b for the
discussion on Dalmatian identity amongst these sailors. Certainly the
identity natione Pannonius was not limited to the navy, and appears in
different military contexts: e.g. CIL VI 2488, 3184, 3241, 3239, 3285,
15011, etc. or even in civilian contexts CIL XIII 7247.
105
For example CIL VI 3297: Ulpius Cocceius ex Pannonia Superiore
natus ad Aquas Balizas pago Iovista vico Cocconetibus. See Noy 2000,
217-218 (the Pannonians in the city of Rome), and also below, n.121.
106
Mancini 1933. Burns 2003, 36 sees Murranus as a descendent of
Barbarian immigrants or bypassed people from interior.
103
103
8. Regional identities
Peregrine administrative civitates in Pannonia were
probably formed at the same time as the organisation
of the province. Thanks to Pliny the Elder, the early
Pannonian administrative structure of the mid-first century
is known. It consisted only of peregrine civitates, unlike
Dalmatia, where conventus was placed above civitas in the
administrative structure.110 It is important to say that we are
unable to establish how accurately these civitates reflect
the pre-Roman political situation or shared identities of
the indigenous population. Comparative research on other
indigenous communities in the Roman west reveals that
peregrine civitates were not necessarily the exact picture
of pre-Roman identities, either political or ethnic.111 We
can assume that there were some interventions of imperial
authorities. It seems very possible that the important
104
105
9. Later Antiquity
The donation of Roman citizenship by Caracalla in 212 AD
removed the legal distinction between citizens and noncitizens inside the Empire, but also created an important
legal demarcation between citizens and Barbarians who
were outside the empire. As Burns argues, a consequence
of Caracallas edict, the attraction of Roman citizenship and
identity diminished and the late antique population became
freer to construct their identities in a more diverse way than
in the earlier period. The immigrants, who were regularly
arriving in Pannonia from across the border, took different
approaches towards the construction and presentation
of their identities whether by maintaining Barbarian
otherness, taking on a Roman identity or merging both.
While this was underway, the population of the Danubian
provinces, in which Pannonia belonged, began to use more
indigenous elements in the construction of their identities.130
Pannonian identity-narratives were expressed in even more
fluent ways in later antiquity, connected only through the
common sense of belonging to the Empire, regional sense
of patria Pannonia, and participation in a new religious
identity which spread quickly throughout the ancient world
Christianity.
106
After the crisis of the later second century (with the invasion
of the Marcomanni and Quadi), and the tumultuous third
century, the fourth century evidence shows a blossoming of
urban life in the southern Pannonian cities (Siscia, Mursa,
Sirmium) and the rise of fortified villae rusticae in their
countryside which represented the backbone of Pannonian
economy.140 The development of urban life cultivated
fertile soil for the early development of Christianity in the
region, making the picture of identities even more complex
with the creation of dichotomies Christian-pagan, and
when Pannonians took sides in frequent inter-Christian
disputes.141 St. Jerome is a good example of a personal
identity-narrative from the region. He was born in Stridon,
an unidentified town somewhere on the frontier between
Pannonia and Dalmatia, to a rich landowning family.142 St.
Jeromes personal identity was complex. It was interwoven
around his sense of Christianity, Romanness, and also
his social class of provincial elite the reason for his
lamentations on the rusticity of his fellow-countrymen,
used as a literary technique to reinforce his elite-status.143
10. Conclusion
139
147
107
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