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The Nation.

October 24, I994

the ballot, an attemptthat eventually failed. Now the Dem- ocratic strategy is to raise the specter of the Greens causing a Republican victory by siphoning off pro-King voters. This has led to a rather sordid circus of those who should be Mon- drag6n’s natural allies refusing to unclench from the Demo- cratic teat. “Roberto Mondragdn has been a friend of ours for alongtime,” saysthe state political director of the Amer- ican Federation of State, County andMunicipal Employees. “But our decision is clear. We support King. Johnson has said.

he will lay offone-third of

We can’t understand why Roberto would playinto of the Republicans.”


Behind Hait?s .,




state workers. That means our jobs.


mannuel Constant, theleader of Haiti’sFRAPH hit squad, is a protCgC of U.S. intelligence. Inter- views with Constant and with U.S. officials who

1 have workeddirectly with him confirm that Con-




’-. While the president of Local 1199 of the hospital workers union has personally endorsedthe Green campaign,no official

I union leadership body has. Neither has any women’sgroup. And most revealing,the local Sierra Club,on whose executive committee GreencandidatePat Wolff sat until recently, has- without polling its membership-thrown its support to King [see AlexanderCockburn, “Beat the Devil,” September 5/12]. “The trouble Ihave isn’t with the people,” says Mondrag6n. “It’s with the people who make decisionsin the name of other people.Ihave a 100percent recordon labor, but union leaders will not endorse me. I have nearly a 100 percent record on education, but theNew Mexico teachersfederation endorsed King. The same thing with the environmentalists. None of these people ask me whatI believein. They ask me, how much’

money do you have?Do you think you can really be elected? I teli them, give meyour support and your donations andwe

will be elected.?’ The Greens are pleased at therecent surfacing of a Demo- crats €or Mondrag6n group, led mostly by Latino communi- ty activists. If that group canbe effective, maybe it can off- set the official Democratic blackmailof branding Mondrag6n

a spoiler. “They are the spoilers-the Democrats,” says

Mondragon. “We are expanding the political process, reach- ing toward those who have been reluctant to come.out and vote. We are offering more choice, theyoffer less, The truth is that King couldn’t win even if we didn’t run.” Adds Steve Schmidt: “I think we willtake votes away from both parties. But even ifJohnson wins, and even ifyou could prove it was because of votes we took from King, then just maybe it would be the wake-up callthe Democratic establish- ment needs. Isn’tit about time we forever relegatedto the trash

heap this notion of voting for the,lesser of two evils?”


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stant recently workedfor theC.I.A. and thatU.S.intelligence helped himlaunchthe organizationthat became the FRAPH. Documentary evidence obtained from other soufcesand con- firmed in partby Constant also indicates that a group of at- taches-some of them implicated in some of Haiti’s most notorious crimes-have been paid for several yearsby a U.S. government-funded project that maintains sensitive files on, , .- the movementsof Haitianthe poor. I, In my October 3 Nation article YThe Eagle Is Landing”) I quoted a U.S. intelligence official praising Constant as a

“young pro-Western inteIlectua1

a Young Republican” and saying that U.S. intelligence had “encouraged” Constant to form thegroup that emerged as the FRAPH. Reached at his home on thenight of Septem- ber 26, Constant confirmed the U.S. official’s account. He said that his first U.S. handler was Col. Patrick Collins, the U.S. Defense IntelligenceAgency attach6 in Haiti, whom he described as “a very good friend of mine.” (Constant spoke of dealing later with anotherofficial he called “[the United

Staies’] best liaison,” but ‘herefused to give a name.) Con-

stant said that Colonel Collinshad first approachedhim

Constant was teaching a training courseat the headquarters of the C.1.A.-run National Intelligence Service(SIN)

ing a computer database for Haiti’s notorious ruralSection I Chiefsat the Bureau of Information andCoordination in the

General Headquarters

no further right than


of the Haitian ,coup regime.

Giving an account,that dovetailed closely withthat of the U.S. official, Constant said that Collins began pushing him to organize a front “that could balance the Aristide move- ment” and do “intelligence’’ work againstit. He saidthat their discussions had begun soon afterAristide fell in September

I 1991. They resulted in Constant forming what later evolved into the FRAPH,a group that was known initiallyas the Hai- tian Resistance League. Constant at first refused to go beyond his usual publicstate- ments on the FRAPH, butopened up after I told him that I understood that he knew Colonel Collins. Our initial inter- view took place on the first day ofthe bold anti-FUPH pro- tests on the streets of Port-au-Prince. Constant said that he wanted to offer his men as “guides” for the occupation force, saying that “I’ve participated in the stabilization of this country for the past three years, and the United States knows it very well, no matter what agency you talk to.’’

Coples $10 each, or two for

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Asia since 1980.


The Nation.

October 24, -1994

Two days after that, as a crowd marchedpast FWH head- quarters, FRAPH gunmen opened fire, killing one demon- strator. Five dayslater, in the wake of the embarrassingmedia coverage ofthe continued mayhem by the FRAPH andof a on a supposed pro-Aristide terroristcampthat turned out to be a world-famous dance school,U.S. occupationforces raided the FRAPH’s downtown Port-au-Prince headquar- ters, carting away two dozen street-level gunmen (and women) as live cameras and cheeringcrowdslooked on. porters proclaimed that this was the death ofthe terror system, and CNN’s Richard Blystone, announcingthat there was more crackdown to come, said that Constant was now “at large’’ (a claim also made by the next morning’s New York Times). Five minutes after Blystone’s CNN broadcast, I reached Constant by telephone at his Port-au-Prince home. He said that thearrests had been only of low-level FRAPH people, and thathe still intended to put his men at US, disposal. He said that there were no ,U.Stroops. outside his house and wor- ried that it might be set upon by mobs.Then he said that he

had to leave for a meeting “on the street” with

bassy staffer who was hitherto unknown to him but who he thought might be from the C.I.A. He said that he wouldcall back after the meeting, but he didn’t, and I couldn’t reach him again. But the next day Con- stant appeared in public guarded-for the first time-by U.S.

Marines. He stated his fealty to the occupation andhis sup- port for the return of Aristide. Much ofthe U.S. press played this aasstunning about-face, but Constant had been saying those things in public and to me all week. He hadtold me that theCarter/Powell/Nunn- CCdras pact was “the last chance for Haiti,’, and had ex-

pressed no worry about the return of Aristide, saying that the new Parliament, to be chosen in December, wouldbe consti- tuted in a way that would hem him in. Colonel Collins is ‘nowback in Haiti (his last tour ended in 1992). The ClintonAdministration has brought him back for the occupation, and he has refusedto commenton the rec-


fore the FRAPH furor broke) confirmed that Collins had worked withConstant and had,as Constant says, guided him and urged him on. Collins has, in recent weeks,spoken quite

highly of Constant and has said that Constant’s mission from the United States was to counter the ‘cextreme”of Aristide. Collins has also saidthat, when hefirst approached him, Con-

stant “was not in position to do anything

evolved and eventually hedid come up, [and] what had been sort of an idea and technically open for business-all of a sud- den, boom, it takes on national significance.” When the relationship started, Constant was working for the C.I.A., teaching a course at theagency-run SIN on “The Theology of Liberation”and “Animation and Mobilization,” At that time, the SIN was engagedin terrorist attacks on Aris- tide supporters, as were Constant’s pupils, army S-2 field intelligence officers.The targetsincluded, among others,pop- ular church catechists. Constant says that themessage of the SIN course was that though communism is dead, “the ex- treme left,” through ti legliz, the grass-roots Haitian “little church,” was attempting “to convince the people that in the name of God everything is possible” and that, therefore, it

a U.S. Em-

But a weI1-informed intelligence official (speaking be-

[but] things

was right for the people to kill soldiersand therich. Constant says he taught that “Aristide is not the only one: There are tens of Aristides.”

theFRAPH has in-

deed carried out many killings,but he has said that they have

not been as numerous as the press and humanrights groups

claim. He has said, in referenceto Haiti’s political problems,

Collins has recently acknowledgedthat

“The only way you’re going to solvethis is

[that] it’ll all

end in some big bloodbath and there’ll be somebody who emergesfrom’itwho will establisha society ofsorts and ajudi- cial system and he’s going to say: ‘O.K., you own the land, ,, you don’t-that’s it,’ whether it’s fair or not.’,

T hough most U.S. officials would never speak that way, it’s universally acknowledgedthat the FRAPHis an arm

of the brutal ,Haitiansecurity system, whichthe United States has built and supervisedand whose leadersit has trained, and often paid. When I asked Constant, for example, about the anti-Aristide coup, he said that as it was happening Colonel Collins and Donald Terry (the C.I.A. station chief who also ran theSIN) “were inside the [General] Headquarters.” But he insisted that this was c‘norma17’:The C.I.A. and D.I.A. were always there.f A foreign diplomat who knows the system well saysthat it is from those very headquarters that Haiti’s army, withthe police and the FRAPH, has run a web of clandestine torture houses (one of them in a private home at No. 43 Fontamara), some of whichare said to stilibe workingas this article is writ- ten on the occupation’s seventeenthday. Accordingto thedip- lomat-who quoted internal documents as he spoke-the walkie-talkies of house personnel are routinely monitored by the U.S. Embassy, which, he said, also listened in on conver- sations of the U.N. Civilian Mission. Someinterrogatorswear shirts emblazoned “Camp d’Application” (an army base). The diplomat also detailed a.command structure of seven chief attach& who have arranged killingsand brought victims to thetorture houses. Four of those senior attaches(aswell as other, lower-ranking ones), accordingto documents and interviews, appear to have worked out of the Centers for Development and Health (C.D.S.), a large multiservicechic funded mainly by the US. Agency for International Development. One of them, Gros Sergo (who was killed in September 1993), listed C.D.S. on his risum6, writing that he worked in its archives and was a ‘:Trainer of Associates” there. Another, Fritz Joseph-who, Constant says, isthe key FRAPH recruiter in Cite Solei1and who, akcording to official records, has been a chief attach6 since the coup-is acknowledged by the C.D.S. director to have workedat C.D.S. for many years. The two others, Marc Arthur and Gros Fanfan (implicated by the U.N. in theSep- tember 1993murder of prominent pro-Aristide businessman Antoine Izmery), have been named in sworn statements as having regularly received cash payments from C.D.S. Con- stant confirms that FRAPH leaders and attachesare work- ing inside C.D.S. (and specifically that Marc Arthur has worked there)and sayshe speaksoften on the phone with the clinic’s director, Dr. Reginald Boulos.Boulos denies that he speaks to Constant. He says that Sergo’s resum6 is wrong,that he does not knowingly employattach&, andthat he did not

October 24,1994

The Nation.

know until recently that Fritz Joseph was a FRAPH Ieader and that hefired him when critics pointed out that hewas. Boulos said that C.D.S. fiIes track “every family in Citt Soleil” but insisted that, as far as he knows, attaches don’t have accessto thearchives. Boulos said he hadn’t seen Sergo in years, and when told of an entry from Sergo’scalendar that appeared to contradict that, he said it was mistaken. He aIso downplayedthe fact that Sergo had listedhim asa personal ref- erence, alongwith coup leader Raoul Cedras. (AnotherA.1.D.- funded unit inHaiti, Planning Assistance, has also said that

it employs FRAPH personnel.) Sergo’s papers indicate that he reported to thenow-exiled Police Chief, Lieut. Col. Michel Franqois(he had a pass, writ- ten on theback of FranGois’scard, authorizing him and Marc Arthur “tosee the Chief of PoIice at all hoursof the day and night”), that he and his hit squad organized anti-Aristide demonstrations, that, just before his workfor C.D.S., he was in the Interior Ministry’s “intelligencepolice,’’ and that he had appointmentsto meet withthe C.I.A.’s SIN chief, Col. Silvain Diderot, and with the Mevs, one of Haiti’s ruling families. Though some Haitian officials claim that FranGois was on the C.I.A. payroll, this is denied by Lawrence Pezzullo,the

former U.S. special envoyto

the C.I.A. paid Franqois’s brother, Evans, nowa diplomat in the Dominican Republic. (Pezzullojoked, regarding the col- onel himself, “You couldn’t pay him enough to buy him.”) The FRAPH emerged as a nationaiforce in the latter months of 1993, when it staged a series of murders, public beatings and arson raids on poor neighborhoods. In one such attack, Mrs. Alerte Belance had her right hand severed bya machete. Later, when it was convenient for him, President Clinton used photos of these macabre assaults to (accurate1y)’brand Haiti’s rulers as “armed thugs [who]have conducted a reign of terror.”But, in the moment when that terror was actually at its height, Clinton used the FRAPH killings to pressure Aristide harshly to “broaden” his already broad Cabinet in a “power-sharing” deal. Pezzullo, in part echoing Collins’s original vision forConstant (though he denies any knowledge of the arrangement), says that the FRAPH was “a political’ offset to Lavalas” and that as the“bodies were starting to ap- pear” “we said [toAristide]: The only people seen operating politically now are the FRAPHistas,” and that he and the United States had to “fill that gap with another force with the private sector-otherwise theseFRAPH people will be the only game in town.” It is often pointed out that the FRAPHembarrassed the United Statesby chasing off the transport ship Harlan Coun- ty last year, but in that case US. officials could not agree about whether the ship should even be there. Constant says he got no US. guidance, but he had openly announced his dockside rally the day before and apparentlydid not get any U.S. warning to call it off. On thefundamentals,though, U.S.officials have been unit- ed in pressing Aristide from theright. Constant said in our first interview (well before his Marine press conference)that he might now be “too high profile” for theUnited States. But even if he is, U.S. intelligenceis aisystent, not dependent on any singIe individua1. And-as Constant once taught about Aristide-there othersare in the wings. 0

Haiti.But Pezzullo did revealthat

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