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NEGLECT?
Dr. Manuel Schmitz, KU Leuven
1.
Introduction
The EU does not have an official capital. However, de facto Brussels fulfils the function of a capital since it is
the seat of the Commission and the Secretariat of the European Council/Council of the European Union, as well
as being one of two seats of the European Parliament. Not only do most EU officials work in Brussels, but so do
journalist and lobbyists interested in EU affairs. Last but not least, the European External Action Service, the
diplomatic service of the EU, is located in Brussels and foreign diplomats accredited to the EU are based here.
2
Indonesian and European diplomats should share an understanding of the social roles of diplomats, since the
diplomatic sub-culture that defines acceptable behaviour developed largely in Europe and was exported in
the age of Western dominance. Furthermore, Western understandings of international relations are dominant in
Indonesian thinking about the issue. See on this: Hadiwinata, Bob, International Relations in Indonesia:
Historical Legacy, Political Intrusion, and Commercialization, in: International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,
No. 9 (2009), p. 55-81. For an interesting debate on local influences on the perception of international relations
see: Nguitragool, Paruedee, God-King and Indonesia: Renegotiating the Boundaries between Western and NonWestern Perspectives on Foreign Policy, in: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 4 (2012), p. 723-743.
3
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0o6WHN4NDTk
4
The clip was posted by the user KBRI Brussel, standing for Kedutaan Besar Republik Indonesia, with a picture
of the Embassy in Brussels as profile picture. See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FQ5_ITx1JoU
119
environmental NGO scene. However, the video raised some eyebrows in the European institutions,
although no European bureaucrat went public in order not to fuel the debate on biofuel.
This episode clearly shows that perceptions are important in the relationship between the EU and
Indonesia. It also raises the question what Indonesias image is in Brussels. How does the EUs
foreign policy elite perceive Indonesia as an international actor? To answer this broad question, the
discussion is divided in three sections: The first is dealing with Indonesias general importance as
perceived in Brussels. Section two looks at Indonesias economic image. The last section focuses on
the issue of religion. But first it is necessary to explain the methods used and to put the issue in the
context on the wider theoretical debate on perceptions in International Relations.
2.
Methods
Answers to the research questions cannot be found in secondary literature, since there is a gap
in academic literature on EU-Indonesian relations. 5 An analysis of primary sources, such as EU
official documents, could be a starting point. However, I will concentrate in this paper on sources that
are not public available and present insights from an ongoing book project on EU-Indonesian
relations. So far sixteen interviews with European and Indonesian actors were conducted.
Representatives from the Commission, the European External Action Service, the EUs representation
in Jakarta, and Indonesian diplomats and civil society representatives were questioned on a one-onone basis (the interviews lasted between 60 and 90 minutes). In order to receive genuine accounts of
the process, the interviews have been conducted on a confidential basis and are therefore used in this
paper in an anonymized form.
There is in general only very few publications on the bilateral relationship. For some exceptions see: Camroux,
David/Srikandi, Annisa, EU-Indonesia Relations: No Expectations-Capability Gap?, in: Christiansen,
Thomas/Kirchner, Emil/Murray, Philomena B. (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of EU-Asia Relations,
Houndmills/New York 2013, p. 554-570; Schmitz, Manuel, The European Union and Indonesia: Problems and
Prospects for a Global Partnership, EIAS Briefing Paper, April 2012,
http://www.eias.org/documents/EIAS_Briefing_Paper_April_2012_Manuel_Schmitz.pdf. The following article
mentions misperceptions in the relationship, but is mainly a historical account with no specific focus on
perceptions: Jovanovic, Jovan, Indonesian Relations with Southeast Asia: Bridging the Distance and
Overcoming Misperceptions, in: Indonesian Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2011), 4-20.
6
It is telling that the groundbreaking book on perceptions by Robert Jervis, titled Perception and Misperception
in International Politics (Princeton 1976), does not include a definition of the term perception.
7
Good overviews on cognition in IR provide: Neack, Laura, The New Foreign Policy. U.S. and Comparative
Foreign Policy in the 21st Century, Lanham et al. 2003, p. 55-66; Gross Stein, Janice, Foreign policy decisionmaking: rational, psychological, and neurological models,, in: Smith, Steve/Hadfield, Amelia/Dunne, Tim,
Foreign Policy. Theories, Actors, Cases, Oxford 2008, p. 101-116.
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Perceptions depend on the worldview of actors, their belief systems, their intellectual capacities. 8
Some views may be the result of a conscious process of learning; some may be the product of an
unconscious process of socialization. Therefore, it is difficult or even impossible to trace the origins
of perceptions.
Some perceptions may be unique to an individual; some are shared by small or large
collectives, such bureaucratic groups or nations or even civilizations. This study deals specifically
with the perception of the foreign policy elite of the EU, those individuals which are in a position to
make binding decisions. In other words: The bureaucrats and diplomats based in Brussels that deal on
a day-to-day basis with the EUs external relations.
But why are perceptions important anyway? As Hudson notes: We perceive what we expect to
perceive.9 Perceptions are filters upon which actors interpret material facts, thus decision-making
becomes much less rational than most theories assume. Instead of being a process whereby the most
possible information is gathered, alternatives are identified and ranked according to a cost-benefit
analysis, and then the most efficient route is taken, decision-making is characterized by taking
cognitive short-cuts.10 Perceptions are thus fundamental to understand decision-making.
This point has not been lost on practitioners of diplomacy. Not only do they try to make their
own decision-making more rational, they also aim to shape the perceptions of their international
counterparts. This is today often called public diplomacy (cynical observers prefer the term
propaganda). Public diplomacy is an attempt to improve the image of a country or a government.
An image could be understood as a combination of various perceptions into a consistent whole. 11
Images are important because they contribute to a nations soft power.12
Soft power, as understood by Joseph Nye, who coined the term, is the power of attraction: A
country may obtain the outcomes it wants in world politics because other countries admiring its
values, emulating its example, aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness want to follow it. In
this sense, it is also important to set the agenda and attract others in world politics, and not only to
force them to change by threatening military force or military sanctions. 13 In other words: Power, as
the ability to influence others, does not need to depend on material resources, which allow to promise
rewards or to threaten consequences, but can grow instead from credibility and better arguments.
While the concept is sometimes criticised for being American-centred (indeed, the reference to
openness as a value to be admired in the quote above supports such an interpretation), it nevertheless
is applied to non-Western powers as well. Indeed, some authors argue that Indonesia possesses
considerable soft power on the international stage. The following sections look at Indonesias image
and its soft power in the EU.
Kaufmann, Joyce P., Introduction to International Relations: Theory and Practice, Lanham et al. 2013, p. 148.
Hudson, Valerie, Foreign Policy Analysis: Classic and Contemporary Theory, Lanham et al. 2007, p. 41.
10
The most prominent discussion of the rational-actor model provides: Allison, Graham/Zelikow, Philip, The
Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, New York et al. 1999, p. 13-26.
11
Again, the term is most often not defined. For an exception, which however resembles very much the
definition of perception, see: Mintz, Alex/DeRouen, Karl Jr., Understanding Foreign Policy Decision Making,
Cambridge (M.A.) 2010, p. 101.
12
Soft power is a rather recent term, but it can be argued that societies always were concerned with prestige,
status, standing and honour. This point is made by: Lebow, Richard Ned, Fear, interest and honour: outlines of
a theory of International Relations, in: International Affairs 82, no. 3 (2006), p. 431-448; Olsthoorn, Peter,
Honour, Face and Reputation in Political Theory, in: European Journal of Political Theory 7, no. 4 (2008), p.
472-491.
13
Nye, Joseph, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, New York 2004, p. 5.
9
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Indonesia is on the rise on the global stage and the EU should engage with more closely. At
least this is the perception of Indonesian diplomats. 14 Scholars are more sceptical about Jakartas
ascend to global prominence but concede that indeed some arguments support such a claim. 15
Indonesias demographic and geographical size combined with substantial growth rates and ample
natural resources should put in on the agenda of European decision-makers. Furthermore, Indonesia is
not only home to the largest Muslim majority society in the world but also a thriving democracy. And
Jakarta is a member of the G20. Not to forget the central role Jakarta is playing within the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Thus, Indonesia should be an obvious candidate for closer
cooperation.16
Despite all these good reasons for a deep and comprehensive engagement, Indonesia is still
neglected in Brussels. Unlike other emerging powers, such as India, Brazil or Mexico, the Southeast
Asian state is not granted the status of a strategic partner of the EU. 17 And while the two players
signed a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (after long and contentious negotiations) in
November 2009, yet not all EU member states have ratified the agreement. Furthermore, under the
new 2014 development strategy of the EU, Indonesia will no longer receive bilateral grant aid, only
funds through thematic and regional programmes. Discussions on a Comprehensive Economic
Partnership Agreement (CEPA), a free trade agreement, have been going on for some years now, but
official negotiations have not yet started. Thus, the relations are friendly, but shallow. Certainly,
Indonesia is not high on the agenda in Brussels.
Indeed, there is a debate within Brussels foreign policy circles if Indonesia does not need more
attention, although it is questioned if this means granting Indonesia the title of strategic partner. A
high ranking official of the European External Action Service (EEAS) remarked for example: What
do strategic partnerships mean, actually? Normally, to have a summit... But we need to give content to
this. And of course symbols count. So, we have not come to a full conclusion. But it is certain that if
there is one country in the world we play below our weight it is Indonesia. However, I think we
should aim to have a strategic partnership with ASEAN. 18 Thus, Indonesias position within ASEAN
may not contribute to its importance. The EU as a regional organization has an in-build tendency to
look for other regional organizations as partners. Most often this is not possible because most regional
organizations are not institutionalized enough to make cooperation with them meaningful. ASEAN,
however, is considered being one of the most mature regional organizations in the world. In Brussels`
thinking it might therefore be preferable to forge a strategic partnership with ASEAN, not Indonesia.
Another EEAS official pointed out in an interview with the author, that the EU is a complex
organisation, who`s internal decision-making procedures influence its strategies: And with the
strategic partnership: The EU machine has to warm up. It has nothing to do with Indonesia. 19 On the
other hand, the same official remarked that Indonesia still is overlooked to often: Okay, there is still
the perception that Asia is China, then India and then... However, perceptions are shifting, according
to the official: But this is changing. Indonesia is seen on its own rights. Another EEAS official
admitted that Southeast Asia, and Indonesia in it, is a side bet for the EU in Asia. 20 The Asian
century in the eyes of many in Brussels still looks very much like a Chinese century. Indonesia is
not yet an integral part of the narrative of Asias rise.
14
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Of course, the EEAS is not the only European institution dealing with Indonesia. In fact, the
non-traditional diplomacy of the Commission, dealing with issues such as trade or climate change,
may be often more important for the EUs external relations. What about the Commissions perception
on Indonesias importance? A high ranking Commission Official dealing with environmental affairs
described in an interview with the author Indonesia as a second tier rising power. 21 It is an actor that
one needs to speak to, but which is hard to grasp. Indonesia does not, according to this EU Official,
present the world with a clear cut image, it remains somewhat faceless.
This assessment is shared by another EU Official working on green issues. 22 Asked by the
author if Indonesia is seen as more and more important in Brussels his answer was: Objectively, yes.
But emotionally not so much... Some people recognize it is a rising power, but... From our
perspective, in environment Indonesia is not a big player. Malaysia is a more recognizable player,
because it is not afraid of saying no and being contrarian. And India is another one. Often being
difficult gives you some recognition. In the multilateral environment Indonesia is not seen as a big
player.
Both interview partners emphasized that the Indonesian government pursues a nonconfrontational negotiation style (both attributed this to cultural reasons). 23 They shared also the
notion that questions of sovereignty are still central to their Indonesian counterparts, which can make
negotiations difficult. And both interviewed pointed out that Indonesia longs for recognition on the
international stage. The country may have grown in self-confidence, but the approval of actors still
remains important to its representatives.
5. Indonesias economic image
Global consultancy firms have high hopes for Indonesias economic development. They see this
large nation of 240 million advancing fast in the next decades, making it one of the biggest economies
on the globe. Indonesian diplomats seem to share this optimistic outlook. Furthermore, European
Officials read the consultancy reports as well. This may lead to a rather rosy view of Indonesias
economic future. To give an example: When discussing a policy paper on EU-Indonesian relations at a
Brussels think tank in 2012, an EU Official expressed his disappointment of the many critical remarks
given by the discussants. His expectations were that the speakers would portray Indonesia as the next
China. How common is this perception of Indonesias economic rise among EU decision-makers?
There seems to be a consensus that Indonesia is moving. A Commission Official stated for
example, that it is an obvious fact that the country is in transition. 24 Another EU official, working for
the Delegation in Jakarta, portrayed Indonesia as a country in development. 25 Clearly, the economic
success of last decade puts the country on the agenda in Brussels. As one high ranked EU Official
remarked at a conference on Indonesia: Its the economy, stupid! 26 This notion is shared by another
Official, with many years of experience in EU-Indonesian relations. Commenting on meetings on
Indonesia he noted: Most often it is about economic interest, like 88 percent, and then the rest is a bit
of human rights.27
The question is to what extend the upward trend is sustainable. EU Officials dealing with
Indonesia on a daily basis are cautiously optimistic: Indonesia has grown into a stage that they think
that have grown enough to take a prominent role. They assume that they are entitled. But even their
GDP continues to grow, at best it is becoming as big as Germanys, and Germanys is just part of the
EU.28 Another EU official working on trade issues pointed out the positive effects of Indonesias
21
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young population, the so-called demographic dividend. 29 And a European Parliamentarian (MEP) with
a close interest in Indonesia remarked at a conference that the countrys democratic system is
fostering its economic development. 30 According to this logic, the countrys ascend should continue as
long as it remains a democracy.
Despite this guarded optimism many on the European side are aware of the difficulties. One of
the most often mentioned is the issue of economic nationalism and protectionism. Indonesian
diplomats strongly deny this claim (pointing out the few cases against Indonesia in the WTO). But
even the most ardent defender of Indonesias economic policies concedes that Indonesia has an image
problem in this regard.31 Indeed, influential people in the European bureaucracy see Indonesias
economic nationalism as a challenge. 32 The view among EU officials is that protectionist tendencies
(especially the Indonesian Parliament is seen critical in this respect) add to already complicated
investment environment in the Southeast Asian state. 33 And certainly the way the Indonesian
governments try to climb the value-adding ladder, for example through export restriction, is perceived
as the wrong strategy.34 After all, that is the conviction in Brussels, Indonesia needs European
investment: So far it [the economic development] is about exporting commodities and Indonesia has
a low cost labour market. But Indonesia needs the technology that Europe can offer to climb higher on
the value chain.35 All in all, the issue of protectionism adds to the picture that Indonesia is difficult
place to make a quick buck.36
To a certain extent, these views on economic nationalism may steam from the general
perception in Brussels that nationalism still is very important for Indonesians. Describing interactions
with Indonesian counterparts, one EU Official remarked: A lot of emotions play a role. Perceptions
of fairness are very important to the Indonesians. It is about defending the national interest. 37 Others
agree and point out how important demonstrations of respect are to their Indonesian interlocutors. 38
Interestingly, there seems to be a genuine effort at least by some EU Officials to understand
Indonesias patriotic outlook. For example, some members of the elite are aware of the colonial
legacies: The struggle against the colonizers is very important for the legitimacy of the Indonesian
state; it is part of the identity and the pride of Indonesia. And I think they can be proud of it, proud of
the independence movement.39 And one of his colleagues admits: There is a problem of European
arrogance. I admit this is indeed an issue. I try to be conscious about this, but it is hard to avoid. There
is a gap between what you believe and what you do. Europe has been a colonial power and it is hard
to adapt to the new times. 40 Thus, there seems to be the desire among some of Europes foreign
policy elite to move beyond a Eurocentric outlook; to look at Europe and the world from a different
angle.
29
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Indeed, the combination of Islam and democracy is not only relevant in the relationship with Europe but
maybe even more so in the relationship with the United States. For the American political elite the democratic
success story of Indonesia may be the dominant frame. See on this: Bulkin, Nadia, The Quiet American:
Deciphering U.S. Policy Toward Indonesia, in: Indonesian Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 2 (2012), p. 134-152, here p.
136; Murphy, Ann Marie, US Rapprochement with Indonesia: From Problem State to Partner, in:
Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 32, No. 3 (2010), p. 362-387, here p. 363.
42
Interview with Indonesian Diplomat GRO.
43
To give just one anecdotal evidence for this: The Indonesian Embassy distributed widely the book The
Illusion of an Islamic State edited by Abdurrahman Wahid, a theological rebuke of radical Islam by Indonesian
scholars.
44
Interview with Indonesian NGO Representative ASE
45
Interview with EEAS Official BAB
46
Which of these perspectives is more accurate and less a misperception cannot be debated here in detail,
especially since the literature on the issue is vast and ever growing. However, for the perception of the
Indonesian public of Islamic issues in foreign policy see: Jung In Jo, Who Sympathizes with Osama bin
Laden? Revisiting the Hearts and Minds of Pakistani and Indonesian Muslim People, in: International Journal
of Public Opinion Research, Vol 24, No. 4 (2012), p. 495-507.
47
Interview with EEAS Official KEP
125
example dealing with Iran, as one European diplomat mentioned. 48 However, some other Indonesia
experts within the European administration are a little bit more sceptical: Indonesians play a role in
the Muslim world, at least to a certain extent. But if you look at the actual capacity of Indonesia, this
is very limited. If you have a certain project it may be better to turn to Japan for example. And a place
like Qatar is more important, has greater international effect. 49 Part of the problem, according to EU
officials, is Indonesias foreign policy style, which is perceived as being very much discrete and
behind-the-scenes. Because Indonesians are reluctant to push themselves forward, to sell their ideas
and positions aggressively, they fail get attention on the international scene. 50 But would Indonesias
soft power really benefit from a more forceful approach? Or is it not Indonesias strength to avoid
lecturing on the global stage (something the EU is often accused of)?
Before working more closely on international affairs there is the need, according to an
Indonesian perspective, to understand the nature of Islam in Indonesia better. Too often, the European
perceptions are shaped by European experiences, as one Indonesian scholar complained: Too often
European experts view Indonesia from a European perspective. Example: The talk of balkanization of
Indonesia during the transformation period. 51 To increase the understanding between the two actors a
so-called Interfaith Dialogue is pursued. European decision- and opinion-makers are for example
invited to visit Indonesias religious centres (such as pesantren) and to gain first-hand experience.
However, secularization in Europe is ongoing and the number of non-believers in the EU is growing.
Therefore, an Inter-Culture Dialogue, which includes non-believers, may be needed.
One last comment: While Indonesias Muslim identity may contribute to the countrys soft
power among the EUs elite, there seems to be little signs that Europes considerable Muslim
community takes a strong interest in Indonesias interpretation of Islam. European Muslims debate
(and participate in) the conflicts in the Muslim heartland in the Middle East and look for spiritual
guidance to Mecca, Teheran or Istanbul. The developments in Southeast Asia are of little concern for
most European Muslims. From a soft power perspective, the largest Muslim country in the world still
has a long way to go.
7. Conclusion
Indonesia is not terra incognita for the EUs foreign policy elite. The country is neither seen as
a shooting star on the international stage, nor a background actor. Attention is given to Southeast
Asias largest nation because of its economic progress. This is no surprise. In general, there seems to
be a muted optimism that Indonesias economy will continue on an upward trajectory. But again, there
is no hype about the economic prospects. In this regard, Indonesias image cannot be compared to
Indias or Chinas. With the regard to the sensitive issue of religion, or to be more precise the issue of
political Islam, members of the European elite have in general a rather benign view. The combination
of democracy and Islam does, indeed, increase the attractiveness of Indonesia in the global arena (at
least among the Western democracies of Europe). To this extent Indonesia possesses soft power
resources.
Of course, the people interviewed may not be representative for the wider elite, since they all
deal with Indonesian affairs in the EUs administration. It would be surprising if European decisionmakers had a vivid image of Indonesia, as they certainly have for other nations, such as the United
States, Russia or China (which could be seen as the relevant others for European identity). But
exactly because Indonesias image in the wider elite may be rather vague, the views of experts matter.
48
Interview with EEAS Official BAB. A more critical view on Indonesias potential role in the Iranian issue can
be derived from: Gindarsah, Iis, Democracy and Foreign Policy-Making in Indonesia: A Case Study of the
Iranian Nuclear Issue, 2007-08, in: Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vo. 34, No. 3 (2012), p. 416-437.
49
Interview with EEAS Official BEL
50
Interview with Commission Official MAR
51
Interview with Indonesian Scholar KUL
126
Their perceptions, presented in this article, matter, because they influence the EUs policies (if not
strategy) towards the Southeast Asian state.
References
Allison, Graham/Zelikow, Philip, The Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, New
York et al. 1999
Bulkin, Nadia, The Quiet American: Deciphering U.S. Policy Toward Indonesia, in: Indonesian
Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 2 (2012), p. 134-152
Camroux, David/Srikandi, Annisa, EU-Indonesia Relations: No Expectations-Capability Gap?, in:
Christiansen, Thomas/Kirchner, Emil/Murray, Philomena B. (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of EUAsia Relations, Houndmills/New York 2013, p. 554-570
Gindarsah, Iis, Democracy and Foreign Policy-Making in Indonesia: A Case Study of the Iranian
Nuclear Issue, 2007-08, in: Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vo. 34, No. 3 (2012), p. 416-437.
Gross Stein, Janice, Foreign policy decision-making: rational, psychological, and neurological
models,, in: Smith, Steve/Hadfield, Amelia/Dunne, Tim, Foreign Policy. Theories, Actors, Cases,
Oxford 2008, p. 101-116
Hadiwinata, Bob, International Relations in Indonesia: Historical Legacy, Political Intrusion, and
Commercialization, in: International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, No. 9 (2009), p. 55-81
Hellendorff, Bruno/Schmitz, Manuel, Indonesia: From Regional to Global Power?, GRIP Analysis
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Hudson, Valerie, Foreign Policy Analysis: Classic and Contemporary Theory, Lanham et al. 2007
Jervis, Robert, Perception and Misperception in International Politics, Princeton 1976
Jovanovic, Jovan, Indonesian Relations with Southeast Asia: Bridging the Distance and Overcoming
Misperceptions, in: Indonesian Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2011), 4-20
Jung In Jo, Who Sympathizes with Osama bin Laden? Revisiting the Hearts and Minds of Pakistani
and Indonesian Muslim People, in: International Journal of Public Opinion Research, Vol 24, No. 4
(2012), p. 495-507
Kaufmann, Joyce P., Introduction to International Relations: Theory and Practice, Lanham et al. 2013
Keukeleire, Stephan/Delreux, Tom, The Foreign Policy of the European Union, Houndmills/New
York 2014
Lebow, Richard Ned, Fear, interest and honour: outlines of a theory of International Relations, in:
International Affairs 82, no. 3 (2006), p. 431-448
Mintz, Alex/DeRouen, Karl Jr., Understanding Foreign Policy Decision Making, Cambridge (M.A.)
2010
127
Murphy, Ann Marie, US Rapprochement with Indonesia: From Problem State to Partner, in:
Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 32, No. 3 (2010), p. 362-387
Neack, Laura, The New Foreign Policy. U.S. and Comparative Foreign Policy in the 21st Century,
Lanham et al. 2003
Nguitragool, Paruedee, God-King and Indonesia: Renegotiating the Boundaries between Western and
Non-Western Perspectives on Foreign Policy, in: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 4 (2012), p. 723-743
Nye, Joseph, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, New York 2004
Olsthoorn, Peter, Honour, Face and Reputation in Political Theory, in: European Journal of
Political Theory 7, no. 4 (2008), p. 472-491
Reid, Anthony (ed.), Indonesia Rising: The Repositioning of Asias Third Giant, Singapore 2012
Schmitz, Manuel, The European Union and Indonesia: Problems and Prospects for a Global
Partnership, EIAS Briefing Paper, April 2012,
http://www.eias.org/documents/EIAS_Briefing_Paper_April_2012_Manuel_Schmitz.pdf.
Schmitz, Manuel, Europes interest in Indonesia: What it is to gain from closer cooperation?, in:
Indonesian Quarterly, No. 4 (2011), p. 419-432
Wahid, Abdurrahman (ed.), The Illusion of an Islamic State, Jakarta et al. 2011
128