v^

MADRAS UNIVBBSITY SPECIAL LECTURES

ON

INDIAN HISTORY AND ARCHiBOLOGY

SECOND SERIES

THE BEGINNINGS OF SOUTH INDIAN

HISTOEYj

PUBLISHED BY

THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS,

MOUNT ROAD, MADRAS.

THE

BEGINNINGS OF
SOUTH INDIAN HISTORY

KRISHNASWAMI

AIYANGAR.
S.
PBOPESSOR OF INDIAN HISTORY AND ARCHEOLOGY,
UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS

MADKAS
THE MODERN PKINTING WORKS,
MOUNT ROAD.
1918

Prick Rs.

3/12.]

[5

^ n^.^.

First Editi(yn:

March

1918.

All Rights Beserved.

PREFACE.
The

following pages contain the substance of the

before the

oourse of Special Lectures delivered

January and February

University of Madras in
of this year.

way

I have also included in this course by

of introduction

was intended

these

two other

lectures

the

first of

to be the inaugural lecture for

the University and the second delivered on a previous

occasion, both of

them bearing

of this course.

In one or two cases the lecture as

delivered

sion

to

was

make

revised to give
it

fuller.

directly

it

on the subject

the necessary expan-

Otherwise

volume

the

contains no more than the special course of lectures.

The

sources of matter for these lectures have

often been exploited by

fits

and

purposes on occasions by different writers.

however, made a constructive

make

various

starts, for

critical

No

one,

attempt to

these yield the results they were capable

except the late Mr.

Madras Postal

Service.

Kanakasabhai

Pillai

His work, giving as

of,

of

the

it

does

obvious evidence of great learning and considerable

PREPAOB.

VI

insight,

still fell

short in the essential particular that

each one of the sources tapped was not subjected to

a detailed criticism in respect of

Notwithstanding

work which deserves

may

his conclusions

time

and

defect

this

criticism,

all of

Since

them

critically

though

stand the test of

we have

time

his

advanced considerably, and most

been edited

monumental

is

it

better of the Tamilian

not

worth.

its historical

of the classics

have

by Pandits who deserve public

thanks for the labour and learning brought to bear

upon the work.

ble

and

Improvements are

will surely

come

some

if

in the results of that work.

certainly possi-

interest

is

evinced

The names

of

Pandit

Mahamahopadhyaya Swaminatha Aiyar

of

Madras,

the late Pandit Binnattur Narayanaswami Aiyar of

Kumbhakonam and
of

Pandit Kangaswami Aiyangar

Vaniambadi deserve

special

me

connection.

It

acknowledge

my obligation

gives

mention

in

this

the greatest pleasure to

to their work.

I should

not forget, however, another labourer of an elder

generation, the late Mr. C.
to

W. Thamotharam

whose loving labours we are indebted

for a

Pillai

num-

ber of Tamil works which otherwise would have

been ordinarily

inaccessible.

In regard to the
a criticism
*

patriotic'.

late

Mr. Kanakasabhai's work

was fashionable
It

that his

was Johnson that

said

work was

Patriotism

is-

PRE PAGE.

^11

the last resort of the scoundrel.'

This remark of

may have had its application

and may not be altogether without it

the great Doctor

in

his time

in

The

other times.
let his

Mr. Kanakasabhai might have

late

patriotism get the better of his judgment on

occasions.

have carefully tried

to

avoid laying

My

myself open to such a heavy charge.

has been the

difficulty of

agree with those

making

we may

arrive

trouble

facts already
at.

This

known

a test

is

not

always applied in recent investigations and both the

statement of facts so-called, and the suppressing of
those that

may

gone together.

be inconvenient, have in some cases

have tried scrupulously

to avoid

both, though both errors of omission and

commis-

sion are possible.

ed to be

made

Too much has been

of epigraphical evidence recently,

the late Mr. Venkayya's

me

in the connection.

Venkayya

attempt-

for

near

obliged to

him

ultimately

led

Venkayya was

name was quoted against

I had known the late Mr.

a score of years before

lamented death, and

may even

for a part

me

to

and

say that I

his

am

of tbe inspiration that

this

in substantial

field

of

work.

agreement with

in regard to the general position, but he

had

Mr.

me
his

doubts as to the Silappadikaram and Mariimekhalai

being of the same age.

had he

lived

am

almost certain that

dcw, he would have accepted, the con-

Ill

PREFACE.

elusions I have arrived at.

I leave the

reader

judge for himself in regard to these conclusions

I wish to state
*

patriotism

here

command

to take

'

all

I have not allowed

that

is

to

of evidence.

In regard to the evidence of this body of material

a few words

may

name

'

Sangam

Works,'

by the collective

They were

anthologies with few exceptions.

Having regard

of

occa-

which were generally

achievements of patrons.

the

of

nature

the

of

is

sional poems, the objects of

the celebration

The whole

usefully be said here.

collection of literature that goes

to this character of theirs they are

sometimes very outspoken

but generally they shew

a tendency to add another hue unto the rainbow.* It

*

is,

in

however, easily possible to allow

These poems

the poet.

for the

two

into

fall

panegyrist
classes

according to the conventions of Tamil Rhetoric.

Those relating

the

to

field of

and connect themselves with

incidents in the

life

with emotion

are less

points

of

action
specific

of the patron.

reference,

direct

are direct

'

events and

Those

in

'

regard

but they have

to

dealing
to

the

celebrate

something connected with the achievements

of the

actual patron addressed or that of his ancestors.

Judiciously used the

valuable

as

the

latter

provide

former does.

parison possible in

respect

of

The
these

material
only
is

the

as

compre-


PRBPACB.

Homeric

lays or the

chivalry in

bardic

Europe, or

lat

even

India.

about twenty collections that will

Of these

olass.

days of

of the

tales

There

are

into

this

go

but two of the more important

all

The

have been printed.

others remain yet to be

published.

In the use
undoubtedly

what

ence,

of this

wealth of

is

of the nature of

is

required

would give an idea

is

of the

contemporary evid-

such a general study as

general

before specific use of the material

work that

of the

want

following pages

time to
success,

avoid
it is

I take

the land

How

this.

me

it

far

before

In

me

have

'

Much

attempted.

equipment.

have had

not for

the

all

the

achieved

to say.

advantage of this preface to make clear

two points in the

work which seem ambiguous.

p.

48 Pinna

Timma

of

Ramaraja.

This

as the

is

lie of

generally done suffers from

is

preliminary

this

of

which

material,

Ramaraja

is

referred to as the

latter is likely to

wi:io

fell

at

On

grandson

be understood

Talikota.

The next

following sentences seem to confirm this impression.

Timma and Rama

grandsons of another Bama

Both Pinna

of Talikota

alike

Raja,

who

were

served

with distinction under Narasa and his son Vira

Narasimha.

were

fisst

Pinna

Timma

and his brother Vittala

cousins of Ramaraja, and conducted the

PREFACE.

expedition to the South and organised the

point calling for remark here

first

is

on

p.

Madura

The next

Province under Sadasiva and Kamaraja.

223 where the

sentence, beginning on this page, refers to the

absence of mention of Fattini in the poem under

It is quite likely that

discussion.

the fact that this

poem was

was due

this

to

written before Sengufc-

tuvan's northern invasion and the building of the

temple

of Pattini

of his reign,

which came

when

after the 50th year

the others of his achievements

discussed had become well known

ram
I

ing

canto

XXVII.

11.

118-128

&

(vide Silappadika-

11.

have the greatest pleasure here

my

165-175).

acknowledg-

in

obligations to the Syndicate of the

Madras

University for having sanctioned the expenses of

copying for

my

use the Ahananuru manuscript in

the Government Manuscripts Library

H. Krishna

me

Sastrigal for

to

his kindness

the impressions and the

valuable

Eai Sahib
in lending

office transcripts of

two

Pandya grants: namely the Velvikkudi

grant, and the larger

Sinnamanur Plates

and to

Pandit Maha. Swaminaiha Aiyar for having been at

the trouble to copy

and supply

me

with two of the

valuable poems in the collection from his excellently

collated

text

of

obliged to Mr.
prietor of the

the

M. K.

Ahananiiru.

am

equally

Srinivasa Aiyangar, the Pro-

Modern Printing Works,

for

having

PBBPAaB.

Xty

cheerfully undertaken the publication of this work,

and

having done

for

through the Press in

of

my

it

so well,

less

research students,

B. A. (Hons.) took the

than three weeks.

owing

went through
pleasure

my

One

Mr, N. R. Sattanathan,
trouble

of

preparing the

it

was found impossible

to the rapidity

with which the work

index and the errata which

to avoid

putting the work

the

Press.

acknowledge

with

indebtedness to him for these good

offices.

1st

Ml^ehlhs.

^-

Krishnaswami Aiyangar.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Bbsbarch

in Indian

History

...

The Value of Literature

...

33

South India a Distinct Entity

...

59

Mauryan Invasion of South India

...

81

The Dawn of the Christian Era

...

104

Chronology: Tamil Literature

...

161

The Age

...

211

Talaiyalanganat-tup-Pandyan

...

240

Astronomical &c. Considerations

...

287

Appendix

...

331

Conclusion

...

349

of Paranar

INTRODUCTORY
I

RESEARCH

IN INDIAN HISTORY

WHAT HISTORY
*

History

agreed

fable

is

was understood

history

at

IB

upon

was

idea of history primarily as a piece of

rature held sway.

way from

We have since

that position.

what history

forth

baffled

the genius of far

I am,

may make an
thereto, to

is,

a task which

greater

it

in his

men than

day on matters ger-

gain an idea of what is

actually understood by the term.

ley has

gone a long

extract from one of the

leading, thinkers of the

mane

Notes on Politics

Lord Motand History,

History, in the great conception of

often

lite-

Without attempting

to set

how

one time when the

it,

has

been compared to a mountain chain

seen far

off in

a clear sky, where the peaks

seem linked towards

one

another towards

INTRODUCTORY

the higher crest of the group.

and

An

ingenious

other day amplified

learned writer the

this famous image, by speaking of a

volcanic

islands

the sea,

heaving themselves out of

such angles and distances that

at

only to the eye of a

<5ruising

of

set

and not to a

bird,

sailor

among them, would they appear

as

the heights of one and the same submerged

range.

The

sailor

is

the

The

politician.

prejudice to monographic

historian, without

-exploration in intervening valleys

and ascend-

ing slopes, will covet the vision of the

bird.'

SHORTCOMINGS OP HISTORICAL STUDY

Discussing the distinction between ancient

and modern

history on this basis,

ley passes

on to some

historical

study at the

of the

Lord Mor-

shortcomings

present

time,

of

and

makes the following observations commenting on specialization:

in the

truth that

cialization is bad,

system

is

common

worse.

"We may find

though
to

make

excess
sciolism

In reading history

fault to take too short

comfort
of

spe-

into
it is

one

measure

of

the event, to mistake some early scene in

RBSEAEGH
the play as

if

IN INDIAN HISTORY
were the

it

conceive^ the plot

only comprehended in

and

that

for

its fullest

him,

iinagination.'"

authority says

*
:

business to seek

very past

itself.

is

dimensions,

the historic recorder,

unlike the actor before

and

The event

amiss.

all

and so

act,

fifth

like or

needs insight

Further on, the same great

All agree that

we have no

more from the past than the

Nobody disputes with Cicero

when he

asks

the

law of history not to dare a word that

first

is false

*^Who does not know that

? Next, not to shrink

is true.

No partiality,

it is

from a word that

Though

no gru^e."

nobody disputes the obvious answers, have a

majority of historical practitioners complied

?'

HISTOEY OF HINDU INDIA

These extracts are quite enough to indicate

on the one hand what

history

is

according to

the most enlightened modern opinion and on

the other,

what

difficulties

journeyman labourer

of that history

in

in

the vast fields

India as yet

explored.

Even from

the

if

eagle

coafront a labourer

but

little

the coveted height of

one oasts his eyes upon

the^

INTRODUCTORY

4
feist.ory of

sees

Hindu India one

enough even

feels

one

the volcanic islands, and

of

the few that he might be able to

see,

one feels

he sees but too dimly through the mist

and increasing distance.
India has but

hardly

of age

It is notorious

that

history of her own.

little

WANT OF CHRONOLOGY
It

was the

illustrious

historian of India,

Blpbinstone, that observed in 1839 that, in

regard to Indian History, 'no date of a public

event can

be

fired

before

the invasion of

Alexander; and no connected relation of the

national transaction can be attempted until
after

Muhammadan

the

conquest.*

Oowell

extended the application of this caution to

the whole of the
did in 1868-

Hindu

During the next half century we

have advanced from

indeed, and

of India

is

Period, writing as he

this position a long

way

Vincent A. Smith's Earhj History

the most substantial vindication of

the possibility of compiling a connected history

of

Hindu

India, but even so

does not invalidate the

stone's dictum/

first

much advance
part of Elphin-

KESEAEGH IN INDIAN HISTOEY

AN OXFORD CHAIR FOR INDIAN HISTORY

ONLY BRITISH CONNEOTIGN
first

nearly half a century since, that the

is

Ife

attempt was made at Oxford to institute

a chair or something near

Indian History

for the study

it,

of

but the work of this founda-

tion was, however, limited to the history of the

British connection with India.

address delivered

January

in

The inaugural
1914 by the

present occupant of this position. Rev. William

Holden Hutton,

contains the following

b. d.,

appeal anent this question

is

instructed by statute

Growth

Rise,

British

Power

and

(the

lecture

to

Organization

Eeader)

on

much

**

The

of

This leads

in India."

say what I think very

day.

He

me

the
to

needs saying to-

weakness in the Uni-

It is a grievous

versity's provision for learning that there is

nothing done for the study

in ancient

of

Indian History

and mediaeval times.

to direct the attention of

the

those

Chancellor's

control

of

strange

omission.

I should like

who have the

Fund to this

period of the world's

history of extraordinary interest and of really

enormous importance

is

entirely neglected in

INTKODUCTORY

our provision lor learning, education and research.

It is true tliat

scholars

who

we have distinguished

have, from time to time, dealt

with a part of this subject, such as Professor

Macdonnell and Mr. Vincent A. Smith

the former has already
that only

but

a subject so wide

knowledge and energy could

his

adequately deal with

it,

while the latter has^

I deeply regret to say, no official position in

our midst.

NO PROVISION FOR GENERAL INDIAN

STUDIES
Purely Indian History, with

and philosophy, Indian Geography,

and

literature

its

historical

am

descriptive, (except so far as I

to deal

with

it)

fascination in

unprovided

told

a subject of extraordinary

itself,

Indian archaeology, are

for in this University.

In spite of

the generosity which created, and has, from

time to time, enriched the Indian Institute,

still fails

play,

to play the important part

and was intended

tion at Oxford.

What

to play, in the

might
educa-

the Chancellor of the

University said in 1909

true.

it

it

is,

am

afraid, stilJ

RESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTORY

THE INDIAN INSTITUTE

'

The

Institute has not in any appreciable

degree provided a meeting-ground for the East

and West, or a place

has

intercourse

and Indian students.

between English

Museum

social

of

failed

to

bring

Its

together

typical collection of objects suited to educational

purposes and sufficiently complete to

give a fair idea of the industrial

occupations^

domestic and religious customs of the people

subject

to our

epitome of

rule;' or

India,

to

present a fair

eminently attractive not

only to indologists, but to ethnologists and

anthropologists

scheme

of

all

nationalities.'

of constant lectures

The

by distinguished

Anglo-Indian administrators and Orientalists

which started under happy auspices, has

into desuetude.

The

Institute possesses

permanent endowment, and

respect of stafi

fallen

is

ill-provided

no
in

and attendance^ besides being

quite unable to extend its sphere of influence.'


INTRODUCTORY

THE DEMAND OF THE GREATEST OF

OXFORD HISTORIANS (BISHOP STUBBS)
I believe that this

that

we have still

is

left

largely

due to the fact

unheeded the declaration

of the greatest of Oxford historians,

long ago as 1876,

made

when Mr. Sidney Owen had

been teaching Indian History in Oxford

then

the

said

Begins Professor of

Modern History

(after

need which

as I think

is still,

unsatisfied)

We

"

History.

for

*At the present moment we

eight years.

want',

so

proclaiming another

most disastrously,

want a permanent chair

The

of

Indian

labours of our friend, the present

Indian Reader, have shown us how. thoroughly

that

study,

the importance

of

which can

scarcely be over-rated by Englishmen, falls in

with the current of our University work.

say

a permanent

chair, because

that

is

subject of permanent necessity, not a subject

like palaBOgraphy or

numismatology, in which

the labours of one good professor

for

may

serve

two or three generations, and the endow-

ment of the man is of equal importance with

the endowment of the chair or study."

KESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTOEY

That demand
forty years ago,

of Dr. Stubbs,
is

not yet met.

made nearly
I appeal

those whose interest in India

is

desire that her history should be

fally

aad rightly understood, who

nations,

to

Indian

who
known
she

desire that

amoag
and

princes,

Europeans who have made fortunes

to

real,

should be recognised in her greatness'

the

to

in India,

to provide for the creation of a Professorship

of Indian History in the University

which

is

already so clearly linked, and could be linked

more

closely, to the Indian

Empire.

THE SAME NEED FOR INDIA

This was the demand made
years ago, already
of

to the

Oxford forty

provided with some kind

equipment to meet

Thanks

for

this

particular

need.

Universities Act of 1904 and

the enlightened generosity of the Government

of India

it

has become possible for us

now

to

think of doing something to reclaim that part

of the history of our couotry of

which the

dist-

ant Oxford Professors of History shewed themselves so solicitous nearly half a

century ago.


INTRODUCTORY

10

THE MATERIAL AVAILABLE FOR MEETING

THIS NEED
The

any work

of research in

and require talents

a wide

have to be overcome in

difficulties that

field of

many

this field are

of the highest order over

Broadly speaking the

study.

sources of Indian History can be grouped into

three broad classes, namely
J.

Indian

Historical)

IL

{Traditionary and

Literaktre

Foreign Literature,

of travellers^

chiefly

the works

(S;c,\

Monumental,

Archaeology,

III.

Numi-

smatic and Epigraphic.

INDIAN LITERATURE

The

first of

these classes falls naturally into

two groups, namely,

embodying
striking

traditional

literature,

history in

regard to

personalities.

These

mention in works with no

histori-

incidents

find casual

Ordinary

(a)

cal object of

and

any kind and

will be

of

invalu-

able service in the construction of history.

chief difficulty that
is

besets the subject

the absence of any

chronological

The
here
clue.


BESEAECH IN INMAN HISTOKY
which many

want

11

works of Uterafeure

of the classical

in our

generally, either in Sanskrit or

There are some works

Dravidian Vernaculars.

which, either in the preface or in a colophon at

the end of the work, give invariably the

and ancestors
the

name and

of

the author, sometimes also

ancestry similarly of the patron

and occasionally the date

completion of the work.
available

the

the historian
it is

name

composition or

Where

this

clue

is

some value

to

generally for history

as

work

not

of

is

of

ordinarily understood, Political History

but as throwing some side-light upon a sociah

religious or other feature of general

history.

Arrangement upon a Chronological

Scheme
The greater part of the literature of the
country has
critically

first of all

and

to be carefully

arranged on a

chronological scheme.

This

is

well- planned

true alike of

Sanskrit and Vernacular literature

difference

studied

the

being that in regard to

only

Sanskrit

some work has already been done, while in

regard to the Dravidian languages which are
of material

importance to the history of this

INTRGDUCTOEY

12

work has hardly

part of the country, the

re-

ceived attention except in very rare instances.

To

the aspiring historian of South India this

will

prove the

essential to

first

preliminary spade work

any undertaking.

He

has unfor-

tunately to deal with not any one language but

with three, four or

five languages,

and the

to the period

directs his ambition

locality to

according

which he

and his attention.

here co-operation and

It is

the

combination, in

shape of a school of workers in history

each one

required,

whom

of

limiting

is

his

ambition to contributing to the main result

without special recognition or reward for each

might have

brick he

directly contributed to

make.

Professedly Historical Works

The next department

of the literature

of

the country that has here to be taken into

consideration
ture

is

the purely historical litera-

department in which, so

available

weak, so

India

materials go

much

so that

is

as the

peculiarly

we often hear

lihat the faculty for history

in India.

is

far

utterly

it

said

absent

Bearing in mind that history as we

RESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTORY

understand

work
still

term now

fcbe

practically the

is

Europe,

say with justice that

many

ages and

countries.

So

it is

is

for

provided with historical literature

China.

we can

nineteenth-century Europe,

of

well

many

even with

In regard to India

we can hardly

when we

limit our vision

say the same, and

to the south

we can almost say there

such at

The absence

all.

tories does not necessarily

is

none

of professed

his-

imply the absence

of historical material in literature.

much

13

of that kind of ore tbat

in literature, but

it

There

is

can be mined

requires the smelting fur-

nace of criticism, with plenty of oxydising

material in the shape of chronological

from other sources,

and slag

of

data

confirma-

tory evidence to separate the facts from the

figments of imagination in

embedded.

Much

of this is

which these get

true even of the

few professed histories that we possess.

The

typical examples of such are Kalhana's Raja-

tarangini,

Baaa's

Harsha

Charitam

Bilhana's Vikramankadeva Charitam

krit,

and

for Sans-

the Kongudes'a Eajakkal in Tamil and

various other smaller historical pieces found

INTRODUCTORY

14

in

the

There

is

Mackenzie

Manuscripts

the Rajavalikathe in

collection.

Kanarese,

and

the various historical chronicles of Buddhist

history that

we have

for Ceylon.

Their Value as Historical Material

Various other smaller compositions might
be brought under this class,

they deal

as

often with topics contemporaneous with

themselves.

writers

most other

These,

however,

the

and

works already referred to

of the

had not the writing

and would be more

of history as their object,

liable to

the charge con-

tained in the quotation with which I started

that

History

is

-whole these two

to

the

critical

fable agreed upon.'

On

connected sources do

the
oifer

student valuable historical

material, neglect of

which would make any

history of the country, of a higher conception

or lower, almost impossible.

The Work that Lies Ahead

Without entering into any detailed

descrip-

tion of the various works of a historical character, or

attempting to appraise their relative

worth as contributing to history, I

feel called

KESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

upon

to point out that the

here, almost
critical

work that

immediately in front

lies

ahead

of us,

is

examination of these, and their pre-

sentation in the form of a connected

up

tion, so as ultimately to lead

of

15

descrip-

to the writing

a hand-book of literature for each of the

literatures of these Dravidian

the

lines

of

works

similar

languages on
for

European

languages we have in such number and variety.

When

this is

done

it

found that the

will be

amplitude of the material available

is

much more than we imagine

II.

for history

at first-sight.

FOREIGN SOURCES OF INDIAN HISTORY

Greek
Passing on to the next division,
sources of Indian History

'

Foreign

we have here a

very large number of contributories in regular

succession beginning almost with the Father

Herodotus.

of History,

we have

number

of

For Northern India

Greek accounts of

varying degrees of value historically from the

age of Herodotus to the days of Asoka almost,

and when

this begins to

begin to appear, about

fail,

fche

Chinese sources
beginning of the

INTBODUCTOBY

16

Of the Greek sources I may

Christian era.
just

mention

besides

Megasthenes and

Herodotus,

Kte^ias,

not

mention

Arrian,

to

Quinctus Curtius and Appollonious

of

Tyana.

Chinese
Of Chinese sources there
Father

the

is

Chinese

of History Ssu-ma-ch'ien in the first

century

B.

and from that

C.

time

a large

number of travellers came almost up to the

Mubamraadan conquest. Of these we need
only mention the well-known ones, Fa-hien at
the beginning of the

Thsaug

fifth

century and Hiuen

in the middle of the seventh.

Ex-

cepting this last none of the foreign sources

cited above have anything but

reference to

South India.

an occasional

There

is

besides

the recently discovered Tibetan sources which

have not yet been adequately worked up to

be of use to the student.

For South India

Under
its

own

this

head South India

is

not without

share of illumination from outside.

Megasthenes has a few references about the

south.

There

is

the Geographer Pliny, then

RESEABCH IN INDIAN HISTORY

comes

in

chronological

order the

17

unknown

author of the Periplus o! the Erythraean Sea,

and then Ptolemy.

Past this period we are

some valuable information from

Hiuen Thsang. Last -of all there is Marco

able to derive

Polo.

the

For periods

Muhammadan

later

than this we have

travellers,

some

of

are of very great value, such as Ibn

and Abdur Razak.

of the

who was

Deva Raya

Varthema, the

traders

came to

southern coast or the interior^

Nicolo^dei-Conti
I,

Batutah

There are besides a num-

ber of other European travellers that

some part

them

a contemporary of

Nuniz and Paes, and

Portuguese

others.

These Shed but Intermittent Light

With very few

exceptions the light that

these throw upon the history of the country

is

anything but continuous, and often the in-

formation that we gain of the best

among
them can be regarded as of value only when
we have other sources of information to control them.
All the same we owe it to them
that we have recovered a few bright chapters
of

South Indian History, and we must acknow-

INTRODUCTORY

18
ledge

our

to the

obligations

disinterested

whom

labour of European savants to

is

due the credit

entirely

having made these avail-

of

able to us.

MUHAMMADAN HISTORIANS
have so

far not

made any mention

Muhammadan

historians as a class

later period of

Hindu History

of

of the

For the

South India

these historians are of considerable importance

as outside sources, though hitherto they were

the only sources.

for

of

none

of

them

them

as outside

them, of design, write the history

any State

as they

I class

Hindu

of

make

Such reference

India.

are only incidental

and bring

in in the course of the history of the

particular

Muhammadan State

or States

whose

history they attempt to write.

These again

have been made available

by us by an

elder generation of

there
left

is

upon

still

European

room

these.

for use

for

scholars,

though

good scholarly work

RESEARCH

IN INDIAN HISTORY

19

Aech^bological Sources
(I)

We

come

MONUMENTAL

last of all to

the sources, archaeo-

These have been divided into

logical.

monumental,

(2)

and

numismatic

(1)

(3) epi-

graphic.

These monuments in the shape

of buildings,

temples and structures of various kinds throw

very considerable light upon the religion, art

and

civilization in general of the particular

period to which they belong.

They

also let

into the secrets of history in regard to

418 in

the various influences, foreign or local, that

may have had

operation in the production

of these monuments.
these
exist.

To

be

able

to study

monuments must

monuments, these

So work in this branch

of archaeology,

as a necessary preliminary, takes the character

of

an organisation

monuments

for the preservation of those

that are visible

then

it

requires

an organisation to carry on work in search

new monuments, and the

that

may

for

exposition of those

be available for study.

INTRODUCTOBY

20

Private Effort Impossible in this Line

In a vast country

like

ours and having

regard to the character and condition of these

monuments

as they are, this becomes particul-

arly a branch of study

itself
first

work

work

at all to private

branch
in

which does not lend

in regard to its

the second branch of

monuments, may

to

it,

research

some extent be

done by private workers but even in

branch organised work
utility that

it is

is

so

this

necessary for

only rich societies or Govern-

ments that can undertake the conservation

and research work

involve as

latter

excavations, or

satisfactorily,

in

where the

the case of the Taxila

excavations

carried

on

at

present at Patalipura, a large outlay of expen-

After a period of neglect, work upon

diture.

this branch

ningham

was undertaken by General Cun-

in the sixties of the last century as

Director-General
to

but his work was confined

Northern and Central India.

decade

later

came on an expansion under Burgess

when

the whole of India was included for work.

In either case these

officers

and

their

staff

confined themselves to research work alone

EESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

ig

logical

Survey

XXII by

by the second.

first

conservation of

at

of

Archso-

and

XXXIII

embodied in the volumes

which

the

first,

21

made
monuments in

shy attempt was

existing

1881, and ultimately, thanks to the exertion

more comprehensive

of various influences, a

scheme was put into

the

new

century, and

force at the beginning of

we

are

now on a

further

step forward in the development of archaBological

work as the Government

India Re-

of

solution on the subject indicates.

J!?UMi8MATics :

Largely Private Effort

so FAB

It is in the

second branch of arch^ological

work that private

effort is quite possible to

very large extent, and a great deal

has already been done.

of

work

There are very good

collections of coins, seals, &c., in the various

museums
all

in India

and elsewhere.

They have

been carefully studied and catalogued, in

addition to

much private work

been done.

that has already

It is possible that this

may

turn

out to be a costly fad to an individual but

under proper direction

80 costly at

all.

it

need not be quite

INTRODUCTOKY

22

Invaluable to the Cheonology of

Particulab Periods
Costly or otherwise

many

it is

parts of Indian

a very useful fad and

History have 'become

possible only by the study of coins,

and several

much needed

chronologi-

others have received

cal assistance therefrom.

EPIGRAPHY
Lastly

we come

to epigraphy,

part of the country with which

concerned,
sources,

is

we

and which has reclaimed

dynasties.

For the

many for South

whole

of India,

India.

these

of

to us lost

periods, localities

period anterior

A. D. 400 these records obtained so

very

for the

are directly

the most important

history in regard to various

and

which

The

to

are not

far,

total for the

both North and South,

is

about

1100 to 3200.

Becords Preponderate

in

Number

in

South

India for Periods After A.D. 400

For the period on

this side of

A.D. 400 the

number already brought to notice up to 1906,

when the late Professor Kielhorn compiled his
indexes to the inscriptions,

is

about 700 for

KESEAKCH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

Northern India and 1090

for the South.

23

There

have since been added to these the-yearly,

collections of

small

which

it is

only a comparatively

number that has yet been placed

before

the public in a shape to be dealt with in that

manner.

Large Numbers of these Eecords

Dr. Fleet, one of the greatest authorities
in Indian Epigraphy,

as

new

records

has

are every

in

And, where-

year being freely

obtained in Northern India

is

it,

it is

Southern India a wealth

known

there

of material the

extent of which can hardly yet be gauged/

According to the same authority the collection

of transcripts

made by

Sir

Walter Elliott was

695 from the Kanarese country, besides a

considerable

number from the Telugu Districts.

These are placed

in the libraries of the

Royal

Asiatic Society, London, and the University of

Edinburgh. Dr.

Hultzsch had collected and

edited about 300 inscriptions in the

volumes

of

first

two

South Indian inscriptions, and

about an equal number has been added since

to the

same publication by the

issue of

one

INTRODUCTORY

24

more part
by

his

of

volume II and two

of Vol. Ill,

successors, the late Mr.

and Bai Sahib H. Krishna

Venkayya
Mr. Rice

Sastri.

brought out about 9000 inscriptions in the

Epigraphia Carnataka and his successor, Mr.

R, Narasimhachariar, has added a considerable

number to tdese, though he has not published

them in the same form as his predecessor had
done.

Dr. Fleet has collected about 1000 and

placed

them

the

all in

further states that

He

Bombay Museum.

the southernmost parts of

Dharwar which abound with such materials,

and some parts of Belgaum and Bijapur Districts, and the Nizam's Dominions still remain
to be explored.

And

a great mass of material

from the eastern parts

of

Southern India.'

Their Value
Apart from this copiousness these inscriptions have a historical value

own.

They vary

which

in substance

is all

from the simple

record of the death of a rural hero

fighting in a cattle raid

immolation on the pyre

their

or of his
of her

who

fell

widow's

husband, to a

detailed account of a battle or a treaty.

If it

IN INDIAN HISTORY

RESEARCH

25

liappens to be a donative offering to a temple

or a Brahman
details of the

elaborate

it

not merely gives genealogical

donor and donee, but very often

of

details

administration.

rural

Sometimes we come upon records

justice

was administered,

ments.

of

how

in these very docu-

In regard to the simpler details of

history these records describe

them

concisely

and accurately, and being not deliberately

set

the more reliable.

out as history are

all

number of these records are

dated in some one era or another, or

great

precisely
in regnal

years of the sovereign for the time being.

Thus

they give us an amount of information of such

a character that ordinary histories even of a

modern character
that

it is

will

not usually give us

political history.

Thanks

more

than mere

to the exertions of

various scholars of the passing generation,

all

so

possible to construct from the ins-

criptions alone something

have

we

the various Indian eras in use equa.ted

to the Christian era

and tables constructed to

give equivalent dates.

INTRODUCTORY

26

Co-ordination of

These

Work

records, available to us in such large

numbers, have made

it

possible to compile a

political history of India

onwards with

tury B.C.

from the

use of these records

cen-

up

and with greater

make the
and get them to

But

fullness afterwards.

first

sufficient fullness

to the fourth century A. D.

to

best
yield

the results they are capable of yielding

all

work in

this line will

with work in other

'

Desirable

in

have to go hand in hand

departments of research

which hardly a beginning has been made,

beyond a preliminary treatment, in detached

writings, of

details

which

have to be

will

brought together and handled on

hereafter

broader lines in connected and more easily

accessible works/

Fleet's

Two Desiderata

(i)

Research

in

Monuments
Dr. Fleet calls for two lines of work of which

we have

promise, one being taken up systema-

tically

and

in a

more

liberal

spirit

Government

than

heretofore,

in

Eesolution

on Archaeology, namely research

the

of

India

KESEAECH IN INDIAN HISTOKY

work in monuments by excavation.
very necessary

meagre

supplement

to

information

available

27

This

the
for

is

rather
periods-

anterior to A.D. 320.

(ii)

Revised Corpus of Inscriptions

The next desideratum

attention

is

which he

to

calls

the revision and republication of

the Epigrapbic material available in a single

Corpus Liscriptionem Indicarum of

which a beginning was made in the only
two volumes so far published, Vol. I, The
Inscriptions of Asoka by General Sir Alexander Cunningham, and Volume III, The
corpus,

Gupta

by

Inscriptions,

The need

certainlj' is

Dr. Fleet himself.

very great.

Collation of other Materials

FOR History
Along with

this

upon the collation

work has
of

all

to go

on work

historical material

available in literature, numismatics, art workSj

&c.,

and unless

carefully

all

of

these

are

examined

and the material that can be drawn

from them made available in a form accessible to students of history,

no

proper would be possible.

This

historical
will

work

involve^

'^

INTRODUCTORY

great labour in the literatures

four or live

of

languages, in thousands of inscriptions in

these
coins

languages,

and works

the

besides

all

monuments,

of art generally.

Sympathetic Study op Indian Art

It is a hopeful sign of the times
last are

coming

hands

that these

in for their share of attention

some individuals and Governments, and what is more they are coming to

at the

of

be studied with
hitherto

words

more

of that

sympathy which

was notoriously wanting.

of Justice

Woodroffe

*'
:

It has

In

the

been the

fashion amongst European art- critics to decry

the merits of

Brahmanical sculpture on the

-ground of the alleged monstrosities of the

Hindu pauranic conceptions, which,

been

it

has

said, are incapable of artistic treatment.

The examples

collected in this volume* will,

it is

hoped, help to dispel such misconceptions

and

to refute the unjust criticisms

have engendered, and

will

which they

further a juster

appreciation of the fact that Indian Sculpture

is

not a freak of Asiatic barbarism, but

South Indian Bronaes by 0. 0. Qaneooly.

is

EESEARCH IN INDIAN HISTOBY

worthy representative
performance as

29

of a school of aesthetic

logical,

and highly

articulate

developed as those of any country in Europe,

ancient or modern."
Vinceiit A.

Smith's " History Fine Art in

India and Ceylon/' Havell's "Ancient and

Medieval
"

Hindu

Gopinatha Rao's

Architecture,"

Iconography," Gangooly'e " South

Indian Bronzes " and a more systematic work

upon a narrower

field of

work, only the Tamil

country, namely " South Indian Architecture

and Iconography
breuil

of

"

by Professor Jouveau-Du-

Pondicherry,

all

works

of

recent

years do but indicate the rising interest in

this line of work.

Universities
It

is

therefore

Shew Interest

none

too

soon that the

University of Madras, along with a few others

of her sister Universities, resolved

the liberal annual grant of the

of

to utilise

Government

India for starting a school of Indian studies

by instituting Professorships and Readerships

in

Indian History

and Languages having

reference to South India chiefly.

The success

INTKODUCTORY

or failure of this
interest

can

scheme depends upon the

can evoke and the co-operation

it

from among the alumni

enlist

University

of

it

the

past and present.

In calling for sympathetic interest and cooperation particularly from

the University

students here, I cannot do better than quote

from Professor Maitland the words in which

expressed the needs

he once
study,

'

historical

needs which are nowhere more explicit

and evident than

More
more and
*

of

in regard to India.'

co-operation,
better

more

more advise

criticism,

And

heginners, are needed.

met, will increase.

organisation,

History

the need,
is

if

for

not

lengthening

and widening, and deepening. It is lengthening at both ends, for while modern States in

many

parts of the world are

making history

at

a bewilderingly rapid rate, what used to be

called ancient

history

means, the ancientest

no longer, by any

Egypt, Assyria, Baby-

and even primeval man, are upon our

lonia,

hands.

And

history

neglect India, China

be

is

still

is

widening.

Could we

and Japan, there would

America, Australia, Africa, as well as

KESEAECH

IN INDIAN HISTOEY

31

Europe, demanding that their stories should

be

told,

or

to

and finding men

them

tell

We

deepening.

to tell

them

And

history

badly.

could not,

if

we would, be

the alliances and the intrigues.

religion

art,

and

creeds
political

expelled.

barrier

and

have

are

The study
is

no

burst

longer

mastered are

to he

there will be

more

many

easier

have to be
and the knowledge that
is

of these.

ject are admittedly

a deep knowledge of

The other

work and ought to be

liberally.

technical

work in the sub-

easy of acquisition.

comes in very handy

accepted

is

languages that

details in the present state of

talent

and

year.'

would be really useful

one or more

to be

much

There is

Co-operation in this particular line

the

the

but jusc beginning and no

done by schools of histonj

for us as

prices,

interactions

of

one can foresee the end.

done every

Literature

and law, rents and

superstitions

interdependences

to be

is

with the battles and the protocols,

satisfied

and

well

It

offered
is

Indian

in archaeological

largely

and

only then that the

school of Indian studies will become a realised

INTRODUCTORY

32
ambition.

I leave

it

in

the hands of the

younger members of this audience either

realise this

to-

ambition or face the alternative

of the eternal

want

of historic sense.

II

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE

IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN
HISTORY
It

is

a notorious fact that Indian literature

has few professed histories, and the

ence

seems

warranted that the

infer-

historical

faculty received no development in the country.

History, as

we understand

product of the

it,

is

entirely a

nineteenth century even in

Europe. Works which constitute good material for

history have been

many, whatever their

shortcomings from the point of view of the

modern

It is in the sense of profes-

historian.

sed histories which

may

be subjected to

criti-

cism and used as material, that histories are

wanting

in India.

So the problem

of constructing the history

of India as a whole, or of

any part

subject to this additional defect.

it

may

be and

much more
33

so than in

of

it, is

Defective

European


INTRODUCTORY

34
countries.

Still

despite

left,

good results

there

is

ample material yet

much vandalism which may

yield

exploited systematically.

if

torical material in India as elsewhere,

grouped into three classes

His-

may

be

(I) ArchcBological {including architecture).

(11) Epigraphical {including numismatics),

(III) Literature.

Of these the

first

goes back to the earliest

times reached in this country by historical

research.

What can

source

however, scanty though reaching

is,

be gathered from this

to the earliest antiquity.

The second does not

go beyond the period of the Asoka Inscrip-

For periods anterior

tions.

to this,

thrown upon

literature only, both

Buddhistic.

With

also

archiBological

respect

to

evidence

we

are

Vedic and

South India

may

take

us

farther back, but the epigraphical does not go

back beyond the beginning of the Christian

Era except for a few Asoka and Satavahana
records.

Whether

literature

will

take

us

beyond this limit may well be regarded doubtful,

as

we

are at present, but careful research

in this direction

may

take us past this limit

THE VALUE OF LITEBATUBE

and may yield us
I

tions.

whether

myself to inquire here

set

nor whether

so,

is

it

beyond our expecta-

results

have not

35

literary

all

evidence has been brought to bear on historical

research.

I shall only try to

inquiry will not be in vain

show that the

if it is

made.

This inquiry necessarily leads us

For any work

question of languages.

Sanskrit

search concerning India,

pensable.

This

of the pre-Buddhistic period of

of re-

indis-

Indian history.

When we come

to deal

Tamil

equally essential.

becomes

is

the

what we know

clear from

is

to

with South India,

Of the

other Dravidian languages, Telugu does not

take

its

to the

ture

literature

available

anterior

ninth century A.D., and this

seems to be modelled

entirely.

much

Kanarese

ancient literature.

tury undoubtedly

Nripatunga*

If a

has

A
is

Sanskrit

certainly

work

of the

more

ninth cen-

Kavirajamarga

of

of poetics like this

had

the

work

upon

litera-

been written in the ninth century, we might

presume that there was an amount

literature to require this.

to

have grown out

of

of anterior

Malayalam seem s

Tamil in the early ceiu

INTRODUCTORY

36

turies of the Christian Era.

aoGordiog to .some,
goes back to a

f^-r

is

But Tamil which,

the mother of these three,

greater antiquity.

It hjas a

wealth of literature for particular periods which

is

worth study on

This body

scientific lines.

of literature, independent.. of Sanskrit

80 closely interwoven with

it,

and yet

deserves well of

among the educated of

It may not be all who
their country's sons.
can afford to study it, but those who can ought
those

who

wish, to be

not to neglect to do
literature,

be

How

is

vast

this

both Sanskrit and Dravidian, to be

exploited to
to

so.

any purpose, and what

is

likely

the utility of such exploitation

for

history?
I

began with the statement that history

depends upon archaeology, epigraphy and

litera-

The work on the

ture for its materials.

first

two has been considered to belong to the

province of Government, for it is beyond the
resources of private work, though private
agency

may do much

Work upon

the third

if

facilities are provided.

is

so far left entirely to

the patriotic lovers of literature.

iiteratiire

as

literature

that

is

It is not

my

conoera

THE VAIiUB OF lilTBRATURE

here, but literature
for the

That

making

it

can be

of use

of history.

literature

no proof now.

so far as

'37

can provide

The study

for history

needs

of the literature of

Pali, the veruacular of a part of

Northern India

in the centuries before Christ,

opened to us a

fresh vista into the

cient India.

domain

of the history of aa-

Will the Dravidian languages

similarly open another vista ?

tion I shall attempt' to

my

It is this

que^

answer here, confining

observations to Tamil literature, the oldest

and the most voluminous

of these

southern

tongues, as they are at present. That a systematic study of this literature will yield resulta
of great value

even where one

least

expects

itr,

I can illustrate from the following incident in

the

life of

Kamanuja, the Vaishnava

apostle.

Tradition states, and the Ghiruparamparais

(histories of apostolic succession) record, that

Kamanuja constructed
of

Tirupati,

and

'Govindaraja there.

the temple at the town

enshrined

the

image

ol

This image was believed

image

of

Govindaraja at

Chidambaram, pulled out

of

the tepaple and

to have been the

cast into the sea by a certain Chola king, called

INTBODUCTORY

8B

Krimikanta by the Vaishnavas, a persecuting

So

Ohola.

kaow

far as I

there

present,

at

seems to be no inscription bearing upon this

question, and the matter was believed to be
traditional

and nothing more.

in a court of law that

Vishnu shrine

the

It

was asserted

existence

of

the

Chidambaram was due to the

a Yaishnava Brahman, who

at

pious fraud of

planted the image of Vishnu over night, and

duped the people, who woke up one morning

to find the

image

of Holies).
it.,

If

of

Vishnu

in the Saiva

(Holy

the witness himself believed in

as in hoaesty

we

are

bound

to grant he did,

he must have been a credulous person indeed.

We

are not concerned with

otherwise,

the

tale.

but

we

Stanza 86

his

credulity

or

are with the credibility of

i

of

the Tiruchchirram-

balakkovai of Manikkavasagar states in the

words
in

of the

devotee that Vishnu was lying

the court yard of the temple at Chidam-

baram supplicating
1

LfffiBiSL-iB ^rreoriifL

Siva, when, in response

^tTemuirair

neSaSemQ

LfdjBfSujfr


THE VALUE OF LITEKATURB

39

to Vishnu's prayer, afber fruitlessly penetrat-

ing the earth to

discover the

he displayed one

foot,

the other as

show

that he might

This

well.

feet of 6iva,

is

a clever

des-

cription of the relative positions and postures

two

of the

deities in the temple.

dance with his right foot

his self-forgetful

up.

Natesa

Govindaraja

is

bhogasayana

in his

is

in

lifted

(reclin-

ing posture).

Kulasekhara

Alvar

states

regarding the

same Govindaraja that Vishnu was recumbent

on a throne,with the three thousand Brahmans
chanting

his

Tillai city,

praise

in

the

Chitrakuta

of

surrounded by cool and shady gar-

dens, smiling with flowers and tender shoots.

Next comes what Tirumangai Alvar says

about the same

The

first

(StriB/SeoBnrss

extract

simply indicates that a

Qetrn^^tpsufr M9ffeu

u6tai.LD6ifr6orQtiT u&o&oqjit

Qn^^

Qsit(^u a^^

INTRODUCTORY

40

Pallava king made some costly dedications to

the temple.

The second

a lying posture on his serpent

third

was in

that Vishnu

The

couch.

that the three thousand of Tillai wor-

shipped, according to orthodox rights, the

God

of Gods.

Thus, then, in the days of the two Alvars

and Manikkavasagar, the Vishnu shrine occupied the position that

it

does now.

Let us

proceed then to a later period, the period of

The Chola decline may be

commencing with the death of Kulot-

the later Cholas-

dated as

tunga Chola
son

I.

He was

Vikramachola

Kulottunoa

Raja

11.

II,

The

and

succeeded by

his

by

son

he

his

who was succeeded by Raja

poet called Ottakkufctan,

there

are reasons for believing, was a contemporary

4 ^0ix)fr <5z_ja/zJL Qi^i^rr

^qjH^

^tpeufT tSfffSrresr u>6a>puurTe(riT mni^iji

npsaipuuiTeo Qj&stsasjseu euestniEssniu

Q^n^^

THE VALUE OF LITEKATUKE

Among

of all the three.

to
of

him

41

the works ascribed

are three ulas, as they are called, pieces

conventional, composition celebrating

patroQ as he passes in triumph through the

streets of his capital,

appealing to his vanity

by elaborate descriptions

of

duced upon the lady folk

of the city.

the effects proI take

the following extracts from the Kulottungacholaiiula

and Hdjarajanula

Vishnu shrine
passages

regarding the

These two

Chidambaram.

at

indicate

no

iu

uncertain

that, in carrying out the renovation

temple,

old

little

gods

of

the

opportunity

Kulottunga found the

to get rid of the

terms

'

which were

obnoxious to his piety. That the Vishnu shrine

was what was particularly offensive

^QJsS

<9rJITSf-0^

Qu(Tarssi^p

LUfTITLJLl

^aSpjSu

to this pious

^QJfS ^(e^muiB

L^roLoi3p

(^^Lcu2sifT^^

INTEODUCTOKY

42

devotee

is

the expression QpoieSp

clear from

^^(^S^i^^ which means

^L^eQeo

in the sea, the former house

of the author

submerging

This very idea

'.

and the same act

of his zealous

patron j&nd expression in another work, the

s

TaJcJcayagapparani.

Kulottunga
that

name,

hostility

led to

to

II,

It

is

then

clear

the grandson of the

perpetrated this

act

that

first of

pious

of

the Govindaraja shrine, which

the establishment by

Ramanuja

of the

shrine at Tirupati town.

Last
us

of all is a Sanskrit extract

know how

the Govindaraja temple

be again where
ation from the

it is

at present.

Prapannamritram

was a contemporary

Ramanuja and

which the author

of

lets

came

It is

to

a quot-

of a certain

Andhrapurna who
Ramanuja. It is a life

Anantarya, a descendent

of

which

of

his followers at the

of the

life

end

gives his

of

own

genealogy. In the course of this pedigree occurs

8 QpaarBp Ql(b^ sq^slb^ QurriL (zpar^ssTdsteo

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE

43

a passage,9 which, freely rendered^ means that

Ramaraya, who came

after Krishnaraja^

went to Chandragiri taking with

Tatarya.

he

is

Mahacharya

popularly

at the height of

of

for learning,

He

wished to restore the temple

at

was then

Ghatikachalam (Sholingar).

residence

raja

as

the Vadiilagotra

in

at

once

his GVuru

(Doddayacharya,

called)

fame

him

Chidambaram

of

Godnda-

(Chitrakiita),

which

had been uprooted by the Chola Krimikanta.

Overcoming

in

argument

j?tr^^rf%^2 ^r^nrr

the

^^^

ii

invincible

INTRODUCTORY

44
Saivas,

one in learning restored

great

this

the Govindaraja temple at Ohitrakuta

This Govinda-

the assistance of liamaraya.

raja

with

thus established by Mahaoharya

is

even

yet to be seen at Chidambaram.

These are isolated

number

of works,

facts gathered

How

and

used

together

purposes of history

The
If

first

showing no obvious con-

nexion with each other.

brought

from

are they to be

the

serve

to

essential to history

is

chronology.

the facts are not placed in the order in

which

have placed them, they

unintelligible

order

more

ingenuity.

will

and to place them

in

be
this

is

required than mere individual

If

the last fact of the above series

could only be placed before

its

predecessor,

the contention of the recent litigants would

find some' justification.
ever,

for

facts in

them
law

for a

am

Unfortunately, how-

not marshalling here

judge and jury,

of history for a critical student.

gation of the historian ought
chronological.

but facts

The

investi-

first of all

to be

THE VAI4UE OF LITEEATURE

The date

of

45

Manikkavasagar cannot yet be

rega,rded as a settled fact of history.

Varying

dates are ascribed to him, as

with as

without evideace.
century A.D.

Some

one fact

w^as a

all

That

epigraphifit

among

of a

the Tiruttondar

upon

accepted on

century

and that he

Varagunapandyan
all

would keep him

the eighth

of

definitely

Sundaramurtinayanar

are agreed

contemporary

also tradition

to the fifth

antiquity not

does not iaclude him

is

him

others to the ninth century;

others agaia to an
ascertainable.

refer

offcen-

after

literary critic sees quotations

Varaguna

his

The

Christ.

and adaptation

from Manikkavasagar in the works

earlier adiyars of the

The

hands.

to the

is

Saiva hagiology.

of

the

That

works were well known in the thirteenth

century, and the work that readily challenged

comparison with those

of

Manikkavasagar was

the Tiruvoymoli of Nammalvar are in evidence

in the following linesio of the Satagoparandadi^

amoins Qu-ULjff^ QsvsrQup QoifT^Eia&r esiSS&jeSCiQu

INTRODUCTORY

46
ascribed

reasons

to
for

Kamban, who, there

believing,

in

lived

good

are

the twelfth

cenfenry a.d.

In

this, as is

the thousand of

Kamban compares
Nammalvar to a thousand

evident,

milch-cows, both to the renounced and to the

worldly

and the Tiruvasagam to cows which

We

give no milk.

are not concerned with

the judgment here, but only with the fact of

the case, although

it

must be

said in passing

that this prince of poets in Tamil

being a fanatical sectarian

the Bamayana^^^

salvation for those

Hara

that

is

it

is

who

for

is far

from

he says in

impossible to attain
dispute in ignorance

the greater or the world measuring

Hari.'

Regarding the two Alvars the dates are no

more

fixed than for Manikkavasagar.

are both of

them

eleventh century

They

anterior to the middle of the

a.d.,

inscriptions of

which

date refer to the works of these Alvars as

11

^rar^a,^&>s^j5ji osifluj^sem
Uffa^Qssr

cissrei\sins(^

peeDL^onfinj uif^Q^Quirio

THE VALUE OF LITERATUBE

having been held

47

One

in high esteem.

^^

of

the decades of Tirumangaialvar refers to the

occupation of Kanchi by a king called Vaira-

meghan

being, that

is

in

The

terms.

the following

in

Attahhuyagaram

first

Kanchi,

in

that was surrounded by the forces and fame of

Vairameghan

of long

garland and high crown,

entitled to the respectful

submission of the

Pallava, the ruler of the

Tondas (people

Tondamandalam).

two

It is often not noticed that

distinct personages are under reference

ruler of

of

Kanchi (Tondayarkon)

the

and another

entitled to his allegiance, called Vairameghan.

This
king

last is in all likelihood

of

the Kashtrakuta

and not

the name,

Dantivarman

Nandivarman Pallavamalla.
The only date so far known for Vairaniegha

Pallava, the son of

Dantidurga
A. D.

754.

century

of

the

The

a. d.

Rashtrakuta dynasty

latter

may,

half

the eighth

of

therefore,

the age of Tirumangaialvar.is

is

be

taken

The

as

earlier

[(jpi^LDn^sv suaSaCoLDsek

13

Yide Obapter

XIX

of

the author's Aaoient India,

INTEODUCTORY

quotations would thon refer us to the eighth

and ninth centuries

A. D. at

the latest for the

existence of the Govindaraja temple at

Chi-

dambaram.

The next batch

inference that
of

of references leads to the

was Kulobtunga

it

Vikramachola and the father

II A.D.

{circa)

11,

the son

of Rajaraja

1133 to 1150, who uprooted

work

the shrine in his pious

This

of the great Saiva temple.

the quotations themselves

renovation

of
is

clear from

which are from

the works of a contemporary author.

Lastly, the

quotation refers the

Sanskrit

reconstruction to Doddayacharya through the

good

offices of

Krishnaraya.
this

teacher

a Ramaraja
It

was

who

ruled after

in this connetion that

(acharya)

came

in

contact

with Appaiya Dikshita, the great South Indian

scholar and philosopher.

In his commentary

on Vedanta Desika's Yadavdbhyudayavi, this

scholar says that he took up the work of a

commentary on this kavya at the instance of

Pinna Timma, grandson of Ramaraja. The
Ramaraja

referred to

is

clearly the

one that

fell

at Talikota. There is nothing very improbable

THE VALUE OF LITEBATUEE

in

49

Appaiya Dikshita's having been contempo-

raneous with Doddayacharya or Eamaraja on

Timmaraya on

the one hand, and with Pinna

Besides the writer of the Frajpan-

the other.

namrtam

itself

was a

tarya, popularly

whose
ruled

patron

till

disciple of

Kumarata-

Kotikanyakadanam Tatachar,
was Vankatapatiraya,

a.d. 1614. It

who

must therefore be some-

1565 that the temple was

time before a.d.

restored.

We

are thus able to obtain an account of the

vicissitudes

of

this

centuries at least.

temple for about

five

have taken this as a

simple illustration of what historical infor-

mation can be gained even from apparently

unconnected

literature.

The

facts here are all

the more reliable, even including the

last,

they are mere incidental references. It will

as

now

appear that there can be no history without

chronology, and the attempts to
of

works and authors, which to

absurd,

is of

What

is

the dates

many

appear

the essence of historical research.

wanted, therefore,

torical research is a systematic

study

fix

of literature,

now

for

his-

and organized

both vernacular aud Sans-

INTRODUCTOKY

60

way

krit, in

literary

and

that will

man
He

requirements.

number

all

work both

This work cannot be

historical.

done by one

tion of a

facilitate

own

through for his

will require the

of others.

in historical research has to

collabora-

student engaged

keep

himself

in

close

touch with the archaso logical, epigra-

phical

and

work that may be going on,

literary

and must be something

and epigraphist himself

should be

human

all

of
;

the three by

possibility

in

an archaBologist

but

himself

most

any one

that
is

beyond
This

cases.

is

very often recogaized, and 'the two branches

are held to be

ture

also

distinct.

am

In point of

concerned with

only as an auxiliary to history

of

litera-

literature

the collection

manuscripts and documents, and the bring-

ing out of good and critical editions of works

ought to be regarded as quite a distinct branch.

Most
India

editions
till

of

the classics published

quite recently, both in Sanskrit

the vernaculars, were uncritical editions.

is

the

Bombay

in

and
It

Sanskrit Series, that set the

Our esteemed countryman, Mahamahopadyaya Swaminatha Aiyar,

fashion for Sanskrit.

THE VALUE OF LITERATURE

5i

has given us a number of remarkably well-edited

The advan-

texts of important Tamil works.

tages of this kind of editing are quite apparent.

The

various readings are given for the reader

to choose from
also

the variety of

When

noted.

this

iservice to the historian.

or

such editions

Tne

two.

taken care

What

To

and accur-

then

the uti-

the Silap-

Swaminatha Aiyar, has

give in

to

is

give only an example

learned editor of

jpadliikaraMy Pundit

lines

well

are

the text editor has rendered good

ately done

lity of

is

comments

footnote thirteen

at the beginning of the second

canto,

found only in one manuscript among those

he consulted.

He

remarks in another place

that manuscripts found in the same quarter

have been

the most reliable in

These

ticulars.

thirteen

lines

many
refer

parto

Karikala as the ruler at the time, and state

that the Pattinappalai had been dedicated to

him

by

the

thus confirming the

author,

inferable contemporaneity of this ruler

the author of the work.

to the

same incident

later in point of time.

with

There are references

in other

works but far

INTRODUCTORY
Similarly in staaza fourteea of Kalidasa's

Meghaduta^ where there

Dinnaga,

me

whole,

as applied

was forced

oharya,

the reference to

struck

it

tioa of the

is

that the

for in

to

Dianaga-

the alternative

the commentator

iaberpretation

infcerprefca-

Mallinatha

The

has to omit a part of a compound word.

whom

pundits
is

no bar

consuhed consider that that

to the slesha

understand now from a

text

(double

entendre).

Bombay

edition of the

and commentary that Hemadri does not

countenance the interpretation.

The

result is

that the estimate of Kalidasa's age, based on

his

contemporaneity with Dinnaga,

the ground so

Mallinatha
to building

to have

far.

Hemadri may be

but he

who

of

to

right or

reads with

up a hypothesis

an opportunity

falls

a view

in history

ought

knowing both the

Then he formulates his hypothesis at his own risk.

Further down Mallinatha lays down that
the three slokas which he comments on are
commentaries.

interpolations.

why he

thinks

He
so,

does not choose to

tell

us

though his reasons would

have been valuable.

There

is

a great

and

THE VALUE OP LITEEATUEE

5S

important amount of work to be done, in the

way

of

examining

critically the texts

view to distinguish the

spurious part of
It

is

with a

from the

genuine

it.

alleged,

often

with truth, that the

historian reads his thoughts and feelings into

This no doubt

the writings of the past.

defect that

he has to guard himself against.

If the record of

in

is

the past

placed in his hands

is

an accurate form he ought to have no

excuse for making such mistakes.

arises

from an insufficiency

of

The

defect

information

which would enable him to form a complete

idea of the
with.

men and

This

is

of the period

he

is

dealing

a point that the late Professor

Maitland seems to have

laid great stress

the course of his lectures.

on in

It is in regard to

oaths and the influence that they exercised on

truthfulness of the witness that the Professor

took occasion to

make

the remark.

This defec-

tive appreciation is considerably in evidence

among a
work.
our

class of scholars

It

owH

traceable to

is

the

importing

of

and the circumstances ahoutf us

which we have either no, or have

ideas

to periods of

engaged in research

INTRODUCTORY

no means

having,

of

illustrate the position I

hatkatha.

go back to the Br-

The work was

written in Paisachi

and appears to have been held

by successive writers

in high esteem

of note in Sanskrit liter-

Dandi

ature, at least from the days of

age of the Kasmirian Somadeva.

four different versions of
of

knowledge

is

stories

We

The Kathasaritha

is

from the Brhatkatha

collection of

a third version

or collection was obtained from Nepal

lastly a

Tamil translation

antiquity which

have

professedly a transla-

Brhatkathamanjari

tion;

to the

as our only source

it

of the work.

sagara of Somadeva,

To

information.

full

of

it,

may be prior to

which

is

and

of

that of the

an

now

known Sangam works. Professor Speyer, a

Dutch scholar, who has made a critical study of
the Kathasarithsagara has, on the strength of
the supernatural powers ascribed to Nagarjuna
in

the w^ork,

referred the

Brhatkatha to

period between the third and the fifth century

A. D.

This

is

because the Professor thinks that

people would hardly have believed in superna-

power unless a considerable interval had

The inference would certainly be
elapsed.
tuial

THE VALUE OF LITEKATUBE

warranted,

an equal degree

sceptical to
of

history.

all

important

part

development
the

have
ism.

religions,

at

faith

This

it

periods

all

over,

and

in

miracles

play

an

stage

of

particular

and people are not wanting

enlightened

full

at

world

the

All

regard to

in

were rational and

people

all

if

55

is

twentieth century

occultism and

in

that

makes

who

spiritual-

Indian

several

works seem ridiculously absurd to European

scholars.

fluence

If

they could appreciate

upon the minds

closely

transmigration

in

belief

interwoven

what

it

ries.

That

they would see

as absurd

even by

believable

this has, as

how

the varying

in all

is

them

strikes

obviously

exerts

simple people, and

of

belief of the people in India,

that

the in-

is

quite

contempora-

a matter of course,

been the case could be proved,

if

Tamil

liter-

ature and literary tradition were called into

requisition.

There are several works in Tamil called mahakavyas. The translation

a

sirukappyam

Udayanan

or

Jcadai or

of

the Brhatkatha,

minor

kavya

called

Perungadai or even simply

INTRODUCTOKY

work which gave

'kadai, is believed to be the

the authority for the use of the word kavya.

This work

is

ascribed to the period

of

the

middle Sangam, that

is,

Sangam, the works

which we have in some

of

my

I have put forward

number.

for referring the third

centuries
this

anterior to the third

of

work

the

Sangam

Christian

arguments

to the earlier

era

ought; to be referable

hence

to a period

coeval with the beginning of the era of Christ.

If

only this could be established beyond a

Kan-

doubt, the history of Vikramaditya and

ishka, about

which there

is

yet considerable

divergence of scholarly opinion, would become

any yet

settled to a degree not dreamt of by

because,

Somadeva, the

Brhatkatha, says in so

translator

many

of

clear words that

he makes no change in the matter

original

the

beyond the mere change

and the necessary abbreviation.

language

of

It

of the

would be

hyper-criticism to dispute the assertion of the

author without establishing a clear motive as

an

essential pre-requisite.

This consideration

has not always been conceded to him.

There

is

work

to be done, therefore, in the

THE VALUE OF LITEKATURE

57

co-ordination of the study of the two langu-

Sanskrit and Tamil, in the interest of

ages,

In the absence

both.

Sanskrit

of

the original,

the

could be collated and

translation

compared with the Tamil, the

far

if

would go

result

towards solving one of the most important

problems

Indian History

of ancient

namely,

the origin of the Samvat era which has had

to be accounted

ways by great

so

in

for

scholars.

many

fanciful

There are references in

both the Kathasarithsagara and the Brhatkathamanjari to

who

Vikramaditya-Vishamasila,

got rid of the

Mlecha

trouble,

and came to

be regarded an incarnation of'the divine energy

Vishnu or Siva,

of
us.

it

This question

does not matter which to

is

too long for discussion

here.

My

object

is

not. to settle disputed questions

or to formulate a

Now

new

that archaeological and epigraphical work

have made some advance,

more

historical hypothesis.

rational,

literature

of.

and systematic study

the country,

of

making them
capable

I appeal for a better,

of

with a view

the
to

yield the results that they are

Inscriptions

and archaeological

INTEODUCTORY

58

research can after

provide the dry bones

all

only.

All else will have to be got from litera-

ture.

Besides, there

is

a period to which ins-

criptions do not lead us.

have to depend upon

if

For such periods we

literary evidence alone^

this is available, either from Sanskrit or the

vernaculars.
to, his

It is a

country to do

duty that every one owes

all in his

the study of this literature.

power to advance
In addition to

the discharging of a duty, this study of literature will be a source of pleasure even to busy
people.

Here individual

only a small way.

made

to

But

effort
if

can take us

tbese efforts were

flow into one channel, the

volume

would be the greater and the work turned out

the larger.

CHAPTER

I.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY IN

INDIAN HISTORY.

The

term South India as

sion

referring

of

to

our country,

days

of

down

in

its

to

the

the

present

That distinction

through historical

all

to

back

goes

portion

The

present.

it

times

whole

north of the Vindhya Mountains

India

roughly

India,

authority.

its

has maintained

even

southernmost

the

Mahabharata

the

of

form, for

a distinct expres-

is

what

and was perhaps

the expression

is

now known

as Hindustan,.

in olden times

included in

In days

Uttarapatha.

when

perhaps the geographical knowledge of India

south

of

the

Vindhyas

was

somewhat

vague, the term Dakshinapatha seems to have

indicated
yas.

all

the country south of the Vindh-

But by the time

the Mahabharata in

its

of the

compilation of

present form, Dakshina-

patha seems to be limited

to

what we now

unnderstand by the term Dekhan.

59

BEGINNINGS OF

60

Sahadeva in

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

his southern expedition before

the celebration of the Kajasuya (a sacrifice

celebrated in token of paramount power) by
his

eldest

marched

brother, conquered the

southwards

Pandya country.

from

Pulindas,

them

into

the

After fighting a successful

moved northDakshinapatha.^ The first

battle against the Pandyas, he

wards towards the

Mahabharaba Kambb.

3^.Rr^n^imH

^R^H^d

Ed,

%i^^

^ f^^r^

^mh ^m^^ #i^ IR^

(Mahabharata

II. 32. Si. 16-23.)

?<^

II

ii

(See also

SI.

70-76)

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

state that he

kinda, (the

that he

went to oa

came

to

w^as

5ET?^ t%?:h

=^

The next state

Mahishmati (Mandhata

river).

Similarly in

was Kish-

this frontier

modern Hampi).

on the Narmada

the

Eamayana,

^^ ^[^ri^^cTiger^

H^rviwt ^rff^f^R^iT^

3T^^^[JT5Rff =^ ^l^^rgq^^rT

Rishikaa

II

Sugriva

II

II

II

an obvious

in the texfc is

for Rishfcikan.

^ ^^4

61

^i%(lf

Rfla'm'^^dJM:

^^*^rK<^t<*i^mj|F^RHTR'T

II

II

II

II

error,,

'62

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

directing his search party to the south, gave

them the

following description of that region,

beginning from the centre, the river Saravati

in the

Madyadesa which

loses itself in the sand.

obviously

into

three

flows in a circle

He

and

divides this region

portions

the

region

north of the Dandakaranya and in the immediate neighbourhood

of

the Vindhyas

then

the region along the East Coast up to the river

Krishna; and then the region south

Krishna.

of

the

In the second region on the south

of the Vindhyas figured Vidarbha, Kishtika,

^iwq^r

wwm ^1^^ m^i\

^fp%^ 3^f%: ^PcT

3^

^^13 qiD^r?rt

^J|^Hkd<

cT5r

^ag^^^m^

^rTF ^^q^r

II

II

? v9

II

<i

^mv.

II

w ?

^RR T%%%f^: iRo

^^Ri^qiFr: ^R[?r^[|[
(Vaimiki

^m^\ IR ?

Bamayana

ii

||

II

III. 41. SI. 8-21.)

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

Mahishaka

and

on

the one

Vanga,

side,

Then he

Kalinga and Kausika on the other.

puts in

Dandakaranyam

the

included the river Godaveri.

63

which

is

Then come

in

in

the country of the Andhras, the Pundras, the

Then

Cholas, the Pandyas, the Cheras.

is

^iven a description of the Kauvery passing on

the

to

Then

Agastya.
river,

Malaya, the residence

hill

of

sage

described the Tarnravarni

is

which they are advised to

cross.

Then

Pandya Kavatam,
with Kavatapuram or

described the fafnous place

is

generally

identified

Kapatapuram
the

hill

The
Vayu,

Tamil-

in

Mahendra

is

described

across the sea in an island.

older Paranas
^

Then

such as

the Matsya,

and even Markandeya are not perhaps

o clear in respect of the distinction between

the two

parts

of

the region south of the

Vindhyas, but they give the main divisions

practically along the

In respect

same

lines.

of these works,

however,

be impossible to make anything

-as

Ch, 104 Ananda^rama Edn.

XLV

si.

the above.

70 onwards to the

like

it

would

a chrono-

end the same edition

64

BEGINNINGS OF

logical inference,

agreed

thafe

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

though

may now

ifc

both the works, the Mahabharata

and the Ramayana may have

to

the

fifth

to be

century B. C.

matter of great
is

be taken a&

It

doubt as to

referred

still

is

what exactly

the age of any particular part of the work.

In this respect, the Ramayana, stands some-

what on a

better footing

made

bharata, and a statement

any book or chapter

challenged in

datum.

than tbe

of

in respect of

works can be

of these

respect

Maha-

any chronological

Hence while the occurrence

of the

names of the divisions stated above is a matter

of some importance, the references do not
enable us exactly to

fix

the period to which

the division would have reference.

We may

state roughly, however, that these were probably divisions definitely formed

and familiarly

recognised in the fourth century before Christ.

Another class

of literary sources

be exploited for the purpose

Jatakas

and Buddhist

is

which can

the Buddhist

literature

generally.

The countries in India which figure among

them have reference to about sixteen kingdoms and a few tribal republics. Arranging

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

65

them on the map, the southernmost portion

reached

is

perhaps Paitan on the Godavery in

the western extremity, Asraaka^ being the only

southern kingdom referred to there at

not

take

The

Buddhist literature therefore

earliest available

does

all.

us very

much beyond

Vindhya mountains, and that seems

the

reflected

in one beuedictory verse, which occurs at the

end

several of the

of

verse

merely

Bajasimba
from sea to

refers

to

the

bring
sea,

dramas

of

Bhasa.

a wish

whole

of

'

mt^j

The
our

the earth

and from the Vindhyas to the

Himalayas under one umbrella, and

rule

it

with success.^
Passing on

now

to another class of Sanskrit

works which can be dated closer than these,

the researches of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar show

Grammarian Panini the south was

a land unknown. The countries farthest to
the south mentioned by him are Kachcha,
that to the

3
(I,

The Mabahbarata in another place refers to A^maki

a Yddhava princess married to Prachinvan

63. 12)

This would indicate the upper reaches

as at least one

A^makn.

of

the Godaveri

66

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

None

Avanti, Kosala, Karusa and Kalinga.^

oi these takes us south

Vindhyas. Ail
"
these are in fact states
on the back of the
of the

The

Vindhyas," according to the Puranas.

VartikaoQ Panini

of

Katyayana who, according

to Bhandarkar, followed Panini

more than two

centuries after, shows considerable

acquain-

Katyayaaa notes the

tance with the south.

omission by Panini of the name Paidya and

explains

it

as " one sprung from

of the tribe of the

Pandus

an individual

or the king of their

country should be called a Pandya."

of Panini's rules

apply to the

down

is

Another

extended by Katyayana to

and

Oholas

we

to Patanjali,

Coming

others.

find a very

much more

intimate acquaintance in him of the geography

the south.

of

Of the southern places,

mentions Mahishmati, Vidarbha, both

of

he

them

Dekhan and immediately south

of the

Vindhyas, Kauchipuram and Kerala

which

the extreme

south.

in the

take

There

down

us very near
is

besides the

to

general rule that he laid

that a word like Sarasi

large lakes in the south

7

Bombay Gaz.

Vol.

is

hence

I, Parfe 2, p.

used to denote
it

is

13839.

possible

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

6?

lor U8 to infer that in Patanjali's time about

150 B. C. the whole

to the

yana

of

In the time

noroherners.

350

about.

C, South

B.

well-known

fairly

South ladia was known

while

of

India

wats

days

the

in

Katya-

of

Panini, according to Sir R. G. Bbaiidarkar,

about the seventh century B. C. South India

was

practically

unknown.

Coming down
works,

torical

the

He

him.

ed

of the

says,

daughter in India

To

his-

extract

from

at

any

that

some

rate

Pandya country had reach-

obviously,

tion

definitely

following

Magasthenes shows
knowledge

more

to

from

that

whom

informa-

hearsay

Herakles

beget

he called

a-

Pandaia,

her he assigned that portion of India which

lies to

the southward and extends to

the

sea

while he distributed the people subject to her

rule in

365

village each

villages,

giving orders that one

day should bring to the

the royal tribute, so that the

always have assistance of those

was to pay the

turn

it

who

for the

payment-

treasury

queen might

men whose

tribute, -in coercing those

time being were defaulters in their

He

was further informed that this

68BEaiNNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

female sovereign had an army of 500 elephants^

and

cavalry

4,000

possessed

great

130,000

and

infantry,

treasure in the

fishery

for

which according to Arrian were greatly

pearls,

sought by both the Grreeks and the Romans.

The Arthasastra of Chanakya, referable to

the same time as Magasthenes, has two references known to me to the South. Speaking
of pearls and their quality, Chanakya refers to
Tamravarnika " that which

Tamravarni
is

"
;

is

produced in the

Pandya Kavataka

obtained in Pandya Kavata.

Shama

that which

6,

(p.

86

Mr.

of

Sastry's Trans.)

Further in the same chapter, but speaking

"this

^
is

time of cotton

fabrics, the Arthasastra

This Pandya Kavata,

a fine

it

Pandya

a door-way of the

of tho

The commeDbator on the Arthasastra

as a

mountain known as Malay akoti

country.

has

Pandyas/

commeDtary od theKavatam PaDdyanam

BamayaDa.
plains

in

extha^

It is rather of doubtful propriety thafc

a place where pearls are found should be referred to as

mountain.
sion

It

seems much more

Pandya Kavafca means,

a.

likely that the expres-

the door-way of entry into

the Pandya country from the sea and the Malayakoti of

the commentator therefore, would then be the promontory

where the Western Ghats dips into the

sea.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

reference to the fabrics of Madhura,

commentafcor explains

Madura, and
other places

it

may

southern

as

(p.

cloth

for

94, Ibid).

in order of time, the edicts of

specifically

among

cotton fabrics

name

the Tamil

generally being Kalingam.

Next

which the

be noted also that

remarkable for

Kalinga,

figures

rightly

69

Asoka do

mention the southern kingdoms,

and place them as beyond the imperial pale of

Mauryan Empire.

the

edicts

of

rock

his

mention these, and they are edicts

II.

II,

XIIL

V, and

S^iD,

Three

Everywhere

in

empire of King Priyadar-

fehe

beloved of the gods, as well as

among tbo^e

natioz^s

and princes that are his neighbours, such as the Chodia$,

the Pamdiyas, the Satiyaputra, the Keralaputa', Tambapa-

mni, the Yana king, called

those

who

Amtiyoka as well as among

are the vassal-kings of that Amtiyoka, every-

where king Priyadarsin, beloved

two

(2) kinds

of hospitals,

hospitals for animals.

some

has founded

both hospitals, for

men and

Everywhere where herbs whole-

men and wholesome

for

of the gods,

for

animals are not

found, they have been imported and sown by the king's

order.

And

enjoyment
V.
called

of

wells have been dug by his order for

men and

Now a

the

beasts.'

long period has passed, and the o3cial8

the Overseers of the

Sacred

Law

have formerly

70

BEGINNINGS OF

not

Now, when

exififcef?.

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

had been

anointecl

are busy

Uw,

among

my

of

They

with watching over the sacred

all seofcs

with the growth ot the law, and with

and happiness

thirteen-

Law.

yarB, I appointed Overseers oi the Sacred

loyal

as

subjeots,

the welfare
also

among

the Yonas, Kamboyas, Gamdharas, litshtikas, Pitinikas

and

all other nations

XIII.

the chiefest,

And

that}

which are

my

neighbours,'

But this conquest the beloved

viz.,

gods holds

of the

the conquest through the Sacred Law.

conquest had boan made by the Beloved of the

gods both hers in his empire, and over

ewen as far as

six

all his

neighbours,

hundred yojanas, where the kiug

of the

7ona, called Amtiyoka dwells, and beyond this Amti*

yoka, where the four

Turamaya, be
called

Kings dwell,

(4)

viz,,

called Amttkini% he called

Aiikasudara*

turther

Chodas and Pamdas dwell

he called

Maka, and ho

in the south,

where tho

Tambapamni

as far as

like-

wise where the king dwells, among the Vi^as, Vajris, the

Amdhras,

and

Pnlidas

everywhere

they follow

teaching of the Beloved of the gods with

Sacred Law.

Even those

to

whom

the

the

respect to the

messengers of

the Beloved of the gods do not go, follow the Sacred

Law,

as soon as they have heard of the orders of the'

261246 B.C.
285247 B.C.
Aotigonus Gonatas, 278239 B.O.

*(l) Antiochus, Theoe, of Asia,

(2)
(3)
(4)

(5)

Ptoleny II Philadelphia,

Magas

of

Gyrene,

d.

258 B.C.

Alexander of Bpirua,

272? 258

B.C.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

71

Beloved of the gods, issued in accordaDce with bheSaored

Law, and
follow

it

his teaching of fche Sacred

in future.*

These

number

(Buhler

Epigraphia Indioa

will be seen,

edicts, it
of rulers

in

Law, and they

regions over which they ruled.

also to be classified

II).

refer

and by implication

will

to

to the

They seem

into two groups

those

that are his neighbours and perhaps in a position of subordination to him,

whom

his relations were

dence and equality.

to

be

and those with

on terms

Among

included the Yonas,

of indepen-

the former have

Kambojas,

the

them along the north-western

frontier.
The Yonas, must have been the
Greek state of Bactria and the subordinate
chieftaincies thrown out from there perhaps
in the Kabul Valley and elsewhere, where they
Gandharas,

all of

might have spread

The Kambhojas

out.

are

usually located in the north-western corner of

Kashmir extending downwards. The Gandharas were the people in the region westward of

the Punjab, including the two capitals Taxila

and Pushkalavati, that

is

the region between

Kabul and India along the Kaibar way. The

other two regions mentioned are the Rashtikas

72 BEGINNINGS

OF
The

and Pitenikas.

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Rishtikas perhaps were

a vast group of people among

whom

Mahrattas

were the principal group, there being other

Rishtikas

Rashtikas or

There

besides.

is

nothing to connect them with the Arattas,

but the Saurashtras or the name Surashtra
for the

country

to them.

may

be originally

It is a little

traceable

more doubtful

if

the

same could be said of Gurjarashtra (Gujarat)

and Pitenikas,^ the country round about
Paitan on the Godaveri.

We

are justified by edict II quoted above,

in distinguishing the empire of

sin

and

neighbours

his

King Pryadar-

the

independent

monarchs, such as the Chola, the Pandya, the

Satiyaputra and Keralaputra in the south, and

Amtiyoka (Amtiyoks) and

the west.

his vassal-kings in

In regard to these southern mon-

archs the Cholas, the Pandyas, and the Kerala

are plain enough to us.

They

are respectively

the coast country on the east extending per9

The form Paitan from Prabhiahtaaa

unsound

philologicaliy.

ing Pabittaua thro

ble as a folk

Sans.

is

considered

Pritbishtana,

Payittana mbo Pittaria seems

beoompossi-

etymology or apabhram^a philology even.

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

73

haps from the Pulikat to the Vellar in the

Padukotta State with

*

TJraiyur.

its capital at

The Pandya country next

following extending

from coast to coast along a

drawn from

line

perhaps the point Kalimere to Kottayam, with

its capital at

Madura, and the Kerala country

along the western

of this,

coast},

extending northwards

and including in

of Travancore,

the northern half

it

the State of Cochin and con-

siderable portions

Malabar.

of

The

Satiya-

putra seems obviously to refer to the region

immediately north

of this

and the name Satiya-

putra seems normally to indicate the prevalence

of the Matriarchate or Aliyasantanam

These are put on a

level

King Antiochus. Theos

Law.

with the Greek

(God), grandson

of

Seleucus Nicator (Victorious) the rival and

friend of

This edict makes

Chandragupta.

the position clear so far that these states were

beyond the boundaries

Coming down

of the

to edict V,

empire

which

of

Asoka.

relates to

the appointment of Overseers of the Sacred

Law, Asoka distinguishes between

subjects and those
people,

and then

among
all

"My

loyal

the Yonas and other

other nations his neigh-

74

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

bours," which seems to indicate that the Yonaa^

and the other people were in some sense

sub-^

him perhaps tributary states under

The Edict XIII on the contrary makes

ordinate to

him.

the division

between his empire and

all

his

neighbours, and again puts Aihtiyoka and his

four neighbours on a footing similar to the

Cholas and their

neighbours the

Pandyas.

He makes the further distinction of those to

whom the " Messengers of the Beloved of the
Gods'* are sent, and those to whom t'ley do not
go.

The

ment

of

best

commentary upoa

his is in the

whera we

Mahavamsa

of

Ceylon

find the following

"When

the Thera Moggaliputta, the

minator of the religion

brought

cbis arrange-

the

(third)

of the

illu-

Conqueror, had

council to an end and

when, looking into the future, he had

be-

held the founding of the religion ia adjacent

countries, (then) in the

forth theras, one

month Kattika he

here and one there.

sent

The

thera Majjhantika he sent to Kashmira and

Gandbara, the thera Mahadeva he sent ta

Mahishamandala.
thera

To Vanavasa he

named Eakkhita, and

to

sent the

Aparantaka

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

75

Yona named Dhammarakkhita to Maharattha (he sent) the thera named Mahadham-

the

marakk

hita,

but the thera Maharakkhita he

sent into the country

of the

He sent

Yoaa.

the thera Majjhima to the Himalaya country,

and

to

Suvannabhiimi he sent the two theras

Sona and
theras

the

sent

great fehera Mahinda,

Sambaia

Uttiya,

Itthiya,

Bbaddasala his
he

The

Ufctara.

these five theras

disciples,

forth with the

and

charge

*
:

Ye

shall

found in the lovely island of Lanka the lovely

religion of the Conqueror."'

vamsa p. 82).
The passage refers

(Geiger's

to the missions for the pro-

pogation of the faith sent under the

of

Asoka to various

One

command

localities for the

of carryiug the teachings of the

*

Maha-

Among

to those regions.

purpose

Enlightened

the territories

mentioned here are Kashmir, and Gandhara in

Then

neighbourhood.

the next mission was

that sent to Mahishamandala,

case

may have

to be identified with

mati, though the

equal application

now Mysore,

which in

as

Mahish-

name Mahishamandala
to

w^ill

this

is

the territory whi(5h

be shown later.

of
is

The next

76

BEGINNINGS OF

region

12,000

is

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Vanavasa, which

the Banavasi,

Mahratta

southern

in the

district

is

Then comes the region

of the northern Konkan coast and that is
Aparanta. Then comes Maharashtra
then
country and Mysore.

comes the country

ly

of the

Yona, which probab-

was the region somewhere

immedi-

in the

ate neighbourhood of India, Afghanistaa or

Then comes

Beluchistan.

Suvarnabhumi,
with

the

which

Chryse

usually

is

gold-producing

Malaya Peninsula

the country called

province

history of

all

last

Ceylon, because

Buddhism

in

subject of the treatise.

of

Tennassarim

and

of the classical writers)

important of

identified

the
(the

and most
it

Ceylon that

is

is

the

the

This enumeration of

countries seems to go so far only to confirm

our classifications of the territories referred to

in the

Asoka

edicts as(l)those of his empire pro-

per, (2) of the

(3)

dependencies of the empire and

of states in

tions. If the

independent diplomatic rela-

Mahishamandala

referred to here

stands for the country of the Mahishakas round

Mandhata, on the Narbada,

very

good

reason,

for

which there

then Banavasi

is

is

the


SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY
southerniDOst

limit,

and

we

find

77

India

south of the fourteenth degree of latitude out

of the pale of imperial rule.

This

is

confirmed in another way though

somewhat less directly from the Mahavamsa

Duttagamani Abhaya on the occasion
itself.
of laying the

foundation-stone of the great

Stiipa (Thupa)

had called

for

an assembly

of

most of the leading Buddhists from the various

Buddhist centres. In response to this invitation there assembled

Bhikhus from
1 Indagutta

with 80,000 Bajagaha (Bajagraha capifear

of

Dhammasana

Maghada).

12,000 laipataoa (the Dear-Park in

Beoares.

3 Fiyadassi

60.000

,,

Jatarama-vihara(Viharaoufc
side of SraTasti in

Nepal

Tharai.)

4 Urubuddharakkhite 80.000

Mahavana

5 Urudhammarakkhita,, 30.000

Ghositarama (In Ko^ambi)

6 Urusamgharakkhita 40.000

Dakkhinagira-vihara

(in Vai^ali.)

in

Ujjeni (Ujjain in Malva.)

7 Mittinna

160,000 A^okarama in

Pupphapura

(Pataliputra or Patna.)

XJtti^ria

280.000 Kashmir.

78

BEGINNINGS OF

9 Mahadeva

S.

460.000

INDIAN HISTORY
Pallavabbogga(tbe Eief o! the
Pallavas

probably

Gujarat,

in

regions of

also

tbe Indus).

10 yonamahadbammarakkbita

,.

30,000

Alasanda,

the city

the

of

Yonas, Alexandria of the

Yonas which may be one

of the

many

Alexandria

Alexandrias,

near

Kabnl,

Alexandria near the junctbe

tion

of

tbe

Indus

was

which

Jhelum and
Karachi^

or

itself

one

of

tbe Alexandrias.

11 Ubtara

.,

60.000

Eoad

30.000

Bodhimanda-vibara

80.000

Vacavasa country (Banavasi

of the

n d b y a n

forests.

12 Gbittagupfca

Bodhgaya).
13 Cbandagupfca

in the

96.000

14 Suriyagufcba

Dharwar

dist.)

Great Kelaaa-vibara probably

which

Kailasa-vibara

may

be from tbe region of

Ellora

Nizam's

in

the

present

dominions,

Amaravati, Guntur.
(Opusciti pp. 193, 194.)
1

or

SOUTH INDIA A DISTINCT ENTITY

Here again

it

will

79

be noticed that the famous

do not come beyond Vana-

Buddhififc centres

vasa, and this has reference to the period A.B.

382

on the basis of

to 406, or 101 to 77 B.C.

B.C. 483 for Buddha Nirvana.

This position

is

confirmed by what we can

derive from early Tamil literature but before

passing on to that, we
this Ceylon chronicle.

may

say a word about

This

is

a chronicle

of

the history of Buddhism maintained in one of

the

many

monasteries of the Buddhists, and

was put together

in its present form in the

sixth century A. D. by the Sthavira

,

monk,

Mahanaman, Tnat was done obviously in

commentary upon the earlier, but somewhat
less classical

Dipavamsa which was composed

in the fourth century A. D. as

it

stops short

in its account with the reign of Mahasena,

who came to
306. Even

the throne sometime about A. D.

have derived

material from various Attaka-

this
its

Dipavamsa

is

believed to

thas (Sans. Arthakatha, stories in exposition

of

the

meanmg

Buddhist

gospel).

of various

portions

Thus while

it

is

of

the

possible

that the reference has contemporaneous autho-

80

BEGINNINGS OF

rity,

at

we could have

any rate

earlier.

little

INDIAN HISTORY
doubt that

it

belongs

to the fourth century A. D.,

if

not

This fourth century authority goes

only to confirm what

and what perhaps

in early

S.

Tamil

is

is

indicated in the edicts

unconsciously expounded

literature.

We

shall pass

on

to this last now.

(^.HAPTER

II.

MAUKYAN INVASION OF SOUTH

Till recently

it

INDIA.

was held doubtful that the

Pandya and Kerala

had anything more in them

references to the Choi a,

in Asoka's edicts,

than a mere boast on the part

The

Emperor.

discovery

of the

his

of

Buddhist
edicts at

Siddhapura, Brahmagiri and Jatinga Rames-

vara

hill in

Mysore

in

1892 did put the edicts

upon a somewhat better footing

The

their veracity.
of a

copy

in respect of

discovery two years ago

of Asoka's edicts in

Maski, in the

Nizam's dominions, gave new and powerful

support

to

maintained

the

contention

that Asoka's

of

those

territory

actually

extended to the frontiers of Mysore.

last

discovery

is

of

value, as the edicts

those at Sahasram

somewhere about

Mysore
1

edicts

the highest

historical

of

his thirteenth year.

If then,

later.

Hyderabad Arcbselogical
81

This

are almost a replica

and therefore

seem

that

Series

No.

1.

of

a time
^

The

as the

p. 3.

82

BEGINNINGS OF

Maski

shew,

edicts

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

there

province of Asoka, and

if

was a

the Suvarnnagiri, the

capital of the Aryaputta and the

Mahamatras,

has to be looked for round Maski

the territory

of- the

southern

itself or in

Ancient Kuntala,

was South India conquered and how

the conquest go actually ? Light

is

this darkness from an unexpected

that

is,

classical

far did

shed upon

source,

and

Tamil Literature.

Before proceeding to

let this

light in,

know what

exactly

is

necessary to

when

it is

the present

position of historians in regard to this matter.

Mr. Viucent A, Smith in his Early History of

India (Third Edition),
his
''

which

is

later

than

monograph on Asoka, has on page 163

The Tamil

States extending'to the extremity

of the Peninsula,

and known as the Chola and

Pahdya kingdoms,

certainly were independent

as were the Kerlaputra and Satiyaputra states

on the south-western, or Malabar Coast.

southern frontier of the empire

may

The

be des-

cribed approximately as a line drawn from the

mouth

of the

2 Para. 1. Ibid.

Pennar River, near Nellore on

MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

83

the Basbern coast through Guddappah and to

the south of Cbitaldroog (North,

14

lat.

13*,

F. Long. 76 24) to the river Kalyanapuri on

the west coast (about N. Lat. 14), which forms

the northern boundary

of the

the old kingdom of

representing

probably

Satiyaputra.''

In

Tuluva country,

regard to

this

southern

boundary the limits marked out in the extract

are substantially

correct

furnished by epigraphy.

on the information
This correctness

is

confirmed by what we are able to glean from

Tamil

literary sources except in regard to the

eastern limit of this line.

The Tamils mark-

Tamil land at Pulikat,

ed out the limit

of

which

Anglo-Indian

is

the

of Palaverkkadu

This

is

ture

as

for *old

Vel.

(old forest of

Verkkadu,

withouG

trees). 3

Tamil

referred to in Ancient

'

corruption

the

litera-

adjective

standing before the name.

This

eueoGeu^ afTili^ewcSr ^il.(Su)uiT

Mamular

in

Kurcmtokai 11,

84

BEGINNINGS OF

is

usually described as

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
Vadukarmunai, the

*end of the Northerners

When

territory.

changes

this limit is passed the language also

(Molipeyartem,^ the country where the spoken

language changes to another).

the other side

Konkanam

^,

is

The

limit on

given as the Tulu land or

the territory o the chief

Nannan

in the first century of the Christian era,

Mamulanar

in

Aham.

Mamalanar
5

Aham

16.

&

which

210/11,

in Ibid 31.

Narri9ai 391.

ufTs&inn ea>SLj uea>p<s sLLi^eSji

Q/Sireas StneSitjg^^

ihntljL^earear.

Aham.
QufTGfTuQ

ojwQfffT

GairsKircSiircsr

i3d^Qp

jBGarcar

15.

Mamulanar

emeariQ/Z.

ueuCoff.

Naryiriai 391. Palaipadiya

Perungadungo,

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

85

was broken into by a new people Ko^ar, as a

result of a war in which Nannan obviously
suffered defeac^

Thus

then,

about the

and

Tamil

first

lost his state elephant.*^

ascribable to

literature

century of the Christian era

supports the statement that this

line consti-

tuted the southern boundary of the Mauryafi

except for a difference of half a degree in the

eastern end.

The Dekhan,

down to
Nellore, must

or Peninsular India,

approximately the latitude of

therefore apparently have been subjugated by

either

Chandragupta or Bindusara, because

it

was inherited from the latter by Asoka, whose

only recorded war was the conquest of Kalinga;
and

it is

more probable that the conquest

the south was the work of Bindusara than

was effected by

his busy father.'

of
ifc

Mr. Vincent

A. Smith also notes that the Tibetan historian

Taranatha (Scheifner p. 89) attributes to

Bindusara and Chanakya the conquest of the
country between the eastern and western seas,
6

potest

Qeurrear^ Qwrrt^a G<g5T*ii" Quireo.

Paraoar

in

Kuruntogai 73.

BEGINNINGS OF

86

The

INDIAN HIBTORY

S.

fact of the conquest

Femained so

far

the south ha&

of

an inference and no more. In

regard to the question which of the

first

three

Mauryas did actually make the conquest there

no

is

further

than the

make from the known

Asoka*s Empire and the statement

we

inference

extent of
of

information

direct

are left

lio

Taranatha regarding Bindusara's conquest,

unless the last two lines quoted by Dr. Fleet

from the Mahavamsa he held to imply Asoka's

conquest

'^

Among

of the south.

who constituted, according

famous third Academy at
the name Mamulanar, a

the poets

to tradition,

the

Madura we find
Brahman scholar whose name,

as an author, is

held in very high esteem in the Tamil world

^

9c^ =^fe ^^%ft ^9R^

J?1T2?#

(J.
'

Having attained the

of the first line need not

if

'

such could be held to be a

As a matter of fact
is

it is

at

(Vincent A. Smito*s Asoka,

refers to hie brothers

p. 29).

in four years

have exclusive reference to the

the massacre of the brothers

edict

B. A. S. 1909

BoIe sovereignty

efanghter of his brothers

hiatorioal fact.

and

sisters.

all

p.

very doubtful
a fact

162,

if

as rook

note 4)

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

His works were

even now.
of fugitive

poems which

various collections,

them generally

all of
'

fact, that

his

works are found in-

of

of the

Nannan, the
*

enough

is

show that he was an

contemporary perhaps

contemporary

antiquity

his

cluded in these collections, there

internal evidence to

re-

San gam (Academy)

Without basing

imprimatur.

character

are found scattered in

garded as having had the

upon the

of the

87

elder

and an exact

of Paranar,

Ghola ruler Karikala and

Woman

killer

He

'.

is

re-

garded as a separate person from the Tirumular

of

This author has a

the 'Saiva School.'

number

of

to the

references

invasion of the

south by the Mauryas, who, according to him,

must have advanced,

Madura and

at least as far

south as

Podiyil Hill. This author, accord-

ing to Nachchinarkkiniyar, the commentator,

was a Brahman belonging

Sage Agastya, and
of

belonged

the country hallowed

that

is

the

country

Hill in the Western

of

to the family of the

by

round

Ghats

to
his

the

in the

Madura and the neighbouring

the

part

presence,

Podiyil

South-West
parts of the

Tinnevelly District of the Madras Presidency.

88

BEGINNINGS OF
The

first

reference

to the entry

Kosar into

Aham

251

to these

INDIAN HISTORY

ia

Aham

^or notice is in

refers

S.

15

of a

Nadu

crushing defeat

On

enemies near Podiyil HUl.^

sion, says the

up

Nannan-

of

again

Kosar and states that these people

admihistered a

mitted,

tribe called

the same author refers

of

call

where the author

warlike

Tulu

the

author to

this

poet,

Mohur

the newly-installed

at the

head

of a

not
*

upon

their

this occa-

having sub-

Mauryas came

great army,'

the rolling

^ Vide note 3.

eSeareffffaaS'

Qpa^iasu^u i3t^^^nsk}&^

G^il^^esr S^GTi^^^ |5T^V)n) GlDT Ak.il U

uesSiuneoLLoSp

ueaia^'^eoeutsfi

waQs(Lp^n'2QST etiUiU GuDdfPiuir

G^eoiii^ Q^&refrQ^eS luesitQeatTiLiihun

Aham

261. Mamijlanar.

(Mahamahopadbyaya Pandit Swaminatha

text obligingly copied by him.)

Iyer's

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

oars

which had to come up cutting their

of

way along

hill slopes.

refereace

to

the

The same poem has a

enormous wealth

Nandas, to which again there

rence in

In

89

this

poem 265

^^ of

passage

information, which

another

refe-

the same collection.

given the

is

is

is

the

of

additional

reminiscent of the revo-

lution in Patalipura, that

the wealth of

Nandas, which having accumulated

Patali, hid itself in the floods of the

first

the
in

Ganges-*

Hence the expression Vamba Moriyar the

Maurya novae hominae is justified in respect
*

of this author,

'

and his contemporaries.

Poem

10 LfeaaaSp Qua/siS eSiueoeS^ihLj^iB^

i^ga<Jiiu^

^stDLOnj,?

inn^iEiQsrT&oQedn

Q-9^QjU(SB)n

Mamalanar Abara 264

(Madras

Compare

wifcb fehia, fche

Govt;.

Msa. Library Copy.)

same author's Aham. 126/127.

Qutreir Q^60uit6id&) euuSa QiDifL^rrihu

Q&JtTGsr^ Qjfr6\)iS(sapiud(^<RDQj ^(juafr/DQi

BEGINNINGS OF

90

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

same work, contains

281^^ of our author, in the

another reference to the same incidents with

one or two additional

details.

that the Mauryas

(1)

Vadukar
ples)

high

hill

which barred

way

even

tunnel

suggests

across a

The

their way.

pression used actually in regard to

detail

but

literally,

Telugu and Kanarese peo-

that they cut their

(2)

are

last

came south pushing the

(Northerners

in front.

later times the

in

These

the

ex-

latter

cut

being

through.

Leaving aside the texts

points

calling

references of
(1)

The

consideration

for

Mamulanar

the

for the present

to the

in

these

Mauryas are

fact of the invasion of the

South by

the Mauryas, the southernmost point reached

being Podiyil
11

s'2eifT(^ff

Hill

the

in

S.W. corner

of

eSios=S(^tr eSoDirQs^eop c72fewr

Vide

laafc

two

Abam,

(Maham

lines of note 9.

281.

Swaminathaiyar'g

text.)


MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA
Madura.

The advance party

(2)

91

of the inva-

sion was composed of a warlike people called

Kosar in one case and Vadukar in another.

The

(3)

point of time to which these invasions

are referrable.

In regard to point
are

quite

clear

1,

the texts of this author

and unmistakeable.

He

is

supported in regard to this statement by two

One

others.

of

them

is

called Paranar accord-

ing to one manuscript, but the mauuscript in

the Madras Government Oriental Manuscripts

Aham

Library

of

name

Param Korranar. The language

as

reference

is

69 ^^ shews the author's

of the

equally clear, and quite similar in

way through a
Poem 17'5^^ of Puram

regard to the cutting of the

hill for

the car to pass.

su(SS)iruSp(h ^siarpsortrfTttit^

Qustecu J7a.

Aham
13

69. Paramkorranar*.

eS6aarQuiT0 Qis(Bfh(^<5SiU.aSujQp QniriBajw*-

Puram
* Another reading

175. Kallil A^-tirayanar

Gutt^ ujir.

92

BEGINNINGS OF

by

Kallil Attiraiyanar, celebrating the patrdn

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Adan Ungan has an equally clear

to the army of the Maury as cutting

reference

way

their

"through rock to let the road go through the

middle

was not able

ously

The commentator

of the world.

obvi-

to understand the refer-

ence, and adopted in consequence a reading

Oriyar for Moriyar, making the passage seem

The

legendary.

<3omment
reading.

is

far-fetched character of his

unmistakeable evidence of mis-

The manner

of reference in all pass-

ages under consideration, makes

this

it

clear that

cutting' (whether a tunnel or no) was

at a great distance from the Tamil country.

The

reference in the majority of the passages

is to a lover

and

sweetheart,

much

this cutting

is

is

his

brought in

the manner of Shakespeare's

in

husband

who had gone away from

*

her

to Aleppo gone.' All the references

are in the past tense

and give evidence

the event having been of recent

of

historical

occurrence.

In respect

we have

of the

Kosar and the Vadukar

other confirmatory evidence.

One

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

passage

^^

tribe entered

in

states

Nannan's

which Nannan

Nannan's

This

certain
15)

a contemporary poet

in Paranar,

Mamulanar,

with

9S

that

warlike

this

territory after a battle

lost

his

territory

is,

state

elephant.

according

poems, the Tulu-country {Vide

to

Aham

and according to others (Narriuai 391),

Konkaaam (Tamil
Indian, Konkan).

took

in

Tulu

is

parts

of

for

That

Konkanam,

this territory actually

Konkan and

borne out

or Anglo-

by the

Canara

fact

that

or

one

of his famous hills Elilmalai^^ exists to-day as

Saptasaila or Elilmalai about 16 miles north of

Cannanore. The Kosar then entered Nannan's

territory

through Konkan, and had a south-

east trend in their

movement through Kongu,

(Aham 195 and Siliappadhikaram, Kongilangosar) till they reached the Podiyii Hill much
farther south.

These Tamil works

these Kosar in association with the

refer

to

Mauryas,

almost as constituting the advanced guard of

1*

Kurumbogai

15 Narrinai

73.

See

nofce 4.

391. See Note

3.

Mont D'Ely

of

fche

medieval writers. Yule's Marco. PoIo Bk. III. Cb. 24.

note 1.


94

BEOINNINGS OF

their

army

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

The Ramayana con-

of invasion.

tains a reference to a people, called Kosakara^

equivalent

the

the Tamil Kosar, in the

of

following passage

(IV. 40. 121 &o.

The
among

city

of

Kumbakonam

Edn.)

the Kosakara finds mention

the states towards the east to which

Sugriva directed one section of his great search

The commentary

party.
of

reference

river in

and

explains the centre

to have been the 'Saravati/

Rajaputana which flows

loses

itself

in

the

sands.

a circle

in

If

it

is

permissible to locate this on the basis of the

data available to us in
the

Kosakara

will

The term Kosakara

is

this,

the habitat of

correspond to Assam.
explained by the com-

mentary called Tilaka, as a people engaged in

the work of rearing silk- worms and manufacturing

silk.

If this interpretation

is

correct,

then there must have been in Bast Bengal a

warlike people whose usual peaceful avocation

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA 95

was

silk

manufacture and who might have

formed part
to be these
hill

fort

Mauryan army. It seems

people who had laid hold of the

of the

Pali of

Nannam

from which these

were dislodged by the Ohola king, Neydalamkanal Ilaajetchenni, identical in

lity

all

probabi-

with the father of Karikala, the great

In this connection these people are

Chola.

Vada Vadakar (the Northern

Northerners) in Puram 378,^^ and Vamba
Vadukar (the new Northerners) in Aham
referred

375.

^^

ment

to as

It is
of

again the same general move-

the northerners

16 0^sBrLJ/r;a>/f iSieo

earppp a&raB^

Puram

378.

that

is

reflected

s=tTiu

Qs^fTLfisar

QsnuSei,

Uupodi Payungudayar

in

honour

of

IlaDJo&obenni destroyer of P^i or S^ruppali,

17

QjFiripiT

QfmLfpip

Ljffl<oB><S=U

Aham

Qu^ioaasT

UFTlf S^fS

375/7i by Idayan Saadao Korranar.

BEGINNINGS OF

96

Narrinai 170,

in

chief

out

Mullur

of

^^

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

where the Malayaman

said

is

have

to

and defeated single-handed the

that had .laid

seige

already referred to

Aryan land
change

of

this or the

to

the

Aryas

We

fort.

'

have

as the limit of

Pulikat

Kuruntogai

in

sallied

and to

11,^^

the-

language when one passed either

hill

Venkata

(Tirupati).20

These

taken together seem to warrant the inference

that there was

a series of

Aryan invasions

under the Mauryas and their successors the

Andhras, as distinct from Aryan settlements
previous to these, and that the Tamil kinga

and

chiefs

stemmed the

tide of

invasion suc-

among the allies of

Mauryan Emperor Asoka on terms

cessfully so far as to rank

the great

of equality, as in fact they are referred to

been in the Asoka

it

edicts.

have

In this connection

deserves to be noted that the

same poet

18 ernpLSJQ&yrnpi^Qes^iEj QarrQpfBpatTss

ueO0L^ear Aifi^^

QeijirarQirrar Lofeoujear

Narririai 170, author Dot known..

19 See note (1)

20

Aham

16 & Narrinai 391. See note

3.


MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

97

Mamulanar refers, in Aham 115, ^i to a chieftain Erumai of Kudanadu (parts of Mysore

and Coorg). The chief's name seems to have
stuck on to the country so far as to make it
referrable in

Tamil

territory

Hence Asoka's Mahisha-

Erumaiyuran.

of

literature as the

mandala which is a good translation

mainadu might still refer to this
notwithstanding

state,

factory

was a

city

but there

the

good

is

kas and giving

Fleet's

satis-

of

authority

equating

for

that of the people Mahishathe meaning that

it

usually

is

The connection with modern Mysore

given.

town

frontier

city of Kartavirya-Arjuna

name with

the

is

the

Eru-

Mahishmati with
Narmada. Mahishmati

indentification

Mandhata on

Dr.

of

or state,

possible

is

to

not quite proved though

understand

that

the

it

whole

country 'or any part thereof might have been

known Mahishamandala.
way now.

What
the

is

This

only by the

relevant to the question

references to

is

that

the Vadukar and Aryar in

Aham
7

is

15/14 Mamulanar.

98

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

this latter batch are to either

or to almost

contemporaneous events.

defeat of the Aryar by the

one

side,

contemporaneous

Malay aman on the

and the destruction

crushing of the

of Pali

Vamba Vadukar

lished

norDherners)

cannot

refer to the

Maurya invasions

there by

same

of

The

and the

(newly estabIlanjetchenni

early period as the

Mamalar. These have an

organic connection with the defeat of the Aryas

by Imayavaramban Perumseral Adan,^^ Pand-

yan Aryappadai Kadanda Nedum Seliyan

22 ^iftojir

^atmfSuj QuiBeiD^

Padirruppattu I

Ljsa/D^H'

(i)

oSloluld

2325 &

II.

^^^^

spL9p QpeSfiosr^L-

earasrSiLi^ eSp^i^'^uu

uTa^L^tu

CcariB^CffifujsSr

Silappadikaram XXIII. 11. 14-15.

^^

MAUBYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

and

who

Karikala^*

victory

over

and

Aryas,

the

claim

lay

all

99
to

having

to

erected their respective emblems the bow, the

fish

and the

layas.

'^^^

'on the face of the Hima-

tiger

All these

seem

to refer to action

taken

by the Tamils in concert, when the Central

power in the North began

to weaken, to beat

back the Northerners from the South, there

Hindu
Northern Buddhism. Taken to-

being perhaps in
hostility to the

also the

it

Southern

gether the references seem to warrant the inferences

(1)

chat

the Mauryas carried

invasions to the farthest south of India

their

(2)

that

they were in uostile occupation of forts in the

northern borders
24

(^65)ifiiiJ

the Tamil land extending

of

ajjemfDii-l^

<#^LDiuu iS'uif^^gsoa

G^(BGijlPGujiijn5(S QsfT&freiDsuSp (c)uujiTQ&]tTjb(^

QaneuBesip QsnQ^^s Qsfrjhpu ui^(7^LD

lds^

[BeisT^LL(bi QjiT&rQjrruj

Ibid. V. L.

35 siuQ<sO(LgSiu

eBuiiu

Qojik^m

98 & Commentiary thereon.

^lEjb^aS

Opue.

cifc.

XVII.

11. 1

&

2.

100

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

from Pulikat in the east to almost Goa in the

west

and

(3)

that these Aryans were

beaten

back when the Mauryas and their successors

become too

at headquarters

feeble or too

much

occupied to be able to retain their hold on the

distant south.

Coming down

to point 3 regarding the time

of these invasions our sources

any

do not give us

The references to the Maurya^

all of them in the past and do

direct lead.

invasions are

not warrant inferences of contemporaneity,,

though the character

unmistakeably
to

the

see

into
line,

historical.

line of

Kongu,

of

these

references

is

We are almost able

advance

through Tulu

Therefrom there

is

double

one south-eastwards through Tirukkovi-

lur, to

the Chola country perhaps as a further

objective,

though we have no evidence

having gone so

famous

far

historical

of

its

and the other through the

route through

the

Palnis

(Tarn Podini) into the Pandya country up to

the Podiyil Hill.

These invasions must have

taken place in the heyday

power

after

of the

Mauryan

Chandragupta had entered into

the definitive treaty with Seleucus I of Asia

MAUEYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

(Nicator).

It

may

101

be that he himself eft'ected

the conquest, or his son^^ as his father's viceroy,

The invasion must have come

through the later BurhanpurEoad, the ancient
Vidisa.

at

Dakshinapatha, leading from Avanti through

Vidarbha into the Dekhan, and must have gone

along the

Western Ghats into

the

Tamil

country avoiding Dandaranyam as the Tamils

called

ence

is

(Sans.

it

Dandakaranyam .)

supported by

(1)

The infer-

the Tamils regarding

the country north of Pulikat-as having been

foreign

in

language,

their regarding the

(2)

which

locality as a border land in

cattle forays

could be committed with impunity,

regarding

26

Dandaranyam

The surname

as the Greeks
his

as having been includ-

(Gr. for Amitraghata)

Amifcrachafees

for Bindusara indicafces

name. The point

he was a

fchafe

knew him by

this

of Dr. Fleet's objection in regard to

could not have been a name.

Kumbh.

is

described

Edition.)

conqueror,

greafc

surname rather than by

the word Amitraghata not being a

bhakarna

(3) their

We

as

name

not clear.

is

In the Ramayaria

Amitraghatin

(VI.

have no precedents

konda, Akalavarsha, Ahavamalla &c.,nor

(J.R.A.S.

1909

p.

for

It

Kum60.

97

Gangai-

for Ajataisatrn.

34 &

p.

42f.)

BEGINNINGS OF

102

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

ed in the Aryan land as in the Padirruppattu^'^

and

in the Periplus of the

Erythr^an

The Maiirya invasion and

occupafcioa of the
referred to the

Sea^^.

the afctempt at

Tamil country should be

period intervening

the treaty

between Saleucus and Ohaadragupba, and the

Their dislodgnrienb

thirteenth year of Asoka.

from the south must be referred to the period

27

R:&srpLC)S<ssr

psmL^naof^iu^^m

QaiTLl.uLLL^Qi06S)u.6a)uu/i

Q^rroaofu^iLiLiL^i^ QaiT.<Siui3^^u u(TiTLJuiT(Td(^.

Commentary.

u^sth,

Padirrupattu. VI.
28

Bayoad Barygaza the adjoining

a straight line from north to south

is

coaBfc

called Dachinabades, for dachanos in the

the natives

means " south

regions

and great mountains

and

leopards, elephants, enormous

and baboons

of

language of

The inland country back

".

from the coawt toward the east comprises

beasts

extends in

and so this region

all

many

desert

kinds of wild

serpents, hyenas,

many sorts and many populous nations,

;

as far as the Ganges.

W.

Schoff's

Edn.

p.

43.

MAURYAN INVASION OF SOUTH INDIA

of

internal

between the

103

weakness and foreign invasions

fall of

the Sungas and the rise of

the Andhrabhrtyas of the Puranas which period

various lines of evidence

indicate as

Mamulanar
Tamil Academy of

capable of inclusion in the period of

and others
Madura.

of the

third

being

CHAPTER

III.

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

J.

South Indian Commerce

India the wonderland

even now
as

it

called,

of the

east,

was made known

as

it

is

to the west,

never was before, when the world con-

queror, Alexander the Great, forced open her

gates on the norfch-west.

India at

all of

Our knowledge

of

may

be

a definite character

said to extend no farther than this period, as,

according to the most recent authority, his

much more
matter of common

connection with India was not

than a great

raid.

It

is

knowledge that he had to give up his idea

of

carrying his conquests right up to the eastern

limits of the land, (according to his

own

of the configuration of the earth),

owing to a

mutiny among
cavalry

his

soldiers

commander Koinos.

notion

headed by

Before leaving

India, however, he divided his conquests

this side of the

his

on

Indian Caucasus into three

viceroyaUies as follows
101

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EKA

I.

105

Paropanisadae, the country west of the

Indus, with Oxyartes, the father of Eoxana,

for its viceroy.

The Punjab including

II.

of Taxila,

and that

of

in

Porus

Sophytes together with the

it
;

the kingdom
that

of

the

territories of the

Oxydrachoi and the Malloi, under the Viceroy

son of Machetas

Philip,

leaving the civil

administration in the hands of the

natfVe

princes.

Sindh including the kingdom

III.

of

Mou-

Oxykanos, Sambus and Maeris

sikanos,

Patalene under Peithon, the son

of

of

Agenor,

for its viceroy.

Philip was murdered in a mutiny, before the

death

Alexander, and his place was

of

by Eudamos who remained in India

away

till

taken
called

317 B.C. to help Eumenes against

in

Antigonus

of Asia, the

the Diadochi.

most powerful among

When the

Macedonian Empire

was partitioned a second time

in 321 B-C.

(consequent on the death of Perdiccas, the

regent

of

the

first

partition,)

province, east of the Indus, was

account,

as Peithon

had

to

the

Indian

left

out of

withdraw

to the

BEGINNINGS OF

100

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

western bauk of the great

B. C.

Seleucus Nikator

About 305

river.

made an attempt

to

revive the empire of Alexander in this region,

but had to relinquish his hold-upon the whole

of

Afghanistan, and enter into a humiliating

treaty with Cbandragupta, the

of India.

This personage

been in the camp

of

Maurya emperor
believed to have

is

Alexander in the Punjab^

arid,

thrown upon his own resources as the

great

Macedonian turned away from the banks

of the Eavi, he took

advantage of the confusion

resulting from the departure of

Alexander to

overthrow the Greek provinces in India, and

the ruling

Nanda

Magadha, before he

in

set

himself up as the first Emperor of India, hitherto

known

In the course

to history.

years he was able

make himself

to

as to fight Seleucus, not

of fifteen

so strong

only on equal terms

but also to extort from him such a valuable

Afghanistan up to the

cession of territory as

Hindu-Kush.
dynasty

For

held

His grandson

Emperor

own

of

three

power

its

Asoka,
India,

with the

generations

great

the

was

successors

this

undiminished.

able
of

to

Buddhist
hold his

Seleucus,

and

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

107

maintained with them the diplomatic relations

thus begun by his grandfather.

It

seems to

be well attested that both Seleucus Nikator

and Ptolemy Philadelphus had sent ambassadors to the courts of Chandragupta and Bindusara,

who
mere

although scholars are not wanting yet

consider the particular edict of Asoka a

With the death of Asoka about

the Mauryan empire loses its hold

boast.

230 B. G.

upon the more

vassals,

powerful and

and the days

of

distant

of

its

dynasty are

the

numbered.

From

this event

to

the year A.D. 319 the

date of the rise to power

Guptas, the

history of India

uncertain, although

glimpses as
history

of

of the

we

yet

quite

are able to gain

a few

is

the general features of

to

that period.

of the Seleucidae

Imperial

The

the

Asiatic empire

was attacked simultaneously

by the Eomans and the Gauls from the west

and north-west, and the Parthians from the

east.

About the

century

B.

C,

beginning
Parthia

made

independence under Arsakes

of

the second

good

Mithridates

her
I,.

BEGINNINGS OF

108

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

and Baktria under Eukratides.^ This was but

movements

the reflex action of the

of

the

nomad tribes in the far-off plains of Mongolia.

The great tribe of the Hiung-nu fell with all
the hostility of immediate neighbours upon the

Yueh-chi, and dislodged them from their then

habitat

the

in

in their turn

Wu-sung
further

fell

plains

Zungaria.

of

upon the Wu-sung,

chieftain in

of the Se,

killed the

and marched

battle,

upon the region then

These

in the occupation

Sok or Sakas. These

last

room for.them along the right bank

had to make
of the

Oxus

and occupy the country protected by the Indian

The

Caucasus.
defeated by
chieftain.

Yueh-chi

the son

When

of

his

who now helped him

patrimony.

It

was

in

the late

father

he found a secure asylum

nu,

were themselves

fell

with

Wu-sung
in

the

battle

Hiung-

to regain his

lost

the course of these

movements that the Sakas and possibly

some of the Hiung-nu moved down the
Kabul valley into India, and occupied the
country on the right bank of the Indus, another

V. A. Smith, Early History of India,

p.

210

ff.


THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA
body

probably from

region of

fehe

Seistan

occupying right down even to Gujarat.

one
the

of their out-settlements

coins

109

It is

on the Jumna that

and other antiquities

of

Muttra

would seem to warrant.

While

all

this

Was taking place across the

borders of India, in India

forward a revolution of no

The Mauryan empire

there was going

itself

consequence.

less

by

was overthrown

Pushyamitra Sunga, the Maurya general, in

spite of the loyalist minister, a brother-in-law
of

Yegnasena Satakarni

The

Dekhan.

of the

usurper's strength was tried by a triple war

(1)

against Menander, ruler of Kabul

(2)

against

Kharavela, the Kalinga ruler of Orissa;

against the loyalist
of

of

Vidharba.

successful against

all

suffered vital injuries.

or viceroyalty

(3)

Yegnasena and in behalf

a counter-claimant

kingdom

to the

throne of the

Though
these,

for the

time

the empire had

The Dekhan kingdom

becomes so powerful that the

Andhras establish an imperial position themselves,

and render their quota

of service

by

holding out against the Saka invaders from

the north-west and west.

It

must have been

no BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

in the course of these wars that

the occasion

should have arisen for the founding of the era

which now goes by the name

and that under the name

of

Vikramaditya

As

of Saka.

to both

these eras and the circumstances of their origin,

there

is

among

very considerable diflEerence of opinion

scholars.

described above, a clan of the Yueh-

shiftings
chi,

by name Kushana, was able to push

way
in

In the course of the political

into

the

greatest

came

India,

Punjab
ruler

and

establish

kingdom

Kashmir.

including

among them,

its

The

whose empire

into touch with the Chinese

Empire on

the one side and the Parthian on the other,

Kanishka, the Constantine

of

the

is

Buddhism

(Mahayana Buddhism).
associate him with both the

of the greater vehicle

Learned scholars
eras above

referred to,

while there are yet

who would dissociate him from either

and refer him to a period later than both.
None of them, however, take him beyond the
others,

period I have marked at

the beginning.

At

the very beginning of the Christian era then

the Punjab and the frontier province, including

Kashmir, were under the Eushanas or their

THE D^VWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

immediate

1}1

predecessors or their successors.

Gujarat and Malva> including northern Konkan, were under the Sakas.

During the period marked out above, we

have been

Buddhism

passing from the supremacy of

(if

such an expression can

garded as appropriate at
tion of the

all),

be

re-

through areasser-

Brahman ascendancy, on

to a final

compromise, ending on the one side in Mahayanist Buddhism,

Hinduism
maintains,

and on the other,

of the Gita.

the

For as Professor Kern

on the authority

historian Taranatha and the

darika, the founder of the
of

in

of the

Tibetan

Baddharma-pun-

Madhyamika

Buddhism, Nagarjuna, was a

school

disciple of the

Brahman Rahulabhadra who was much

indebt-

ed to Sage Krishna. Paraphrased, this means

no

less

than that these teachers drew a part

of their inspiration from the

Gita.^

This

is

borne out by the importance that attaches to

Bhakti (devotion) in Mahayanist Buddhism

and

later

During

Hinduism.
all

this period

^ Manual of ladian

of

Baddbismi

active

p. 122.

mutations

BEGINNINGS OF

1J2

both in religion and

S.

politics,

appear to have been out

This

is

INDIAN HISTOEY
South India would

of this great vortex.

a delusion due more to lack of

mation than to a lack

of history.

The

infor-

edicts of

Asoka, as was stated already, mention the Cholav

Pandya,

among

whom
relations.
He
with

those

diplomatic
his

Satiyaputra

Kerala,

while to send his

Ceylon as

Ceylon

he entered

thought

son and

These

missionaries.

and

it

into

worth

daughter ta
facts

put

it

beyond a doubt that there was some communi-

Magadha and Ceylon, generally

the sea. It is now clear from

cation between

by

way

of

Chapter II that
also brought into

way

neighbouring coast was>

-the

touch with the north, by

The Ceylonese tradition, as

embodied in the Mahavamsa, is quite
Between the
in support of this conclusion.
Maharashtra and Malva there was a great
of

land.

trunk road notwithstanding the great forest

region between

has given us the

patha).

over

the

Most

them.

This road

name

likely this

hills

western Malva,

by

way

it

is

that

Dekhan (Dakshinaroad wound its way

of

Burhanpur into

The^middle region was

the

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

forest,

days

which

it

113

continued to be even up to the

Harsha.

of

During this

Hindustan

and

period,

time

for a long

(the country, north of the

after,

Viudhyas)

kept touch with the outer world by

way

land mainly

contact

the south kept

itself in

by way

with the rest of the world chiefly

of

of

That the Hindus did not always

the sea.

wait for others to come to them for goods

There

evidence in a variety of ways.

the statement of Cornelius Nepos,

is

in

is iirst

who says

that Q.Metellus Celer received from the king of

who had been

the Suevi some Indians,

by storm into Germany in the

voyage of commerce.
fact,

and

is

This

is

driven

course of a

quite a precise

borne out by a number of tales of

voyages with the horrors attending navigation

depicted in the

liveliest

colours

in

classes of writings both in Sanskrit

Among

the

places mentioned in

classes of sources are those in the

certain

and Tamil.
the latter

East Indian

Sambhava
(Karpurasambhavam), Kataha (Sumatra), and
Archipelago, suchas Java(Savham),

3 1 Maori ndle, AncieDt India,

8

p.

110.


BEGINNINGS OF

114

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Kalahm (Burma) not to mention China.

It may now be taken for certain that in the
sixth

and

fifth centuries

intercourse

derable

B.C. there was consi-

with

'

Babylonia

and

through her with Assyria and the further West.

The Baveru Jataka is certain

intercourse by way of the sea.

proof

appear that there was some

very consider-

used to

have

and one such

mouth

the

lighthouses

is

would thus

maritime commerce. They

in

able activity

It

warn

to

ships

described at the great port at

Kavery, a brick tower or a

of the

big palmyra trunk carrying on the top of

huge

oil

The

classical

geographers, the author

and

that

date respectively about A. D.

A.D. 150, exhibit

knowledge

of

of a

80 and
division

country almost the same as the three

divisions indicated in chapter

The

Ptolemy the geographer,

Periplus

of

it

lamp.

the

of the

this

of

Periplus

I.

The author

begins his account of the

The Early Oommerce of Babylon wifeh India 700

300 B.C. by J. Kennedy J.R.A.S. 1B98. pp. 241288.
4

The Periplus of the Erythraean Saa

W. H. Schoff. Sees. 42 to 66.

edited by

translated

and

THE DAWN OP THE CHRISTIAN ERA

west of India with the Indus (Sinthus).

115

He

says that the river had seven mouths, shallow

and marshy, and therefore not navigable.

On

the shore of the ceatral channel was the seaport

Barbaricum with a capital in the interior

the

Min, Scythians)

of

(The city

the Scythians called Minnagara.

of

the port Barbaricum

has not generally been identified.

It seems to

be the Sanskrit Barbaraka (belonging to the

country

of

the Barbara, and therefore the port

the people, Barbara, perhaps the same as the

of

Gk. barbarian). Passing down from there, the

(Syrashtrene)

down the Surashstra coast

and the Rann of Couch (Eirinon)

sailing across

what

Periplus comes

is

the Gulf of

Kambay, he

takes us to Barygaza (Sans. Barukacha, Mod.

Broach),
'^

which

With

is

this is

supposed to begin Ariaca

the beginning

Nambanus and

0/ aZZ

of that part of the

the kingdom of

of

India.''

This division

country into Ariaca

is

also

made by Ptolemy, and

in the ports given along

this portion of Ariaca

both Ptolemy and the

Periplus agree except for

omission of some

The southern limit of this coast

Tindis according to both. The corresponding

in the latter.
is

t-he

116

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

portion of the country inland

is

described in

the Periplus as Abhira, the coast portion being

Surashtra, as was already stated. This part of

the country

described as a fertile country

is

producing wheat,
butter

rice,

sesame

oil

and

clarified

cotton and coarser sorts of cloth

therefrom

made

pasturing of cattle seems an import-

ant occupation and the people are described as

The

chief

point to note here in connection with

this

and dark

of great stature

statement

of the

under reference

kingdom

of the

The

in colour.

Periplus

described as the beginning

is

of

that the coast

is

Nambanus and

latter expression

of all India.

indicates clearly that

whoever Nambanus was, he was

that the Periplus was written

known

it

seems to have been the days

Andhra empire
banus

itself is

of

Magadha.

to the

In other-

outside world as the king of India.

words,

time

at the

of

the

The name Nam-

a correction of the text which

has Mambarus, and Mambarus might well be

the

Lambodara

of

the pauranic

Satavahanas or the Andhras

The chronology

list

of the

of

the

Dekhan.

of the early rulers of

these

-Satavahanas cannot yet be regarded as being

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

and

definitely settled

seems

in the text
to identify

at

117

any rate the expression

very doubtful application

of

Nambanus with Nahapana,

the

After describing the

diffi-

Kshaharatta

ruler.

culties of navigating

up

to the port of

Broach

and the arrangement made by the ruler

safely into the port,

piloting the vessels

for

the

Periplus proceeds to give the countries inland

set over against that coast

cum

mouth

at the

He

Broach.

of the

Indus obviously and

among them Arattas

gives

the Punjab, the Arachosii of

istan,

and

Gandaraei

the
the

people

kalavati) both

between Barbari-

(Sanskrit,

of Poclais

in

in

Gandhara)

Pushbetween the

(Sans.

the region

Kabul and the Indus

of

Southern Afghan-

Northern Afghanis-

tan including also the Northern portions of

the

where

Punjab,

Alexandria.

was

also

the city

of

Bucephalus located very near the

Jhelum. Beyond these he says were the warlike Bactrians.

He

gives an

interesting fact

that in his day coins bearing Greek inscriptions or

Greek legends were prevalent in the

country round Broach, and

they contained,

according to the Periplus, the devices of the

118

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

Greek Bulers succeeding Alexander, among

them Apollodotus and Menander.

further East
of

Ozene

mer

Coming

from these countries he speaks

and

(Ujjain),

refers

to

it

Passing over

royal capital.

as the for-

all

says about the trade of Broach which

our present purpose, we come

that he

not to

is

in Sec. 50 to

another statement which

He

is of interest to us
says " beyond Barigasa the adjoining coast

extends in a straight line from north to south

and so

this region is called

Dachan
*'

south."

Dachinabades, for

in the language of the natives

means

The inland country back from the

many

coast towards the east comprises

regions and great

of wild beasts,

mountains

leopards,

and

tigers,

desert

kinds

all

elephants,,

enormous serpents, hyenas, and baboons

many

sorts,

and many populous nations as

as the Ganges."

of

far

This clearly indicates that

he describes the whole of the region known a&

the Dakshinapatha or the Deccan,

Dandakaranyam

and the

of the Sanskrit writers

central region of India corresponding

modern
describes

division

of

the Dekhan.

He

the-

to our
thert

the interior marts of Paitan and

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

and

Tagara,
coast

the

marts

first

valent

the

Naura and Tindis,

Damirica

of

as

he

calls

(Sanskrit Dramidaca^ the correct equiof

some-

Damirica,

Greek).

the

times written by error Lymirica,

krit

the

along

sea-ports

reached

he

till

them

of

119

is

the Sans-

Dramidaca which the author must have

heard in contradistinction to Ariaca.

perhaps a

lakam.

little

far-fetched to see in

It

it

With Tindis began according

is

Tamito both

Ptolemy and the Periplus, the kingdom

of

Cherabothra (Cheraputra or Keralaputra). The

next port of importance we come
miles from Tindis again at the

the port called Muziris

further

a river

Cranganore). Fifty

south was

Nelcynda which the

mouth of

50

is

(Muyiri or Musiri of

the Tamils, the modern

miles

to,

late

Pillai correctly identified

the

sea-port

of

Mr. Kanakasabhai
with Nirkunram in

the country of the Pandyas.

This place was

situated about ten or twelve miles in the interior

with an out-port at the mouth of the

the village Bacara-Vaikkarai,

now.

The kings

of

as

river,

we know

it

both these market towns,

the Periplus says " live in the

interior.**

The


BEGINNINGS OF

120

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
*'

imports into Muziris are given

quantity of coin

much

topaz, thin

much

as at Barigaza

and wheat only

in

dealt

by

wine not

coral,

crude

much

but as

and orpiment

realgar

for the sailors,

the

great

clothing, not

figured linens, antimony,

glass, copper, tin, lead

as

for this

merchants

is

not

The

there."

exports from this place are the " pepper coming

from

Kottanora (Kuttu Nadu in the

" great quantities of fine pearls"

cloth,

from

spikenard

bathrum from the

of

all

kinds,

tortoise-shell.

(golden) and

compare

silk

Mala-

interior, transparent stones

and

saphires

and

That from the Chryse island

among the isDamirica." One may

that taken from

lands along the coast of

so far

Ganges,

the

diamonds
"

interior)

ivory,

this statement with the follow-

ing two extracts from Tamil Literature

sifi^Q/SfTessf^ujiTiTS setoff

Qfns^ik^

L^iSBreoikisefteiB^ Quir&d!Bfiniis(^LLQjsar

uaeami,

Puram 343.

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

Beyond Vaikkarai, the Periplus
the dark-red mountains and

121
to

refers

of the

district

(stretching along the coast towards the south

taken as

^Taralia" generally
Pural,

region

coast)

the

what he

is

port

first

in

coast

this

calls Balita, identified

Varkkali or Janardhanam,

days had

equivalent to

which

with

in those

a fine harbour and a village by the

sea-shore.

Then comes Kumari with a cape

and a harbour.

It

holy bathing place,

also referred to as a

is

and the coast region

then described as extending eastwards

is

till it

reaches Korkai " where the pearl fisheries are,"

and the Periplus

offers

the interesting piece

of information, " that

they are worked by con-

demned

Then

criminals."

another

follows

coast region with a region inland called accord-

ing to the Periplus Argaru, taken to

equivalent of Uraiyur.

These two regions

the coast country are somewhat

named

in

Ptolemy.

be the

He

uueueisriT ;SiB ^eStesarLDrreaaiear

&i&r(ki(olsQQp

differently

the

called

of

region

s&>ld

<9rffiiijffiTLjQuear^

6snLL^iT^;lfrijjfEiS6sar6safsa7 .

Ah am

148.

BEGINNINGS OF

122

INDIAN HI8T0KY

S.

between Nirkunrum and Camorin as in the

which

the region

he

Karai or

Karaiyar,

and

coast

the

Korkai upwards

two

in

Then

(Tamil Aay).

country of Aioi.

Kareoi (Tamil

calls

a class

spoken

fisherfolk)

by

of

The

divisions.

of

extending

country
is

follows

country

from

Ptolemy
the

of

(Tamil Vettuvar) and Poralia in the

Batoi

country of the Toringoi (error for Soringoi,

Cholas).

The exports from this

to the Periplus are

part of what
Pliny says

7
**

Our

ladies

their fingers, or

the pearls

brought

is

(Chap.
glory

'^

gathered from

any time from

at

IX 5458.)

in

having pearls suspended from

two or three

delighted even

ears,

region according

of

wif.h the

them dangling from

rattling

their

of the pearls

as

they knock against each other; and now, at the present

day, the poorer classes are even affecting them, as peopleare

the

in

woman

habit of saying, that

in public is as

Nay, even more than

ber.'

this,

over the shoes

it is

a pearl

lictor

worn by a

walking before

they put them on their

and that, not only on the laces

feet,
all

good as a

'

of their sandals

but

not enough to wear pearls, but

they must tread upon them, and walk with them under
foot as well,
*'

once saw Lollia Paulina, the wife of the Emperor

it was not at any public festival, or any solemQ<
oeremonial, bub only at an ordinary betrothal entertainI

Caius

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

123

there and a kind of fine muslin called Argaratic.

The most important

ports mentioned

by the Periplus

region

(identified

three

are

in

this

Caniara

with Kaveripatnam), Poduca (may

be a Puduvai) and
stands for

it

is

doubtful whether

Pondicherry or

a place

it

the

in

Then Sopatma (Tamil Sopattanam

fortified port).
There come ships from

vicinity.

or

what

he

and

Damirica

calls

from

the

north for the exchange of commodities. Here

important statement to

the Periplus has an

meDb
in

her

covered

alfcernafce

wreaths,

hracelets,

amounted

with emeralds and pearls, which shone

layers
in

upon her head, in her

her neck,
ears, upon

and on her
in all to

hair,

her

fingers,

and the value

40,000(000 sesterces

of

in

her

in

which

indeed she was

showing the
any presents
made hy a prodigal potentate, hut treasures which bad
descended to her from ,her grandfather, and obtained by
the spoliation of the provinces.
Such are the fruits of
prepared

at

once to

plunder and

M.

extortion

the fact, by

prove

receipts and acquittances.

Nor were

was

It

Lollius was held so infamous

these

for
all

this

reason that

over the East for

he extorted from the kings the

which was, that he was denied the friendship
of Caius Caesar, and took poison
and all this was done,
I say, that his granddaughter might be seen, by the
the presents which

result of

glare of lamps, covered all over with jewels to the

"

of forty millions of sesterces

amount

BEGINNINGS OF

124

make

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

in respect of the capacity for navigation

Tamils.

of the

he men-

In these ports that

two kinds, those

tions, he says were ships of

intended for coasting voyages as far as Dami-

he

these were

small

rica,

as

large

and are called by him Sangara-

calls it;

and

Those

intended however, for the voyages to Chryse

and

to the

Ganges were

according to

called,

him, Colandia, and are described as very large.

The term Chryse which in Greek

seems to

lent of gold,
in Sanskrits

Malaya Peninsula, spoken

in another place as an

identified

with the

by the

Periplus

of

clear from

(Ganges) there

is

of

all

the

it

has

places

world

itself

the

best

on the

to
it

the
is

greatest

the

part

is

of

east

called

tortoise-shell

Erythraean Sea.

There are said to be imported into

ports everything that
" the

to

an island in the ocean the

under the rising sun

and

regard

in

"just opposite this river

last port of the inhabited

Chryse

indi-

it

Malaya Peninsula

what he says

direction of the land

That

island.

cates the region about the

is

the equiva-

Suvarnnabhiimi

refer to

and has been

is

made
what

in
is

these

Damirica
got

from

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN EEA

Then

Egypt.''

he

proceeds

125

mention

to

Palaesimundu, "called by the ancients Tapro-

Further north from

bane."

this,

according to

him, was the region Masalia and further north

of this

Ptolemy

Dosarene (Sans. Dasarna).

however interpolates between the Chola coast

and Maisalia (Masalia

country

known

of the

to the

Tamils in two divisions Aru-

Vada

Aruva) which would

mouth

to the

Maisalos

of

ant ports are

the

Talai

more

take us

of

(northern
or

less

the Krishna river, the

Ptolemy,

Of the trade

and

the

Tamils) whose country was

vanadu and Aruva

close

the Periplus)

Arouvarnoi or Arvarnoi (the

of the

Aruvalar

of

of this coast, the

most import-

three referred

the

imports

of

trade

are

to
set

already,

down

"Everything made in Damirica and the greatpart of what

est

is

brought at any time from

Egypt comes here together with most kinds

of all the things that are brought from Damirica

and

of those

that

are.

carried through

Paralia."

We
at

have similar reference to the imports

Kaveripatam

in the

Tamil work Pattinap-

BEGINNINGS OF

126

*'

'pali

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

horses were brought

beyond the

from distant lands

pepper was brought in ships,

seas,

gold and precious

came

stones

from, the

northern mountains, sandal and akhir came

from the mountains towards the west, pearls

from the southern seas and coral from the

The

eastern seas.

produce of the

watered by the Ganges

the banks of the Kavery

llam

or Ceylon

kam

in

all

that

grown on

is

articles of food

and the manufactures

Burma."^

regions

This looks

of

from

Kala-

like a re-state-

somewhat expanded form

ment

in a

found

briefly stated in the Periplus.

of

what

is

Such was

the condition of industry and commerce of this

land as far as
this condition

it

is

possible for us to picture

from the evidence available to

us.
II.

To

Internal condition

political, industrial dc.

take up the political geography of south

India as a whole then, the country south of

the Krishna was divided

crowned kings

'

and seven

eighth coming somewhat

8

Pattinappalai

II.

^Tamils 1,800 years ago,

127

ff.

p. 27.

among

'

the

three

chieftains, with
later.

an

There were

and Mr. Kanakasabhai's

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EKA

127

a host of minor chieftains of lesser repute.

It

is

the coast region aad the more

open

country that belonged to the kings, while the

middle regions of

hills

and

forests

belonged to

the chieftains, and perhaps even a few tribes

The

(Nagas and others).

east

from

coast

near the mouth of the Krishna to the south

Kamnad, belonged to the Chola, although midway between

of

Tondi

the Zamindari of

in

the kingdom proper and

alty

of

its

northern viceroy-

Kanchi lay the hill-country round

possession

Tirukoilur, in the
chieftains

a class

of

named Malayaman, very

supporters

suzerain,

their

of

truculent and rebellious.

South

of

often loyal

occasionally

Chola
kingdom lay that of the Pandya, which extended from coast to coast, and embraced
within

its

of the

modern districts
Tinnevelli, and the State

borders

Madura and

the

of

of

Travancore, taking in also a part of Coimbatore and Cochin.

chieftaincies

Aay

of

round the Podyil

and

of

hill

This incllided in

the

(the Aioi of Ptolemy)

in the western ghats,

Evvi round about the port

in Tinnevelli,

it

There were

of

besides

Korkai
the do-

128

BEGINNINGS OF

mains

Pehan

of

comes under
North

well.

INDIAN HISTORY

round

Palnis which,

fche

sphere

their
of

S.

influence

of

as

and along the western

this

ghats on the sea-side lay the territory of the

Chera a
:

right across the

territory stretching

Palghat gap through Salem and Coimbatore.

South Mysore was parcelled

number

of

chieftains

out

among

corresponding

modern Palayagars, whose

to the

was

allegiance

at

the disposal of either, but the more powerful, of

their neighbour kings.

Such were the Irunga

of

Arayam, Pari

of

Tagadur (Dharmapuri) and Ori

malais.

Mysore
his

The

of

first

Adiyaman

Parambunad,
of these

territory proper,

was

of the Kolli-

within the

and to the east

domain lay the Gangas, and Kongu

of

to the

The northern frontier of the Tamil

land was held by Nannan of the Tulu country
in the West, and Pulli of Vengadam (Tirupati)
south.

east, the

in the

further north

having been

the land of the Aryas (Vadukar) and

ranyam

(Sans.

Dandakaranyam).

These chieftaincies were the bone

tion

When

Danda-

between the

Cholas

of

conten-

and the Cheras.

the period under treatment begins, the

THE DAWN OF THE CHBISTIAN ERA

Cholas

supreme under

are

ascended

the Chera and

(Koilvenni as

many

defeating

affcer

Vennil

in a battle at

now called)

it is

He was

district.

in

Pandya

who

Karikala,

throne, probably

fche

129

Tanjore

in the

a remarkable sovereign who,

ways, contributed to the permanent

welfare of his subjects, and has consequently

been handed

and

down

monarch.

wise

embankments
port

to posterity as a beneficent

for the

He

Kavery, and his chief

Puhar was the great emporium

coast.

His reign was long and,

with those

of his

the

constructed

of the east

taken along

two predecessors and the

successor next following him, constitutes

period of the
south.

fiirst

the

Choi a ascendancy in the

In the reign

and

catastrophe befell Puhar,

a great

successor

of his

the

city

and

port were both destroyed.

This was a hard

blow to the ascendancy

the Cholas.

of

But

Karikala had, after defeating his contemporary

Chera, given one of his daughters in marriage
to

the

son of his vanquished

This

rival.

in

good

stead-

Karikala's successor began his

reign

with a

alliance

victory,

stood

which

the

Cholas

his heir-apparent

won

for

him,

130

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

against the Chera and

INDIAN HISTORY

Pandya combined,

at

When

Kariyar, probably in the Salem district.

Puhar was destroyed there was a civil war,

owing perhaps to liUe uatimely death of the
young Ghola prince

and the Chera ruler

for

the time being, advanced through the central

He

region.

intervened in favour of his cou-

sins with effect, as against the rival claimants

of royal blood,

to

and restored the Ghola dynasty

some power

but the ascendancy

enough passed from them

Chera

reign of his

one generation

successor

greater

importance

suffered

defeat

and

hands.

This

rose

to

lasted

the

the political
ern

India

is

the Pandyas

and the Chera

imprisonment

at

his

Pandya ascendancy probably

on somewhat longer

Pallavas

Eed-Chera

the

(Senguttuvan) lasted only

in the

The

to the Chera.

under

ascendancy

surely

in

This

Kanchi.

centre

of

borne out

about the rise of

till

gravity
in

course
in

of

south-

very important

particulars by the Ceylon Chronicle, called the

Mahavamsa,

According

to

this

work,

the

Choi as were naturally the greatest enemies

the Singalese rulers.

of

There were usurpers from

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

the Chola country in Ceylon in the

first

131

century

B.C.; and there were invasions and counter-

On one

invasions as well.

occasion the Chola

invaders carried away 12,000 inhabitants of

Ceylon and

set

them

has

as the Chronicle

much

like

an exploit

was he who

Gajabahu

of

work

to

'

the Kavery

'

This looks very

it. ^

of

at

Karikala seeing that

it

King

built the city of Puhar.

Ceylon was present at the invita-

tion of the Eed-Chera, to witness the celebration of a sacrifice

temple to the

'

and the consecration

Chaste Lady

'

of

the

(Pattini Devi) at

Vanji, on the west coast.

The ascendancy

of

however,

Chera,

the

passed away, as already mentioned,

Pandyas

the

in the course of one single generation.

The Eed-Chera was succeeded by

^

to

the Chera of the

his father's

elephant look,

viceroy

at

prominently in the wars

the middle region.

Tondi,

'

and

his

son,

who was
figured

of his predecessor in

He was

defeated and taken

prisoner in a battle, which he had to fight

with the contemporary Pandyan,

designated

the victor, at Talayalanganam.

With

Upham'8 Mahavamsa,

Vol.

i,

p.

228.

this

132

BEGINNINGS OF

mishap

to

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

the ruler the Chera

The Pandyans

passes away.

of

Madura bake

turn now, aad coatiaued to hold

their

position of

hegemony up

of

South

This, in brief

terms, was the political

iu very general

history

the

to the time that the

Pallavas rise into importauce.

and

ascendancy

India

the

at

beginning

and during the early centuries of the Christian

Era.

Passing on from the political to th^ industrial

condition of India,

cribed the

we have already

both on the

principal sea-ports,

western and eastern seaboard.

pointed out, there were so
and,

if

trade

foreign

at

among

thriving ports

pirates and,

of

enterprise

is irresistible

appears certainly,

Apart from the complaints

fashionable

Roman

charms much

of

ladies

so,

on exami-

to

have been.

Petronius that

exposed

too immodestly

themselves in the

'

webs

of

itself,

that the country

had a prosperous industry, and

it

if

in sea-going

the inhabitants of the country

the conclusion

nation,

as has been

merchants sought these for

much

so

If,

many

considerable risk

there was

des-

woven

their

by clothing
wind', as he

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

133

called the muslins imported from India, Pliny-

India

says that

drained

Eoman

the

empire

annually to the extent of 55,000,000 sesterces,

equal to ^486, 979^0 sending in return goods

which sold

He

India.^i
^

at

a hundred times their value in

also

this is the price

remarks in another place,

we pay

for

and

our luxuries

our women.'

That the

industrial arts

had received atten-

tion and cultivation in early times in India

in evidence to the satisfaction of the
tical

is

most scep-

mind. The early Tamils divided arts into

six groups

ploughing (meaning thereby agri-

culture), handicrafts, painting,

and

trade, the learned arts,

commerce and

lastly the fine arts.

Of these, agriculture and commerce were

garded as

of the first

importance.

re-

Flourishing

trade pre-supposes a volume of industry, the

principal of

weaving then,

which was

also has been until recently.

wool seem to have been the

10

Mommben

lor Arabia,
11

gives tha

5,000,000

fcofcal

1.

iti

Cotton, silk and

materials that

11.000,000, 6,000.000

for India.

Malabar Manual. Vol.

as

pp. 150-1.

184

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

were wrought into cloths. Araong the woollens

we

find

wool

of

rats,

was regarded as

There

thirty

are

mentioned, each with a

silks

appellation of

its

from the

manufactures

of

which

warm.

cularly
of

mention

parti-

varieties

distinctive

own, as distinguished from

the imported silks of China which had a separate name.

The character

that were manufactured

of the cotton stuffs

indicated by the

is

comparisons instituted between them

*

sloughs of serpents' or

vapour from milk'

and the general description

fine textures the thread of

and,

of these

as

'

those

which could not be

followed even by the eye.'

The

chief exports from the country, as the

author of the Periplus says, were these

produce of the
of

the

soil like

best pearl

The

*
:

pepper, great quantities

are

likewise

here, ivory, silk in the web,

purchased

spikenard

from

the Ganges, Malabathrum from the countries

further to
all sorts,

from the
islands off
all

the east,

transparent

stones

of

diamonds, rubies and tortoise-shell

golden Chersonese
the coast

from the port

of

of

or

Damirike.

from
This

the
is

Muziris on the west coast.

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

He

goes on to say

of shipping to this

bathrum

the

*
:

There

port for

is

135

great resort

pepper and mala-

merchants bring out a large

quantity of spice, and their other imports are

and

topazes, stibium, coral, flint, glass, brass,

lead, a small

at

quantity of wine as profitable as

Barugaza, cinnabar, fine cloth, arsenic and

wheat, not for sale but for the use of the crew.

That Pliny's complaint about the drain was

imaginary nor hypersensitive

neither

is

in

evidence in a passage descriptive of Muziris

in one of the ancient classics of
ture.^2 ^Musiri to

ships of

the

Tamil

litera-

which come the well-rigged

Yavanas,

bringing gold

and

taking away spices in exchange/

Regarding the trade

of

the east coast, here

follows to imports into of

Puhar

'
:

Horses

were brought from distant lands beyond the

seas,

pepper was brought in ships

precious stones

and

produce

coral

from

of the region

12 See note 6 p.

gold and

came from the northern moun-

tains towards the west

seas

pearl from the southern

the eastern seas.

The

watered by the Ganges

120 above.

;;

136

BEGINNINGS OF
that

all

is

grown on the banks

manufactures

Kavery

of the

from Ilam (Ceylon)

of food

articles

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

Kalaham

of

and the

(Burma),

i^

^ere

brought there for sale as was stated already.

The products

particular importance recei-

of

ved in the port

Tondi

in the

Tondi

of

Eamnad

(East

Dt.) are

of black aromatic wood), fine

silk

Chola

aghir (a kind

silk,

camphor,

stuff (from China), candy, sandal, scents

and

these

teams

and

articles

into the interior by

means

were

salt

of

carried

wagons drsiwn by

of oxen, slowly trudging

town and village,

along through

effecting exchanges with

Tolls were

modities for export.

way, and the journey from

com-

paid on the

the coast up the

plateau and back again occupied

or

many months.

and thriving commerce with the cor-

brisk

responding volume of internal trade argues

peace,

and the period

to

which the above

description will apply must have been a period

of general peace in the Peninsula.

They

did

not forget in those days to maintain a regular

customs establishment, the

13

go

PaUiaapalai, 127

p. 27.

ff,

officials

of

which

aad The Tamils 1800 years

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EBA

137

up the grain and stored up the things

piled

that could not immediately be

appraised, leaving

them

measured and

in the dockyards care-

fully sealed with the tiger signet of the king.^^

The Tamils buih

their

in the other crahs of the

seem

to

have

own

ships; and

skilled artisan they

some

attained

proficiency,

though they availed themselves

from distant places.

In the building of the

royal palace at Puhar,

Magadha,
racta),

ters

skilled

mechanics from

lom Yavana, worked

Maradam (Mah-

^^

Tamil land.

together with the

There

is

mention

temple of the most beautiful workmanship

in the

same

city, built

by the Gurjjaras.^^
and

the building of forts

them with weapons and

of

artisans from

smiths fiom Avanti (Malva), carpen-

artisans of the
of a

experts

of

in

the

missiles,

In

providing

both for

offence and defence, the Tamils had attained

something

to

like

perfection.

Twenty-four

such weapons are mentioned among the defences of Madura.

14 Pattioappalai, 134-6.
15

Manimokhalai, Canto

16 Ibid xviii.

I,

145.

xix,

11*107 and

ff.

BEGINNINGS OF

138

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Passing from the industrial to the literary^

and

social

condition of the south,

religious

which we have

so

been considering, we

far

have again to do with the three kingdoms,

each with a capital city and a premier port.

The Cholas had their capital at Uraiyur, with

Puhar for an alternative capital and chief
port

Pandyas

the

had

capital

their

at

Madura, with the port and premier viceroyalty

Korkai; the Cheras had their capital at

at

Vanji, with the principal port and viceroyalty

The Cholas had

Tondi.

at

viceroy,

who was

These towns and

ports, therefore,

largely in the literature

the

premier

prince of the blood, at Kanchi.

or at least a

of

their

generally the heir apparent,

period.

and

bulk very

literary traditions

The road from Kanchi

to

Trichinopoly appears to have passed through

Tirukkoilur.
to

Madura

it

From

Trichinopoly

lay along the

the Tanjore district to

of

more

(i.e.

arid parts of

Kodumbai

Pudukotta, and thence to

UraiyQr)

in the state

Nedumgulam

from which place the road broke into three,

and

led

Prom

up to Madura

this last

in

three branches.

town a road kept

close to the

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

banks

Vaigai up to the Palnis

of the river

and from there

it

139

went up the

and down

hills

again along the banks of the Periyar to the

town

of

Vanji,

near

situated

There were also other roads besides

least,

mouth.

its

one at

from Vanji to the modern Karoor and

thence on to Tirukkoiliir.

These roads were not

there

being certain

safe in

all

parts alike,

portions

of

them that

passed through desert regions, inhabited by

wild tribes,

who were

a cause of terror to the

who had some-

wayfarers, particularly those

thing to

lose,

notwithstanding the fact that

robbery was punished with nothing short of

Journeys were none

impalement.
frequent

for

purposes

search of patronage for

profits of

The

of

pilgrimage,

learning,

or

less

or

for

in

the

commerce.

rulers in those days

high ideals of

held before

government.

authority was limited by the

blies,' as

the

them

Their absolute
*five

great assem-

they were called, of ministers, priests

generals, heralds,

(spies),

and

ambassadors.

These may be the same as the Pancha-mahapradhanas

of Sanskrit,

and may be the same

140

BEGINNINGS OF

as the

Mahamatras

ly viceroys of

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

associated with the prince-

the Asoka Inscriptions. There

appear to have been a general

durbar

perroit

most

This privilege

fearlessly.

was similarly accorded

men

also to

of learning.

A Brah-

I give a few instances in illustration.

pilgrim from the Chola country happened

to be present at the

Chera court, when the

Chera King gave orders to his ministers to

his

to speak his mind in any

and these Brahmans often gave out

their opinions

man

for

Brahman

learned

army

in

motion to avenge an insult that

some northern

The

him.

set

princes, he

was

told,

had given

minister's remonstrance and

the

reluctance of the general were overruled. This

Brahman

got up and pointed out, in a speech,

that he had warred for the

fifty

years of

his

reign in order to safeguard his earthly interests

but had done very

in the

life

to come.

little to

provide for himself

Of course the expedition

was

countermanded, and

make

provision for the future.

the king began

to

A young Pandya

king of the next generation showed himself

too enthusiastic for war, and
of

one

of

it

fell

to the lot

the poets at court to wean

him

of

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

war

this

141

In a poem of 850 lines he

craze.

conveyed the hint to the king.

^"^

If

language

can be conceived as the art of concealing

thought, here

The next

is

an instance par excellence.

instance takes

us to the court

of

Vaiyyavikkonperum-Pehan who neglected his

wife Kannaki.
A number of poets of the first

The

rank interceded and restored him to her.

next case that I will mention here
poet,

who enjoyed

Chola

rulers.

He

is

that of a

the patronage of successive

found that

aCt

a civil war the victorious Chola

the end of

was about

put to death his vanquished cousin.

The

to

poet

pointed out that the victory tarnished the good

name

of the

defeat,

Cholas,

much

quite as

and that he did not know whether

rejoice for the victorious

vanquished one.
tainly effective.

The
These

Chola or weep

illustrations

I shall permit myself one

this respect.

red to already,
17

one

This

is

came

more

known

in

commanded.

illustration to
refer-

to the throne young.

the famous piece

cei'-

show

The warlike Pandya

of the Pattuppafetu collection.

to

for the

intercession was

addition the respect that learning

show

as the

as

He

Maduraikkaoji,,

142

BEGINNINGS OF

had immediately

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

to go to

war against a combi-

nation of his two neighbours and his court was

naturally anxious as to the result.

prince in a poem,

them
that

that he

poetic grace assured

would return

he should

if

full of

fail,

The young

victorious and

the poets of

his court

including Mangudi Marudan, might

cease to

attend.

The

ideal of justice set before

them

in those

days was something unattainable. They strove

their

ideal

utmost to attain
;

to the sublimity of their

and a king was judged good

or bad

upon

the degree of success he achieved in this particular branch of his duties.

to

blame

it

the

rains

woman

go astray.

estate,

except

people should
for!'

'

fail

What

is

Oh the

he

is

king he

is

blame

if

to

there in a king's

perpetual

anxiety,

envy the position

Learning went in search

of a

that

king

of patronage.

There must have been a very considerable

output of literature.

It

was doubtless

to

check

the growth of the weed of learning that a body

of censors called the

instituted.

It is a

Sangam must have been

number of works, which

are

believed to have received the imprimatur of

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

143

this learned body, that has been the source of

This

is

regarding

information

all this

period.

this

not the place to enter into the question

of the origin

of

Tamil

literature

independence or otherwise
with the literature

of

its

or of its connexion

But

Sanskrit.

of

or

may

remark in passing that Tamil literature (as

distinct

that independence that

for it

claim

from language) cannot lay

its

to

demand

votaries

with more zeal than argument. Learning

was somewhat widespread and much sought

Women

after.

the number of

was

had

their share of learning, as

women

this learning confined

although he was the

^

northern

Nor

poets indicates.

sole

to

the

Brahman

custodian

of

the

lore.'

In matters religious there was a happy confusion.

Jains, Buddhists,

Brahmans, Saivas,

Vaishnavas, and people of other persuasions

both major and minor,

peace with one another.

lived together

all
*

and at

There were splendid

temples in the city dedicated to the worship

of the celestial tree Kalpaka, (the wish
tree),

da

giving

the celestial elephant Airavata, Vajrayu-

(the

thunderbolt

of Indra),

Baladeva,

144

BEGINNINGS OF
Chandra,

Surya,

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
Subramanya, Sata-

Siva,

vahana, (Aiyanar in Tamil or Sasfca in Mai.

and Sans
were

Yama

and

of love),

seven

(God

(god

There

of death).

reputed to

viharas

by Indra, the king

built

Kama

Jina or Nirgratha,

:)

have been

which

of the gods, in

dwelt no less

than 300 monks (Buddhistic).

The temple

Yama was

of

the town, in the burial

outstide the walls of

ground in the city

The

Puhar, the capital of the Cholas.

systems

rival

of the

of

three

Brahmans, and those

of

the Jains

and Buddhists flourished together

each with

its

own

unhampered by

clientele

the others in the prosecution of

rights.

its

own holy

The Brahman was not regarded an

inconvenience, but the general feeling was that

he was indispensable to the prosperity

A devout

state.

Buddhist and an ascetic Jain

prince both speak of

him with

great

He was the

custodian of the hidden

the Veda)

he was the guard an

fire,

respect.

{i^^Py

lore,

of the

sacred

the source of material prosperity to the

state

med

of the

he

was

the

the sacrifices according

orthodox

rites,

who

person
to

the

perfordifficult

and who brought timely

rain..

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

145

These are the terms in which these heterodox

He had a function in
writers refer to him.
and he discharged

society

whole attitude both

of the

The

faithfully.

orthodox and also

in matters

heterodox,

the

of

it

religious,

was

the pity of the one for the ignorance of the

other

but nothing more

bitter, as

Max

Muller

has very well pointed out.

Animism seems
ant

to have played

an import-

the religious system of those days.

parti in

There was a temple consecrated to the

Lady

(Pattini Devi), as she

'

was

Chaste

'

called,

who

died in consequence of the murder of her hus-

Her images

band.

up

are preserved

temples

in

to the present times for, according to

A.K. Kumarasami,^^ some

images depict-

of the

ed in illustration of the ancient art of

are of this deified

women.

Sati

was

Ceylon

in

but under well recognised limitations.

was

permitted

neither

upon,

children

woman,

to bring

uncommon

J.E.A.S. 1909,
10

to

guardians

natural

nor

was not
i8

only

p.

292.

for

Dr.

to

up.

vogue,

This

who had
fall

back

That

young women

it

to

BEGINNINGS OF

146

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

return to their parents widowed

by

for

is

vouched

a comparison that a poet institutes

between

the approach of darkness

and the

woman, whose
war.
Annual
with great eclat, and

return of the widowed young

husband had
festivals

one

lately

fallen

were celebrated

of the grandest

brated at Puhar-

recently

made

was that to Indra

cele-

my

facts

have gathered

from a vast body

in

of

Tamil literature only

available to the student. I

now

proceed to consider the sources of the information,

which are the

literature,

Tamil

classical

and

writers,

and

Sanskrit,

Ceylonese chronicle. Of the

Indian
the

group, Strabo

first

wrote in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius

Pliny published his geography in A.D. 77

the

Periplus of the Erythraeaean

Sea was

written in the first century A-D. probably A.D.

60 but not
his

later

than A.D. 80

Ptolemy wrote

geography about A.D. 150

gerian Tables were composed

the Peutin-

in

There were other writers who wrote

we

are not concerned with

would draw attention

from the works

to

them

three

A.D. 222.
later,

directly.

points,

of classical writers.

but
I

taken

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Pliny remarks
are

made

'
:

At the present-day voyages

of archers are carried

on board, because

Indian seas are infested by

he says

and companies

to India every year,

*
:

place of

call,

bourhood,

(Muziris)

It

it is

the

pirates'.

Later on

not

desirable

is

being

pirates

who occupy

and besides

147

in

the

neigh-

a place called Nitrias

not well supplied with

wares

This was before A.D. 77. Ptolemy

for traffic'.

regarded this port Muziris as

an emporium,

and places

Aioi

country

the

of

south of

division

Though Ptolemy does mark the

of the Konkan coast extending north-

wards

Nitra (Nitrias of Pliny)

Bakarai.

of

the port of Mandagara, which

some place not yet

is

and up

to

identified with

definitely accepted in

the

southern Mahratta country north of Goa,

as

Ariake Andron Peiraton, meaning the Ariaka

of

the pirates

of pirates at all

&c.

The

mention

in
;

his

time,

says

more

no

meaning there was no

piracy,

Periplus on the contrary does

make

of the piratic character of this coast

and gives a straightforward account of

tbctive prevalence at the

ports in

the

its

time in regard to the

neighbourhood.

The

bearing

BEGINNINGS OF

148

we

of this

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
The Peutin-

shall see presently.^^

gerian Tables state clearly that

The following

1^

account;

Roman

two

from Marco Polo

of this coasfc

worth DotiDg

is

"There go forth every year more than

on

cruise.
These pirates
and children, and stay out
mer. Their method is to join in fleets of
pirate vessels together, and then they

sair vessels

their wives

cordon,

call a sea

that

is,

they drop

hundred cor-

take with

the whole

them
sum-

20 or 30 of these
form what they

off till there is

an

interval of 5 or 6 miles between ship and ship, so that

cover something

fehey

like a

hundred miles

of sea,

and

no merchant ship can escape them. For when any one

corsair sights a vessel a signal is made hy fire or smoke,
and then the whole of them make for this, and seize
and plunder them. After they have
plundered them they let them go, saying, Go along
with you and get more gain, and that mayhap will fall
But now the merchants are aware of this,
to us also !'
merchants

the

and go so well manned and armed, and with such great

Still mishaps
ships, that they don't fear the corsairs.
do

befall

He

them

following
'*

If

at times."

also notes in

respect of the

kingdom

of

Ely the

any ship enters

their estuary

and anchors there,

having been bound for some other port, they seize her
and plunder the cargo. For they say, You were hound
*

for
us,

somewhere
so

think

else,

we have
it is

no

and

'tis

a right to

sin to act thus.

God has
all

sent you hither

your goods,'

And

this

to-

And they

naughty custom-

prevails all over the provinces of India, to wit, that

if

a;

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN EEA

149

cohorts were maintained in the same town

for the protection of

Mr.

Eoman commerce.

who has made an

Sewell,

Roman

study of the

coins

elaborate

found in India,

considers that an examination of the coin-finds

lead to the following conclusions

i^o

There was hardly any commerce between

1.

Rome and India

during the Consulate.

With Augustus began an intercourse which,

enabling the Romans to obtain oriental luxuship

is

driveo by stress of weather into soroe other port

than that

to

which

Bat

plundered.

if

place, they receive

it

was bound, it was sura

came bound originally

a ship
it

with

all

honor and give

to

bo

to the
it

due

protection."
It

would be interesting

to note as

Yule remarks that

was in this neighbourhood that Ibn Batuta fell into the

hands of pirates and was 'stripped to the very drawers.*
That region continued to be piratical up to the days of
Clive and Watson as we know.
In the days of Sivaji it
it

continued to ba piratical
Teplied to

also, as he is said to have

an English embassy protesting against this

"

'*

it was againat
the laws of Conchon
any ship or goods that were drivan ashore."
The central Asian ambassador Abd-er-Razzak has
something to say of pirates near the Calicut coast,

piracy

that

to restore

Marco. Polo

XXIV

and

Yale and Cordier (3rd Bdn.) Ill Chap.

XXV.

pp. 385-392.

30 J.R.A.S., 1904, p. 591.

150

BEGINNINGS OF

ries

during

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

the early days of

culminated about the time

the empire,

who

of Nero,

died

A.D. 68.

From

3.

clined

till

this time forward

the date of Caracalla, A.D. 217.

Prom

4.

the trade de-

the date of Caracalla

almost

it

entirely ceased.
It revived again,

5.

though

slightly,

under

the Byzantine emperors.

He

also

infers

early emperors

that the trade under

was

luxuries

in

later ones in industrial products,

the

under the

and under the

Byzantines the commerce was with the southwest coast only, and not with the interior.

He

differs

tion

from those who find an

of this

fluctuation in the political

social condition of India itself,

ties or their

and the

and

facili-

absence for navigating the seas

and considers that the cause

for in

explana-

the political

and

is

to

social

be

sought

condition

of

Rome.

From an examination

my

of

the second class of

sources of information alone,

rulers,

find that

when South India was

who gave the country peace

there was a period

under great

we

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

151

and thus provided the indispensable security

This period can be shown to
for commerce.
correspond to that of the

Eoman

Augustus to Garacalla.

After this period,

empire from

we

country in a condition of political

find the
flux.

So then

least,

of

we may
most

the

find one,

still

potent

causes

of

at

this

commercial decline in the internal condition

India

itself.

Pliny and Ptolemy do not men-

Eoman

tion the

of

cohorts at Muziris which the

Feiitingerian Tables do.

Eed Chera's father

the Kadambu^i tree on
the

The
is

exploit of

first

the destruction of

the sea coast. Another

compliment that the poets never miss an opportunity of bestowing upon this Eed-Chera himself is

that the Chera fleet sailed on the waters

of that littoral

security.
21

(1)

with a sense of dominion and

The Kadambu mentioned above

is

ueOiT QLLfj&isQ^iTU) LSuu^ff&r L4,i&aL-ix)i5*sSr

SL^lLjetDL^

(JfiQp

Qfi^gHuSluuQQjdj.

II. 11. n. 12-13.

(2)

sL-u>Lj

Qp^pu^ih^ a(Si(^^ear QoiisQfi.

II. 12

(3)

1.

3.

S>^'^<S i^^0eiaL^uj iDirssL^G^sQd

II. 17. U.

56.

152

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

explained as a tree of extraordinary power

which could not be cut down by ordinary man.

I rather think from the context that

it

has

reference to a piratical rendezvous of the tribe

of people

who became known

as the

Kadambas

This view seems to be directly counten-

later.

anced by the extract 3 on the

last

page which

says in efiect that he crossed the sea, destroyed

Kadambu and

the

subjection to him.

^^

enemies to

brought his
If this

view be correct,

the advent of the said Chera brought along

with

it

security.

This would be in conformity

with Ptolemy's reference to Aay, who was one

of the
^

seven chieftains known to literature as

the last seven patrons'.

Prom

the body of

works known to Tamil scholars as Sangam

works their contemporaneity could easily be

esfcablished.

have examined this question

elsewhere (in the Appendix on

22 It

would be nothing surprising

some tree like

The Augustan
if

the

Kadambu

had been the

tree-totem of this tribe.
One tree in particular might
have been regarded aa peculiarly sacred by the tribe like
the famous Oak at Dodoaa of the ancient Greeks or the
slightly less famous 0<ik trunk of the Saxons of tihe days
tree,

of

the country-date or

Charlfimagne.

it

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Age
Aay

of

Tamil Literature), and

distinctive

and not quite

name

The Aay must have

or

of,

older

little

than, Ptolemy, and the age of Ptolemy

would

Ked-Chera, and

practically be the age of the

the Chera ascendancy.

name

fiud the

two individuals,

of

of a family.

been the contemporary

153

This conclusion only

confirms what has been arrived at independently

Gajabahu

of this class of evidence.

Ceylon,

who

visited the

the end of his

reign,

Ked-Ohera almost

ruled

according to

of

at

the

Ceylonese chronicle from A. D. 113 to 135.

Allowing

for

Ceylonese date

the

of the

and that arrived

Fleet,

difference

Nirvana

between
of the

the

Buddha,

by modern scholars, as Dr.

at

namely sixty

years, that date for

bahu would be A. D. 173

to 193.

Gaja-

The Chera

ascendancy then would cover the latter twothirds of the second century A.D.

Here has

to

be brought in the Paisachi work Brihat Katha.

Among

the temples mentioned as having been

found at Puhar was one dedicated to Satavahana.

This personage was the ruler in whose

court flourished the minister Gunadya,

was

the

author

of

this

stupendous

who
work

154

BEGINNINGS OF

which

stands

any
of

may

world as well.

the

work that

It

set the

the composition

The age

romantic

all

whether in Sanskrit

and

vernacular,

of this
for

the root of

at

in India,

literature

INDIAN HISTOBY

S.

be

the

of

rest

was a translation
fashion

Tamil

in

the romantic

of

or

of the original is still

epics..

matter under

The latest authority on the

the Dutch scholar Speyer, who

investigation.

question

is

would place
earliest

in the third century A.

it

date

at the

clearly impossible according

to our line of inquiry.

I shall

now but

it

of the

works clearly based upon

not say more

only remark

about

here

D.

this,

that one

has to be

referred to a period anterior to the astronomer,.

Varahamihira A. D. 533.

MEKHAL
the

A.

This work,

refers to the asterism

Buddha was born

MANI-

under which

as the fourteenth; which,,

according to the modern computation, following Varahamihira, ought to be the seventeenth.

The Ceylon Chronicle

also

deserves

to

be

investigated more carefully. So far investigations from different points of view only appear

to

confirm

its

chronology, except for

possible correction

made

above.

the

THE DAWN OF THE CHKISTIAN ERA

The

155

date of the death of Caracalla corres-

ponds closely to the disappearance

vahanas

of

of the Sata*

the Dekhan. According to the latest

power

opinion the

of

the

same

vanished about the

Kushanas

also

South

period. In

Pandya ascendancy passes

The century following is one

India likewise the

into darkness.

Indian

of the dark spots in

rise

of

History, until the

Guptas in the

the

Chalukyas in the Dekhan, and

north
of the

of

the

Pallavas

in the south.

may

Before closing, I
sions of a

scholar,

T.

studied the India of this

Greek and

Roman

refer

C.

the conclu-

Evans,

period

in

who has
a thesis,

India, contributed to the

Anglo-American Magazine
cludes that "

to

for 1901.

He

The Greek invader found

conthere

an ancient and highly organised society difering

little in

its

usages

from those which

exist

and modes

at the present

and although there are no means

the conjecture,

it is

time

;.

of verifying

not unlikely that the popu-

lation of the peninsula

period as in our own."

my friend Mr. W.H.

of living

was as great

in that

Commenting on

this,

SchoSof the Philadelphia

BEGINNINGS OF

156

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

Commercial Museum makes the following

marks "If this view

most populous region
:

most

was the

is

correct, India

of

the world at the time

was the most cultivated,

of the Periplus, as it

the

re-

and commercial,

active, industrial

the most highly organised socially, the most

in

toretched

and the

millions

He

further

status

that

of

made

the country
of

these

resources and industries.

do so
in

impossible

It

its

population,

was made up

and organised

village communities,

they were

far as

it

economic

should possess poli-

commensurate with

power only so

politically.'*

" the

that

teaming

its

of

powerful

least

follows

any one

tical force

poverty

the

and they were

relatively

of

military

compelled to

unconcerned

the dynastic changes, except to note the

change in their oppressors."

a great

some

deal

of

that

them

is

fail

just

to take

While there
in these

remarks,

note of the time,

and the circumstances, on which we are

sing judgment

couQtry and

character

of

pas-

from our twentiecn century

standard of political justice.

of the

is

the

The very extent

the necessarily inferior

communications

would

THE DAWN OF THE CHEISTIAN EEA

make any
the

other organisation than

communities

village

extreme.

that of

inefficient

perhaps that

It is true

it

was

upon

After

of

requirements

its

nised

any

certainly

happiness

the

people.

It

this

is

as well as the

defectively orgaIf

was on the

to

the

of

the

Hindu

basis of peace

bulk

of

the

that has the merit

ideal

Hindu organisations

defect of

throughout the history

difficult

by

any time had been organised on

basis, it certainly

and

peace and

for

war.

of

often

it,

organisation.

organised

purposes

for

society at

is

time

the possibility

is

ideal in

essentially

society

there

all

difference of

all

country against

defending the

foreigners.

the

often proved at any rate

it

equal to the strain imposed

successfully

in

they had

not the military power necessary for

but such as

157

India.

of

It

is

not

understand by a comparison of

the

organisation of the

the

present

time

Empire

British

which

can

be

at

looked

upon as having been made on an economic

basis,

at

any

with that of the

German

rate, recent history

organised upon

empire, which,

shows

basis for

to

war.

have been
It

ought

158

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

rather to be said to

the credit of the early

Hindus that they regarded war

abnormal state
vide for

and

it

only in an exceptional sort of way,

both in their organisation

peace, and in that of war, as far as

to U3.

the Tamilian rulers of the

quite able to hold

Greeks on the
it

their

available

of the Periplus,

West
own as

though

sea, and,

for

possible

it is

make out from the material

About the very time

quished,

an

far

they had to pro-

of affairs that

this is evident

for us to

so

were

coast

against the

van-

finally

was the Punjab armies that made

a very good stand against Alexander. Chandra-

gupta could even lay claim to a victory against

the most redoubtable of Alexander's generals.

These

instances

ought to make

us

pause

before accepting sweeping statements either

as to military incapacity or to unfairly
in

Indian society.

may

of

made

address that a poeu

cularly warlike

ought to

one,

set before

on

him

.literal

quote

here an

to a king,

a parti-

the ideals that

at a

was perhaps some need

translation of the

uneven

the organisation

distribution of property

for

he

time when there

war.

passage

Here

is

as far as

THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA

Tamil poem could be rendered into

beautiful

" Like

English prose.
adorns the

Majestic

for its

the

eye that

single

crescent face

who, with Mount Meru

serpent

159

string,

for his

of

bow, the great

destroyed the triple

Eakshasas to give victory

fortifications of the

to the valiant host of the Devas,

the flower garland

may

horses

high cars with

of

count, elephants of

exceediug

lies

fleetness,

and valiant

tall flags

eager for war, remember

monarch

Mara, of

Great among Kings; great

though your army

high mettle,

Siva,

the

soldiers

Majesty

of a

foremost in his walking the path

may you

of rectitude.

Therefore

with long

without swerving ever so

life,

from the path

be blessed
little

of rectitude because the people

concerned are ours

without in the least dis-

<}Ounting the good found in those not of us

may

your valour shine with the brilliance of

the sun.
in

it all

May

May

your power

the beneficent coolness of

show

the moon.

your charity be as seasonal and impar-

tial as

With the three

mentioned may your days

that of the rain

great virtues just

<50unt

of protection

itself.

more than the sands

of the sea

washed

160

BEGINNINGS OF

ashore

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

by the winds, on the coast

of Sendil

(Tiruchendur) where stands the great Kun:jara."

give

It

would only be

them the ordinary

fair to

the ancients to

credit of their

having

honestly attempted to pursue the ideal they

set before themselves.

CHAPTEE

IV.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE s'ANGAM WORKS,

SO CALLED, OF TAMIL LITERATURE

This

subject has been, for very near a century,

regarded as of the utmost importance by those

engaged in research work as well as by those

engaged in the study

of

Tamil,

the

eldest

among the sisterhood of languages known

commonly as the Dravidian languages. In the
century Bishop Cald-

early years of the last

well

made what perhaps was then the most

attempt at fixing the age

successful

body
'

of literature

the Augustan

of this

and brought what he called

Age

of

Tamil Literature' to

the 9th or lObh century of the

Christian

era-

Since then there have been a series of attempts

several of

them merely

conclusions
controvert
to this

Caldwell's

while various others were

them and

give a

Augustan Age.
161

11

re-stating

The

made to

higher antiquity
recent editors of

162

BEGINNINaS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Grammar

CaldwelTs Comparative
statement

following

to

remain

predominance

Period of the

predominance

in intellect

allow

the

"

The

of Jainas

(the

and learning give

rarely a predominance in political power)

was

the Augustan Age of Tamil

the

period

when the Madura

is

grammars

and

vocabularies
period

and

Kural, Chintamani,

the

literary

and

classical

written.''^

This

ascribed to the 9bh or lObh century

A.D. and the editors are content

with a foot note
to a

College,

appears to have flourished

association,

when

literature,

much

"

to leave

this

Modern researches point

earlier date

thaa that given here."

This Caldwellian tradition has been handed

to the present time.

We

repeated with hardly

any

on almost unbroken
find the statement

modification

in

Reinhold Host's

Tamil, in the 11th edition

of the

article

on

Encyclopaedia

Britannica and with some slight modification

;

What

ever else

cation, by

mast be

may

ba proved or no, this old classifi-

religion, of periods

given

up

justify its being

as

it

finds

kept up.

either of literature or

no support

of

any

art

kind to

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATURE

in Frazer's "

and

Literary History of

new

the

edition

Gazetteer Volume,
not

go

This

II.

unchallenged,

drum who took up

position

however.

the late Mr. P. Snndaram

Pillai

tive

work, but did not essay in

though

it

this

to

must be

said

he succeeded in fixing,
stones in

did

did

was

;In

on

destruc-

constructive

particular
to

"

Trivan-

first.

much

particular subject he

relating

of

contributed

this

work,

It

the challenge

one or two essays that he

India

Imperial

the

of

16B

period,

credit that

his

one or

two mile-

The greatest
made by another

Tamil Literature.

constructive

was

eSorb

lamented Tamil scholar, the

late

Mr. Kanaka-

sabhai Pillai,whose work, however, was marred

by a too ambitious attempt at

details before

be

regarded

as

standing, his
deal of

the

main

fixed.

working out
could hardly

lines

This defect notwith-

work brought together a great

matter

which had

remained buried

in manuscripts inaccessible even to the learned,

and understood,

if

accessible,

This work was

done by

decade

last

of

the

by but a few.

him

century

in

and

the last
in

the

164

BEGINNINGS OF

first

two or three years

was about the end

much

that a

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

of

of the

European

respected

work

scholar^s

this

It

present.

Scholar^

connected intimatelj^ with Madras, both as

honoured

an

occupying

upon

place

High Court bench, and holding the

the Vice-Chancellorship of our

tha

position of

University,

took up the question and restated the case in

support of Caldwell's theory with

much

force,

considerable learning and great judgment. This

was the
whole

Tamil

late

Mr. L. C. Innes who discussed the

questioQ

literature in

various

the

of

what was then the Imperial

and Asiatic Quarterly Keview,

entitled

the

Age

of

small identification in

Augustan
particular

means a

periods of

in

an

article

Manikkavasagar.
it

Ona

the fixing of this

in

Age drew my attention to this

investigation and I raised by na
respectful protest

against

it

in

a.

short article which I contributed to the Christian College Magazine.

The letter

in reply to this protest, of

a printed copy, led

me

that he wrote

which

on,

sent

thanks to the

stimulus of that judicial minded good

make an

effort

at fixing this

him

man

to,

Augustan Age


CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE
:

from

my

"

point of view.

The Augustan Age

Tamil Literature " was written by me

of

the

first

165

in

instance for the Madras Review and

again

published,

in

somewhat

modified

iorm, in the Indian Antiquary as a general

introduction to a contemplated series of articles

on " Celebrities in Tamil Literature," poets

tind patrons alike.
ed,

This was again publish-

with permission,

by

the

chaeological Society in the

The

essay attempted to

Tamilian Ar-

Tamil Antiquary.
the then

set forth

available evidence both literary and historical

leading to the following conclusions

(1)

"

That there was an age

activity in

Tamil

to warrant

of great literary

the existence of

a body like the traditional Sangam'*.

"

(2)

That the period

activity

of the greatest

Sangam

was the age when Senguttuvan Sera

was a prominent

character in South Indian

politics".
(3) "

That

this age of

Senguttuvan

was the

second century of the Christian era."

*'

(4)

what

is

India.

That these conclusions

known

of

find support in

the later history of South

im BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Since this was published there have been ta

my knowledge two constructive efiorts of which

one

is

that contained in a

Senguttu-

of

life

van in Tamil written by Pandit M. Eagava

Aiyangar of the Tamil Lexicon
the

first

Office, read in

instance as an essay before the Tamil

Sangam at
The
1913.

its

meeting in

other

is

Ramnad

final

in

May

statement,

of

various efforts in detail in regard to this matter

by Mr. Subramaniya

Iyer, Assistant Epigra-

Government of Madras, in the

Christian College Magazine of the year 1914,

phisfe

in an

to the

article entitled the

the Pandya Country.

to

examine the position

and restate

my

Ancient History of
propose attempting

of these

two scholars

case in the light of the criti-

cism thus made to see how

far

my

has to be revised and to what extent

position

it

requires

to be altered.

Taking the
for atteatioQ

much

latter first the

is

disputed

that he

that calls

relies, for settling this

chronology,

plate grants of the

point

on a few copper

Pandya Kings, and one or

two stone inscriptions

relating to them,

hopes from these aids to

settle the

and

question

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUEE

:

The

fiDally.

167

followiDg long extracts from bis

paper would exhibit his position in respect of

who had

the others

gations before

carried on similar investi-

him most

fairly to himself.

As has been remarked already the dates

when these poems were composed are not given
*

To

anywhere.

amount

we

are naturally forced

information from external sources.

recently.

till

much

there was not

direction,

in this

help us

to

question with any

of probability,

to look for

Even

settle this

The discovery

of

the Sinnamanur plates and the information

supplied

the

in

Velvikudi

Pandya kings have placed a

grant
lot

of

the

reliable

of

matter before the earnest student of ancient

history and a careful

contents

sure

is

to

examination
enable

at a satisfactory solution

been

sought

for

in

him

'

of history

mislead

we can freely adopt

the accounts given in Purananuru,

along

2.

For purposes

all

The previous

scarcity of materials served only to

inquirers

arrive

to

which has

vain.

of their

fuller

Examination

Pattup-

of these follows in Cb, vii.

168

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

These poems have

pattu, Padirruppattu, etc.

MahamaSwaminathier who gives now

been edited in an admirable way by

hopadyaya V.

and then short notices

of

Aham which

not yet appeared in print.

padikaram

Although Silap-

and Manimekhalai

among the Sangam

works,

has

are

classed

entertain serious

doubts as to whether they speak of contemporary kings and events, and

that great caution

ing

wholesale

them.

ture

who would

of abuse if
of theirs.

But

all

materials

know I am

be said

contained

in

mortally wounding the

savants of

feelings of several

may

necessary before utilis-

is

the

it

Tamil

litera-

at once pour forth a volume

I were

considered a worthy rival

Fortunately I

the same I wish

reasons for holding

am

not such

one.

my

to record here

The two

the position.

works in question contain a romantic account

of a
of

certain

Kannagi famed

Manimekhala the daughter

Kannagi's husband Kovalan.

for chastity
of a

and

hetaira of

Enraged

at

an

unreasonable murder of her husband, Kannagi

Madura,
whereupon the Pandya king struck down by
miraculously sets

fire

to the city of

OHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEKATUKE

169

remorse for the unjust act

heavenly palanquin
to carry

people

who observed

The romantic

grant

events.

not

at the very outset.

that

On

the

contemporary

hand

other

one would

for

strike

to

fail

relates to

it

coun-

in other

both in and out of India.

any one

by the

at once followed

nature of the story will

not

a shrine for her

this, erect

is

would

it

imagination,
to traditional

not

if

wholly from their

at least

with

beliefs

extant

events long past.

Is

liberal

person, however virtuous he

addition

at the time, of

possible,

it

I ask, that a

or she

may

would be invested with divinity even

very

moment

of

death

In

I think will be shared by

my

many, the story

oi the people for a long time before

The poet merely says he

*he 'was seated at the time.

died

be,

at the

opinion, which

person should have remained in the

be

spun

natural to view the legend as a story

out by the poets,

The

of the gods.

same worship

initiation of the

liimself,^

seen to descend to earth

Kannagitothe abode

worship and this

tries

is

hills

upon the

of the

memory

any halo

fchrone

of

where

BEGINNINGS OF

170

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

divinity could gather round

It

it 4.

passes

one's comprehension to imagine that people

should have set about erecting a temple for a

heroine at or soon after the time of her death.
'I

ask further

for her

how

long

fame not only

it

would have taken

to spread but

to

strike

such deep root in other countries as to cause

her image to be enshrined in costly temples- In
this connection I

bear in mind

would request the reader to

she was neither a royal

that

personage nor a religious prophetess.

probability,

ment

if

the story

is

all

due to a develop-

from

of events taken

In

life, it

must have

been written long after Kannagi had been

As such we cannot assume the con-

deified.

temporaneousness of the kings mentioned in

these works with the date of their composition^

History does record various insfeances of oaooniza-

tion of

ordinary

Augustus was
there

was

people

in

Europe

deified during life

a tenople to

him

where Kannagi had her

in India

first

while yet

alive.

and history knows that

shrine.

on the West Coast

Ptolemy II

and

his sister-wife were given a similar apotheosis during lif&

by

their

subjects.

loving, hut

perhaps superdtitiouely credulous-

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUBE

:

My

OWQ view

not know-

that the authors,

when the kings mentioned by

ing the time

them

is

171

flourished,

have treated

persons belonging to different

ages as con-

individually

temporaries and

thus

brought

together a

Gajabahu, a Nedunjeliyan and a Karikala as

same

living at the

time.

In

my

articles

on

the date and times of the last two kings, I

have adduced reasons to prove that they must

have lived at

least a

century apart.

And

would further point out here that Mr. Kanakasabhai

Pillai's

identification

Nurran-

of

gannan mentioned in the Silappadikaram

Satakarni
is

is

wifcb

entirely untenable, because there

no warrant

for the reading

Satakarni of the

name Satakarni which we find in all inscriptions and coins.

Though attempts at translating proper names are not quite uncommon,
yet

it

would seem that in this case Nurran-

gamian
the

is

not a translation of Satakarni.

Tamil name

translation,

gadan

w^as

the

result

of

If

perfect

we should have expected NQrran-

instead.

No

foreigner has ever dealt

with proper names in this fashion.

We

bave^

the mention of Indian kings and geographical


BEGINNINGS OF

172

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Koman

places by Greek and

writers

and by the

Chinese pilgrims who visited India. I

none

that

method

bahu
that

them has adopted the novel

And

^.

again

attempt

similar

made

of

it

into Yanaikkai.

you examine

is

a wonder that a

translation

at

in the case of the

if

may note

was

not

name Gaja-

other

would further state

carefully

the contents of

Manimekhalai, you find mentioned in this

work, assigned to the second century A. D.,

systems

of belief

and philosophy that could

not have struck root

till

the eighth and ninth

centuries.

^The Hon.

kannu
ing

Dewan Bahadur

L. D. Swami-

Pillai very kindly furnishes the follow-

on the

note

question of the

Silappadikaram and Chintamani

*'As regards the date of

padikaram

in

of

composition of Silap-

have found that the

by Adiyarkunallar

date

details given

/5/r,rsB3r<s/r6^

and the

prophecy about "^if^^i^-sef/ ^rflQ^6rru^<s^^~

5 Is this true?
What does Phrurioti stand
Ptolemy's Geography of the Coromandel Coast ?

sena

What

for \n

about ^eSuj Q^earek (Oviasena) for Ohitra-

in this

yety author

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEBATUEE

:

^t^&dCo^ir

^/'

(<^lLl^^

17S

^lLl^lB ^it ear jh^Q su err (Sifi^ it ^^

etc., are satisfied in

A. D.l and A.D. 1300,

only one year between-

i.e..

I have quite recently

A.D. 756- Similarly

found that the

details-

given in Jivakachintamani in Airn^Q^su^^^m^lu/rS&iihusui (text

construction of

regarding

the

/r63r<5eSL-.7(5

by Naohchinarkiniyar

Muhurtam

for

and commentary

on the 1st verse) are

correct for only one year, A.D. 813.

" In either case the actual composition of

the poems

may have

followed the respective-

dates by 60 to 80 years, the ordinary period

for

which Panchangams are preserved

view

is

My

that the poets could have obtained the

details only
if

'^.

from a contemporary Panchanga,

indeed they did not find the details in the

materials used by

them

for the

poems.

In the

case of Jivakachintamani there were materials

on hand.
"

The

interval between this composition of

^eduu^sirirui

and

^eu^s^hi^Tuisssfl

was only about

60 or 70 years or at most about 150 years, not

700 years as supposed by Kanakasabhai

and others ".
"^

If a

Pancbangam was used

for the purpose.

Pillai

BEGINNINGS OF

174

We

can safely accept Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai's date, A.
Still,

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

D. 756,

Silappadikaram-

for

we cannot but maintain

that the matter

contained in this and other works of a similar

nature

we

is

useless for

purposes of history.

are asked to explain further

the accounts

of

Perundevanar,

an

why we adopt

Puranauuru and

furnished in

Pattuppattu as come down

hand

If

to us

author

from the

who

can-

not be said Do have lived earlier than the date

D. 756) assigned to Silappadikaram

(A.

we

would say that Perundevanar stands in the

high position of an editor of some older and

trustworthy
merit,

historical

documents

of

great

while the authors of Silappadikaram

and other similar works appear before us as

mere story
are full

tellers

first

This

their compositions

The

is

and

italics are ours.

point in the extracts to call for a

word by way
8

that

of improbabilities, impossibilities

inconsistencies.'

The

and

of

remark

is

not his date. His date

that the twin-epic,

is

60 or 70 years

later,

according to him.
9

How

iiand

are these historical?

down

history ?

Were they

written to

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUEE

:

^ilappadhikaram and Manimekhalai,

be used

for

He

not to

He sets

purposes of history.

the reasons very elaborately thus

(1)

is

175

forth

ascribes to the authors of the books

an ignorance

contemporary

of

and sees

rulers,

in the combination of a Gajabahu,

Nedum-

seliyan and a Karikala a confusion of chronology.

He further

(2)

identification

gannan

" as

He

(3)

refers to

Mr. Kanakasabhai's

Satakarni with

of

**

Nurran-

unwarranted.

next sets

down

that the work Mani-

mekhalai contains reference to systems

and

lief

philosophy

struck root
(4)

Pillai,

And

till

could

that

of be-

not

have

the 8th and the 9Gh centuries.

lastly

he quotes Mr. Swamikannu

with approval, to point

out that

the

Silappadhikaram could have been composed

only in A. D.

756,

slightly

overstating

his

authority.

In regard to the
at

once

that

point

first

there

is

it

may

no

be stated

immutable

psychological law that prevents contemporaries

irom

believing

in

the

supernatural.

In

176

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

discussing the mental attitude of people separated

many

error

to import

The

centuries from us

its

our ideas into

mind

their

that can detach

outlook and carry

present

lives*

itself

itself

is

an

from

back to

we are inclined ta
Kannaki as " improbable,

another environment.
regard the story of

a natural

a study of this kind

first essential to

attitude of

is

it

If

impossible and inconsistent"

it

does not neces-

sarily follow that our ancestors, perhaps 13 or

14 hundred years ago, on Mr. Subramaniya

Ayyar's
outlook
of

own showing, had

as we have.
Even

us to-day that there

who

people

will not

the same mental

so

are

we cannot say
not among us

believe stories similar to

those of the Silappadhikaram in contemporary

life,

and

ascribe

is

it

hardly

whom

to those with

agree that they

make

consideration in the
this remark.

in

fair

use of

it

he

does

to

not

the works under

manner

Nor does

any one

suggested

make

it

by

necessary

that the author should have lived centuries

after

the

Granting

occurrence
for

to

share

this belief.

argument that he did not share

the belief himself, but took up a story that was

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATUKE

current and dealt with

manner that

the

in

it

177

he has done, but laying the scene in the con-

temporary Tamil India

would

of his time, the

be within the bounds fixed by

still

two books

is

that the background of the

is historical, and

story

those that have used

have more to support them than their

We

mentioned in the work

critics.

is

it

not clear

Nurrangannan comes

where the expression

Mr.

so

later.

In regard to the next point

from.

it

contemporaneity of the

shall consider the

rulers

liter-

All that is claimed

ary criticism to a poet.

for the

author

Kanakasabhai has attempted to

identify the Satakarni of

the Silappadhika-

ram with the expression Nurruvar Kannar

or

nan"

am

either in

the

Kannar,

merely

Mr.

unable to

is

grounds.

[^sQiuQ&^eaiesT']
12

It

reference

book

may

be

or

in

stated,

Mr. Kanakasabhai's identifica^

altogether

other

do not agree with Mr. Subra-

maniya Ayyar that

translated for

any

see

hardly tenable on

We

" Nurrangan-

of

Kanakasabhai's

Silappadhikaram.

however, that
tion

but

if

one name happens to be

some reason

{e. g.y

for Chitrasena)

Oviasenan

though we

may

178

BEGINNINGS OF

not

know

should

that others

be.

In respect

would wish

of the

third

know

to

a general statement

What

INDIAN HISTORY

does not follow

it

it,

S.

one

point of his,

the grounds upon which

like that

is

put forward.

systems in Manimekhalai that

are the

could not have come in before the 8th or the 9th

century and

go back

why

Where do

for authority

these

systems

and in what form

is

it

that the systems are found exhibited in the

Manimekhalai?

These

points

ought to be

cleared before a general statement like that

will be accepted.

In regard to the
cal data that

Mr. Swamikaunu

are found in the

They

ed.

astronomi-

Pillai relies

on

work but imperfectly express-

are elaborated by the

who lived many

It is

last point, the

commentator

ceaturies later than the author.

more than doubtful

if

the author took up

a paiichangam to set down the date or to note

its

details.

It

strikes

me

that he noted

particularly inauspicious combination

day,

such

for

a
a

as the popular Q^iLemu,, (iptL&Du-,

Q3^susufnu^9ipiDtiiy

portending a coming storm

of a violently destructive character.

There

is

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUBE

179

nothing to warrant that anything more was

meant

in the

Whether that

astrological

details

than

this.

to override all other

is sufficient

considerations in ascribing particular dates to

me

works seems to

Going

exceedingly doubtful.

more constructive part

to the

Subramaniya Ayyar's work we are face

of

Mr.

to face

with four inscriptions, namely.

(1)

The Madras

Museum

plates

of

Jatilavarman,
(2)
(3)

(4)

The smaller Sinnamanur plates.

The larger Sinnamanur plates.
The Velvikudi grant.

His whole system depends upon a

identifications of the

to in these

four

series of

various persons referred

We

grants.

attention particularly to

should invite

the identification of

No. 2 in the genealogical table constructed

Sinnamanur

from the larger

person's

name

occurs merely

equivalent of the

other

whose name
tions

is

as

Jatila,

the

Tamil Sadaiyan, with no

detail to lead us to

Mr. Ayyar has

This

plates.

identified

an identification.

him with a

Jatila

found in the Anaimalai inscrip-

which are dated 770 A. D.

This person

180

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

again equated with the last

is

Velvikudi grant which

is itself

name

in the

undated, thus

giving to this last person, the donor of the

grant, the date A. D, 770.

name

minister, by
figures

in

the

What

Anaimalai

of

name

inscriptions,

described, in the Sanscrit portion as

kavi,

more, a

is

Marankari, whose

is

mudura-

maduratara and sastravid, and as a native

Karavandapuram. This minister Mr, Subra-

manij^a Ayyar takes to be definitely the Vish-

nava A.lvar,Madurakavi, neglecting the caution

with which the possibility

of identification is

advanced by both the late Mr. Venkayya^o and

Mr. G. Venkoba Kao the publisher

Aoamalai
rests the

On

inscriptions.

whole chronology

Ayyar's thesis.

These

of

of

Mr, Subramaniya

identifications

and the

various grants have reference only

Pandyas.

The

identification

of

to

the tradition regarding Madurakavi

one thing,

it

If

is

accepted

ought to be accepted

for other

things equally essential.

common

the

Maran-kari

with Madurakavi seems almost impossible.

for

the

this identification

tradition a

Madurakavi

Brahman and

10 See Epigraphist's Eeporfes for

is

by-

a native of

1907 and 1908.

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE

Kolur, and
tradition

is

at

181

not handed down, in Vaishnava

any

rate,

an

as

official

importance that Maran-kari was.

of the

There

is

nothing in the ten stanzas ascribed to Madurakavi to indicate that he was

than

pious

On

devotee.

of identification

anything
such

and combination

records Mr. Subramaniya

Ayyar constructs a

Mudukudumi Peruvaludi

salai

basis

of the four

beginning with

genealogical table

more

^^

Palyaga-

and ending

with Rajasimha, taken to be a contemporary

of the

Chola Parantaka I A. D. 907 to 956, on

the ground that the latber's inscriptions state

that he

won a

victory over a

Rajasimha, which

name

Pandya by name

unfortunately occurs

twice in the larger Sinnamanur

selves,

plates them-

with three generations between them.

It will be clear

from

this

be the inferences based

how

valueless would

upon these grants

which

on Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar's own

showing were composed in the 8th, 9t:h and
10th centuries, in regard to matters relating
^^

Whose name, by fche way, is broughb infco this

justify fche name "Velvikkudi and establish a

grant; to

prior gift of the village without

For further

any organic connectio-n.

details see Oh. vi-ii following.

BEGINNINGS OF

182

to even

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

two or three centuries

earlier at

the

very worst.

Immediately
salai

name Palyaga-

after the first

Pandyan, the Velvikudi grant mentions

Kalabhra

Inter-regnum.

Inter-regnum

is

This

Kalabhra

taken to be an Inter-regnum

brought on by a Karnataka invasion, referred

to

in connection with

n.yanar in

the story

the Periyapuranam.

of

Miirti-

Fixing up

then a Pandya succession he proceeds next to

13 Pandya Kings whose

enumerate

names

occur in Tamil literature, and tries to identify

the later ten with those mentioned in the
grants,

and ascribes to them dates ranging

from the commencement

A. D. to A. D.

of

the 6th century

650 which

terminal date for

makes the
Sliyam Sendan whom he
he

Neduih

identifies

with

victor of

Talaiyalanganam. This makes the

the

Seliyan,

whole course of identification simplicity

But

there

is

however one grave

cepting this arrangement.

the

itself.

difficulty in ac-

The whole body

of

works called Sangam works which have to do

with

these

various

Pandyas

slightest reference to the

have not the

Pallavas.

Still

500

GHEONOLGGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

to 650j at

any rate the

latter

the age of the great Pallavas

to

of the

among

Narasimha
of

which

is

Sambandar

and 650 would

the great

Pallavas,

referred to in the Periyapuranam.

to the Pallava general

refers

It is

large body of poets that

received rewards from

went about from court

of patrons,

and

them have no reference

make of the Pallavas although

towns

several

andforts and territories under Pallavarule

come

This objection seems

in largely for reference.

to this

who

very strange that the

to court singing the praises

vital

was

destroyer of Vatapi, the burning

destroyed Vatapi.

to

it,

the middle period of one

take us perhaps
greatest

half of

183

chronology

arrangement,

and

seems thoroughly to exemplify the defects

of specialistic research of

A. Cook has the

in his

which Mr. Stanley

following remarks to make,

" Study of Religions."

''The

man who

is

specialistic in a

single

department may* be a bar to progress because

he

is

apt to overlook the importance of other

special studies.

His own convictions are the

more intense when he associates them with

his trained knowledge,

and although he may

184

BEGINNINGS OF

realize that his

to this stage,

in

some

special field

takes

it

owa energy has brought him

and although he may recognize

of diverse types

that

The

world.

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

and tendencies, he may forget

make a

kinds of people to

all

desire

to

promulgate and pro-

selytize is characteristic of all

men

with strong

convictions based on experience and

ledge,

In
is

men

the need for other

and they can be intolerant

research, social reform

and

of

knowothers.

religion,

there

a stage of development, horn of an intense

feeling

the

of

harmony

in one's

manifest

itself in

world of thought

over,

Yet one must not deny

those

efforts along one's

of

that can

own

who

differ.

to others that sense of

that has been gained by

whole world

or

impatience towards, or in a

provoking superiority

harmony

equilibrium

completest

lines

one's

own

and since the

thought could be theoretically

divided into numerous departments, the ideal

in view

is

a harmonious adjustment of them

all.'

Passing on now to Pandit

gar's

work,

called

Seran

Ragava AyyanSenguttuvan,

Tamil, we find him devote Chapter

XIII

in
of


CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE

185

the book to the determination of the age

and

which Senguttuvan

in

contemporaries

his

Passing in rapid review the late

flourished.

Mr. Kanakasabhai's conclusion in regard to the

down

matter, he lays

what

as follows

It is well

his

main

position some-

among

the poets that

known

that

Sangam,

constituted the

Paranar,

Kapilar,

Mamulanar and Sattanar took a

prominent place. Among these Mamulanar
Nakkirar,

appears, from

certain

poems included

in the

Ahananuru, to have been contemporary with

Chola Karikala, Seraladau,
Pulli

Kalvar

from this source also appears clearly that

he was one who had travelled

various
in

Koman

parts

countries

of

the

north

much

Tamil
of

it.

the

in

country

and

This poet

is

taken to be contemporary with Senguttuvan

Sera,

as

he

refers,

in

Aham

251, to a

between the Mauryas and a chief

which

is

of

war

Mohur

taken to stand for the chief Palayan

Maran who

is

said

elsewhere to have

against this Chera. Quoting from

fought

Aham 265,

^'^

186

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HI8T0EY

S.

he refers Mamiilauar to a time subsequent to

the destruction of Patahpura to which he sees
a definite reference in the passage quoted. This
is

the

first

and in

fact the strongest

argument

Senguttuvau to the

of his thesis for ascribing

5th century A.D.; but he arrives at this result

by a
find

series of

no

me

arguments which seem to

He

justification in history.

to

interprets

the expressions in the passage quoted as refer-

Patahpura by the

ring to the destruction

of

Ganges;

actual

whereas

in

mean no more than

great

in

Nandas

throwing

rather than let

their

it

into

their

peculiar

postulates

Starting

dynasty.

interpretation

of

the

river,

the hands

enemies, in the revolution

verted

might

by the Nandas

into

it

fall

collected in

This

the Ganges.

well have been brought about

themselves

could

it

the disappearance of the

wealth that the

Patalipura,

fact

the

that

of

sub-

from

his

passage

he

the destruction of Patalipura by

the flood of the Ganges and finds the period

of

such destruction in the time intervening

the visits of the two

India, namely.

Chinese travellers to

Fa Hian

in the beginning of


CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITEBATURE
Hiuen Tsang

the 5th century and

187
the

in

He

second quarter of the 7th century A- D.

Mauryas who had invaded

Palayan Maran, perhaps in a

further equates the

the territory of

with

previous generation,

the

army

Gupta King, Samudra Gupta-He

the

of

sup-

finds

port for this in the mention of the Mantaraja

who

taken to be

is

the same as
his reasoning

same

King

Mandaram
in the

character

Granting

'

for the

of

Serai.

Kerala

The

whole Chapter

and

of

'

and

rest

of the

is

minor consequence.

sake of argument

that his

interpretation of the passage quoted above

correct,

it

would be

of

very

is

to justify

difficult

Samudra Gupta and his army being referred to

as Mauryas by a poet of the standing and reputation of Mamulanar.

There

nothing in the pillar inscription

13

Kau^alaka-Mahendra-Maha

is

absolutely

^^ of

Samudra

kantaraka-Vyaghra-

raia-Kaurajaka--Mantaraja--Pfti8htapuraka-- Mahendragiri

Kautturaka Svamidattia-AiraDC[apallaka--Dftmana-

Kancheyaka-Vi8hnugop-Avamukfcaka.
Nilaraja-Vaingeyaka

Hasfcivarmma Palakkak

Ogra8ona--Daivara8btraka--Kubera--Kau8fcha1apuraka--

Dhananjayaprabhribi sarvva-dakehiriapatharaja-g^rahftnamoksh-anugraba-janita-pratap-onmi^ra-mababhagyasya-

188

BEGINNINGS OF

Gupta
the

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

The

to warrant this inference.

contains

inscription

Kauralaka

reference

He

Mantaraja.

Kanchi, Ugrasena

of

There
cription

to

lead

us

to

Vishnu-

Palaka

of

nothing

absolutely

is

to

mentioned

is

along with Hastivarman of Vengi,

gopa

text of

the ins-

in

that

believe

mudragupta's army passed south

etc.

of

Sa-

Kanchi.

That that Mantaraja should be taken

to be

Mandaram

most

Serai

is

identification of the

unreasonable kind.

The

tion, Dr. Fleet, did

not understand what the

term Kauralaka stood

for,

ward a suggestion that

it

editor of the inscrip-

and merely put

for-

might be " Kairalaka"

the equivalant of "of Kerala". This suggestion

whether

in a foot note, but as to the point

is

the person referred to was a Kerala prince at

all

he has offered no definite support.

since-been found that

bably a mere

Kunala)

Kauralaka

mislection

perhaps

the

for

region

is

It

has

very pro-

Kaunalaka

(of

round Koller

But whatever it is, it is now certain

that there is no reference whatsoever to Kerala

lake.i*

1^

Bpigraphia Indica Vol. VI,

Prof. Kiebhorn.

p.

note by

the

late

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

in the inscription.

As

to the destruction of

Patalipura by ilood there

amount

no authority

is

for

recent investigations on

The
seem more

the statement.

the site

189

indicate

to

by

of destruction

fire

very

certain

much more

than by water, and the passage relied on

cannot be held to support the interpretation
put upon

it.

After

Mamular makes

all if

one of the poems

of

reference in the past tense to

the destruction of Patali or to an invasion of

the south by the Mauryas and a war in conse-

quence between them and one

chiefs of

Mohur

Madura)

(near

of the

this

that Mamiilanar

ces.

The various passages

most

of

Mamiilanar,

of

which are unfortunately in the Aham,

contempora-

will hardly serve to establish his

neity with

all

might have

the incidents he

found occasion to mention.

The identification

Tadiyan with Tidiyan, and

of

Pidiyan with

There

Palayan borders on the ludicrous.

further reference to the Jain

Darsana,

and

(ascribed

to

to a statement in

ment

can only

knewof these occurren-

mean

of

Tamil

of

a Dravida

it

is

work Digambara

the

10th

century,

as to the establish-

Sangam

in

Madura by

190

BEGINNINGS OF

Vajranandi

There

is

D.

A.

in

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

470

nothing to prove

(Samvat
that

a Tamil Sangam for the fostering

Literature.

may

It

well

526).

was

this
of

be a Jain

Tamil

Sangam

which would, in the sense of being an assembly

of Dravida Jains or Tamil Jains, be a Dravida

Sangam and may have had

for its object

matter pertaining to the Jain religion.

then

the

elaborate

Chapter XIII

of the

some

Thus

reasoning

exhibited in

work seems

clearly to rest

upon a very uncertain and slender basis.

It is

book which does exhibit

regrettable that a

considerable labour and puts in an eminently

readable form matter buried in recondit works

should be marred by this kind of reasoning,

particularly

VIII

Vanji

in this

where he
of the

Chapter and in Chapter

tries

to establish that

Cheras was

the

the

Karur in the

Trichinopoly District, where again we come

upon a number

number

of

distortions of

texts

and a

of false identifications to establish his

thesis.

The proper procedure

in a case

like this is

to analyse the various works belonging to this

particular group, sort out the various kinds of


CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEKATUEE
historical evidence that

we

get,

undoubted contemporaneity

191

establish the

of poets

and pat-

rons with a jealously critical eye, and look out

connections

for historical

that will establish

one or more synchronisms, and proceed on

that basis to establish others.

Adopting this procedure the Sangam works

so called

Those

naturally into two classes

fall

dealing, according to ihe

marians, with
porul.

The

hroadly

is

(1)

that

emotion which

Tamil gram-

Ahapporul, and

distinction

Purap-

(2)

between these two

the one refers

finds

to subjective

expression on

various

occasions and under various circumstances,

and has reference principally to Erotics the

other refers to action and partakes more or less
;

of the

character of exhibition

of

valour

in

and the various other aspects

Of these two classes the
war-like life.

attack, defence
of

latter

is

the more valuable for purposes of

history and chronology, as

it

makes

direct

reference to various wars, battles, sieges etc.

and one very

special feature of such

work

is

that poets composing in this strain always

address their patrons directly, thereby

making

192
it

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

unmistakable that what they have to state

in respect of a particular chieftain has refer-

ence to contemporary

The other group,

life.

however, does not stand on an altogether simi-

Poems

lar footing.

similar
of

in

this group

references though

they are

do

make

always

an indirect character and do not give such

clear evidence of

contemporaneity in respect

These works are

of their various statements.

Purananuru, Ahanauru, Pattuppattu, Padirruppatu, Aingurunuru, Narrinai, Kuruntokai,

etc.

^^-

group advisedly

I keep out from this

Manimekhalai to which I shall return later to see how

far the almost contemptuous reference to them
the two works Silappadhikaram and

of

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar finds jurisdiction.

Even so

number

the

figure in the

with in one
^^

Of these

of poets

works are
thesis-

all

and patrons

thafe

many to be

dealt

far too

shall take

occasion

to

bub the secoDd have been edited in an

number by the veteran Pandit

Saminatha Jyer, but the last two are edited by two others
whose labours deserve as much credit as the other's.
Narrinai was published by the late Mr, Narainasami
Kuruntokai by Pandit
Iyer of Kumbhakonam and
Eangasami Aiyangar of the Madrasa at Vaniambady.
excellent form, the larger

HKONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATUEE

more

deal with these

degree

of

work

to

be

two typical examples

of

In taking up a question
is

of

can do here nothing more than

to illustrate the

research

lucidity

demand

that a lay understanding would

necessity.

and on a

elaborately,

scale compatible with the

193

pretty

much

judge and not of aa

done by one or
character.

telling

like this a

in the

student

position

of

of

Feeling and

advocate.

sentiment are out of the question and the

discovery of truth

is

are here as in the case of a judge the

tions
fact,

coming up

for

and questions

two ques-

examination questions of
:

of law.

facts before stating

There

the object in view.

them

One has
as such

to

examine

one has to

examine the method that he adopts in the

choice of his facts as

much

as

in

their appli-

Bearing this in mind we have

cation.

of all to consider

first

whether stone inscriptions

and copper plate grants are better authority

for events

which could have taken place centu-

ries before the inditing of

literature that

these documents or

was composed ostensibly

time to which they relate.

works enumerated above

is

are,

at the

These Sangam
by

common

con-

BEGINNINGS OF

194
sent,

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

such works of contemporary value and

have therefore to be regarded as

Mr.

authority.

Subramania

Perundevanar as

of

of

better

Ayyar

takes

high standing and autho-

rity in respect of these

works because he was a

cultivated scholar and responsible

these,

editor

of

though coming centuries after their

But he

composition-

he seems

any rate

claiming a similar kind

in

to,

forgets this, at

of

authority for the compilers of the inscriptions

which he seems unmistakably to set over against

this class of literatuie to the disadvantage of the
latter.

Taking the poet Paranar

we could

exemplify

and collecting together such

this position

as

to

derive from

historical character,

him of an undoubtedly

we can

find

the political

condition of the Tamil land and the

of

the

facts

position

Tamil chieftains in relation to one

another, in the poet's generation.

In stanza 4

of

Purananuru, Paranar refers to

a Chola ruler Uruvapahrerilanjetchenni in the

following terms
of the

rising

sea, in his

This king

they are of the radiant beauty

sun just emerging out

of

the

golden car of the fullest effulgence.'

is

known from

other poems of the

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATUBE

:

195

ame class, but of other poets, to be the father

of Karikala. The terms in which Paranar chose
to describe hira in this poem raise the presumption that he was the ruler, Tigalolinayirrel pari-

aeduihter Chola, the grandfather of Senguttu-

vanSera; but

this is

by the way.

Poem 63

collection relates that the chera

of the

same

king,

Kudakko Nedum Seraladan, and the

^hola king, Verpaharadakkai Peruvirarkkilli,

had fought against each other and

the

fallen

on

Another poet Kalattalaiyar

field of battle.

has also celebrated the same king, in the same

connectioQ.

Poems 141 and 142 both

Pehan's liberality which

somewhat

later NallQr

is

referred to

refer to

by the

Nattan, the author of

Poems 144 and 145 are

chief when he had given up

Sirupanarruppadai.
addressed to this

his wife in favour of a sweetheart.

Kapilar, Arisil Kilar and

Paranar,

Perungunrur Kilar

interceded in behalf of the wife to good purpose.

Such a reference

"

as

we

get

in

these two

poems is an absolutely unmistakable evidence of

contemporaneity^^.

16

Poem 343 refers to Muzires

Compare Aham 148

at "

Kattur Tayangarinan.

"

196

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

(Musiri or Muyiri) and states, in regard to

it,

that commodities brought oversea were brought

ashore by means of boats.

of goods

The

place was full

brought overland and from across the

sea to be -distributed

among those

in

need^

that might go there.

Narrinai 6 of the

same

author has a reference to Ori

In

Aham

396,

of the

Sehguttuvan

Mignili.

There

story of xAdi

celebrated,

is

poem

while there are references in the

war around Nannan's Pali

good bow.'

hill-fort

further reference

is

Mandi and

Attanatti,

The poem

to the defeat of Ori.

to

the

and to
to the

and possibly

also appears to

be intended to celebrate the imprinting of the

bow emblem of the Cbera on the Himalayas.

Poem 62 of Aham, as also poem 208, refer to the
famous KoUippavai having been erected by the
gods.

He

later also refers to the

Mignili round Pali

hill.

this connection that the

KoUippavai

is

the following

It

war

with

must be noted in

tradition regarding

found very clearly recorded in

poem

of

Ahananuru by another

known as Kalladanar who refers in the

same poem to Pandyan Nedum Seliyan, victor

author

at

Talaiyalanganam.

There

is

similar refe-

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUKB

;

197

rence to another chieffcain Pulli, (robber-chieftain, of

the Tirupati

There

hills.

also a

is

statement that Kari, king of Mullar, killed

Ori and

made over

Poem 270 of
that Nannan

the Chera King.

malais to

Narrinai refers to

the story

captured the elephants of his

women
ropes made

round Kolli-

territory

his

enemy

as well

binding the elephants

as their

folk,

with

out of the hair of the women,

cut

ofi for

Poem 73

the purpose.

of

Kurun-

dokai has a very interesting reference to a

class of warlike people called

Kosar who entered

Nannan's

territory after

killing

elephant.

This warlike tribe

poems

referred to in other

and almost

in the

of

of

state

people are

the same class,

same terms.

referring to tbeir being

his

One

of

them

*men of united counseF

capable of hurling the irresistible " battering-

ram".

These

are, in

other poems, associated

with Kongu, and are referred to as

Kongu

Ilangosar in the Silappadhikaram. Kuruudokai

292 gives

in

detail

killed a girl for

fallen

the

story that

having eaten a

fruit

Nannan
that had

from one of the trees in his garden into

a stream

pf

running water and was being

198

BEGINNINGS OF

carried

dowa by

it.

ransom

offered

of

a golden statue
It

He would

not accept the

9 times 9 elephants and

of the

must be said

INDIAN HISTOKY

8.

girl of

honour

to the

own

weight.

of the

Tamils

her

name was handed down to posterity

branded
^'as Nannan
the woman- killer.*'
Aham 147 of the same author states that Aay
Eyinau, known as the commander-in-chief of
that his

the Chera, fought with Mignili and

fight.

Poem

152

has

reference

fell

in the

Veliyan

to

Tittan and his port known as Perundurai, and

what looks a naval defeat

Pindan
Pali

and

Aham

Nalli.

another chieftain

There are allusions to

in this place.

hill

of

165 refers to the

Kosar ^of united counsel,' and seems to

to their location in

Kongu.

is

too corrupt to

Aham
lur,

372

the

is

the connection fully.

of

Kari

by Adiyaman of

That Paranar celebrated

this inci-

stated in plain terms by Avvaiyar, the

poetess, in

From
fashion

but the passage

refers to the capture of Tirukkovi-

capital

Tagadur.
dent

know

contains

It also

the names Ann! and Mignili

refer

poem 99

these

of

Purananuru.

references

collected

we could form a more

in

this

or less definite

CHKONOLOGY; TAMIL LITEEATURE

picture of the political

land

the generation of

in

picture becomes very

clear,

divisions of the

we could

if

collate

imperfect pictures that

of other single

We

Now

we may form by a study

authors such as Paranar himself.

brate the Chola

Nedum

who was

we

find

occasion.

him

cele-

father of Karikala

contemporary, as also Seraman

Seraladan and the Chola Verpahara-

dakkai Peruvirarkkilli.

was

and

similar

v^ith

it

taking Paranar alone

definitely as a

This

definite

reserve that for a future

shall

Tamil

Paranar.

much more

199

This chola probably

either the father of Karikala or his grand-

We

father.

this

find

Paranar celebrating

Seran Senguttuvan in the

Padirrupattu.

fifth

section of the

We have alieady made reference

to this author's direct reference to

Nannan,

Pehan,

must

Kari

therefore have

tion, that

is,

any one
would

come

These

in one genera-

The

Karikala to the Chera

period of time ascribed to

of these chiefs

fit

all

others.

the generation extending from

the grand-father of

Senguttuvan.

and

Adiyaman,

in with

the Tamil land.

must be a period that

this political condition of

It has already

been pointed

BEGINNINGS OF

200

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

out that this somewhat vague picture of the

South

political condition of the

is

capable of

being completed by bringing into collation the

picture that can be

authors whose
us like those

made

of

elaborately into

Paranar.
that

from other

come down to
Without going

works have
of

it

comparison I

may

at

once state that the Tamil land was divided

among

the three kings

capital at

with his capital at

cement

Pandya with

the

Madura, the Chera with

on the west

at Vanji

his

capital

and the Chola

coast,

Uraiyur,^'^ at the

of this generation.

his

commen-

The intervening

region and the border land of the north where

a good deal of fight would have to be done was

divided

among

number

of chiefs

who were

very often independent of the kings and some-

times acknowledged allegiance to one or other

of

them.

Of such we find mention in the

The information

writings of Paranar himself.

that

we obtain from him

supplemented
^"^

Aham

Q^eifit^

31.

umui'^

by

venerable

Qeo<s^fSIQiutTQ

uSpibQ^.

is

confirmed and
poets

among

sSleoeo'^^^eim^u

ih

^eo

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITERATURE

whom
from

mention

whom

mation

frontier

Vaduka

The

frontier)!^.

infor-

makes
frontier

corresponding

on the western side seems to ha-ve

which,

as

with the

tribe

Mamulanar

for further

as the

extended to the north

into

of

It is this latter that

of Palikat

(northern

made

be

have to draw

later on.

mention

may

201

in the days of

of

two

chiefs

Tulu country

was noticed already a new

name

Kosar effected entry

Nannan^^. Immediately to the

them were

east

of the

the

territories

Vichchikkon and

the

of

Irungovel

of

Araiyam, just below this and along the

hill

region bordering

the western

Ghats and the

Eastern where they meet the Western was

perhaps the chieftain Pari of Parambunadu.

To
of

the east of

it

was the

territory of

Tagadur (Modern Dharmapuri),

east of

which was the

Adiyaman

to the south

territory of the chieftain

Ori with his territory round about the Kolli^^

Kur.

19

Aham

Kur. 73.

11

15

(^&)'2eods6tar0sisft

Qi(dsfr(Tf)^oSTuu^.<Si}&dQQip

QldiLiloud&S Qucrj^ua^LLQsns^ir.Q ^itqd^

fB^afrearsor^pwrr

Qan&sr^

QoiiTair^QunTi^Jd QsirsnQtjrreo

tSfTLlt^p

sneSp

GuiT-iQuj

202

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Across into the South Arcot District^

malais.

was

particularly the hilly portions of the west,

the territory of Kari with

Behind them, almost

kovilur.

second

territory

tricts

round the Palnis

hill in

in a sort of

the

Aay round

his

the

Madura and Tinnevelly dis-

Evvi on the Coromandal coast with

embracing a part

territory

state

Tiru-

was the chieftain Pehan with

line,

Podiyil

his capital

and the District

of

of the

Pudukkotta

Kamnad.

There

another chief the Tondaiman Ilandirayan

was certainly the contemporary

Adiyaman

of

Anji, though not directly

by Paranar. His Capital was

at

his

is

wha

Avvai and
mentioned

Kanchi and ha

ruled the territory round Kanchi under Chola

suzerainty.

We have besides to locate, from the

Paranar himself, the Kosar somewhere

works

of

in the

Kongu

country. This seems the political-

distribution of the territory belonging properly

to the

Tamil land

the poet.

Any

in the generation of

age

therefore

Paranar

that could be

ascribed to the Sangam, in which Paranar did

play a prominent part, must exhibit more or

less this condition of

territory

in

the

political

distribution of

Tamil country.

Any

age

CHRONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATURE

;

which, from what could be

known

of

203

does

it,

not visualise this political division has there-

The question

lore necessarily to be rejected.

now

therefore

and the

6th

of the

whether

is

the

latter

half

the

7th

half of

first

century, fixed by Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar, or

the

5th

century

which

to

Ayyangar assigns the Sangam,

political

is

in with the

fit

The

Paranar.

of

very easily disposed

the

first

The

of.

forth
alter-

period

from 560 to 650 was the period

of a century

when

Eagava

circumstances thus shadowed

from the works

native

Mr.

Pallavas

great

were

prominent

south, and practically

political factors in the

the whole of the Tamil country was under

their

influence

in

the

northern

The

half.

southern enclave was equally indisputably in

the hands of the Pandyas

among whom

the

most prominent character was the famous

Kun Pandyan
Nedumaran.

or

Sundara Pandya or Ninrasir

His contemporary

was Narasimhavarman
of

them had

for their

I,

of the

Pallavamalla.

north

Both

contemporaries alike the

Tevaram Hymners, Appar and Sambandar.

There

is

no reflection

of this political condition

204

BEGINNINGS OF

Id the literature

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

under examination, nor

is

there any prominent mention of the Pallavas at

all,

in

the region

where they held, sway,

about which however, Paranar has a very large

number

of references to

literary

men

While these

make.

take the greatest pains always to

distinguish one ruler from another of the

same

dynasty by giving to each the distinguishing

epithet,

it is

not open to us to identify, with-

out sufficient lead from our sources, one ruler

with another without very substantial reasons.

The

identification of

Sendan Seliyau

of the

copper plates with the Pandyan NedumSeliyan

of

Talaiyalauganam fame

not proven.
of the

is,

to say the least,

In regard to the historical value

Silappadhikaram

and

Manimekhalai

about which a few words must be said here by

way

of

reply to

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar's

contemptuous reference^ which

amount

of ignorance

able in one with

betokens an

which would be inexcus-

any pretensions to scholarship.

Henguttuvan Sera

figures prominently in both

The author of the first is the younger

brother of Senguttuvan. The author of the
other is his friend and both of them worked at
the works.

CHKONOLOGY TAMIL LITEEATURE

:

legendary or other,

a subject,

their iraagination

laying the

and dealt with

scene,

that
it

is

caught

poetically,

however, in the contem-

porary Tamil India of their time.

question

205^

Now

the

Are we to accept the statement

this prince-poet

when he speaks

of

his paren-

tage or not, though he might choose to put

as a poet, in the

mouth

Are we not to accept

of

his

of

one under a

it>

spell ?

statement in regard

to the achievements of his brother particularly

when they happen

detail by

to

be

confirmed in every

an independent poet Paranar who

celebrates

him

Padirrupattu

in one section of another

work

Those that have taken

upon

it

themselves to use these poems know their responsibility obviously,

presumably with

and use the material

critical care. It is just possible

that there are differences of opinion in respect of

a detail here or a detail there as being of a historical character or no.

demnation such as

is

But

wholesale

con-

found in the extract from

Mr. Subramaniya Ayyar quoted above, can

be but

the offspring- of blank ignorance and

incapacity to appreciate other mental attitudes

and

situations.

206

BEGINNINGS OF
now

Passing oq

he finds

shows

is

perhaps on a

more

but the arguments with which

weakness.

points here:

need only mention two

The erroneous and

(1)

ble identification of Mantaraja of

Mandaramseral

impossi-

Kurala with

Kerala which name, by the

of

way, does not find mention to

in

little

necessary to buttress this position

it

its

INDIAN HISTORY

to the other period so far

ascribed, the Pandit

safe ground,

S.

these works.

(2)

my

knowledge

The equation

the

of

Vambamoriyar with the army of invasion under

Samudragupta.

has already been pointed

It

out that the interpretation of the quotation

regarding the Nandas

and that

it is

so

is

wrong

altogether,

proved by a similar passage

is

in lines 4 and 5 of

poem 251

of

Aham^^ but
;

number of references which carry

the invasion of Mauryas up to Mohur of
there are a

In one of these passages at

Palayan Maran.

any

rate, the

Pandit

contemporaneity

of

tries

this

to establish the

invasion with the

Palayan Maran, which, from the

tenable.

The term MohQr

4i>ppULL.LjkiseorT QifTifi Q^rri^.

is

text, is

un-

used in the

Compare note

10, S.

89

anfee.

CHEONOLOGY TAMIL LITERATUKE

:

Mohur

passage to stand for the chieftain of

That

Palayan Maran.

not necessarily

207

re-

ference and the various other references to the

Mauryas in Mamiilanar,

as well as the reference

way through rock in

march southwards, all of them do refer

to their cutting their

their

possibly to a great southward invasion^! of the

We

Mauryas, a newly-esfcablished dynasty.

know now beyond

of the new edict

doubt, since the discovery

Asoka

of

Nizam's dominions,

Maski

that Asoka's

down

extended right

at

in the

territory

to the frontier of

Mysore

within the boundaries of which other edicts

We

were discovered years ago.

know

of

no

wars excepting the famous Kalinga war that

Asoka carried on

for purposes of

conquest-

Chandragupta not having had the time

conquest

the further

it,

included within

within

that

ascribe

to

Empire

his

of

his

21

Aham

tator

is

69 &
Puram

281.
175.

territories

but

grand-son,

Chandragupta's

the father of Asoka

reading in

of

who

(^i^rTifiiun

do

not

included
historians

son Bindusara,
himself

held the

seems the preferable

The blundering

worth remarking.

to

of the

commen-

BEGINNINGS OF

208

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

viceroyalty of the southern frontiers with his

capital

south

the

of

Vidisa

at

by the

made

been

therefore

The conquest
Mauryas must have

(Bilsa)

22.

by Bindusara

either

the king, or, by the viceroy-prince,

The term Vadukar used in

the Tamils
northerners,

is

of certain

in

indicates,

references before us, an

wards

this connection

a general designation

and

of

the

by

for all

various

onward move south-

northern tribes of which we

get perhaps the final glimpse

ments

son-

his

the Pallavas

till

the move-

in

they come

intO'

occupation of Kanchi and the extension of

their

power

at least as far south as Trichinopoly

Kumbhakonam.

and

Mamulanar,
to

them

All

the

passages

of

referring to these incidents, refer

as past occurrences

temporary events.

and not as con-

This interpretation of the

passages relating to northerners agrees very

well with the claim of certain

having won victories

which attribute
22

is

Tamil kings to
over the Aryan army,

specifically given

V.A. Smith's Early History of India

to the

(3rd edition)

Notice the footnote oontaioiDg the statement

p.

149,

of

TaraDatha, the Tibetan historian*

CHRONOLOGY: TAMIL LITEEATUEE

209

Pandyan Nedum Seliyan whose name figures

in the Silappadhikaram. Such a general moveon

ment against the north could

general

considerations be postulated only of the period

of confusion

Maurya power

decline

and the

in the north

afterwards,

position

imperial

the

the

followed

that

of

rise,

to

the

of

Andhras and the Andhrabhrityas in succes-

The

sion.

in

fifth

century

hardly the century

is

which we get anything

of such a

great

this general

a glimpse

With

of people.

position of affairs clearly before

Gajabahu

the

us,

movement

like

synchronism does

appear in the least impossible

not

but appears on

the contrary very highly probable.

The

infor-

mation that could be gathered from the Ceylon

Chronicle

form

Mahavamsa compiled

in the 6th century, but

from material put

together in epic form at the

of the

unreliable as

first

it is

that Buddhist

right

century B.C.,

is

not as

too readily taken to be.

chronicle

Pattinidevi in so
14

commencement

4th century, from a written source

traceable to the

no

in its present

many

does not

plain words

to expect it; but

refer

we

]f

to

have.

that does not

210

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

invalidate the existence of a Gajabahu or of

his

visit to

the court of Senguttuvan Sera.^^

The synchronism thus

seems to me, stand

established must,

it

no satisfactory reason

having been put forward so far to invalidate

The newer information only goes so far to

confirm it. The tradition of Pattini has taken
it.

such a hold upon the people

of

Ceylon that

it

was introduced under the

favourable auspices inferable from the Silappadhikaram, though naturally the Buddhist
quite likely

is

it

chronicle of the
of it

Mahavihara omits mention

24.

23 It muafc be noted,

which may

however,

the incidenti specifically. (Vide

&

that other

chronicles^

reach back to similar old sources, do mention

Upham's

Eajavali)
24 Indian Antiquary.

XLV

pp. 7278.

Eajaratnacari

CHAPTEE

V.

THE AGE OF PARANAE

It will be ^loticed from what has been said in
relation to the condition of Indian civilization

dawQ

Era that the

information put together has been drawn from
at the

various

Christian

of the

sources

which

have

been

merely

indicated in the course of the narration.

It

would be worthwhile classifying and arranging these sources with a view to investigating

what exactly the

these sources

would be

particular period to

has reference.

value of each of

relative
in

respect

of

the

which that general account

Some

of

these sources have

already been explained in sufi&cient fullness to

indicate their value such as the

Dipavamsa

and the Mahavamsa, the chronicle accounts

of

Buddhist Ceylon.

We

have also indicated

the course of the chapters II

in

relative
^

value of the classical

Vide chaps. 1 & 2

ante.

211

&

III the

writers;

and

212

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

who make any

the Sanskrit writers

reference

South India have been examined in some

to

detail in chapter I

Coming down

and

their value estimated.

to inscriptions and epigraphi-

cal .matter generally,

it

may

be said that the

material available for work for this period,

30 little that

we

assume

might

on coins
for the

is

the

that

epigraphical material other than the

is

legends

perhaps as good as absent, except

Asoka inscriptions and

in regard to this part of

then the literary sources,

just a

India.
of

few others

There

is left

which both Tamil

and Sanskrit, and various Sanskritic languages

could be exploited usefully. But for this period
even Sanskrit and Sanskritic languages are of
comparatively minor importance to classical

Tamil

literature,

and that we

shall take

into

consideration just now.

In order the best to understand the value of

this'literature
let

us see a

and appraise

little

more

it

at its real worth,

closely

what exactly we

can find in relation to the particular authors

or particular

generations

of

authors,

and

having projected from such information as

available, a picture from these sources

is

alone,

THE AGE OF PAEANAE

we might then

may

so far

213

compare that with what

be available, to check the

accuracy of

it,

from the other external sources to establish

the correctness of the picture already drawn of
at the beginning of the Christian

South India
Era.

To do

this,

we

to readers of classical

was one

Paranar

shall take a poet

known

Tamil as Paranar.
those traditional 49

of

of

men who constituted the third academy

Madura. His name is of peculiar importance

in

Tamil

literary

names

literature as

of certain

literature,

round

his

it

connects

well-known

itself

with the

celebrities in that

and in consequence we could gather

name

certain well-known figures.

Moreover, he seems to have been a long lived

man and

his generation takes in a pretty long

series of rulers

we can

and

poets.

By

gain something like a

studying him

full

the south India of his days was.

classics

known

He

what

Paranar

is

Brahman. His
number of the Tamil

regarded traditionally as
writings occur in a large

idea of

collectively

as

Sangam

litera-

who sang of the Chera

Senguttuvan, whose name is connected at
once with the Sangam classics on the one side.

ture.

is

a poet

^14

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

and with the twin-epic Silappadikaram-Manimekalai which,

it

has recently been contended

should be regarded as something quite apart

from the former, and separated from them by

a comparatively wide interval of time.

be clear even to the lay reader

It will

Paranar

if

sang of Senguttuvan, as he does in the

book of the Padirruppattu, and

if

Senguttuvan's

younger brother ,was the author

ppadikaram, and his
of the

friend,

fifth

of

the Sila-

Sattan the author

Manimekalai, then the age

of all of these

must be one and the same whatever that age

might be. Of Paranar*s works we have
twelve short pieces in the collection Narrinai,.
fifteen

the

poems

ten-tens

poems

in the Kuruntogai, one

(Padirruppattu)

in the collection Ahananiiru

ten of

thirty-two

and twelve

in the Purananiiru, with one in the collection

called Tiruvalluvamiilai.

And such

number

would be considered voluminous work, and

have a comparatively wide range in respect
both of matter and manner. In

Puram

4, ^

he

2 Qutreoi Q^iruSem^u QuireSeif Q/strairfS

tu^SesT&Doj lutrseoriDfrQp.

Paranar,

Param

4.

THE AGE OF PAEANAK

celebrates a Chola

215

Uruvapahrer Ilanjetchenni

somewhat queer name seems to be

derived from a comparison which this poet
has instituted to him in the poem, under
reference, where he is likened to the morning

whose

sun who in radiant majesty

rises out

sea in the glorious red of dawn.

of the

This Chola

we know from the poem Porunararruppadai

of

Mudattamakkanniyar,

was the father

the great Chola Karikala.

Puram 63
ladan

*,

He

celebrates in

the Chera (Kudakko Nedumsera-

and the Chola (Peruvirarkkilli) when

both had fought and fallen on the

This same

battle-

of

another poet

who

of

field

is

celebrated by

goes by the

name Kalatta-

event

One of the so called last seven patrons

by name Pehan whose territory was round the
Palnis was celebrated by this poet. One of
the references to him is in regard to his large
laiyar

5.

beneficence without expectation of a reward

One supreme

instance

of

such

* Nofce at foot of the poem.Paraflo. 62.

Puram. 141 & 142.

Param. 144 k 145.

being

^.

his

BEGINNINGS OF

216

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

providing a wild peacock with a cloak or mantle

as

which
sion

is

more

our point

to

(not

the

whom

he had abandoned

heroine

path of

wife.

On

rectitude

Silappadikaram)

in favour of

Paranar pursuaded

esan.

him

a court-

walk in

to

by returning to his

same occasion

this

Kannaki

wife

the

of

his interces-

is

Pehan's

behalf of

in

the

The second

protection against cold.

in

same

the

sad connection three other poets intervened

in

behalf

names

are

of
:

authors

seventh, eighth,

is

Their

wife.

Kapilar, Arisil Kijar, and Perun-

gunrur Kilar,

*ten-tens'

abandoned

the

respectively

and nineth

collection.

In

tens

of

the

of

the

'

Puram 369

there

reference according to the Colophon to the

Seraman Kadalottiya

Vel

Kelu Kuttuvan

(Kuttavan Chera, who drove his enemies with

his javelin

as

on the

identical

with

sea)

who must be regarded

Senguttuvan

ppadikaram, as Paranar

of the

Sila-

refers to this latter in

almost identical terms in poem 46 of the

Padirruppattu

'^.

In Narrinai

QsrrQfBff&i QuoTQjiEJsedisisQQieSil.

six,

he refers

THE AGE OF PAKANAR

217

to the chieftain Ori of the Kollimalais,

and in

stanza 201 of the same work he has reference to

famous statue

the

of

the

goddess

pavai. This poeb also describes in

Kolli-

some

detail

various transactions inconnection with the chief

Nannan of Konkan (Konkanam).

this

Chief

was the war that the Chera undertook

In the course

against him.

war or in

this

of

another, the Chera general called

Aay Eyinan,

the commander-in-chief of the Chera

battle against

Gnimili

^.

of the vast

Pali.

He

girl

carried

fell

in

Nannan's commander-in-chief
also refers to the

wealth of

One poem

detail the story of

the

among

in

Nannan

accumulation

in

the

citadal

Kuruntogai (292) gives in

Nannan's putting

to death

that ate the fruit of Nannan's garden

down stream

through the

in a canal

11.

Qj&iaiGOLD QujuSesreir <u^isji&a6sr (Z^iraS^.

lifcol3.

Aham

180*

Q/bQibQ/Sit (^L6)eSQujiT(S) Quir^^ssetru) uiLQu-ear.

Aham.

147.

218

BEGINNINGS OF

garden

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

The savagery

9.

chieftain is

of this

again brought under reference in Narrinai 270,

where he
enemies
ropes of

'

is

described as having shorn his

women

them

folk

their hair

of

for fastening

to

make

captured elephants.

Reference has already been made to Paranar*&

stating that a tribe of people, the Kosar, enter-

ed Nannan*s territory after killing his

elephant.
several

There are a number

incidents

the

in

state

of allusions to

of

life

Nannan.

Another reference that must be noted here,

as of

some importance,

Kosar into Kongu in

is

to the

Aham

Eeturning now tothe

195

entry of the

^^.

fifth-ten of the

Padirru-

pattu, where he celebrates Senguttuvan Chera,

we find Senguttuvan Chera described in the

Padikam (epilogue) as the son of Nedumseraladan " King of the westerners by Manakkilli
'*

i-f6ifrp(^usf-iEisfTLu

^Gsrp^^puup

Qsrrearu^p 20>m-u^<s6fflp Qpi^'ssS(3Sip

Qunar

Qffdj

Queaa Qsrr'^

uiT<sa>eu

Qstr^uueijraQsiT&retnT'ar

Lfiftii^iBeorear&fr

QupeO,

Kuruntogai 292.
10

^argv

QiDfTifis

Qstr^nsQsn&srSf QpneaaQuirQuu

THE AGE OF PAEANAB

a Chola Princess

He

i^.

said

is

219

first of all to-

have marched across forests up to the Ganges,

way

defeating his enemies on the

pose of a stone to

make the

(the

deified heroine

said

to

statue of Pattini

He

Kannaki).

have returned from the

number

bringing in a vast

is

also

expedition

heads of cattle

of

The next

belonging to his enemies.

ment

for the pur-

achieve-

of his is the utter defeat of his enemies-

and the destruction

at Viyalur

of the

place-

Getting across to the other shore, he destroyed

the fortifications of Koduhur.
further into the

territory

He marched
and

Palayan

of

having cut down his margosa tree (perhaps

another totem)

captured

number

his

of

elephants and yoked them together by rope&

made

of the hair of the

enemies.

His next exploit

destruction
collateral

women

of

number
war

the defeat and

of

Chola princes,

for the

ruler,

of all is the destruction of his

11

which

was

already

She is called Narcho^ai

who

time being out-

side Vayil (Nerivayil of other works).

sea,

the

of

is

cousins of the reigning

carried on constant

folk

And

last

enemies on the

referred

to

in the Silappadikaram.

in

220

BEGINNINGS OF

Puram

connection with

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Of the various

369.

incidents found in this padikam (the epilogue

of the

poem) some

detail

in

them

the body of the

northern invasion

is

in lines 6 to 11 of

pattu

of

are described in

poem

Palayan and

His

described in general terms

poem 43

of

the Padirrup-

His invasion against the

^2.

itself.

territory of

and what he

his allies,

have done there in the course

said to

is

of this

war are

described in some fullness of detail in lines 10

to 17 of

wearing

of

poem 44
*

poem

there

is

i^.

There

is

a reference to his

the garland of seven crowns'

in line

In poem 46,

to 14,

451^.

lines 11

a clear reference to his fight on the sea

and the destruction

of the protection that the

sea offered to his enemies

QjL^^GDf Qajeo'^

obviously the pirates

uSldujldits^

Q/feareariEo ^iniflQajfTifr iileeii-.ajtff^

Qpa^&iitu Qu0(e^^ui!B^

ea>^uuQjfriTLjQuL^s=

Qfirdoueo isitlLosh^ Q^frdoaeS earL^^^u

(ourrffQ^rr'BeaTLJ Quireois^triT

(^LLQea

13 QmtTs^iT wearearesr

QpnsihQsnesa

14 eTQpQ^L^

(Siib^uu

unTfftSliosr

Q^neO.

THE AGE OF PAKANAK

who found

their shelter in the sea

of stanza 48, he

is

veritable fisherman

221

In line 4

^^.

described figuratively as a
^^,

who

constantly engaged

himself on the sea to get rid of his enemies

with a view to
over sea,
territory.

making the

available to

coming

articles

those inside his

own

In poem 49 lines 7 to 10 and

in

lines 16 to 17, there is a reference again to the

determined stand made by Palayan against this

Chera and his

of all in

poem

destruction

final

50, line 7, there

^'^.

is

reference to the junction of the

The

last

an obvious
three rivers

Kauvery, Amravati, and Kudavanar

^s.

This

Qssireo <s<^p{Sluun'^oTs

15 QsiT(lfBff60 QueijOjiE] seomsQeueSUL

16

ilT

17 Qeuio QuirnQojiB^Q^LC) QoietB^m

Qu)muQj<s(r(i^

Q^^sQ

QLoirm^ Quhtl^is^

Qldit^ie^ Qj^QiDtT mjr

eueOLDu(s^(ip iS'2e\)uj^ff uaeavuf.

18 sneSiBiuek

Ljd^S

rSiLiLjD(^(sSifl

LjearQeOir^

BEGINNINGS OF

.222

S.

last reference, I bring in

great deal had been

INDIAN HISTOKY
here,

made

of

it

the capital of the Chera was

(An Porunai

Amravati

against this there

a number
water

at any rate

1^.

Periyar,

poem

very

which

in

described as having

is

own

As
itself

territory.

one place
its

itself

source

into the

(L. 13 to 18 of

poem

Keference also might be made to line

15 of poem 43

^o.

The meaning

to the three streams is obvious

bers that his uncle

the country of

22

show that

Karoor on the

in his territory and emptying

48)

to

of references to the perennial flow of

in his

sea in his

recently

Porundam.)

or

in this

is

as

is

Kongu

of this collection

said to

of the reference
if

one remem-

have conquered

in line 15 to 16 of

poem

21.

Of these achievements, the Silappadikaram

describes

elaborately

his northern

19 [Sasrui'?scu iSpiEjp Saffsi^eo

20 ^^eStDjbjD

.ill

QuQ^supp

mesa

srr'^eoiLjir)

unrQanpQstTiEja^ iBrrLsuu^^

invasion,

THE AGE OF PAKANAE

and makes
taken

and

clear reference to his

for the

it

as

against the northern enemies

invasions were

true

purpose at present.

in

is

not

It

is,

but

how

exactly

however,

the body

of

What

apart from the epilogue.

or

his victories

to

far the

our

to

a pity

not a reference to this pattini

is

those words in

padikam

having under-

purpose of bringing the stone

of the various details

that there

223

is

the

work

called

payiram in Tamil, an epilogue and

a prologue respectively,

is

not to be added at

any time and by everybody that chooses.

It is

generally of the nature of a preface, or a fore-

made by one more

ward, or a recommendation

or less directly or intimately connected with

the author.

The only remote man who can

do

commentator, but

this is a

generally one

who

from the author.

is

I believe not

separated very remotely

In any case, the presump-

tion of the statement being untrue

unwarranted when we find

ments made

in

this

all

the other state-

piece are confirmed

reference to the body of the work.

respect of this particular

there

is

would be

no reference as

it

Even

by
in

cannot be said that

it is

possible to read it

224

BEGINNINGS OF S.INDIAN HISTOKY

in lines 6 to 11 of

them

poem

The others of
the same words

4322.

are repeated almost in

in at least

two places

by the anthor, who

younger brother

the

Silappadikaram

no

other than the

in
is

of this

Chera ruler himself-

There are however,

in

respect

achievements two matters which

remark.

His

father

Kadambu of the sea

poem 11 23^ There is
dent in line 3 of

poem 17

25^

QJL-.^(SS)<SP

and

claims

in

lines

call for special

2*,

13 and

Q^neos&)arL^^^

Qun'&)!s^ffiTS(^LLai.

23 ueOiT QiMfrQikQ^fTLLi^iu ^ffekLLrEisithiSl^

36

cTiEjQsir

oS^QpofTQ^ iT;ij[i0^fi
(Tfiffesifi(cLuiTiT^^'2ecs=

iLjeaar

Q^eBrgm

of

inci-

&

5 of

poem 20

QujSo'^uSujUjlditss^

QuiTn/in'2einu

14,

same

in lines 4

in lines 2 to 4 of

Q^rr6du6i>iBnLL<ss)L^ji

over

victory

reference to the

poem 12

these

of

^6.

The

THE AGE OF PABANAK

225

last of these refers distinctly to

an island

enemies which

of his

may

be of the nature of a

delta.

He

ted his

bow emblem on the Himalayas

also credited with having imprin-

is

having subdued the Aryas

strangely enough

the padikam
of

he
the

at

his having

of the north.

also given

is

end

of

after

But,

credit in

the second-ten

taken prisoners some Greeks

(Yavanas), bound their hands behind their back

as prisoners, and pouring ghee

and

what

taking

heavy

for

seems

ranson

It is the first

on their heads
to

setting

for

achievement

of

meant
them free.
be

his,

which in

another place the poet describes as giving him

the primacy

among

rulers

between the Hima-

layas and Gape Comorin, that gave

him the

name Imayavaramban Nedumseraladan,

'

'

the

former word meaning he that had the Himala-

yas

for his

few others

boundary.
of the

This expression,

like

kind unfortunately, has been

corrupted by the late Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai

into

lutely

Imayavarman

'

for

which there

is

abso-

no authority in the texts concerned.

These incidents

of

importance as the
15

the father are of some

titles

derived from these

226

BEGINNINGS OF

are

applied

this

work

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

The

the son.

to

has

reference

(poem 21
for

overthrown

having

for

line

29)

^7

the

he

is

is

2^

of the

same poem

having destroyed a
10 and 11

of

poem 28

^9

of

Ayirai

given

credit

Nadu under

poem. 23.

gives

hill fort

therefore

given credit

fort

having brought the Kongu

his control in lines 15-22 of

26

and

He

the uncle of Senguttuvan.

younger

to

Imayavaramban,

brother of

third ten of

him

Line

credit for

somewhere. In lines

there

is

again a clear

reference to the Periyar being the river of these

Gheras.

But

of

course the Periyar

may

be

referred to generally as the great river, but in

interpreting this,

one ought not to forget the

statement that he

Kongu under
of the

it

was that brought the

his control

and therefore the river

Chera should be interpreted as having

reference to a river in the Chera country proper

and not in a

later acqui&ition.

It is this con-

quest of the Chera that has given him credit

27 QiB0iuiT Qisaiea>ffujiiSsoirLJ QuiT(T^m.

THE AGE OF PARANAR

227

having bathed in both the seas in one and

for

the same day^^, which

is

what exaggerated way

of stating

only perhaps a somethat

in

his

time his territory touched both the eastern

and western

seas.

So then we

see that Sengut-

tuvan who succeeded probably both his father

and uncle became the heir to

territory

right

across the whole of south India from the west

coast in Cochin to somewhere

east

coast

justification

through Kongu.

to

the

Whatever the
both

otherwise,

or

across

the father

Nedumseral and the son Senguttuvan lay claim

to

the garland of seven crowns

mean no more than what

of the later times did

',

which could

the

Mummudi

mean, the three crowns

and the seven crowns respectively, signifying

the rulership of the three kingdoms and per-

haps the seven kingdoms.

a mystic number.

There seem

seven principal chieftains

territory in south India

as

we

shall

notice

Padigam.

This seven
to

not

have been

among whom

was divided

in

is

the

at the time,

another connection.

to third ten of the Ten. Tens.

BEGINNINGS OF

228

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

In this particular conuectioa the historical

character of these poems, cannot be called into

question even by those

objections

Silappadikaram

twin-epic

But

as

them

against

greatest

matter

historical

find

to

who had the

-

Manimekalai.

must be

this

the

in

said

that the authors of the twin-epic were one

them

has

say

to

other

friend

and what either

of

them

brother,

Senguttuvan

of

and

the

in

the poem, which are

the

historical passages

poems which

detail in these

detail

much

very

are

historical.

fore

must accept

as historical such

personal

touches as one finds even in romances.

difficulty

is

father

and

personages

necessary

the

faculty to distinguish

an unhistorical

work.

what

whose

is

reigns

The

critical

historical

Senguttuvan

uncle, therefore,
in

for

All honest scepticisms there-

more

real

of

distinguishable

easily

the rest, find confirmation

from

of

in

Sera's

were historical
the

western

sea littoral of India was infested by pirates^^,

31 This

view

of

the term Kaditnba in the poems finds

sfcroog couficmabion in th^ Gioy of

koowa 'Ka^ambia

paruvayil' {vide

N*QQan having been

Padigam

in the fourbh-

THE AaE OF PAEANAE

and both the
themselves

and the son exerted

father

untiringly

on

this piracy

with great

in

is

Tamil poems

various

put

to

evidence

which

the ports of the west coast.

things both in

and

to
it

in

the

describe

the

and very highly valuable trade

flourishing

coast,

end

an

That they did

their coast.

success

229

Such a

of

state of

regard to the piracy of the

to its absence at a particular period,

are in the clearest terms detailed in regard to

Koman

work

trade in the

geographers.

It has already

of

the classical

been pointed out

that Pliny complains of this piracy

perhaps

soon after Pliny got his information, the care^

ful

of

author of the Periplus makes mention

it,

in the region opposite his Chersonesus.

ten poem. 40 II. 13

15.)
one among four Kudies
11.

7 and

and the Kadanobar being

(cultivafeors)

in

Puram. 335

8. 2.

Kappiyarrukkappiyanar on

Kalangaykkanui

narmu-

diohcberal.

2 ^L^uiear urretzi&ir

uetDpuum SL^ihuQearasr

Mangudi

Kilar,

2B0

BEGINNINGS OF

He

then proceeds to mention what he

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

down

the White Island before coming

to

calls^

Naura

and Tyndis, the

first

of

Damirica.

The Chersonesus

in the Periplus

seems un-

doubtedly to refer

markets

the

to

tongue

of

land

which makes a small peninsula at the mouth

the Kali Nadi as

Opposite to this
the

'

it is

is

Oyster Rocks

of

North Canara.

called in

the cluster of islands called

'

perhaps the Caenitae of

White Island is the Lieuke of

the geographers and is the same as the vernathe Periplus.

cular Velliyan Kallu or Tuvakk^il, either of

which

is

White

an exact translation
This

Island.

is

of

Lieuke or

identified

with

Pigeon Island in the new Imperial Gazetteer^^.

Then we come

to the first ports of

(Tamil country) and

Damirica

they are given as

Naura

and Tyndis corresponding to Nitras and Tyndis

Ptolemy describes Nitras as a

of Ptolemy.

mart

in the

country,

which he describes as

Ariaka Andron Peiraton, that

the pirates.

remarks

32

of

the Ariaka of

It is of this Nitras

that " ships

emporium

is

that Pliny

frequenting the

great

Mouziris ran the risk of being.

Vol. 20 p. 136.

THE AGE OF PABANAE

who

attacked by pirates,

231

neigh-

infested the

bourhood and possessed a place called Nitras.

Thus Nitras figures both as a mart and as an
This could only mean

island off the coast.

was on the

that the island

line

of

entry to
Nitras

the port of Nitras wherever that was.

Naura of Pliny is identified by Mr. Schofi

with Cannanore which appears too far south.
or

Cannanore, as has been already pointed out,

is

Mont d'Ely

the

of the mediaeval

Nitras refers to

Yule's guess that

phers.

Mangalore turns out

geogra-

correct.

Mangalore

is

situated at the head of a delta formed by two

rivers Netravati

and Gurupa.

It is the Nitravati

name Nitrias or Nitron or

perhaps even Naura to the city. That may
also have been the cause of the name of the

that has given the

Nitron

island

Tyndis

set

much

is

over

against

farther south

the

and has been

identified with Kadalundi, not far from

Beypore
pirate

at present.

is

coast

of

of

North

Mangalore.

where

Thus then we find the

the Periplus to have been

between Karwar point

mity

port.

at the southern extre-

Canara

and the

That answers exactly

port
to

of

the

232

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY,

we get in early Tamil literaKadark-Kadambu (the Kadamba

description that

ture of the

having been found in the sea and

pirates)

having to be constantly defeated by war across

the sea to their island-rendezvous by both the

and

Chera Senguttuvan

his

ThsLt

father.

would explain why Ptolemy has got absolutely

nothing more to say

mere
pirate

of these

chracterization

the

of

coast

The Kadambas

coast.

than the

pirates

the

as

must have

been a pirate race to begin with

till

they

were re-claimed to civilization somewhat later

This

perhaps.

conclusion

certainly

is

in

keeping with the position of the savage Nannan,

the

wooien-killer,

whose

described, as already remarked, as

Peruvayil, that
of the

tant

is

Kadamba
war put

celebrity

Kadambin

He was

country.
to death

after cons-

by another

Chera

Kalangaykkanni Narmudi-ch-Cheral,

Thus then

it

is

'

clear

Tamil taken

'

of the

that

these

ten

along

available in the Classical

it

is

the large and the wide gate

the hero of the fourth

classical

capital

ten-tens.'

poems

of

with what

is

geographers makes

clear that the first Cheras

known

to history


THE AGE OF PAEANAR

233

distinguished themselves in the southern opposition set

up

to the

Aryan incursions from the

made conquests

north, and

so as to extend their territory from

coast across the peninsula.

service

however

to

India

in south

coast

Their particular

civilization

consisted in

on the

their suppression of this pest of piracy

west coast which both the

to

first

Chera known

to us and his son took so much pains to suppress, while other

chieftains did

Cheras perhaps subordinate

make

contribution

substantial

The

towards achieving this object.

when

this littoral

was

free

period

from pirates extend-

ed approximately from A.D. 80to A,D. 222,

the date

of

A study

Peutingerian Tables.
of the

poems

of

Paranar with such

of the available collateral material

both

liter-

ary and other leads to this knowledge which

is

found confirmed by two collateral

of

evidence extraneous to this literature

the information available
geographers,

from

the

lines
:

namely

classical

and the results that could be

drawn from the various

finds of

Roman

coins

along the coast of this part of the country and

;

these results might be set

down

as follows

234

BEGINfTINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Paranar has reference principally only to the

Chola kings and the Chera kings. He does not
appear to have celebrated the Pandya

He

very much.

has at any rate something to

say of various chieftains

who figure incidentally

poems and the fact

in his

of three or four

Chera

that recurs in respect

rulers

they wore " the garland

would

and chieftains that

of the

seven crowns

known

refer to the seven chieftains

Tamil

The Chola kings

Killi, his

in

are in order Peruviral

successorllanjet-Chenni, his successor

Carikala with an indirect reference to a

who

(Cholas)

of Killis

number

fought in fratricidal

war bringing on the active intervention

Red Chera

Nedum

of the

(Senguttuvan). In regard to

he

the Chera,

celebrates

Imayavaramban

Serai and his son Senguttuvan Sera a

younger brother
tain

'*

literature as the seven last patrons of lite-

rature.

great

rulerss

of the first

Narmudi Cberal

between the two.

and another chief-

figuring

We

as

it

were in

have certainly to bring

in within the age of Paranar the chief Pehan,

otherwise

called

The mention
fought and

of the

fell

Vayavikkon-perum-Pehan.
Chola and the Chera who

on the

field of battle

brings

him

THE AGE OF PAEANAE

into

contemporaneity

Kalattalayar,

This

who

with

235

another

same event.

celebrated the

latter poet is also stated in

poet

another poem

by Kapilar to have destroyed the capital city

Araiyam

of

Irungo Vel by Kapilar whose elder

contemporary he must have been.

In this connection we
ferences in

may consider a few re-

Mamulanar, the other poet

work we made reference already

to

whose

in a previous

One reference of importance is

poem 55 Aham, which refers in specific terms
chapter.

in

to

the battle of Vennil where the Chola Karikala

who

defeated the contemporary Chera,

ashamed

of a

wound on

the back

is

feeling

stated to

have committed suicide by starvation.

very same incident

is

referred to

This

by two other

poets Kalattalaiyar and Vennikkuyattiyar in

almost the same specific terms respectively in

Puram 65 and
reference may be
that of the
specific

and

66.

While the

poet's

considered somewhat indirect,

other two
is

first

is

quite

direct

and

almost addressed straight to

one of the combatants, the victor in this particular instance.

This same poet Mamulanar

has in poem 126/27 of

Aham

a clear reference

236

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

to the Cheras' achievement against the pirates

and

this

may

lead to the inference that the

He

poet was contemporary with him.

to

Pandyan

indication
it is.

There

is

which

What

our point at present

where Evvi,
country, one
battle.

of

Pandyans

the

the same work 232/33 a

in

reference to the Chera

Bharata war.

but gives no specific

also

to

as

who
is

is

fed the hosts in the

more particularly

chieftain

among

Pandyan

the

of

the seven patrons

of

chief as having praised his valour, and

is

in

fallen

that

Paranar.

brought into contem-

poraneity with Paranar

of

with

contemporary

fell

Paranar

and brings him in connection with the

Another chief that

to

the reference to a battle

There he mentions the name

makes Evvi

refers

is

the

Adigaman Anji

Tagadur (Dharmapuri in the Salem District).

This chief

is

said in

poem 114

of

Mamular

to

have been in hiding along with his relations

out of fear of a chief
if

who seems

the reading of the text

is

to be

correct.

Nannan,
In poem

207, Paranar refers to the KoUimalais as be-

longing to Ori, but in the next following

poem

however, another author by name Kalladan

THE AGE OF PAEAN AE

this,

According to

death of this Ori.

refers- to the

237

Ori was put to death by Kiiri of Tirukkoilur

who made

over Kolli to the Chera king.

to a

war

or rather a

allusion here

is

wars perhaps

of ambition.

laid siege to Tirukkoilur of

The

series

of

Anji of Tagadur

Kari having de-

him in the field.

to make an effective stand against the enemy,
went for protection to the Chera who was
Kari not being able

feated

anxious to

gret

possession of the

Kollimalais.

Kari volunteered service, went across at

head

of

made

the

an army, defeated and killed Ori and

over the territory round Kollimalais to

In the same poem this Kalladan

the Chera.
refers

to

the

battle

Alanganam where the

" seven " were defeated

by the Pandya.

We

Without proceeding
length we might now
Paranar was acquainted with

shall refer to this later.

further unnecessary

take

it

that

the chief Kari,

Ori,

famous seven, not

We

and Evvi, among the

to speak of the

minor ones.

have already referred to his connection

with Nannan.

Thus then we come

to

generation, Paranar's generation of poets and

patrons, that gives us a

number

of

Cheras and

238

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Cholas in succession, as also the majority

who go by

the chiefs

patrons

the

Tamil

in

name the

literature/

consider one or two other poets

last

We

of

seven
shall

the like

of

eminence with Paranar and then say whether

the postulating of a body called the

Madura is warranted by this body

literature.
By way of summary however,

academy
of

third

of

we might put

it

here that the Chola Karikala,

and grand-father were contemporaries with the Chera Nedum Serai and his father,
his father

perhaps also this Chera^s son Senguttuvan.

The

chieftains are

Pehan, Ori, Kari, Adigan,

Evvi^ Nannan and Aay-Eyinan.

seem

referable to the

same

age,

generation covered by Paranar.

that

we have already come

All

these

that of

the

The poets

across are

Para-

nar himself, Mamulanar, Kapilar, Arisil Kilar,

Perungunrur

and

yattiyar

Vennikku-

kilar, Kalattalaiyar,

Kalladanar,

and

promise of a complete academy

these

itself.

Paranar does not in so many words

ly refer to

give

Though

specifical-

any particular Pandiyan, there

is

one reference which ought not to be passed

over and that

is

in

Aham

115.

There

is

THE AGE OF PAEANAB

239

tattle referred to here at Kudarp-Parandalai-

The

first

part Kudal would refer to Madura,

the second part might be

as a battle-field.

beat

off

In this battle the Pandya

from the place the two other kings

who simultaneously
their

simply interpreted

war drums.

attacked him and captured

This sounds very

the war of the young

literature

as

victor

Pandya king
at

much like
known in

Talaiyalanganam,

whosehistory we shall take up forconsideration.

CHAPTEE VI.
THE AGE OF THE TALAIYALANGANATTUP-PANDYAN NEDUM'SELIYAN

Sangam Literature,

This personage

is

a great Pandyan,

one of

we have taken
This complex name is

the latest perhaps of the age

for

consideration.

composed

designation with a

of the general

few modifying adjuncts.

seliyan

may

distinguish

him from

because this

is

the Pandyas,

NedumTo

considered his name.

be

Seliyan or

others of that name,

common enough name among

the

attribute

is

added of his

victory at Talaiyalanganam, identical probably

with a village not

Kailway
In that

station
battle

far

from the Nidamangalam

the

in

he

is

Tanjore

stated

to

district.

have won

a victory against a combination of all the

kings and chieftains of the Tamil country.

The

that

fact

he

is

given

this

epithet shows that, to the literary

age, there

was no other

known, nor

of a

battle

men

of that

Pandyan who stood

210

distinct
of

the

name

victorious.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
To us

this

character

241

of the highest import-

is

ance historically, because

it

seems to be he

that comes into connection with the Pandyas

of a later time specifically referable in inscrip-

From

tions.

the poems

it is

came to
young. The

clear he

the throne of his fathers quite

neighbouring powers taking advantage of the

new

succession and of the youthfulness of the

successor,

marched with

chieftains,

and

laid

siege

allies,

to

Madura.

then that the youthful monarch

have made the poem 72

of

Puram

said " they look ludicrous indeed

that this ruler

is

stated to

in

which he

young marched

who

Qeuis/feiDff

QL-(T0iEiasLJu Qier^ttSp QuiTQ^ik^uj

Qanu^iu QearujbSsDjDQujear'i aGxnGs^nuffuiSd

16

^ipuiS^iunk/f Qs&reS

saying

at the

QemQiBeOiufr^esnijiB Q^^Lorrofih

&gjuQfirp Q^neoeSiu &eansjQs(ip

It is

is

uuessfluSirLLir) urroju^uuSessr^jSir

QoitrmiStu

the five

their

head

242

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

of their vast armies to the siege of

my

talking lightly of

my

capital

prowess. If in this war I

do not defeat their armies and capture

all

their

may
my rule offer no protection to my subjects; may
my subjects weep for lack of it, and blame me
as an unworthy monarch; may the poets of my
war drums and themselves

as prisoners,

Mangudi Marudan cease to celebrate me in poems of praise." The same sentiment and the mean advantage that the other
court with

rulers

took of his youth,

and

what they

thought his helpless condition, are portrayed

in the four next following

who
who

poems by one poet

goes by the

name Idaik-Kunrur

says in the

first

that the seven rulers

marched upon the one

king,

Pandya.

expresses surprise at the unusual

whole body
ruler.

of

'

seven'

Kilar,

He

sight of the

attacking the single

In the following three poems he refers

to the youth of the

Pandyan and

of the attack

LjffuQufTir L^arsGSBtsp^n

eSauQunnsSinn eSa^eainiunglipQ^
The Pandyan of Talaiyalanganam Param 72,

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

243

being delivered upon his city wherefrom he

beat the enemies oE to their

destroyed them there.

outside his

own

of Paranar.2

own

territory

That he was attacked

Aham

city, is referred to in

It

was

and

this battle that

was

115

cele-

brated elaborately both in the Madurai Kanchi

Maogudi Marudan> otherwise referred to as

Mangudi Kilar, and the poem Nedunal Vadai of

of

Narkirar perhaps refers to the same campaign.

The

battle itself

is

very well described by this

latter poet directly in

Aham

36.^

Of the poets

LapuQunii^ Q^Lfituear
QuntbtuneSii^eSp skupupis^'^

2 &DLDiuetBLUfT'2e9r

u^Lj2an'

IB

Q^(ipi^ eSI(T^Qu0(oaji3^iT

Qnii(d LfpiEJseetBL^

(^nm&Dp.
Paranar in Aham. 110.

3 QsiTUJSrQlITU L^jeiSs QsfTl^/iCc^lT^

Q^LfliUf^eOiEjsrr&fT/i^ ^airp'2eo^ajuu^
Qs=ff&)j QjFuoiSiijueifr,

^eariaQsop^^iuear^

QuniJQjeSliurT'BesTLJ QuireOihL^QesinL^eaff,

iBifn^iBpeS QesT^n^aain^g&sr^

.(j^QsrrQQi&Ra LuneSuuQprruQuftQ^itGsr (Q^jreor.)

Qp(lpQjlT lEeVSUeOLCLJEJa QQjlf0USeO

QsrTor^s&Tu> QQjLlu^(^rrareap.

Narkkirar in Aham, 36.

244

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Mangudi

thab celebrated this great Pandyan,

Marudan was perhaps the oldest and the most

Next follows the great poet and

respected.

grammarian Narkirar.

Another one

eminence was Madurai Marudan

as he was

called.

of equal

Ilanagan,

Another important poet

was Kalladan, besides Kudapulaviyanar, lyiir

Mudavanar, Karikkannan of Kaveripatam and
Idaik-Kunrur Kilar.
This famous battle

some

detail

Aham

of history is described in

by Narkirar who

36 already referred

to,

sets

down, in

the combatants

him as eral,Sembian (Chola), Titiyan,

Elini (son of the Adiyaman Anji of Tagadur),
Erumaiyuran, Irungo Venman, Terpporunan.
against

Aham

208

of

Kalladan

refers

to the

battle

Alanganam and speaks of the seven, referring in the same poem as an event of the past
of

the capture of the Kollimalais by Kari from

4 QuireareareasB QibibQ^it^ Q^ssrGsrn Qsnuxrasr

Kalladan

in

Aham

208.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
and

Ori,

Among

245

Chera by the former ^.

these seven were the Chera and the
its gift

to the

Chola who are taken to be respectively the

Chera Yanaik-kat-Chey Mantaram
Serai
Irumporai and the Chola Rajasuyam Vitta
Perunarkkilli,

who

together are celebrated by a

name Vadavannakkan Perumjattan

though the two are not connected by name in
the poem itself ^. This defect is remedied to a
great extent by the direct reference in Puram
poet by

17 of Kurungoliyur Kilar of the imprisonment

of Yanaik-kat-Chey by the superior force of

who

the Pandya,

Talaiyalanganam.

sometimes

clearly this

is

That

referred

of the elephant-look

Qp&T^fr

LDiiresresr

is

Chera chief

this

with

to

Pandyan
the

of
is

attribute

clearly explained

in

SL^Q(rij'isf.saniB

QeoniflsQsneksi (cfueOiTs^/SjS
QfGuajiTUJu ueoeSear ULUis/QsQ^Gsir&i&S

Ibid in
6

Param

11.

Aham

208.

125.

20 and

21. read in connection

parison to elephant fallen into a

pit.

with the com-

See also

tary on p. 23 Mab. Swaminathaier's edition.

Commen*

246

BEGINNINGS OF

Puram

22.

INDIAN HISTORY

Another poet Porundil Ilangiran

Chera

this

celebrates

S.

the elephant-look,

of

and makes a very interesting reference in the

course of the

Chera

in

poem

shall

older poet Kapilar,

respect of the

which gives us an idea

we

remark made by the

to a

have to

allot

age to

of the

this group of poets

The reference is it were

was now alive Kapilar of
'*

patrons.

there

name,

whose

in

skill

which

and

better that
illustrious

and

making poetry,

whose information on matters of importance,

were unparalleled." The poet says that this
remark was made by the prince himself and
approves of

it,

following that

would certainly

forth

set

if

he were alive he

the praise of the

Chera's country in suitable poetry .^

KurungoHyar Kilar
9

Q^&i^^

Qs^iLil^lL

Q fibs'

in

The

group-

Param

22..

QfiBistreiSafr

8f^afr^<sfri^aSsarear^tD QesrearpiSair

@)'8

QsiTsirQiif^(SS)fd

utf^doiGfT

Qairuuu

i)^^pueB}SQj<ss)na sl^uQu,

Porundil Ilangiran in

Puram

63.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
therefore

is

after the

to be referred to a time

whom we

death of the poet Kapilar

hare

a comparatively junior

already referred to as

contemporary

247

of Paranar.

This same conclusion

upon us by

forced

is

who

cele-

brated elaborately this same Pandyan.

In

Narkirar, another contemporary poet

Aham

78, Narkirar refers to Pari of

nadu, the life-long friend

Kapilar,

who was

at

of

the

Parambuelder poet

one time besieged by the

three kings and some chiefs, and

who being

hard pressed for food in his citadel, employed

parrots to fly out of the
of corn for the

history

that

and bring in ears

use of the besieged on the

advice of Kapilar.
Pari's fortress

fort

This

is

the

last

siege of

and we know from Kapilar's

Pari

fell

in

this

siege

and

Kapilar went forward with the two daughters

of Pari thus

orphaned to get them married

properly. This brings Narkirar into connection

with Kapilar, as a younger and not perhaps

very remote contemporary.
is

a reference to the

In 253-52 there

Pandya having driven

away the Kongar, wherefrom is not exactly

stated.
In the same poem this Narkirar refers

248

BEGINNINGS OF

to

the chief

290-89 of

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Erumai and his country. In

the same poet there is a flattering

reference to a Chera and in 345 the

Pandyan

said to have defeated the Chola in

is

The camp

(Madura).

Pandyan
war forms the theme

'

57,

this

Vadai, one

of

the

We shall revert to this Narkirar

Patfcuppattu.

Puram

of

life

when he is out for

of his poem Nedunal
jMresently.

Kudal

But we may nobe in passing here,

where a poet by name Kari Kannan

Kaveripattanam exhorts the Pandya to

of

desist

under

all

down what

are

circumstances, from cutting

called

Guard-trees

(Kaval-

maram).

What actually the poet says is, you

may

your army plunder

let

'

crops of the

enemy you may

to their cities

you may

kill

let

the standing

them

enemy

set fire

warriors,

but see that you permit the destruction of

Guard-trees under no circumstances

the

way

that even the first three alternatives are put

in,

indicating they were measures to be adopt-

ed only under exceptional circumstances.

In this comparatively short investigation,

we have come upon the

kings, the

three contemporary

young Pandyan,

victor at Talaiya-

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
langaaam; the Chera

249

the elephant-look,

of

and the Chola who celebrated Eajasiiya

A number of chiefs

contemporary sovereigns.
brought

are

The

character.

common

the

but they

in,

as

are

greater chiefs,

designation,

of

minor

who went by
seven

the

patrons,' are referred to only as having

last

lived

and gone, and the chiefs that figured in the

battle of

following

Alanganam
generation,

itself are chiefs

as

mention

of

of

the

Elini,

Adigaman unmistakeably shows. Bound

these rulers are gathered some of the poets of
the first rank, among them prominent mention must be made of Mangudi Marudan,
Narkirar, Madurai Marudan Ilanagan, Kalladan and a number of others. Of these, the latter
son

of

three, namely, Narkirar Ilanagan

come

together in

Kalladan

is

particular

and Kalladan
connection.

believed to have written a

com-

mentary on the Tolkappiyam. The other two,

Ilanagan and Narkirar are both of them
to have

said

commented on the work Iraiyanar

Ahaporul., the

Tamil grammar.

third

The

section
story

is

of

classical

briefly

this

that in the days of the third Sangam, the

BEGINNINGS OF

250

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Pandya country was afflicted by a twelveyears famine. The Pandyan finding it imposmaintain his court asked the

sible to

learning,

who were dependent upon him,

resources were exhausted

ceased he got back

were

still

of

his

the famine

such of them as

on examination

returned to his court

When

Tamil grammar.

upon

to

or perhaps enough, of this sec-

he was

God Siva
anxiety and made

exercised about
pity

when

together

that none of those that

tion of

available, but found

knew anything,

of

and go elsewhere, as his

the country

leave

men

this,

grammar, which

is

by

much

himself took
this section

far the biggest

and

the most elaborate of the Tolkappiyam, in sixty

sutras, inscribed
left

them on copper

them underneath
the

The

Sanctum

the plates which

contain

that

on

it

hardly be

priest

who went to

the morning found

in

examination proved to

particular section of

Such a vast subject being

made

and

the seat of the idol in the

temple of Madura.
clean

plates

extraordinarily

understood

grammar.

dealt in sixty sutras

brief,

and

could

without commentary.

So the Pandyan asked such

of the

Pandits aa

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN
were

at court to take

the commentary.
it,

upon themselves

Some

of

251

to write

them did attempt

but the acceptance of that which was the

best

was a matter

and could

of great difficulty

They

be done only by an expert chairman.

could not find a suitable one and had therefore

to appeal again

god

dumb

indicated the

The

Madura.

to

little

who
Brahman in

Siva himself,

son of a
child

was

born dumb, and was the son

years old,

five

of

Uppuri Kudi

His name was Rudrasarman.

Kilan.

Of the

commentaries presented to this dumb prodigy

number

there were a

he kept quiet

was read

as each one

when Marugan Ilanagan

got

commentary the child wept at

certain places; when again Narkirar read his
comment the child was perpetually weeping
The story
in token of complete approval.

to read

when

his

the

extraneous

embellishments

removed amounts merely

to

this

that

are

the

grammar known as Iraiyanar

Ahapporul was commented upon by a number
The most approved commentary
of scholars.
abbreviated

turned out to be that by Narkirar

came next

best,

very

much

like

Ilanagan's

Parimelala-

BEGINNINGS OF

252
gar's

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

commentary on the Kural, having been

accredited the best and being perhaps the only

commentary now

available,

excepting for the

statement contained in this story regarding the

others.

We

have no evidence

of the existence

commentary on these

of Ilanagan's

sutras at

The whole question now is who is this Narkirar and who was the Pandyan. A continuous

all.

commentator Narkirar

tradition connects this

with the famous Narkirar of the Sangam,

in another story

God Siva
tail

said to have differed

at first-sight, still

Narkirar.
history at

it

may

perhaps has a basis of

It

into contemporaneity with

would be doing no violence to

to take these

all

the two poets whose

1^.

grammar.^^

and brings Marudan Ilanagan, or Madurai

Marudan Ilanagan

the

of

old story related above, queer as

seem

from

himself in respect of a particular de-

connected with this section

The
fact

is

who

Sangam

works.

The poem

this diiference

in

is

name occurs so largely

The famous Pandyan

in

was the cause

of

Kurumfcogai which

found both in the text

collection and also

the Iraiyanar

two as referring to

is

of

qaoted in illustration

Ahapporul

Thamodaram Pillai's Bdn.)

(vide p.

39

of

in

this classical
of

Sucra 2 of

Mr. 0.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN

253

whose court they flourished must then be the

Paadyan victor at Talaiyalanganam. The

commeatary that has actually come down ta
us is the commentary of this Narkirar handed
down by word of mouth through ten generations of pupils

till,

teacher at Musiri, handed

The

Nilakantan, the

at last,

on

it

others.

to

opinion of Pandits now-a-days

is

that

probably a successor of this Nilakantan, the

known

great

commentator

put

in its present form.

it

kantan himself that did

commentary,
layers,

such

one which

as

illustrations in archaic

It

this.

it

old

is

as

is,

Ilampuranar

may

be Nila-

The modern
exhibits twa

with most of the

Tamil from the

classics,

with the second layer superimposed where the

illustrations to the extent

poetry are

of

made on purpose

315 stanzas

in a

of

more modern

language to be ordinarily understood by the

pupils.
That it is so is
on pages 125 and 191

Thamodaram

sentiments

evidence
Mr. 0. W.

in

Pillai's edition of the

Ahapporul where the

actually put

clearly

of the late

into

being

Irayanar

classical illustrations are

modern Tamil the poetic

the

same,

every

detaiL

264

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

The importance

of

consists in this

that the

two commentaries

these

modern stanzas

all

them celebrate the exploits of a particular

Pandyan, several of whose achievements get
of

to be mentioned in the course of these verses,

and a close study

that

they

went in

all

The

the same man.

seem

of all these

tains illustrations,

praise

older

most

of

to indicate

one and

of

commentary conwhich seem to be

taken from the classics which go by the collective

name Sangam

works, and this

criticises in certain parts the

self,

commentary

Tolkappiyam

it-

so that in the age of Narkirar himself, the

Tolkappiyam got

to be

commented upon

as in

fact Kalladanar^is said to have written a

com-

mentary

for

which
attempt

Narkirar's

there

old

is

therefore

authority.

was

one

of

abridgment to make the acquisition of this

vast section of Tamil

grammar

easy.

aside the legendary part of the story,

in fairness

bound

the work of

Casting

we

are

work as
the poet Narkirar, handed down
to accept the existing

through generations, perhaps in oral teaching,

and committed

to writing in the present

at least ten generations,

may

form

be a few genera-

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
tions more, after the time of Narkirar.

these

ten

having

genorations,

the elaborate

course

would be very modest

For

regard

to

study for learning

of

such an abstruse and

255

intricate

subject,

it

to allow a period of

30

Then it would
the second commentary or the
of the commentary was made

years each generation roughly.

mean
first

that
edition

some 300 years after the Narkirar wrote his

first comment. If then we could find out from
the 315 stanzas, which give a large number of

who

historical details, as to

whose

court, or

is

in

under whose patronage, the

commentary was put

we could
Without being

in final form,

arrive at an approximate age.

much

Pandyan

the

we might say at once that

this was the Pandyan who won victories over
his neighbouring kings and is referred to as
too elaborate

Nedumaran, who was

is

given

other

Paramkusan

number

of

titles

etc.

utmost

history.

such as

and

victories

Identification of this

the

victor at

is

over

There

is

his

to

is

He

Varodaiyan,

credited

monarch

importance

Nelveli,

with

neighbours.
therefore

Tamil

of

literary

the bare possibility that these

BEGINNINGS OF

256

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

modern stanzas were composed

contemporary

Narkirar's

honour of

in

important

but

considerations militate against such a view.

The stanza

^^

quoted hereunder gives clear

indication of the

which a
is

later

existence of the

Pandyan

like the

Sangam,

Kun Pandya

given credit for in the Periyapuranam.

II
Such an

Epigraphy

identification

seems possible on the

facts available to us not only

of poetry that

we

from these pieces

find in the

course

of this

grammatical work, but from other sources as

well,

and

this has been

attempted before us by

the late Eai Bahadur V. Venkayya, Epigraphist

to the

of a

Government of

India.

In the course

study of four Pandya grants to which

we

have already made reference, coupled with one

or

two others Mr. Venkayya, made

his

own

re-

construction of Pandya history, taking into

11

QeuiLfLD LfetDau^QL>m(D(r^eifi

^p^^&^esip

Quju^is^0LLZsat Qfipp^^uuihn

QLDfdQpaQf,

Iraiyanar ThapporulOom. 16T.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

257

consideration the available information from

as

literature

Venkayya's
base their

own

of

Mr.

that follow

him

on the basis

(vork that others

theories in respect of this mat-

The grants

ter.

It is

well.

are

the Velvikkudi grant of

Nedunjadaiyan, the Madras

Museum

plates of

the Pandya king Jatilavarman, son of Maravar-

man and

Sinnamanur

the two

details of these plates

plates.

The

and the way that the

Epigraphist went to work at them are exhibit-

ed

his

usual masterly fashion

Mr. Venkayya

in

Government

1907 and 1908.

for

necessary for our

late

two reports to the

his

It is hardly

purpose here to go through

the whole of the arguments

various

by the

upon which the

made; and the

are

identifications

considerations carefully offered for the identi-

and the

fication

difficulties in

acceptance could
referred to.
of the

The

all

the

way

of their

be studied in the reports

following genealogical table

succession of the

Pandyas based on

these four and a few other dated inscriptions

since published

is

set

down

here for conveni-

ence of reference in the same manner that the

late

Mr. Venkayya gave

17

it.

Pandyadhiraja Paramevara Mudukudumi

Pal^alai-Peruvaludi.

Kalabbra iDterregnum.
1.

Kadungon Pandyadhiraja.

Adhiraja Maravarman

2.

Seliyan SeodaD.

3.

4.

Avanisulamani*

Maravarman Arikodaiio Asamasaman,

of Vilveli

defeated the

army

ab Nelvoli'.
I

6.

6.

Kochchadaiyan Eanadhira fought the battle of Marudur

defeated tbe Mabaratba ic the city of Mangalapuram,
;

Arik68ariu Paranku^a Maravarman Tor-Maran

defeated the
Pallava at Kiilumbur conquered tbe Pallavas at Samkaramangai Rajaaimba (l) defeated Pallavamalla renewed
tbe wails of Kudal, Vanji and Koli.
;

7.

Jatila Nedunjadaiyan

Pennagadam

Parantaka

defeated tbe

Kadava

at

(donor of the Velvikudi grant), A.D. 76970.

I

8.

Rajasimba

(II.)

Varaguna-Mabaraja;

9.

Jayantavarman

(?)

J
Srimara, Srivallabba, Ekavira, Paracbakrakolahala
conquered Maya-Paadya, Kerala, Siinbala, Pallava
and Vallabba; Paliavabbanjana

10.

11.

aficended

Varagunavarman
tbe

throne in

A.D.

862-863.

Parantaka, Viranarayana
fought at Kharagiri
Sadaiyan
destroyed Pennagadam,
and
^

12.

married Vanavan
Jatila
of tbe
smaller

13.

ma.badevi,

Nedunjadiyaa (donor
Madras Museum and
Sinnamanur
Kajasimba

plates

(III)

Manda-

ragurava Abhimanamtiru.
P.

66 Madras Epigraphisfc Report

for 1908.

?)

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
Our

presenfc

table

the

is

concern with this genealogical

proposed identification

Pandyan

famous

celebrated

records

have defeated the Pallava

conquered the Pallavas
called

315

Kajasimha

I,

he
at

is

said

to

Kulumbur, and

Sankaramangai he

at

who

malla; and who renewed

Vanji and Koli.

Parankusa

Arikesarin,

Ter-Maran;

Maravarman,

is

the

on the table: called according

No. 6
these

to

in

the

of

Iraiyanar Abapoiul

stanzas illustrating the

with

259

defeated Pallava-

the walls of Kiidal,

That

is

the whole of the

reference found in the inscriptions and put in

abstract

on the table

immediate predecessor

of

siderations on

tion are

words

Tamil

A. D.

dates

this,

which the

769-770.

The con-

which he makes the

given by himself in

He takes the
which

part,

last four

differs

the

the donor of the

Velvikudi grant according to

epigraphist

He was

itself.

identifica-

the following

names

in the

considerably from

the Sanskrit portion, to be identical with the

last four in the Sanskrit portion.
so,

he states

culty

Having done

" This is only the initial diffi-

when we

get

to

the Chronology, the

260

BEGINNINGS OF

complication

much

is

number

of

to early

Pandya kings

am

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
because

greater,

dated stone inscriptions attributable

is

very small.

how and where

not quite sure

furnished by the Velvikudi grant

tentative genealogy

manur

plates,

Besides^

the

fit

names

into

the

derived from the Sinna-

which

Annual Report."

gave

He

the

in

last

states in another place,

any

"it is unsafe to base

solely on

the

definite conclusions

the Vatteluttu portion, because a

sufficiently

large

that alphabet

number

inscriptions in

of

have not yet been published

with photo-lithographic plates

for

comparison.

Proceeding mainly on the Grantha portion,

and

to a certain extent

comparison

from a

on the results derived

of

Vatteluttu inscriptions, we

wrong

if

we

may

available

not be far

the larger Sinnamanur

assign

plates approximately to the

tenth century A. D.

few

the

*'

first

The

last

quarter of the

name

there-

fore of the genealogical table thus gets referred

This

to the early part of the tenth century.

fact

must be borne

in

mind

in regard to

follows in relation to the discussion.

be noted on the table

itself

what

It will

that five genera-

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
tions

between

intervene

261

number

the

six,

Arikesari Parankusa of the table and Kajasimha

Here

III.

the

is

Veokayya, which

it

whole

argument

Mr.

of

down

will be useful to set

here for the purposes of discussion.

"

The

first

point which I have taken into

consideration in revising the genealogy,

is

that

the larger Sinnamanur plates probably belong

to the time of Kajasimha-Pandya,

who was

de-

feated by the Chola king Parantaka I some-

time before A.D. 921-2. The second consideration

is

that the Nedunjadaiyan of the Velvikudi

grant cannot be identical with his namesake of

the Madras

Museum

plates,

but

of

is

that the Madras

the

latter.

The

Museum

plates

former must be earlier than the

third point

that

Jatilavarman and the smaller Sinnamanur

plates are probably nearer in point of time to

the larger Sinnamanur plates than they are to

Velvikudi

the

grant.

In other words

the

interval of time between the Jatilavarman of

the

first

must

be

two plates and

smaller

Nedunjadaiyan

namesake

of the

than

of the

the Eajasimha III

that

between

the

Velvikudi grant and his

Madras Museum plates- Again

BEGINNINGS OF

262

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

the Nedunjadaiyan of the Velvikudi grant

is

apparently identical with the Maranjadaiyan

of the

Anaimalai cave inscriptions.

This

rendered likely by the fact of the kings in both

cases being called Parantaka. Besides, the ajna-

the Velvikudi grant

jpbi of

identical with the

is,

in all probability,

Marangari who excavated the

Anaimalai cave about the year A.D. 769-70. If

any

of the

foregoing facts and surmises are

overthrown by future researches, the whole

genealogy will have to be reconsidered in the
light of fresh facts that

From

the foregoing

it

may
will

be forthcoming.

appear that the

smaller Sinnamanur plates and

Museum

the

Madras

plates of Jatilavarman cannot belong

to No. 7 Jatila as represented in the last report.

Otherwise he would be ideatical with the donor

of

the Velvikudi grant,

and paleographical

considerations militate very strongly against

such a supposition. Again, the numerals (up to

7),

which are marked in the Velvikudi grant are

very old, while those of the Jatilavarman plates

bear a close resemblance to the corresponding

symbols used in the larger Sinnamanur plates.

As both

the smaller Sinnamanur plates and

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

263

those of Jatilavarman together mention only

three generations
if

it

may

even be questioned

these three kings belonged to the

But

or not.

until

we have

definite

main

line

evidence

show that these three represent a distinct

family, I propose to treat them as belonging
to

to the

main

italics

where they

to

come

line,

and

to insert their

may

It is true

in.

at present be

we have

names

in

supposed

absolutely no

evidence that No. 9 Varaguna- Maharaja bore

the surname Jayantavarman as represented on
the foregoing genealogical table.

But

his son

Srivallabha claims to have conquered the Pallavas, while the

Museum

Maravarman

of

the Madras

plates bore the title of Pallavabhan-

jana- Again, No. 12 Parantaka Sadaiyan, son of

Srivallabha,

may

be identical with the Paran-

taka Nedunjadaiyan, the donor of the Madras

Museum

plates, because the former

boasts of

having carried on war in Kongu, while the

latter describes

Kongu.

at

length his

Consequently

it

is

campaign

in

not altogether

impossible that the three kings mentioned in

the Madras
to the

Museum plates

did actually belong

main Pandya line, whose genealogy has

BEGINNINGS OF

264

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

been made out from the larger Sinnamanur

plates.''

This long extract would show clearly the

doubts and
ist

difficulties that beset the

the

reconciling

in

various

to

bases

of

his

But when next he

particular investigations.

comes

records

he mainly

Epigraphy on which

epigraph-

combine these with the evidence

available in literature,

it

would be very reason-

become

able to suppose that the difficulties

actually greater, and such identifications could

only be

Even
with

made with very

so

it

the

considerable hesitation.

certainly would be
scientific

investigation

would

spirit,

call

pre-requisite to such

for

more
that
as

in keeping

such

an

a necessary

an enquiry, to reconcile

the various records of Epigraphy on the one

side

and arrive

definitely first
for

at

whab they have

to

say

then proceed on similar lines

what may be made out from

literature;

and then investigate the two separately

to find

where they would best come into connection

with each other,
all.

if

there

is

such connection at

For such there seems certain common

points. Mr.

Venkayya has already pointed out

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP.PANDYAN
that the
table

is

first

265

personage in the genealogical

no other than the person known in

literature as Palyagasalai

whom we

valudi of

Mudukudumi Peru-

have a few poems in the

Purananuru, but from the point of view of

epigraphy he is brought into no organic
connection with the rest of the dynasty
indicated in

His name

Venkayya.
to

genealogical

the

show that the

previous

gift

it

performance of a

in incidentally

under grant was a

village

was a

gift,

as a result of the

sacrifice (Yaga).

carefully noted

The second

Mr.

table of

and was known by the name Vel-

vikudi because

must be

drawn

is

as

in this

That point
connection.

the Kalabhra Interregnum.

is

And

then begins obviously the new dynasty beginning with Kadungon.

We

shall revert to this

KaduDgon and his predecessors a little later.

But here we might pass on immediately to
number six with whom Mr. Venkayya shows
an inclination to identify the Pandya who is
celebrated

in

commentary

the

modern

poems

to Iraiyanar Ahaporul,

of

and

the
let

us take note of the facts stated in a previous

paragraph as to his achievements and their

266

BEGINNINGS OF

16

titles, all of

is

given four alter-

which do occur among the

made out

that can be

titles

INDIAN HISTOBY

He

general significauce.

native

S.

of the part of

the commentary under discussion.

here set

down

for ready reference

They

are

1.

Arikesari.

2.

Nedumaran and Vanavan Maran.

3.

Piiliyan.

4.

Uchitan.

5.

Mummadil Vendan.

6.

Visaridan.

7.

8.

Vijaya Charitan.
Parankusan.

9.

Satrudurandharan.

10.

11.
12.
13.

14.
15.
16.

Varodaiyan
Panchavan.
Kanantakan.
Ranodaiyan.

Mauadan.
Gangai Manalan.
Kali Madanan.

Coming down

to the battles referred

to

in the table, there are two such specifically

general
in
perhaps
one
and
referred,

terms; and

what

respect of these

red as

is

against the

is

most

that

remarkable

they are

Pallavas, one

in

all

refer-

of

which.

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

Of these

referring to a defeat of Pallavamalla.

battles,

the

name Kulumbur

does not occur

and the other Sankaramangai

as

of the genea-

two or three

logical table occurs in

^67

places, not

Sankaramangai but only as Sankamangai,

and

at least

in one place I

"Sankaramangai

will

fear the

spoil the

metre

reading
of

the

poem but in none of the 14 battles which can

be made out from the commentary does the
name Pallava once occur either explicitly or
;

by obvious implication. The fourteen battles

referred to in the commentary are
:

1.

Pali or Thenpali against the Chola.

(Stanza 309).
2.

Kulandai or Kalattur.

3.

Naraiyur, against the Chera (Villavan,

this

is

sometimes used

to

designate Pallavas.)
4.

Sankamangai

(possibly

Sankara-

mangai).
6.

Vallam.
Arrukkudi

7.

Nelveli.

5.

8.

of

Vanavan.

Kottaru, where a victory was won

and the Thennadu conquered a
naval victory against the Chera
;

(241).

BEGINNINGS OF

268

Kadayal

9.

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

of Seralar (again naval).

10.

beviir against the Chera.

11.

Nedungulam.

12.

Piilandai of
of

Vanavar (Chera) defeat

crowned kings and the destruc-

tion of Vanavan's (Chera's) glory,

13.

Vilinam, naval battle.

14.

Venmatti.

scrutiny of this

would show that this

list

does not contain any of the names in the table

As

excepting the possibility of Sankaramangai.

against this possibility
all

to

must be noted that in

the 315 stanzas composed in celebration of

this particular
is

it

Pandyau whoever he was,

there

not once any reference that would enable us

bring

in

it

with the barely

Pallavas,

exception

possible

contrary

the

3 above.

of

will be noticed in

On

the

the genealogical

number four, the grand father

number six, is given credit for a victory

table that
this

Nelveli against the

very

good

army

authority

of Vilveli.

for

Vilveli as a Pallava also.

There

interpreting

of

at
is

this

Tirumangai Alvar

in various places refers to the Pallava almost

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
same terms.

in the

In the second-ten

269-

of his

Periya Tirumoli, the ninth section

is

bration of a Pallava and a Chola

who made

donations

to

the

temple

in cele-

Paramesvara

of

Vinnagaram (Vulgo, Vaikunta Perumal

In the

Koil),

stanza he refers to the designation

first

Villavan as synonymous with Pallavan.12

In

stanza 8 of the same section

to

a victory

Nenmeli, which perhaps has a

at

variant reading Nelveli, and

referred to in the
this

Nenmeli

of

the

Pallava

is

Whether

term Villavan.

Tirumangai Alvar could be

taken as the Nelveli

ful,

he refers

is

at the very best doubt-

as the reading Nelveli

may

not quite suit

But from the other stanzas of the

same section, the enemy that the Pallava

the verse.

fought against was the Pandya, Tennavan, as

he

is

referred to

Thus then

more than once.

the Yilveli defeated by

Mara Yarman

(No. 4 on the table) was probably

That

is all

the point that I wish to

present and

if

this is accepted,

we

Arikesari

a Pallava.

make out

at

find that the

12 ue))60Qj^ eS&ieOQiQ<ssf<ssr^&)Q60 u&)fffrLuuu&o Qoiis^ir

270

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

dynasty indicated in the larger Sinnamanur

plabes,

and the others which go

support

to

to a very great extent, to be a dynasty of

it

the

Pandyas

whose principal enemies were the

Pallavas

of

Kanchi.

For

this

position

and international

of

South Indian

politics

tions there

not the slightest warrant in the

is

commentary.

In

rela-

the 315 stanzas there

all

is

not one reference to the Pallava, but there are

on the contrary

references

specific

Chera and the Chola.

Four

the

to

battles

at

least

were naval battles against the Cheras, the

country under contention was the Tennadu of
the Paudyas, that

country

which

is

at

the portion of the

present

Pandya

constitutes

the

southern half of the state of Travancore, which,

we already noticed, formed

the Pandya country. Of these four
we have specific indications, but many

at aij earlier time,

part of
battles,

others, almost half a dozen

more probably,

have to be referred to that

locality as a

geographical

investigation

opinion, establish.

would,

The remaining

will

mere

in

three

my
or

four battles, such as 'the one at Vallam, say

Pali or

Ten

Pali,

Nedungulam, Kalattur and

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUF-PANDYAN

Venmatti may be against

possibly Nelveli and

either the

who might have been

enemies,

confederate

271

Chera and Chola

these and other chiefs besides.

in

alliance

And

in

or

such

a detailed statement of these, one would certainly expect to find reference to the Pallavas,
if

they played any part

the wars found

in

That omission

described in the 315 stanzas.

which may not lead

to

any particular inference

in the case of the inscriptions,

brief statements,

the conclusion

which

are merely

would undoubtedly warrant

that the

Pandyan

whoever he was, did not

celebrity,

fight against the

commen-

Pallavas from the point of view of the

tary under reference

and as a further inference

therefrom that the Pallavas had not risen yet

to that position in

which they had constantly

to fight against the

Pandyas

at a

somewhat

later period.

The
to

later

power

famous Pallavas, whose accession

in this part of the

country became a

prominent factor perhaps about the middle of

the sixth century,

had

first of all

to

maintain

their existence against their enemies in the

north and north-west,

that

is

against

the

272

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

Chalukyas, and the records both of the Pallavas and of the Chalukyas are

full of

references

to constant warfare and the occupation

Kanchipuram

The

Chalukyas.

several

itself

latest of

to the epigraphical records,

maditya II

Kanchi

of

which there

in the shape of

by

times

which,

of

the

according

was one by Vikraa memorial left at

is

an inscription by that
Kanchi-

ruler in the Kailasanatha temple at

puram during the period 733-4 to 746-7^^.

With this constant warfare on the northern frontier,
the Pallavas

it is

could not

to extend their

to

come

easy to understand that

power across the Chola country

such

into

active

The

against the Pandyas.

to

fore

Pandyan

of the

is

Pandya might
time when the energies

Fleet

p. 327.

time there-

in the
in the

refer

modern commentary

that this

13

latest

the

of the

to the time of these

But even again supposing

Pallavas.

occupied

contact

hostile

which we could possibly

Iraiyanar Ahapporul
great

have had the time

well have ruled at a

of the Pallavas

northern

Bombay

war,

there

Gazetteer Volume

I,

were
is

Part 2

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
reference or two to

Kongu without

the slightest

reference to the Pallavas and that would

this inference impossible.

We

273

are

make

therefore

driven to look for this literary celebrity to

period earlier

than

the

age

the

of

great

Pallavas of Kanchi beginning with Mahendra-

varman as the country of the Chola and the

Pandya and even the Kerala, occurs more or
less in a conventional form among the conquests of his father Simhavishnu,

have

to be referred to

the

end

of

who may
the

sixth

century, at least to the later half of the sixth

century

A.D.

Among

various battles that

Udayachandra, the general

of the

last

great

Pallava Nandivarman fought, figure Sankara-

grama and

Nelveli.

Sankaragrama may

well

be Sankaramangai, and even the Sankamangai

of the

Tamil poem.

But there

is

nothing to

connect Udayachandra with any Pandya as

his

enemy.

some

In regard to Nelveli, we have

in the grant.

detail

supposed to

have slain

Udayachandra
in

this

battle

is

the

Sahara king, Udayana and seized his mirrorbanner with a peacock's tail, and he carried

on the war
18

in the northern direction against a

BEGINNINGS OF

274

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Nishada chief and in favour

Chalukya Vishnu.^^

of

the eastern

It is clear therefore that

Udayachandra's battle

of Nelveli

the Nelveli of Arikesari

could not be

Mara Varman,

the

number four of the genealogical table. It

must much rather be that of his grandson
Parankusa,

Arikesari

Bajasimha, who
Pal lava

said

Maila among

Two rulers
ally.

is

bore this

The one

is

the

first

to

the

title

half

is

Pallavas.

great

Pallavamalla specilast great

Narasimhavarman

the

of

as

have defeated a

Naudivarman, the

Pallava and the other

in

known

otherwise

I,

seventh century.

The Pallavamalla, enemy of Rajasimha,

must have been Naudivarman under this
arrangement

and

predecessors

that

by his grandfather.

must

it

was

be

one

defeated at

Therefore

of

his

Nelveli

then for any

reference to the battle of Nelveli such as

we

have in the Commantery on the Irayanar

Ahapporul, we have to look for a time anterior
to that of
table,

number four on the genealogical

which would take us perhaps

14 Ibid p. 326.

to the

end

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
of the

275

seventh century under Mr. Venkayya's

arrangement.
Hi.

Later Literature.

Leaving epigraphy aside

some other Uterary

have

for a while,

aid

to

we

make an

elective

search in respect of this battle of

Nelveli.

There

one Pandyan known to

is

literature specifically,

some amount

of

and whose date can with

certiainty be

who was

fixed,

This

is

no other than the

Pandyan contemporary

of

Tirugnana Sam-

victor at Nelveli.

bandar, who, having been a Jain, was converted

to the faibh of Siva

He

by

Sambandar

supposed to have won

is

himself.

a victory

at

Nelveli and that fact finds mention specifically

in

Nambiyandar Nambi's Tirutbonda Tiruvan-

dadi

(vide

stanza

The same

60).

fact

is

mentioned also by Sundara Murtii Nayauar,

who

in

stanza eight of

the Tiruttonda Togai

refers to this personage as Ninrasir

ran, victor at Nelveli.

have the clue as

that this

to

There again

who

the

Pandya overthrew

Nedumawe fail to

enemies were

at Nelveli.

If

the

lenemies are specifically referred to as the Pallavas,

we have

to look for this

Nedumaran among

27^

BEGINNINGS OF

those,

whose names occur

table.

there

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

is

Pandya

enemies are not the Pallavas^

the

If

genealogical

in the

the

in

celebrity

may

be

the

commentary

on

a likelihood that this

Iraiyanar Ahapporul.

Luckily for us there

some

given us in the Periya

little

of a detail

Puranam, which
contained

works from

two

the

in

statement

the

elaborates

references have already been given.

to this battle

all

that

is

i&

v/hich

Keferring

stated there

that

is

the enemies from a distance were met successfully

this

on the

Pandya

Puranam.

of

field

in

Bat

battle at Nelveli

by

stanza 3 of this Nayanar's

in stanza

there

7,

more information vouchsafed

to us

is

little

and that

perhaps makes the position somewhat more

clear.

There

it

is

said that

kings of the north

fled

from the

field

it

is

the

first of

whose army broke and

of battle, and enabled

the king to wear the garland of victory along

with his family garland that

leaf.

The northerners

the distant

Q^^suQir^irQi3oQ&j(3Q)

Margossa

{(LpSssnuL^ii^sui^

QP^ssT LLesrssnrue^L^^ifliu) in the

enemy from

of the

have

l/o^^

one case and the

country

(Q3^uL\ei>^

to be interpretei

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
and therefore

277
this

as perhaps

the Pallavas

Pandyan

was a Nedumaran,
contemporary with Tirugnana

who

in all probability

was

Sambandar on the one side, certainly may be

identical with the Pandyan, Maravarman,

number 4

Arikesari

If the period to

on the

of the

which

genealogical table.

this ruler

can be referred

basis of the epigraphical records should

turn out correct, the likelihood of this identi-

becomes

fication

genealogical

very great.

table

we

are

And on

left

only

the

one

Maravarman, and that is the grandfather of

number 4. Whether he is the Pandyan referred

commentary

to in the

is

at the very best only

a guess in the absence of any

grants.

All

personage

says about

that the grant

is

that

clue from the

he was

this

Adhiraja

called

Maravarman Avanisulamani, who made the

earth his exclusive possession and wedded
the
in

goddess of
it

no clue

absolutely

identification,

That contains

Prosperity.

but

there

to
is

lead

the

that this particular Maravarman,

Mr.

Venkayya's

varman

of the

table,

might

commentator.

to

this

possibility

No. 2 in

be the Mara-

278

BEGINNINGS OF

But
let

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

before proceeding further on this line,

us

about a

look

about the other

little

Pandyan Maravarman, the grandson of this

one whom we identify with the Pandyan
contemporary

of

Sambandar, and perhaps a

somewhat junior contemporary

We

Pallava Narasimhavarman.
facts

regarding

may

be of some

him from
little

particular question.

a Jaina

first

of

the great

have some

which

literature,

use in regard to this

He was

a great Pandya,

who, through the influence

of his

minister Kulachchirai and his queen Mangai-

The

yark-Karasi, became a convert to Saivism.

service that these three rendered in this parti-

cular behalf had been regarded by posterity as

of

such high value that the three have got to

be included

among

Mangaiyark-Karasi

Chola ruler
as

such by

of

was

the

daughter of a

the time and she

Sambandar

ference in particular by

worthy

Saiva devotees.

the 63

of notice here,

is

referred to

himself.

Sambandar

One

re-

to her

and that reference

is

is^

on

page 501, stanza 9 of the Madras Dravidian

Book Depot Edition of the

Three.'
The Chola, her

Tevaram
father

is

of

the

there

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN
referred to as
as king,

'

well-known

all

tion that the Cholas

still

terms

is

retained

an indica-

some power,

lost their prestige as independ-/

ent rulers as from what information

able to us

we know

the days of the

place, the

ruled

That

over ^he world'.

specific reference in those

and had not yet

who

the crowned Chola

279

that

great

same author

is

avail-

they had done in

Pallavas.

In another

refers to a

Pandyan

in

terms which would warrant the inference that

he was probably one referred to in the com-

mentary on the Iraiyanar Ahapporul. In three

or four places he refers to this ruler as
or Puliyan,

him

and

at

as exercising

Tennan

the same time describes

authority superior to that

of the other rulers of the

sister

In

capitals.

one place he refers to the Tennan, whose rule

extended over Koli and Vanji (stanza

in

who was

another he refers to the Puliyan,

Tennavan and

4)

ruler of Koli (Uraiyur),

whose

glory was equal to that of the northern king.

In another place, he
van,

AH

who was

also

is

referred to

as

Tenna-

bembiyan and Villavan.

these are probably references either to a

contemporary Pandyan or an

earlier.

Probab-

280
ly

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

stanza six gives the clue that the temple

was

built

who was

by a Nedyaa,

also

Sembiyaa, which probably meaas a Pandya,

who had
in the

who is

authority over the Cbola,

same verse

to

have

built

the

said

temple,

probably meaning thereby that the temple

had come into existence sometimes previous

Sambandar's time.

If this interpretation is

correct, there perhaps

was a Paadyan previous

to

to Sambandar's contemporary

who

could, with-

out violence be described as having exercised

authority over the Chera and the Chola, and

whose authority could be considered

that of the northerner,

as equal to

which in the langu-

age of Sambandar could only

mean

the

great

Pallava Narasimhavarman, his contemporary-

Those are the terms that we actually

fiad in

the general part of the verses in the commentary to the Iraiyanar Ahapporul, and there

is

probably the Pandya sovereign, the patron

it

may

be of the

little

generation,

of

the

Iraiyanar

That takes us therefore

Ahapporul.
just

commentator

anterior,

to

commencement

it

may perhaps

Sambandar,
of the

to a time

say

about

be a

the

seventh century or a

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

and from that time which

earlier,

little

281

perhaps the latest for

we have

this,

ior

some ten generations

the

Pandyau

to allow

Narkirar and

for

We

Talaiyalanganam.

of

is

have

already pointed out that an estimate of about

and that would take us on to somewhere

this,

about A.D. 300,

as the date

of

Talaiyanganam

of

time

for

of the

at the outside.

not too

is

a tradition

grow.

much nor

Pandyan

That length

too extravagant

reagarding the

Sangam

For there are two references

Sangam

at

any

rate

of

character in the work of

referred to

an

to

to

the

unmistakeable

Nambiyandar Nambi

One is in stanza 49 where

with the names of Kapilar, Para-

already referred
it is

be extravagant for

not

three centuries will

to.

nar and Narkirar, and then again in ..stanza 26

referring to Kulachchirai, he

is

spoken of as the

Adhikari of the Pandya who instituted a San-

gam.

The Sangam

referred to in the second

need not necessarily be the beginning and

the

end

of

it

and

the

with the Sangam in the

names

first

is

associated

unmistakeable

evidence of the reputation of the

Sangam

having been correctly handed down to

this

282

BEGINNINGS OF

There are a number

author.

the

who

Sangam
is

in the

anterior in

yandar
plates,

INDIAN HI8T0KY

S.

Tirumangai Alvar^

of

point

The

Nambi.
one

works

of references to

of

time to Nambi-

larger

Sinnamanur

we have

of the records

so far been

considering somewhat elaborately, have somereferences to this institution in

one

Tamil

passage in the

it.

There

is

part of these plates,

which refer to three incidents of the utmost

importance to Tamil

literature.

The

first

the victory at Talaiyalanganam, the second

is
is

the translation of the Mahabharata into Tamil,

and the third

The

is

the institution of the Sangam.

including

epigraphists,

even

the

late-

Mr. Venkayya, were led into error in regard

to these three

the

by taking

Mahabharata

Bharatavenba

of

to

this

be

Tamil version

the

same

cf

as the-

Perundevanar, and equating

these two with another Perundevanar whose

name

figures as the one

who made the

dedi-

catory verses to several of the collections of

the

Sangam

works.

The Perundevanar

Bharatavenba has a clear reference

itself to his

varman

of

in the

the

work

Pallava contemporary, the Nandi*

victor at Tallaru.

That would clearly

TALAIYALANGANAT-TUP-PANDYAN

28B

take him to sometime perhaps in the ninth

century A.D., while the reference to the Tamil

version of the

Mahabharatain the Sinnamanur

plates occurs in the part of the grant

which

who had

ruled,

to a dynasty of rulers

refers

'

done these famous things and passed away,

and then begins the new dynasty proper

which the genealogical table

late

Venkayya saw

Mr.

concluded, that "

it

ot

earlier

The

possible.

this difficulty,

and

must therefore be supposed

at least provisionally, that

tion

is

for

the Tamil transla-

the Mahabharata here referred to

than Perundevanar's version".

conclusion

is

and

possible

it

No

must be

is

other

said to

the credit of Pandit scholarship that the late

Mr.

Pinnathur

Narayanasami

Aiyar,

the

Editor of the Narrinai stated in clear terms

that these

must be regarded

as distinct from

the purely literary point

of

seems

rather

devariiir

to

be

name, and there was one

eleventh century,

of that

who wrote

on the grammar Virasoliyam.

common

name

in the

commentary

Therefore then

there were two Perundevanars,

eleventh century one,

Perun-

view.

besides this

one who wrote

the

^4 BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOBY

S.

Bharatavenba probably

of

the ninth century,

and one who made the Tamil version

Bharatam and

of the

composed the verses in

also

invocation and a few poems, just one or two,

in the so-called

The

Sangani collection.

institution of the

Sangam

is

referred to

along with this version of the Tamil Bharatam

^nd the

battle at Talaiyalanganam.

It is not

necessary that these three should have happened together in the same reign, but they were

events of history at the time the

new dynasty

perhaps began, in the estimation of the person

who

drafted

the

That

inscription.

certainly agree with the

conclusions

would

we have

arrived at from an examination of literature

only.

Although from what

is

Sinnamanur plates the inference

stated in the
is

not obligat-

ory that these three

should have taken place

simultaneously,

clear from the

it is

whole

of

our investigation that the Pandyan of Talaya-

langanam was a
with

the

celebrity,

who was

Sangam prominently.

associated

His chief

poet Narkirar was at one time perhaps a very

important member

of that

Academy.

TAL AIYAL ANG AN AT-TUP-PANDYAN

One Perundevanar, the author
version in Tamil

according

made

to

the

body

this

Bharata

scholar of reputation

is

of the

285

of

literature,

and

collections,

who

composed

the

invocatory verses for what goes by the collec-

name Sangam

tive

we

to are

are

the

that

find

more or

incidents

three

closely

less

referrable practically

the

of

referred

connected, and
the same

to

the ultimate limit of which

age

Therefore then

works.

age,

was perhaps the

Talaiyalanganat-Tup-Pandyan.

Before closing this part of the argument, there

is

one point further that requires to be noted

and that
for

is

which

this

this

The Ahanaauru

collection

Bharatampadiya Perundevanar

made an invocatory

verse

is

believed to

been collected together by a Madura

Kudrasarman, son

have

Brahman

Uppuri Kilar, and the

of

collection

was made

uvaludi.

All the others

Pandyan Ugrapermust have lived and

for the

gone before this Brahman could make this

collection,

known

and arrange

divisions.

Eudrasarman, son
ciated with the

We
of

it

the three well-

in

find the

name

of this

Uppuri Kudi Kilar, asso-

commentary

of Narkirar of

the

286

BEGINNINGS OF

Iraiyanar Ahaporul.

S.

He

INDIAN HISTOBY
is

described; there in

the same terms and with the same details, and

if

the two are one, as in fact we

them, to

be,

then these must have taken place

in the lifetime of this

one man, which

have followed close upon: that

his contemporaries.

vestigation

have to take

seem

of

Thus then

to lead us

Narkirar and
all lines of in-

round and round

only to the same conclusion, and that

best period of

Sangam

must

activity for

is

the

Tamil was

the second and third centuries A. D.

CHAPTEE

VII.

ASTRONOMICAL & OTHER CONSIDERATIONfi.

We

have hitherto desisted from any

ence to the twin epic

Silappadikaram Mani-

mekalai except incidentally.

works respectively

it

therefore they

available

internal

marshalled in the
Literature."

it

is

evidence

"Augustan Age

We

On

friend.

the

must be contemporary

with the Red-Chera and so

the

The two were

Ilango brother of the

of

Red-Chera, and Sattan his

face of

refer-

would

from

all

which

is

of

Tamil

mention

here

one particular point to which attention has

not hitherto been directed, and that

is

the

occurrence of two passages from the Silappadi-

karam

in

what ought

to be regarded Narkirar's

commentary on Iraiyanar Ahaporul.

reference

daram

is

first

found on page 61 of Mr. Thamo-

Pillai's edition,

forms stanza 8
1

The

See

of

my

where the stanza quoted

Canto

7 of the

Silappadika-

Ancient India Oh. XIV.

287

288

BEGINNINGS OF

ram the other

;

is

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

on page 78 where the stanza

quoted without number

is

the stanza 31 of the

same canto

of

along with

various other

classical

the

literature,

Taken

Silappadikaram.

of

quotations from

which

am

able to

identify

one from Mamiilanar (Page 130

Nar.

another from Kayamanar (Page 118)

14),

of

these would indicate the class of writings from

which the original commentary takes

trative passages.

There are besides a number

references to Tolkappiam, and

of

from the Kuf al

its illus-

quotations

as also direct references

and

allusions to other older stories such as the story

Ma

Pandyan

of

Kirti (on page 155

These taken together give the impression

classical character of the

which would stamp

himself.

He

for us to

as the

of the

commentary

work

of

Narkirar

has other references, besides the

grammarians who held views

from his own. If it is permissible

Tolkappiam
different

it

older

Ibid)-

to

assume, in the absence of the com-

mentary, that Kalladan^ wrote a comment2

Old verse quoted on

p.4 of

Swaminabbayar's Param

ASTEONOMICAIi

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

289

Tolkapiam the reference may be

author, a contemporary grammarian

ary for the

to this

with Narkirar.
further

my

till

studies

advanced enough
as to the

point

shall not press this

for

me

of

Kalladam

to express

are

an opinion

otherwise of the

genuieneness or

But enough has been said here to

indicate that the commentary on the Irai-

work.

Ahapporul

yanar

is,

in

probability,

all

a genuine commentary by Narkirar, the later

commentator's service being confined, more or

less, to

throwing in the modern illustrative

perhaps no

passages, and

from some

more,

as

is

clear

of these illustrative passages

being

modern renderings

of

passages from the classics

quoted by the older commentator^

It is thus clear,

and absolutely beyond a

doubt, that the

Silappadikaram was a work

anterior to this

commentary by Narkirar, and

has had such a reputation then as to be quoted

in illustration of

some

other passages.

The evidence adduced

against such
3

19

the

Sutras,

weighty and concurrent

See pp. 125 & 191

edition.

of

of Iraiyanar

among
so

far

testi-

Ahapporul. C.W. T's

290

BEGINNINGS OF

mony

is

at

least

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

one part epigraphical,

for

which we have already examined

fullness.

have
that

to
is,

There

one other which

is

examine perhaps

also with

in

some

we

shall

some care

the so called astronomical and chrono-

gical evidence for

which the

found in

details are

some of these works. Of this the Dewan Bahadur

L.D. Swamikannu

most

Pillai,

for this particular

who has done

the

may

branch of work,

be taken as representative. While appreciating

to the fullest extent the value of the

work

logical part of his

epigraphical dates
position to

we

approve

we are not in a
method adopted

regret

the

of

in respect of these literary dates.

for

satisfaction

however, that,

extent, he keeps an open

in respect of the

has thought
cantation,

it

as

fit

the

make

these

It is

matter

great

and

that,

to

mind,

dates of
to

chrono-

so far as they concern

Alvars,

he

complete

re-

astronomical

details

occur amidst works whose character for

city has been subjected to
tion,

critical

vera-

examina-

and perhaps found wanting in regard to

their chronological data.

vestigation,

which

In respect

of his in-

relate to the other

works oi

ASTEONOMICAL
literature,

to be

CONSIDEKATIONS

&c.

he remains yet unconvinced.

hoped that he

will give

291

It is

and unbi-

full

assed consideration to what has to be said in

thiig

The whole

particular connection.

astronomical investigations
particular part

relating

of his

to this

naturally into two divisions;

fall

one the chronological basis of Indian astronomy

under which come in those various considerations as to the character of Indian astronomy,

how

far

it

has borrowed

sources, etc.,

and

its

material from other

this is purely a question for

the Antiquarian to examine, and not

clusively for the astronomer

one ex-

and the other

has relation to the calculation from astronomical details, of dates etc.; in

nothing more

than to remark
details

found

Wo

his scheme.

calendrical parts of

say

other words

about

that

Manimekhalai that

wish to

latter

to the

in regard

the

in

this

from
gation
^

See

the

way which

could

point

which

my

friend

of

is

at

very

view

pretends

part

few

Silappadikaram and
be called

all

calendrical in their character, they are

use of in a

the

to

made

unsatisfactory

of

any

be

Mr. K. G. Sesha Aiyar's

investi-

scientilBc. *
arfciclea in

thd

292

BEGINNINGS OF

The few
the

INDIAN HISTORY
mentions in

details that the author

texts

perhaps

S.

are

somewhat

the

efforts of the

in combination

taken

clumsy

with

calendrical

commentator, who at the lowest

came three centuries after the author,

and what is worst of all for the case, these
estimate

details

from this combination are altered in

almost every essential particular to

the fixed date 756 A. D.

It is

^.

fit

in with

not necessary

to tire out the reader by giving these details

as the

curious

may

Mr. Swamikannu
cular subject.

find

it

worked out in

Pillai's papers

We

shall

on

this parti-

content ourselves

with merely pointing to the grotesque conclusions to

which

this kind of dating

has to ascribe the emigration

the

tenth century

he

is

of

leads.

He

the Todas ta

driven to regard

Christian College Magazine from Sep. 1917. pp. 6-10 of

the reprint in particular given in the appendix

to

this

chapter.

While admitting that there is a somewhat close

agreement, deliberately aimed at by the commentator,
between the commentary and the text in respect of
5

these

details',

that requires

we cannot help feeling that a set of detail

so many modifications cannot be held ta

be evidence of the decisive character that

to be in points of chronology.

it is

claimed

ASTRONOMICAL

&c.

perhaps the Kanarese

sister

of

Tamil,

CONSIDEEATIONS

293

language as the elder

having

had

development because a couple

an

anterior

Kanarese

of

sentences were found embodied in the Greek

farce in the
first

Papyrus

of

Oxyrhynchus

of the

^,

No

century A. D., recently discovered.

fitudent of comparative philology of these

two

languages would subscribe to this contention

but

let

that pass.

We

object certainly to the

freedom taken in respect

nomy

of the

data of astro-

found in literature for the purpose

chronology.

we think

it

perhaps very

If that
is

of

freedom should be allowed,

possible to find other dates

much more

suitable, (such as the

A. D, 201 and A. D. 202 of Mr. K. G.

than the date Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai

S.,) ^

has

pitched upon, and the occurrence of quotations

from the Silappadikaram in Iraiyanar Ahaporul

is

simply fatal to this contention of tbe

Dewan

Bahadur.

As an

illustration

of

his

method, we shall

here take up for consideration the passage

containing astronomical details relating to the

e J. R. A. S. 1904 pp.
7

399405.

Vide appendix to this chapter.

294

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

death of the Ohera of *the Elephant-look\

which occurs

in

Puram

229.

We set

below, for convenience, the part of the

down
poem

containing the astronomical details.

un5](56cf\qLurr(i|>sy^ag|

i3sSsisTQajif^uirLJu<s

A
is

glance

down

sfrQs^^irLjQurriEjQ

to passage will

show that

it

intended to convey the intimation that, on

a particular night, a meteor

The

fell

from the sky.

poet proceeds to describe the

of the stars

disposition

and constellations as he saw them

spread out in the sky at the time of

portent.

The

given

details

are,

in

literal

translation: the nakshatra (asterism) of the

was
the

(Krittika belonging to
first

quarter of

it

it

Adu

this

(Aries),

day
^.g.>

was midnight which

ASTEONOMICAL

CONSIDEEATIONS

&c.

was dark the constellations

;

visible

295

were those

occupying the positions between the root of

Anuradha

{qpiuuSsbt) to

Punarvasu

(^^DL-ii^srrifi)

margin-star of

the

in the starry expanse

with rising Panguni (Uttara Phalguni)

constellation of primacy (^^/^/rewrLSear)
its

position (descended

rising over against

(Q^/rejr^ejRffLSew)

it

fell,

was

just

in such a situation

beaten into flame by the wind

sea-girt

without

east

the

that which had done its course

and lighting up the

going

constellation

the old

was dipping into the sea

a meteor

changed

from the zenith)

constellation of the day {i^^i^reriil^)

the

earth without
north- (both

striking

auspicious directions).

Mr. Swamikannu

much more

Pillai

to eke very

tries

out of the text

astronomically

than seems to be warranted, but before we

proceed

to

show that we must

refer to

mistakes of the late

Mr. Kanakasabai

which attention

drawn.

assumption
Aries (Adu).

is

The

of the latter that the

The second

is

two

Pillai to

first

is

the

sun was in

according to the

former, the confusion of the latter in supposing

the

solar

Panguni

to

be

lunar

Panguni

296

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Swamikannu

which Mr.

states cate-

Pillai

know is never the

case" that Panguni means lunar Panguni.
Whether the Tamils knew
the lunar
"so

gorically

arrangement
cern at

as I

far

appear

will

Our con-

later.

present

jis

another criticism

of the

Dewan Bahadur

in

which the author

of the

poem and
ed,

commentator

his

are both implicat-

and they are both held responsible

probably neither had

it

in

mind

for

what
This

to do.

my

friend brings about by an interpretation

of

the

Panguni Uyar

expression

{uiEi(^aFI-\rS^iufr+^(ipULD),

tion of the expression

words

of this is the

'

His own interpreta-

made up

of the last

Zenith Arc'

that neither in the

Aluvam

Sangam

two

He complains

dictionary nor

elsewhere does he find any meaning which

would justify the commentator's interpretation

"the

first

like to

got

fortnight of Panguni".

ask the

his

read his

any

rate,

for

the

same

and whether he does not actually

own

expression.
at

Dewan Bahadur wherefrom he

meaning 'Zenith Arc'

expression,

One would

chronological-astrology into the

The equivalent Zenith Arc' has,

too much of that look, though it
*

ASTKONOMICAL
may

not

CONSIDERATIONS

&c.

modern

be a very bad

for

as

we

find

synonyms

the

reference,

for

lexicon

under compilation, through the courtesy

friend the Bev. J. S- Chandler.

such given, and not one

Zenith

primary meaning
8 ^(tpsuihy

Depth

Wide

sea

41,1^^.

in the

Arc'.

aluvam, n,
si-^weaBiL^QpQj^^

*^eo.

my

There are 12

lexicon

The

is

actual

the word seems

of

of

the twelve meanings

Aluvam

given for the word

anywhere near

of

here,^

Aluvan

new Tamil

the

ia

it

derivative

down

significance of the expression. I set

297

to

be

-^S^^eo.
(ldTisou,

528)-

(.i)7.)

3 Pit; ^ifi. ^ifiL^ff(Lp6U;i^ {u)'2eo u. 368.)

4 ExbensioD, as of a forest, extended surface* extended

level, plain

QjSemsu^ejQpQj^^
5 Country,

6 Field of
Qsirear

7 Battle?

diatricfc

battle

unuLf,

tsrT(d.

{seS^ 121.)

(L./fa)L/.

^i/isiT. 51.)

^uitit^ oiireirQ^QiiB^nthQ (l/

^ Orowdedneaa, closeness
ffl9Dz_.

Qqi. Q. 23).

Qts^dstc.

19).

9 Abundance? copiousness
Q^QlUilT>B [gSUS (802)

10 Trenabling

fs^saih.

11 Fortress; ^itssl^,

12

{^L.ir.)

QuiriTSS&rut. (OJireinoffQpQi^^eifasair

War drum

(pa^i^.

',

^i^^. uipuueaiuj

[jt/s rS,)

{^oirr),
(|f.

/^).

298

BEGINNINGS OF

merely

expanse

meanings
I set

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

and no more

other

all

term are derivable from this.

of the

down below

for

comparison the following

ten examples from classical literature which

alone are comparable with the quotation from

Purananuru

In none

^.

of

these

is

there

the

slightest suggestion of anything approaching

to ^Zenith

Arc'

It

would be impossible there-

GhiDtamani Q319.
2

^iT^^s

sefriEjaesBiQiiT

aiTwuii^&ia^^.
V. 83.

Silap.

3 Qojih^ inTiTLjuQsu(^<FLD^^

Qeusoin<oiith.

Pur.

Vemba

Ibid

116.

p.

p. 70:

jti&inkiseo u}/7l^6u ^^/r/f.

Ibid

Ibid

ai-.&)

107.

p.

p.

79.

iLGsaLipQi^^sf a>ujSinius(duu
/)'fewu.

11.

Ibid
u^ffQj^ /7in6uJ Q^iTs&}iEis6BiffiLii}).

528.

1.

368.

Q u(n^ihuiT6aaf

35o.

Aham.

20.

ASTRONOMICAL
fore to

CONSIDERATIONS

&c.

imagine that

'

Zenith Arc

at all

is

'

299

an

easy derivative from the etymological meaning

of the

word

Aluvam.'

Let us then take the expression in

meaning interpreting the

second word equivalent
in

its

literal

its literal

word as stand-

Uttara Phalguni, the

ing for the asterism

word

first

rising, the

-to

significance

collection or expanse.

The

third
large

of a

significance of the

expression then would be in the starry expanse

Without

with the rising Uttara Phalguni.

importing unnecessary astronomical knowledge

mean
when the

into the question, the expression would

the star

bespangled sky at a period

Uttara Phalguni was a rising

kannu

Pillai

wishes to

mentator got the

of

Panguni from.

star.

Mr. Swami-

know where

first fifteen

Speaking

from the high pedestal

of

the com-

days of the month

for

the

moment

our modern know-

month Panguni is the month

when the full moon is in conjunction with

ledge,

the

Panguni or Uttara Phalguni, that

is,

on the

moon day of that month whatever that be,

the full moon rises in the asterism- Uttara
Phalguni and keeps company with it to its
full

300

BEGINNINGS OF
that

setting,

quadrant
both

would

till it

described

by

necessarily an astronomer

In the

and

first

its

zenith

the

moon

reaches

Uttara Phalguni

be

as rising.

INDIAN HISTORY

the night.

is, all

of its course

the

S.

star-gazer

(not

or even astrologer)

During the fortnight following the

full-moon the Uttara Phalguni would be

above the horizon at sunset, and has a

little

course of rising, shorter or longer according

to the day, in

its

journey up to the zenith.

In the other fortnight

of the

month however,

the Uttara Phalguni will rise above the horizon

a

little after

sunset and will travel the whole

quadrant from the horizon to the zeoith from

the point of view purely of the acar-gazer.

Hence

would be correct literally if the

author described Uttara Phalguni in the bright
it

fortnight as a rising star in the sense that this

asterism has a course of rising through the

whole

of the

quadrant from the horizon to

The author obviously

the

zenith.

this

and the commentator

is

meant

correct in his

interpretation though not accurate from the

point

This

of

may

view

of

mathematical astronomy.

imply that the month then began on

the day following the

new moon and perhaps

ASTEONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

301

meant a complete lunation. The name Tingal

for the month in these classics (note passages
us

the

Mr. Swamikannu

by

quoted

clear

half

first

puksha,

lead for

is

if

it,

expression,

Panguni.

of

what

or

It

and

supposition,

this

is

we went by the etymology

called

is

what exactly the

renders by the

days

of

gives

Pillai,

commentator

the

thus

fifteen

first

that

clear

of the

words and

way

interpreted a peculiar expression in a

that

an ordinary scholar, without particular astronomical predilections, would interpret

it,

the

meaning becomes not merely simple but quite

clear,

and

it is

hardly necessary to

body responsible

for

not having done what he

never proposed to do, and

account

for

hold any-

him ta

calling

what we ourselves choose

in his language.

What

is

much more,

to

read

to

draw

far-reaching inferences from passages interpret-

ed our

own way

is,

to say the last of

lutely unwarranted.

We

shall

it,

now

abso-

proceed

to a consideration of these inferences.

The more

general part of his investigation

as to the very basis of his

of the late Dr. Fleet,

own

and they

theory,
rest

is

that

upon more

302

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
The main point

or less false assumptions.

the poet in the

peat, that

poem

just

examined

on a particular day

saw a meteor

no harm might

friends, that

we, re-

is,

at mid-night,

and prayed, along with

fall,

befall

of

the

he
his

king,

as this portended a calamity to the ruler, but

would have

as the Fates

The

the seventh day.

upon himself

the ruler died on

it,

poet

simply takes

to describe the disposition of the

meteor

stars in the sky at the time that this

fell.

Those

it

details are taken

and examined with

a view therefrom to find out what exactly the

a&stronomical system of the Tamils was.

The

conclusion at which he arrives on this investigation, after

making the usual

corrections, is

nothing particularly definite in respect of the

dating, as the poet has not given the week dmj^

and

as

he

has not recorded the positions of

Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, at the midnight

when

the

meteor

fell.

These very defects

might have shown Mr. Swamikannu

Pillai that

the poet was certainly not an astronomer, not

even a Panchangin, whose function

be to do that.
vestigator

it

would

Nevertheless the modern in-

proceeds

to

put

himself

three

ASTRONOMICAL
questioQS

The

first

the

day

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

he answers his own way.

which

the omission to

of course is

the

of

omission to note a
the omission

month

explanation

for

Swamikannu

Pillai's

of

the

have already given

the

but

Mr.

these

the

position

omissions,

answers

To

find

back to the investigations

finds the

the

third,

We

derably from ours.

second,

the

quote

week day and the

to note

other planets.

303

difier

very consi-

an answer he goes
of Dr. Fleet,

and

answer in the position assumed by

the latter that the week days were not

known

some time about A.D. 400 and

in India before

consequently the calendrical system dependent

thereon could not have come into vogue before

the 5th or 6th century at any rate.

In find-

ing an answer to his three questions, he

ceeds to

make

the following

remark.

pro-

The

modern astrologer in the same circumstances

would have endeavoured to discover whether
the remaining planets were likely to avert or

accentuate the
poet

disaster."

was not an astrologer,

are not

Precisely.

The

many
men

poets

as

and many other honest

present time

who know

at the

the details that the

804

BEGINNINGS OF

poet knew, and

conclusions to

INDIAN HISTORY
The

know no further.

which he proceeds

was a long period

there

further

are that

India

time, in

of

when the movements of the sun

moon were regarded loithout any

apparently,

and

S.

the

'

suspicion of their " influence" as 'planets

Hindus

that the

also appear

to

and

have been

singularly incurious for a long time as to the

motions
the

than the sun and

of the planets other

moon

a circumstance which points

more

clearly than anything else to the chronological

Hindu astronomy and

also

shows

that the practice of planetary astrology

among

origin of

the

The

Hindus

is

italics

are

of comparatively recent date.

ours,

and we

these two positions in some

We

shall

examine

little detail.

examine the question

the week day possessed

shall first of all

knowledge

of the

of

by the Hindus. In regard to this, the first

point to examine is, what exactly the nature
of the

week

day

is

to find reference to

and whore we could expect

it.

Dr. Fleet's position

is

" at some time not long before A. D. 400, the

Hindus received the Greek astronomy,

ing the

full list of

includ-

the seven planets arranged

ASTRONOMICAL
in

the

CONSIDEEATIONS

&c.

following

order according

305

their

to

distances from the earth which was regarded

as the centre

the

of

universe

Moon,

the

Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter and

Saturn.

Above Saturn the Hindus place the

stars following the

Greeks in this respect

also,

but meaning in particular the nakshatras or

so-called lunar

mansions and the signs

solar zodiacs."

In demonstration of

starts with the

assumption that the Hindus

of the

this,

he

received from the western world not only astro-

nomy

but also astrology, and that the former,

was borrowed
latter.

He

before A. B.

chiefly for the purposes of the

fixed the time of borrowing a little

400 on the ground that the week

as such got fixed in the present day order in

the writings of Firmicus Maternus

who wrote

between A. D. 334 and 350 and Paulus Alexandrinus

who wrote

proceeds to explain

day

of the

in A. D. 378.

how

week got

various planets.

The

He

then

the lordship of the

to be ascribed
rule as found in

bhatta and in the classical astronomers

to

the

Aryais

that

the planets are taken in the order of distance

from the Earth, which was regarded as the

20

306

BEGINNINGS OF

centre
is

and

INDIAN HISTORY

purpose the most distant

for this

put down the

S.

They

first.

got arranged in

this order

Saturn,
Jupiter,

Mars,

The Sun,
Venus
Mercury and
Moon.
Taking Saturn as the lord

of the first

day and giving the lordships

of the

hour

of the

following hours in succession to the others, he

would naturally be the lord

and 22nd hours

of

it

of

the 8th, 15th

the lordship of the 25th

hour would naturally go to the Sun and so on

for the rest, so that

with

Saturday

Friday.

we get the week beginning

and

Then Dr.

ending

Fleet proceeds

that this Saturday got

does not say

and when

it

the

west,

by

an

how

the

following
to state

somehow equated

with

he

the Jewish Sabbath,

was adopted by the Christians

the

edict

became

Sunday
of

the

Christian

Constantine in A, D. 321.
in the days of

Dio Cassius

He
in

the

of

first

emperor

also notes that

or soon

after

ASTRONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

A.D. 230, the calendrical use

307

planetary

of the

week days had become general in

the Koman world. So the week began with

names

of the

Sunday,

ended

the lord's day of the Christians and

with Saturday the Jewish

which however the Jews did not

Sabbath,
It is

use.

thus clear according to him that the

Hindus

took over, not the astrological week beginning

with Saturday, but the Christian week begin-

ning with Sunday.io

of

He quotes the

authority

Varahamihira (died A.D. 587) who takes up

He

the week in this order.

amine where

it

proceeds

to

ex-

would be possible to find

authority for the use of the week day and does

any inscription before A.D. 484,

where the day of the week Thursday is men-

not find

in

it

He

tioned.

finds the

next such instance in

A.D. 664 and just a few others between that

year and about A.D. 800, wherefrom
to be generally used.

Fleet,
10
of the

On

it

had got

the basis of this Dr.

and those that follow him, adopt as a

Why the Hindus regard

week

is

the sun, as the

plainly

the Sunday, as the

enough due

name Bfaattaraka

to the

first

day

pre-eminence of

Vara, he quotes from tha

Histopadtisa unmistakeabiy indicates.

308

BEGINNINGS OF

general principle that

the

name

stamped

of

any undated work^

in

if

week day

work

the

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

as

did

occur that

work

probably

published after A.D. 800 and possibly after

A-D. 400

at

any

That

rate.

is

the position of

Dr. Fleet in regard to the week day.

examine the question rather

Let us
Kali-

closely.

dasa makes a distinction between Nakshatra,

Tarii,

and Graha

by Nakshatra he means the

constellations beginning with Asvini

Tara he means
tions,

stars other

and by Graha he

five planets

and by

than the constellathe

said to refer to

is

beginning with

both the Sun and the

Moon

Bhauma

(Mars),

being omitted on

the consideration that they

are too plainly

visible

and therefore constitute the

among

the planets, the other five being planets

proper as the Muhurta

The same kind

the

Puranas

of

but

any

accurately dated.
11

two

explains^!.

of classification is followed

quoted as against
hear

Darpana

first

the

Puranas

Dr. Fleet,

such,

as

cannot

who

they

The tendency

will

cannot
of

in

be

not

be

western

Baghuvams'a VI. 22 & MalliDatha's Commentary

thereon.

ASTRONOMICAL

CONSIDERATIONS

now-a-days

scholars

on

&c.

variety

little

of

to

is

Kalidasa

date

perhaps

considerations,

Bub

than 400.

earlier

this

is

Tamil text which

gives

not

There

exactly our principal contention here.

is

30^

exactly

the

arrangement implied in Kalidasa and expound-

The

ed in the Muhurta Darpana.

in

poem 14

of

the second

text occurs

section

of

the

Padirruppattu. which celebrates the father of

Senguttuvan
ancient

poet

Sera

and

KumattQr Kannan^^

statement contained there

in

glory

the Sun,

ascribed

is

the conjoint

and

the

an

and the

"you who resemble

is

lustre

five

to

the

of

planets

with Mars which mark the days,

Moon,

beginning

{f^fren Qsureft,)

This I believe one ought to take as a reference

to the planets, and

the planets of the week

without the slightest room

12 lEiT&rQsfn^JKiseaa (^truS^

The Commenfcator explains

^ff6aaLD [<iQ

(SearjD

for

doubt,

and

passage

thus

f^^

s'2QrTijuLp

fche

ejL^^uo SjouLjuudifS

QojQff&pnemu

310

BEGINNINGS OF

the

old

commentator

explanation
to

S.

the

of

INDIAN HISTORY
the

ofiers

following

Attempting

passage.

explain the term used here for planets,

he says that the term *'KOL

'

is

here used in

the passage for the five because the two non-

shining planets should be excluded, and the

two

Sun and the Moon being

brilliant ones, the

well-known
that term

not

are

and therefore

only to the remaining

answer

all satisfying

in

the term applies

Of course the

five.

of Dr. Fleet

him would

that follow

included

usually

be

that

and those
this

poem

should have been composed after A,D. 400,

and therefore

cannot be quoted in autho-

rity as against the

Quite

so, if

general position assumed.

the general position assumed had

been proved

but there

is

very

much more

the text than actually meets the eye.

in

It will

be noticed that the text begins with the Moon,

next comes the Sun, and next follow the five
in

the present week day order, that

is

not

beginning with the Sunday week. The mention

of the

Moon

first

by the exigencies

is

not forced upon the poet

of metre.

The

line

would

read quite correctly even with the Sun before.

ASTEONOMICAL

CONSTDEKATIONS

&c.

311

What

is

the inference therefrom

takes

it

that although intercourse, between the

?.

Dr. Fleet

Greeks and the Hindus was perhaps pretty

continuous since the days of Alexander, they

somehow did not borrow astrological astronomy

from the Greeks

of a

till all

sudden something

dawned upon them

at the

century to borrow

from the Christian astro-

nomers

of

the

it

Eoman Empire

draw attention here

these week days

end

to the

of the

We

fourth

would

order in which

do occur in a bilingual

now

in the British

full

planetary group

Museum, where the

is

list

seven,

arranged as follows

The Moon, Sin,

The Sun, Shamash,
Jupiter, Merodach,

Venus, Ishtar,
Saturn, Ninip (Nirig)

Mercury, Nebo,
Mars, Nergal.

The reason

for this

primacy

due to an early notion

regarded the

Moon

as

of the
*

moon is
Sumerians who
of the

the measurer', and for

certain purposes as the parent of the Sun.

these, the five planets,

Moon

Of

and the Sun and the

got to be connected with the chief gods

312

BEGINNINGS OF

of the

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

Hammurabi Pantheon

very early, and

a study of the various attributes of these gods

make them somewhat

associated with the days

from what the Greeks

different in character

must have had

mind when they made the

in

equations to the gods of their Pantheon.

take only one instance, take Mercury,

(Nebu)

of the

He

Babylonians.

To
Nebo

was no doubt

the messenger and announcer of the gods as

the Greek Hermes.
of

him

" Like Ea,

all

he

name

designates

Stylus^^."

agrees

art of

writing

and

more particularly

The common form of

him as the god of the

This is a character

far closer

it

the embodiment and

literature is

associated with him.

his

is

The

source of wisdom.
therefore of

Professor Jastrow has

^^

for Jupiter, that

with that

of the

Hindus

than anything that the Greeks have to show.

Although in

record the planets

this bilingual

are not arranged in the order in

13 It muafc ba nofced fchab

E*.

is

the

which we have

Babylonian god

that comes nearest in ooncep&ion to the Indian Vishnu

the deity presiding over Jupiter.
1^ Aspects

of

Beligious

Babylonia and Assyria.

Beliefs

Page 95.

and Practice ia

ASTKONOMICAL
them

at present, the

moon

is

CONSIDEBATIONS
heading of the

list

313

by the

a matter of importance particularly

in respect of its
it

&c.

Could

Sumerian associations.

not be that the Tamils got this peculiarity

from Babylonians
have

direct,

they could not

given that position to

same reason that

the

if

the

Moon

for

the Sumerians did?

In this connection, the character given to

Mars may

Mars

also be studied usefully.

is

described by professor Pinches as *Lord of the

great

habitation*,

would be a
ki-gaU^.

there

is

which according

parallel to that of his spouse,

Of this kind of greatness

nothing corresponding

him

to

Bresh-

for

Mars,

among

the

Hindus, but when Nergal got to be associated

with Erech particularly, he symbolised the
destroying influence

of the

companied by the demons

was a planet

of evil,

of

Sun and was acpestilence. "Mars

plague and death

its

was the wolf." The Indian

god associated with Mars is Yama or death,
animal

form

the nearest

Whereas

approach to Babylonian Nergal.

in Greece,

Mars was associated with

Ares, the War-God,

is

The goddess

who assumed

of the nether world.

his

boar-

BEGINNINGS OF

314

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY
The

form and slew Adonis.

rather

Indian,

the Aryo-Indian Association of Agni with Mars-

would invite attention

in this connection
*

We

support in Babylonian tradition.

fibds

The

drift

to the following extract

Babylonian culture was not

of

only directed westward towards the coast of

Palestine,

and from thence

the Phoenician

period,

to Greece during

but

eastward

also

through Elam to the Iranian plateau and

Keference has already been made to

India.

the resemblances between early Vedic and

Sumerian

mythologies.

When

"

the

new

songs" of the Aryan invaders of India were

being composed, the

A^aruna,

who

ocean

god,

who resembles Ea-Oannes and Mitra-

links with

ing in

sky and

Shamash, were already declin-

splendour.

were at work.

Other cultural influences

Certain of the Aryan tribes, for

instance, buried their dead in Varuna's " house

of clay", while a

their dead

god-

growing proportion cremated

and worshipped

At the

Agni,

the fire

close of the Vedic period there

were fresh invasions into middle India, and

the

"late

comers" introduced new

beliefs,,

ASTKONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

315

including the doctrines of the Transmigration

and

of Souls

Ages

of the

the Universe.

of

Goddesses also rose into prominence, and the

Vedic gods became minor
to

and subject

deities,

Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva.

These "late

comers" had undoubtedly been influenced by

Babylonian ideas before they entered India.

In their Doctrine
for instance,

we

of the

World's Ages or Yugas^

reminded

are forcibly

of the

Euphratean ideas regarding space and time.

Mr. Kobert Brown,
in this connection,

which the "Day

in India

junr.,

who

is

an authority

shows that the system by

of

Brahma" was

resembles closely an

calculated

astronomical

system which obtained in Babylonia, where

apparently the theory of cosmic periods had
origin.*

Donald A. Mackenzie Myths

:

and Assyria

were that

these,^^ the
16 Reference

chances

may

if

then that
the Indians

of their

here be

made

the possi-

borrowed

borrowing from
to the article in the>

Bhandarkar Commensuration volume by

Tilak OD the

Babylonia

p. 199.

One would imagine

bilities

of

Mr. B. Go

Veda and the Babylonian Creation-Epic.

316

BEGINNINGS OF

Babylonia were

far

Greeks, and that so

Maturnus

and

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY
than

greater

from the

as after Firmicus

late,

Panlus

Alexandrinus.

In

support of this position, there are a few more

points which ought to be noted here.

In the arrangement
zodiac,

it

now admitted

is

Babylonian

of the

houses of the

that

scientist first of all

was the

it

who

divided

the ecliptic into twelve well-known divisions,

of

which there

is

a noticeable distinction in

respect of the tenth

house

as

it

to

Tebet, which stood for Ea's ^goatfish.'

The Greek

equivalent therefor is merely Capri-

which means the

cornus,

known

The Babylonians

the Greeks and the Hindus.

called

it is

equivalent

Makara

is

goat.

much

The Hindu

nearer

the goat-

The name of the

planet Venus gives it among the Greeks the
character of the woman-Aphrodite, and Venus
fish

than the goat

itself.

was associated with Ishtar

Venus

among

is

in

Babylonia

but

never associated with a female deity

the Indians, except for the

the Adhi Devata

is

The

fact

that

supposed to be Sachi, the

itself is

regarded as

associated with ukra, a man-rishi

or a god-

wife of Indra.

planet

ASTKONOMICAL
rishi.

It is

now

scholars that the

&c.

CONSIDERATIONS

317

accepted by the world of

Yuga and

the Kalpa calcula-

tions (the exeligmos of the

begin to figure in the

Greeks,)

Brahmana

which

period

of

Indo-Aryan history show very close associations with the Saroi of the Babylonians,
in the

naming and arranging

of

and

the cosmic

periods, or ages of the universe, there is

an

apparently remarkable difference between the

Greek and the Indian notions, which

in closer

agreement with that

The Indian

ages are

in the

This passage from the Balacharifcam

fcisb

of high reputation

of

latter are

the

Indian

of

Irish^*^.

order

Bhasa, a drama-

anterior to Kaiidasa

states that

Krbayuga Vishnu was Narayana of Couch-whita

colour.
In the Tretayuga he was Vishnu, who measuin the

red the Universe in three strides, of a golden

In the Dvapara he was Bama,

who

the colour of Durva-grass (dark

becomes Damodara
This
view.

is

of

killed

green).

colour.

Havana,
In

of

Kali he

the enduring dark of collyrium

quite representative

of the

orthodox scholarly

318

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

Silvern (White), Golden (Yellow), the Bronze

(Red, seems to be rather dark green than red)

and Iron or black, whereas the Greeks would

begin with the Golden and put Silvern second.

In regard to the zodiacal arrangement of

the Babylonians, Mr.

Brown

Primitive

Constellations

who gave

a resume

the author of the

Diadorus,

quotes

Babylonian astrono-

of

mical astrology in the following terms

five ^planets

were called

interpreters'

"

The

and

in

subjection to this were marshalled thirty stars

which were styled

The

chiefs

of

number, to each

and one

divinities

the divinities are twelve in

of

whom

of the twelve

they assign a

We

astronomical

system

of

of the basis of

the

Hindus.

have already pointed out that Mr. Swami-

kannu

Pillai regards the

<}hronological

whereas,

Babylonian system
even seasonal.
-as

month

signs of the zodiac.''

This takes us to the question

the

the council.

of

is

That

basis as essentially

the

basis

astrological

of

the

and perhaps

this is so is in evidence

"the three constellations associated with

^ach month had each a symbolic significance

ASTEONOMICAL

CONSIDEKATIONS

&c.

319

they reflected the characters of their months^^.

This quotation

well

as

seasonal

evidence

early

year

as
of

made on

character

where

itself,

man

The year

explains

with the rainy

of course is

in the following terms

it

the house of the Sun,

is

time.

From

the house

of

divisions of

a division,

Cancer, which

is

The six
this year make each two months
and are named respectively the
;

August-September

windy-

season,

October-November the season

dew, December- January

dew, February-March

mild Sun, April-May

309.

to

year.

season,

Myfchs

Sun

the house of the

rainy

p.

who marks

that, the passage of the

Moon, constitutes the whole

kenzie

is

begins with the zodiacal house Leo,

which

1^

in

the basis of the 12 signs of

The commentator, who

season.

have

the divisions of the

of

and beginning

the zodiac,

later

seasonal

was

the six-fold division of the year

6,

clearly

the

it

We

astrological.

Tolkappiam

the

in

Sutra

'

clear evidence that

arrangement

of the

is

of

of early

the season of later

the

season

and the season

Babylonia and Assyria

of
of

the

warm

By DA, Mac-

320

BEGINNINGS OF

division
basis

that

So

June- July.

sun,

the

the Tamils

is

is

seasons

the

is

INDIAN HISTOBY
there

that

now which

of
it

S.

altogether
of

the

time-honoured

on the

and

year,

of

division

inferable from its constituting

the basis of Tamil division for

grammar and

one

is

all

purposes of

whether they

poetics,

rest

upon

But

the authority of the Tolkappiam or no.

that this was not the sole basis could be proved

by the

of the

fact that as in the case

Baby-

lonians, the basal idea of the Indian astrological

recognition of the astral bodies

system

is

as the

souls of the

their

the

departed good,

who from

exercised an influence

distant positions

over the world and mankind.

That that was

a very popular idea even from the Vedic times

could be proved by the following.

stamba Dharmasutra,

^^

and without question

which

earlier

is

The Appa-

an early Sutra

than A. D, 400r

has a statement, in the chapter dealing with

the spiritual advantages of having a son, that

those of "

Good Works

" in life shine like

the

Great Bear (Saptarshimandala), high above

19 II

IX

24,

13.

Tafera ye.

punyakrtab,

prakrt ayah para jvalaDtyah upalabbyante.

all

taaham

ASTBONOMICAL
else

&c.

CONSIDEEATIONS

as authority for this

is

321

quoted the Tait-

The same idea occurs in the

Ramayana in a more general and popular
connection when Indrajit, son of Bavana, by
tiriya Sarnhita.^^

his extraordinary

head

mitage.

She

Rama

of

magic throws the

of

before Sita in her garden

She bemoans the

made

is

power

loss of her

her-

husband.

connection that

to state in this

he had joined in heaven the company

of

his

father and there, having become a Nakshatra,

he

is

said to see

family

of

'

the whole of the Ikshvaku

royal

rishies>

but,

he neglected to see her

down

condition
20

in

that

This

below.'^^

she said,

as

is

forelorn

a clear

Sukrfeam va etani.
jydiimshi yannaksbatrarii.

Tai
21 Pitra

Sam

V.

iv. 9.

Da^arabbena tvam sva^urena mamanagba.

sarvaiscba pitribbib sardbam

nunam

svarge sama-

galah
divi Daksbatrabbufcastvam

puriyam

rajarsbi

mabatkarmakrtam priyam.

vamisam tvam atmanab sama-

veksbaae.

kim mamDa prekshase rajan

&g,

VI. 32. 18 and 19.

31

322

BEGINNINGS OF

indication

good

of

S.

the general

stitutes

one

of the

astronomical

minor

to

stars,

which

of

of

con-

Babylonian

with of course characteris-

The same authority

differences.

quoted already has

into

that

main items

belief,

men

of

belief

deeds being traosformed

an idea quite similar

tic

INDIAN HISTOKY

it

that " the basal idea

in

Babylonian astrology appears to be the recogni-

who

tion of the astral bodies as spirits or fates,

exercised an influence over the gods, the world,

and

mankind.

These were worshipped

groups when they were yet nameless."

must be noted here that these groups

general groups of seven in
this

in
It

were

That

Babylonia.

was so when the early Greeks came in

contact with

quotation
planets,

it is

from

which

divinities,

in evidence in the following

Plutarch

" respecting

they

the

call

the Chaldeans lay

the

birth-ruling

down

that two

(Venus and Jupiter) are propitious, and two

(Mars and Saturn) malign, and three (Sun,

Moon and Mercury)

of

Mr. Brown's commentary

would
the

say,

good,

these three

and

may

be

a
is

middle
"

nature

an astrologer

are propitious

malign

with

with
the

ASTKONOMICAL
That

bad. 22

Greeks also

Pax

this

is

OONSIDERATIONS

&c.

was the early notion

character Trygaeus

In that comedy one

shown

is

as

having just

then made an expedition to heaven

meets him and asks him

then, " that
*

Certainly

is

made

'

the

seen in a passage in the drama,

A^ristaphanes.

of

of

323

we become

is

slave

not the story true

stars

was the answer.

when we

die

And Trygaeus

answer by pointing to

to follow the

the star into which Ion of Chios has just been

metamorphosed.
this

is

Mr. Lang's commentary on

" Aristaphanes

is

making fun

popular Greek superstition.'*

Myth

of

some

(Custom and

pp. 133 Et. Seq.)

The counterpart

of this notion but exhibited

in

more serious form

of

Dhruva, which occurs

is

the well-known story

in all the Puranas,^^

22 Primitive oonatellationa Vo. I p. 343.

^^ >dMR^Rr ^n^
Vishnu Parana

I. xii

JT^TPpr

8991.

ii

324

BEGINNINGS OF

where the boy as the

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

was found a place above

The

constellations.
to

constellations

shayab).

is

When

we

the
is

ideas the

above

all

and

stars

according
pole

star,

the other stars and

and the Great Bear (Saptar-

mixed up with the

the Tamils in very early

this idea got

seasonal year of
times,

all

Dhruva

star

Hindu astronomical

which, as such,

penance

result of a severe

the

get

state

of

which

things,,

indicates a combination of ideas from two or

three different astronomical systems

that

is

where exactly we

find ourselves in the

county.2* There

one school of opinion which

would ascribe

is

all

astronomy

to

exactly

at the

is

the

scientific

the Greeks,

bottom

elements in

and that
of

Tamil

is

what

the notion that

practically everything in astronomy, the very

basal ideas of astronomy, in India was borrow-

ed from the Greeks.

To

this

school belongs

only one Assyrialogist of great reputation and

that

is

Professor Jastrow

rest of the Assyrialogists

practically

all

the

do not seem to sup-

port his view in respect of the indebtedness of

^^

See the coDcludiog lioes of the poem 229

with which

we

began this inveetigatioD.

of

Puram

ASTRONOMICAL

&c.

CONSIDi^KATIONS

the world to the Greeks

for scientific astro-

nomy, and niore recent

seems to

research

Goodspeed

Professor

support the majority.

325

says that during the Sumerian period " the

forms and relations of geometry were employed

for purposes

mapped

out,

The heavens were

aiigury.

of

and the courses

heavenly

of the

bodies traced to determine the bearing of their

movements upon human

worse for
is

this claim

What

destinies. "^5

behalf

in

of

i's

Greece

the recent discovery of a document from the

archives of Nineveh, which gives unmistakeable evidence of the existence of an observatory

with a body of

astronomers,

official

whose

eclipses

and issue

circulars for the various ceremonies

and obser-

business

it

was to predict

vances that have to be made on the occasion

oi these eclipses.

Professor Harper's transla-

tion of one of these

very

\^ell

from

it

and the following extracts are taken

with the comments of Mr. D. A.

Mackenzie.
-about

documents puts the case

"

As

for the eclipse of

whicJh the king,

to me, a watch

My

was kept

25 A' history of the

the^Moon,

Lord, has written

for

it

in the ditles of

Babylonians & Assyrians

p.

93.

326

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTOKY

S.

We

Akkad, Borsippa and Nippur.

ourselves

the city

in

whereas the king,

Akkad

of

My

observe it

Lord,

and

me

ordered

to

observe also the eclipse of the Sun, I watched

to see whether

it

my

passed before

took place or not and what

eyes,

king,

My

Moon

that took place

Lord.

now

was an

It

Syria and the shadow

it

fell

report to the
of

the

total,

over

eclipse

was

on the land

of the

Amorites, the land of the Hittites and in part

on the land

comments

the Chaldees."

of

"

We

Professor Sayce

gather from this letter that

there were no less than three observatories in

northern
Sippara

Babylonia

one

at

Akkad,

one at Nippur, now Niffer

near

and one

within the site of Babylon.

at Borsippa,

Boisippa possessed a university,

it

As

was, natural

that one of the three observatories should be

established there. "^^

go very

may

much

state,

It is

not necessary to

farther in regard to these.

however, that

according

to

We
the

calculations of Mr. Brown, the signs of the

zodiac

were fixed in the year 2084 B. C.

(Primitive Constellations Vol. II pp.

26

Myths

of

Babylonia and Assyria pp. 321

147

22.

et.

ASTEONOMICAL
seq.) ]f

early

&c.

CONSIDEKATIONS

327

then the zodiacal houses were fixed so

and

such a similarity could be noticed

if

between the systems

astronomical

early

of

notions both of the Hindus of Northern India

and

of the

South on the one

lonians on the other, and

if

side,

and the Baby-

some of the minute

but characteristic differences noticed between

Greece and India be the facts that they

the inference seems irresistible that

if

are,

there

had been borrowing by the Hindus the chances

are that the borrowing was from Babylonia
rather than from Greece, whatever might have

taken place in later times and in scientific

Even

astronomy.
find

very

difficult

astronomer

in respect of this

understand

to

of the reputation of

is

what we

why an

Varahamihira,

who examiues all the systems of astronomy

then known to him dispassionately, and agrees
with some views
of

of

one school and other views

another, should actually be charged

with

having borrowed wholesale from the Greeks

without an acknowledgment in the face of the
fact

that

he

Yavanacharya
others,

so

far

often

quotes

as against
at

any

with

approval

Satyacharya

rate

as

and

astrology

is

328

BEGINNINGS OF
But that

concerned.
purpose.

What we

in the particular
Pillai

S.

is

INDIAN HI8T0KY
not to our present

wish to point out

poem

is

that

that Mr. Svvamikannu

has taken for investigating the system

f astronomy that had vogue

among the Tamife,

he remarks that the month Panguni referred

to

is

We

the solar Panguni and not the

wish that he were on firmer ground

making that statement.

of

lunar.

That the character

Tamilian astronomy might be

regarded as

solar finds support in another passage

same Tamil

in

of the

we quoted from before,

namely, Padirruppattu. In poem 59 there
is

reference

classic

to

the

month

described as a cold month.

^''^

of

It

Masi which

must however

also be noted here that the term for the

used there

is

is

month

Tingal (moon) which suggests

a lunation being the basis of the month, so that

even so early the two systems seem to have

ueaf^^Srffth Ui-.(r^u3 urrear

lds^

The oommentary explains MSiSi, as the character of

Masi and fehe expression Ma-kiic which gives fche nam fco
the poem maaas the doubling of the body owing to cold*
(In the month, of
Cf. Sans: Makare Kumdalakrtih.
Makara people double up their bodies owing to the cold.)

ASTRONOMICAL

CONSIDERATIONS

&c.

been in use together. ^^

become

clear that

It

has perhaps

329

now

any general statement that

the week day was not

hazardous to make,

known would
and much less

be very
v/ould

it

be true to apply that as a test of chronology

works

in respect of

of literature

ences to week days.

clear by

now

It

making

refer-

may also have become

Hindu

that the basal notion of

astronomy was not exactly chronology although

chronology did become a vital part of

The

were based both

earlier notions certainly

upon the seasons and upoa the

animistic ideas
pects,

it later.

of the stars in

astrological-

both these res-

showing considerable similarity

early notions of

to the

the Babylonians and of the

We

Sumerians before them.

into the question of

who

shall not

enter

the Sumerians were,

and whether they were at all connected with

the South Indian Tamils but we might state
;

in closing that there

may

28 Attention

revenue of one

sumes a year

may

of

very

little

doubt that

here be drawn to the passage o!

Megasthenes extracted: on

Paodya country was

is

p.

67 above stating that the

divided into 365 villages so that the

be brought in every day.

365 days.

This pre-

30

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

there was communication by

way

between Babylonia and India

of the sea.
least in the

at

6th and 5th centuries B.C., and that communication would certainly bear the inference thai

some

of these ideas

also travelled

therefrom^

although we are in no position to state definitely that the borrowing w^as all
side.

The

proved to be
on,

we

We

fear,

on the Indian

general assumptions having been

false,

the whole system built there-

cannot stand.

would point out in conclusion that the

week day

as such has no astronomical signi-

ficance except that in the arrangement of the

week and
of

the

in the notion of the

day,

astronomers

presiding deity

do bring in the

principle of the relative distance of the planets-

into consideration.

But

strikes us,

this, it

is-

only an astronomical after-thought to explain

perhaps the phenomenon that had already

been somewhat in popular usage.

All

else

connected with the week and the week day

of

is

an astrological character associated with

augury and
lying that.

of the

under-

animistic notions

To say more than

to us, would be saying too

that,

much.

it

seems

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII.

We present our readers in the form of

an>

appendix to this chapter two extracts from

Mr. E.G. Sesha Aiyar's article in the Christiaa

Magazine,

College

already

referred

by

to,

permission of the author, relating to the astro-

nomical data of the Silappadikaram-Manimekalai.

We

have already given a short excur-

sus, in regard to

poem 229

own

of the paper.

in the

"
(1)

body

The passages

are discussed

found in

and

by Mr- Swamikannu

siUSstnir^'fr&oi^s.

tell

text

our

Purara, of

in Siiappadikaram

/5/r/r6jwrai/r6TO^,

^tressrsir^m^.

of

that

Piliai

are

and commentary,

The opeaing lines of i^fr

US when the departure of

Kovalan and Kannaki from Kaveripumpatti-

nam

took place.

These

lines are as follows

Adiyarkunallar's commentary on these lines

contains the following note

881

^atjih^'SF

Q^^,<^siiT^

332

BEGINNINGS OF

(Lfih ^ffSssariLjiEi

^^.tsj^iu

Q<3=^!rLiieuT ffQpiliQupp

^<oQ^

stR6u<srrQ

INDIAN HISTORY

^^suirir^^/D

^^L-'^^(ffd

The passage

^ ^Q^et^Q

ei)

Q^ins^Qiup;Sl^

Q<3='6ijsufnLJ'i

in sLLQeanr^TeiD^

which reads as

Madura by

the result of Kannaki's curse.

two passages from the

details

fire

as

Of these, the

text, valuable as

they

not obviously by themselves capable of

yielding any definite result

ever,

Sip

QtijesrpeuTj}/.

relates to the destruction of

are, are

eat

f5irLL'35L<sOiru^

^ f^u^Q^freku^/D

Ss)i>6ijULLL^ jijih ,dB ff

iollows

S.

the

commentator's

mentioned in

it

but not so, how-

note

and

be accurate,

if

the

we ought

to be able to establish with almost absolute

APPENDIX.
the date

certainty

Swamikannu
definite,

Silappadikaram.

of

capable of

is

unimpeachable

by

giving

us

and

he

date,

"between A.D.,

says that

exultantly

Mr.

Pillai believes that the note

the commentator
a

333

and

A.D. 1900 there was only one year, one month

and one day, satisfying

all

the conditions, and

that was Monday, 17th May, A.D. 756/

us see

if

this statement is correct.

The passage
details

Let

in question gives the following

The month of Chitrai in that year

commenced on Sunday, Thrithiya, Swathi
(i)

nakshatra.
(ii)

Twenty-eighth Chitrai, was Saturday,

Eall Moon, Chitra nakshatra.

flag

was hoisted

(iii)

(iv)

for the festival of India.

After 28 days,

festival, the flag

On

the

That day the

the

duration

of

the

Monday,

the

was lowered.
28th

Vaikasi,

thirteenth day of the bright lunar fortnight,

Anusham

Star, the bath in the sea took place

and the lovers quarrelled(v)

On

the 29th Vaikasi, Tuesday. Kettai-

nakshatram, which was a destructive combi-

834

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY
moon,

nation, the fourteenth day of waxing

moon had

after the

dark Kovalan
It will be

left

set,

when

the sky was

with Kannaki.

noted that these details are not

given in the text, which simply says, referring

to the day of Kovalan's flight

that

day

it

was

moon had

after the

of the bright half,

with
set

his

wife,

on the

last

aad before sunrise the

when the sky was dark. Supa moment the details given by

next morning,
posing for

Adiyarkunallar are correct, whence did he get

them?

The commentator

the twelfth century

kannu

Pillai's

lived probably in

and even

if

Mr. Swami-

conclusion be accepted nearly

four centuries had expired since the composition

of Sillappathikaram before this note

ten. Did Adiyarkunallar make his

was writ-

own

calcula-

tion or did he repeat what he had heard

Swamikannu
have been
of

Pillai opines

that there

a continuous unbroken

Mr.

should

tradition

annotation dating almost from the date of

the

poem,'

and

the

commentator

present instance had preserved what

obtained from earlier scholiasts.

in

the

he had

Even upon

that explanation, the commentator's note could

APPENDIX.

335

not be accepted as really of value, as after

all

it

might have been supplied by the ingenuity

of

an

earlier annotator,

of repetition

it

and as

process

in the

might easily have under-gone

alterations in material particulars.

However,

the astronomical information supplied in

the

note seems to be thoroughly fanciful,

one

as

<3an see

from Mr. Swamikannu

itself.

Besides, the reckoning of days in

note seems to be puzzling.

paper

Pillai's

We

the
that

are told

the flag was hoisted on 28th Chitrai, Saturday

and

as

we

was

are told that the 28th Vaikasi

Monday, the month of Chifcrai in that year

must have had only thirty days. So the festival,
which was

of

twenty-eight days

'

duration must

have closed on 25th Vaikasi, when the

have been taken down, and one

how

flag

fails

must

to

see

the bath that concludes the festival took

place as stated in the note, only on the 28th

Vaikasi.

There

is

no doubt from the narration

poem that Kovalan and

Kannaki left for Madura on the night of the
bath itself, before dawn of next morning, and
yet we read in the note that they left on the
of the story in the

night of Tuesday, the 29th Vaikasi.

Obviously

336

BEGINNINGS OF

the

note as

ifc

sfcands,

astronomical learning,

any

is

INDIAN HISTOKY

evea apart from

rate, free

its

incorrect or not easily

Is the astronomical

explicable.
at

S.

information,

from error? Mabamahopadh-

yaya Pandit V. Swaminatha Aiyar, the revered

editor of Silappadikaram, says in a footnote

that

the information contained in the note

appears to be incorrect, but Mr.

Pillai,

Swamikannu

while extolling the learned Pandit's

candour, rebukes the astrologer

who enabled

that footnote to be written for ignorance

of

astrological calculation. I nevertheless venture

to say that the conditions in this curious note

are

impossible and that the learned

hopadhyaya's footnote

Mahama-

is justified.

To arrive at 756 A. D. Diwan Bahadur L.D.

Swamikannu Pillai has freely edited the
commentator's note. As regards the commencement

of Ghitrai in that year,

was a day

of

it

Swati in the sense that Swati

began on that day

He

he says that

at

38 Ghatikar

after sunrise^

admits that ordinarily such a day would

be called a day of Chitra nakshatra; but in

explanation of the commentator's blunder, he
states that the

commentator appears

to have^

APPENDIX.

337

obtained his nakshatra by backward calculation

from **Jyeshta," the star under whose malignant influence, Kovalan and Kannaki

Madura.

demn

This

would be enough to con-

itself

What is

the note as untrustworthy.

basis for holding that

left for

the

was on a Tuesday which

it

co-existed with Jyeshta star, that the husband

and wife

left their

house in Kaveripattinam

Apparently the commentator's knowledge

astrology was so poor that he
of

of

could not think

any other malignant combination except

Tuesday with Kettai

the popular

star,

and

starting therefrom he worked the details back-

ward as
first

best as he

day

could.

Pillai,

note, so has

also

Thus

make

to

Mr.

is

he

for

a mistake

tells

us

for the first

this part of the note, in order to

A. D. 756

to read

on the

been wrongly stated in the

the Thithi

that the third thithi

thithi.

has according

of Chitrai

Swamikannu

If the star

acceptable,

The month

should be

of Chitrai in

made

that year

began on Sunday, Prathama, Chitra nakshatra*

The second

part of the note declares the 28th

Chitrai was Saturday,

shatra. Mr.
22

full

moon

Swamikannu Pillai

Chitra nak-

points out that

BEGINNINGS OF

338

in 756 A.

INDIAN HISTOEY

S.

D. in the month

moon commenced

of Chitrai, the full

at 41^ ghatikas after sunrise

the same day. Obviously, therefore, Saturday,

28Dh Chitrai did not combine with the

moon
rent

at

at

full

Indeed the thithi that was cur-

all.

sunrise

on

Saturday and properly

speaking the thithi of that day was Thrayodasi, the thirteenth lunar day.

Swamikannu

Pillai

However, Mr.

over the

gets

created by the commentator's

difficulty

inconvenient

statement by invibing us to hold that by

*'fuli

moon'* must have been meant, a day near

moon!

Why

the commentator,

who

is

at

full

such

considerable pains to supply details that will

up lacunae

fill

in the astrological references in

the text, should be guilty of such loose writing

one cannot easily explain

is

but the suggestion

enough to stamp the statements in the note

with unreliability.
Eelating

to

Kovalan's

Kannaki, the note says,

with

departure

it

was on Tuesday,

29th Vaikasi, under the malignant influence

of Kettai

(Jyeshta),

after

the

moon

of

the

fourteenth thichi in the bright fortnight had

set,

and before

sunrise.

The statement

is

APPENDIX.
very specific

339

and yet in order to apply

it

to

756 A.D., we should again

hold

Though

the

language

that

Kovalan

language
the

of

is

note

and Kannaki

loose.

would

denote

that

in the small hours

left

the

of the

morning between Tuesday and Wednesday,

and that the moon
has just

set,

existed with
started.

Mr.

of

the

fourteenth thithi

and that further Jyeshta coTuesday

at the

Swamikannu

moment they
that

Pillai finds

every one of these positions has to be

up.

given

According to him, the departure must

have taken place in the small hours

of the

morning between Monday and Tuesday, that

is

before the sun rose

was no combination

on Tuesday
of

that there

Jyeshta and Tuesday

when they started (as a matter of fact

Anusham lasted till 10 A. M. on Tuesday)
;

that there was no Chadurdasi at

all

which was on the contrary a

full

We

are told by Mr.

Swamikannu

on Tuesday,

moon

day.

Pillai that

there was an eclipse at this full

moon

we may be permitted

whether,

Mr. Swamikannu
fact could

to doubt

and
if

Pillai's date be correct, that

under any circumstance have been

340

BEGINNINGS OF

passage under discussion

is

subsequent disaster that

of eclipse

is

mentioned

at

astrologically

condemned

Swamikannu

and

when, according
Adyarkunallar

Pillai,

it is

omen

pre-eminently bad

all,

the

Kovalan.

befell

as highly disastrous for a journey

strange that that

in

trying to account

for the

day

who

the commentator

by

out

leffc

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

to

is

is

Mr.

so scru-

pulous as to mention the subsequent co-existense of Jyeshta star with Tuesday, the

day

the journey

of

first

though the subsequent

nasa yoga so created could not astrologically

affect the destinies

may

It

also

of

Kovalan and Kannaki.

be noted here that

on 28th

and Anusham did

Vaikasi, Sukla Triyodasi

not co-exist, as stated by the commentator.

I

have tried so

far to

show how

in spite of

Mr, Swamikannu

Pillai's

A.D.

the conditions laid

satisfies

the note,

all

there

without very

made
Pillai

is

statement that 756

material alteration

to apply to that year.

has

down

in

not even one condition that

abs^olutely

could be

Mr. Swamikannu

brushed

aside

the

statements of the commentator as they are,

and has substituted data

of his

own

that will

APPENDIX.
support his view-

341

instead of the eighth

If

century, he had decided upon any other century,

the same process of editing, the same process

of revising

and correcting might

be adopt-

still

ed to arrive at that pre-determined conclusion.

The other circumstance that renders it

impossible according to Mr. Swamikannu
(II)

Pillai to look for

said to be supplied

by Mani-

The passages upon which

the argu-

eighth century
mekalai.

ment

is

Silappadikaram, before the

is

built are these

Mani

xi.

4046

f!FQj6sar^mp(D(in^i^ OiTiLt-.Temnf-i)

QuJT/Oleu'rstr^ Q(7r^&irj^Ui,

Mani

xii.

778

342

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Mani

The
is

we

imporfcance of these passages,

that they

tell

226.

xv,

are

told,.

Buddha will be
when the very time

us that the

reborn 1,616 years after,

units that concurred

appearance

at his first

were produced, and that the day on which

Manimekalai

appeared

the

pool

of

Manipallavam was that very day and hour.

am

before

Swamikannu
passages when he

inclined to think that Mr.

Pillai has

takes

misunderstood the

them

to

mean

when Manimekalai

that the day and hour

visited

was the very day and hour

the sacred pool

of the

expected

readvent of Buddha, exactly 1,616 years after

his

first

appearance.

from canto
erru

XI

It

is

in

the

that the expression

Quir(ip^uQuir(ip^ occurs.

extract

^fits'r&-BiBt^ir

There

is

na

reference there to Buddha's reappearance in

the year 1616.

If

Divatilakai intended to

tell

Manimekalai that that day Buddha was expected to reappear, she would have in unambigu-

ous

terms

important

proclaimed

fact,

that

great

and

all

and not contented herself with

APPENDIX.
mentioniDg
ance

merely

of the

that she

the miraculous

There

sacred bowl.
referring to

is

343

is

appear-

no doubt

an annually recurring

miracle on Vaikasi Visaka, which in the very

nature of things would be a day of special

holiness and significance to the Tamil
dhists.

made

In this connection reference

to Manimekalai,

from which

it is

Bud-

may

be

canto XIV. 11.92-94

clear that

when

the bowl was

thrown into the tank, the bidding was that

it

should appear on the surface once every year

till it

should

reach the hands of one virtuous

The
Mahamahopadhyaya

and holy enough to take possession

great

Tamil

scholar,

of

it.

V. Swaminatha Aiyer interprets the context

as referring to an

may

annual solemnity, and

be permitted to say so in

perfectly

agree

with

that

all

if

humility, I

interpretation.

Besides, the notion of Buddha's reappearance in

1,616 years

is

supplied by the passage extracted

from canto XII of Manimekalai, which describ es

the heroine's visit to Aravana Adigal

and he

conveys the glorious information to her that

when Buddha is born again in the year 1616,

a new era of universal peace and love and

344

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

good- will, which the seer graphically describes,

will be heralded.

If as a

matter of fact

the

Buddha has already appeared again on the day

and at the moment when Manimekalai obtained the bowl, Aravana Adigal would have told
her that the new era had already dawned as

new Buddha was

the

does not say anything of the kind,

makes a

predictioa.

happen.

It

is

Mr. Swamikannu

but only

The language

eminently suggestive of an
'^

but he

already born;

is

advent

yet

QujT/6lUfrefr^(o(n^drj)i,

Pillai

pre-

to

L6jS/D-

seems to have put a

forced construction on the passages, and there-

upon
as

it

built
is

an argument.

by the view

scholar of the day

is

of

If

my view

supported

the foremost Tamil

correct,

it is

plain that the

passages in Manimekalai have no relevancy

whatever to the discussion

have taken up
ever, that

to

for solution.

Mr. Swamikannu

the passages
effect is

of the

is

correct,

make out

problem we

Supposing, howPillai's

view of

and their combined

that the day of Mani-

mekalai's visit to the pool

was the day

of

Buddha's expected reappearance, we have to

APPENDIX.

to

be

what

from

consider

Buddha's

sambodhi

or

time

thinks

Pillai

from that

He

be reckoned.

suit,

for

Swamikannu

Mr.

Buddha's

to

1,616 years should

none

is

of

Buddha's nirvana would

and therefore he assumes 846 B.C.

purposes, as that

his

birth,

rightly holds that

the accepted dates

three

the combination

has reference

it

and

nirvana,

refers.

of the

his

history,

his nirvana,

units

years are

1,616

and to which

counted,

events in

of

date

345

near what

is

for his

said to

have

been the accepted date for the nirvana (B.C.

850) in China in the

Christ

seventh century after

1,616 years after 846 B.C. would take

to 771 A.D.

That being the day when Mani-

mekalai visited the divine pool

and received

the divine begging bowl, the epic

poem Mani-

mekalai must have been written not earlier

than the eighth century.

result

Mr.

Swamikannu

To

Pillai

assumes 846 B.C- as the date

that the Southern Tamil

arrive

of

the

expression

date
*'

of

5^0

the

this

arbitrarily

the nirvana

Buddhists had in

mind, that 1,616 years should

from

at

be reckoned

nirvana,

u^^otQll^

that

the

Qlltq^^^jj^

BEGINNINGS OF

346

Q^^piSesr'' refers to

month and
the

in
is

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

the

date of the solar

that the thithi

passage, but

it

is

is

admitted that the expession

not mentioned
full

moon.

the middle of

'

the nakshatras' denotes Visakha, which

14th in

the

Karthigai.

list

of 27

stars,

It

is

the

counting from

Perhaps this very circumstance

should indicate that Manimekalai was com-

posed before the reckoning form Aswini had

been

substituted.

What

is

Let

that,

however, pass.

the warrant for holding that

the

alleged Chinese date for the Nirvana had been

accepted by the Buddhists of South India?

The Tamil Buddhists of South India had no

doubt their own traditional dates based on the
accounts current in the Tamil country.
cording to such tradition

(1)

Ac-

Buddha's birth

Kishabha Wednesday ,Visakhanak8hatra

was

in

full

moon; and

Tuesday,

(3)

His nirvana was

Vaisakha

nakshatra,

The northern Buddhists, Weber

in

Rishaba

full

tells

fourteen different accounts of the

life

moon.
us,

had

events

Buddha ranging from 2422 B.C. to 546 B.C.

The southern Buddhists too had possibly a
fairly large number ranging over a similarly

of

APPENDIX.
long

suggestion that a date antecedent to

800 BC. should be discovered

of

Swamikannu

Accepting Mr,

period.

Pillai's

347

our present problem,

purposes

for the

we

the

find that

following dates will satisfy the conditions

Bishabha

Birth: 1450 B.C.

1.

7th, Fri-

day, Visakha nakshatra 30 gh. 32 p, full moon.

59 gh. 18

p.

Sambodhi: 1415 B.

2.

Wednesday, Visakha
3.

Nirvana:

Eishabha

moon

8-37, full

1371

15 gh. 52

after

48-28-

Rishabha

B.C.

Tuesday, Visaka after 15 gh. 46.

moon

traditional

full

These dates besides

p.

week day, nakshatra and

the

2nd,

and

p.

satisfying the conditions regarding the

with

lOfch,

thithi,

notion

month

also accord

Buddha

that

attained sambodhi thirty-five years after his

birth,

and nirvana in his eightieth year. These

dates

are

neither

Kalhana

in

Kanishka

150

improbable

his

years

nor fanciful

Rajatharangini
after

the

nirvana of

Buddha, and says that Kanishka

brothers

places

and

his

the Vasishka
the historians came immedi-

Hushka and Jushka

and Huvishka
ately before

of

Gonanda who according

to

him

348

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

began his reign in 1182 B. C.

am

not

appealing to Kalhana's history,

but I refer to

him only

of a tradition

to

show the currency

about the date of Buddha's nirvana, upon

which

he based

obviously

The

Kanishka's date.
that

his

account of

date for the nirvana

we might gather from Kalhana's

ments that have been noted above

state-

will

be

1,182 plus 150 plus the period covered by the

reigns of Kanishka, Vasishka and Huvishka,

which Kalhana says covered one generation,

(say,

forty

Dr. Luders

but which

years)
is

according

about sixty years.

give us 1372 or 1392 B.C.

these dates

the

from which

of

next

So

if

This

will

we accept
would

question

to

these three dates should

be,

we

reckon 1,616 years to arrive at the rebirth

of

Buddha.

nus a quo
is

is

To me

it is

clear that the termi-

the date of the sambodhi, which

the real appearance of the

Buddhists.

anticipated

would be 202 A. D., which

of

for all

Calculated from that date, the

date of Buddha's

date

Buddha

Manimekalai's

divine bowl."

reappearance

will

also be the

acquisition

of

the

CHAPTEE

VIII.

CONCLUSION
As a

result of this detailed investigation,

would be

of

some advantage

to gather together

in a concluding chapter the results

far

arrived

at

in

respect

it

we have sa

South Indian

of

That history does not take us any-

History.

thing like as far back as the history of the

Aryans

in India.

nection

is

The

earliest historical con-

the semi-historical immigration of

an Indian colony into Ceylon under the lead

of Vijaya.

It is this that begins the

history of the island of Ceylon

we can say about

this

is

got

to

be

connected Vijaya

by

history

this

Pandyas.
to

That

The

us.

is

Buddhist
All that

itself.

at

the time

written,

tradition

that,

marriage

with

the

the only matter of interest

story as

it

is

found

in

the

chronicle might be taken to indicate that there

was a considerable
island

what

intercourse

between the

and the Pandyan country, and that

is

said there about the whole-sale trans-

mission of women folk from the Pandya country

849

^60

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

to provide wives for the

bachelor immigrants

from India

may have

a substratum of fact.

Leaving

we come

this

to the reference that

is

made by Magasthenes to the female ruler of

this Pandya country, and its resources as indicated by the army that this state usually maintained according to him.

These two, though

they might have a historical basis, cannot yet

be regarded as of undoubted historical charac-

But when next we pass on and come

to

the references to this region in the edicts

of

ter.

we

Asoka,

The

certainly

are

their

far attained to

and

civilisation

stand

surer

ground.

four states that constituted the

country had so

of

on

suflScient

resources as

to

one

successfully

a degree

of

development

be

able

to with-

or

more

Maurya

We have pointed out in

invasions.

Tamil

a previous

chapter from the evidence of the Tamil classics

that there were formidable

which went
itself,

more

and

as far as the

left

sections

South India.

behind
of

We

it,

Maurya

invasions,

Tinnevelly District

at least one, possibly

people finally

settling in

also pointed out that

as a consequence of this attempt at

it

was

conquer-

CONCLUSION
ing South India in

351

probability, that the

all

imperial votary for peace,

Asoka, thought

it

prudent to enter into terms of treaty with the

southern powers almost on the same footing as

With

the Greek treaty-powers of the west.

death

of

the

Asoka the imperial hold in the more

distant provinces becomes loose and the chances

of

independence were

Tamil

states took

full

But the

far greater.

advantage

not

of this

merely to make themselves independent,

but

even perhaps to retaliate against the northerners.

We found on the facts available that this

retaliation perhaps

came somewhat

later,

per-

haps after the commencement of the Christian

ra.

It

is

to this particular period

bulk of the material

literary sources

we

available

have reference.

that the

us

from

From

these

to

are able to picture to ourselves the three

well-known states

Pandya and
ing these

of the south, the Chola, tbe

The space
was occupied by a number
the Kerala.

intervenof

chief-

taincies usually

seven in number, sometimes

more, sometimes

less.

Before taking up this period, however, we

have to note

at

least

incidents which

seem

352

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

to us quite historical in the history of

Ceylon

which bring that island into touch with South

and

India generally
in particular.

On

of

the Chola country

the basis of B. C. 483 for

the Buddhist Nirvana, there was a series of

Tamil invasious

of the island in the course of

These invaders are

the second century B. C.

always exhibited in the chronicles as actively

hostile to

that

the

We have

Buddhism.
southern

invasion had in

already noted

opposition

Mauryan

to

not merely the idea of

it

independence, but perhaps even that of religion

in its later phases,

and

this religious feeling

very probably took on the form of hostility ta

Buddhism

the active extension of

country.
surprising

In the light
that

the

of

this

it

Ceylonese

generally of the hostility of the

is

an unorthodox school
India are for the
this
ijfn

takes

the

us on
course

first

of

Hindu

inva-

It is in

Mahasena that

Buddhists in South

time referred to and

to very near
of

nothing

complained

ders of South India to their religion.

the reign of the predecessor of

into the

these

ruler from the Chola country

A.

D. 300.

invasions,

who

is

one

described

CONCLUSION
as a Tamil

353

noble descent

of a

'

came

into

Ceylon, over-powered the previous ruler and

up, on

set himself

He

the throne.

Elara in the Ceylon Chronicle and

to popular

He

ruled

and

This ruler

called

is

known

Tamil tradition as Elela Singam.

from 144 B.C. to 101 B.C. accord-

ing to the Chronicle

friend

is

foe,
is

*'

with even justice toward

on occasions

of dispute at law."

sometimes described as from the

Karnata country, as

for

instance in

Miss

Mitton's Euined Cities of Ceylon, on what

authority, I

am

not able to say. Keturning to

Eliira, the stories

that the chronicles give of

the occasions in which this ruler exhibited his

high notions of justice are

extraordinarily
stories

which we

Chola by name

find ascribed to

Manu

an ancient

Chola, and one of

them

has quite a family resemblance to the story

associated with the great early Chola Karikala.

He is

said,

on a particular occasion on the com-

plaint of an old

woman, who suSered damage

to

her grain by unseasonal rain, to have brought

it

about that the rains

and

not otherwise.

similar to that
23

of

fell

only in due seasons

This

is

a story

quite

one relating to an early

354

BEGINNINGS OF

INDIAN HISTORY

S.

Pandyan, who similarly compelled the clouds

ance.

which

All this

in spite

the

of

of

said in the chronicle

is

that

fact

peerless virtues

abund-

to pour forth their

that ceased to raio

"he knew not the

the most

precious of the

gems (Buddha, Dharma and Sangha)" is

a certain indication of a community of culture
three

between the island and the continent'

It is

a victory over this enlightened usurper that

gave great

credit,

Buddhists, to one
of

in the

eye of the orthodox

Ceylon's

of

great patrons

Buddhism Dutta Gamani Abhaya.

number

successor got

of great

His

Viharas

constructed, and brought about an assembly, on

the occasion of the consecration of one of these,

of all the

great

Buddhists

from the various

centres in India set forth in Chapter

The next occasion

in

this island is brought

South India

when

five

rulers

in

island

is

of

into connection with

44 to 29 B. C,

Tamils established themselves as

succession, and invasions

from

by

which the history

in the period

the

Tamil

became very frequent

torn

I.

dissensions

country

of

perhaps

as the island itself

and

civil

the

wars

was
fre-

CONCLUSION

When we come

quenbly.

the

355

Mahavamsa
his

other

chronicles

he found

do

Ceylon

of

to say

but

with India,

connection

about

much

has not

itself

Gajabahu,

to

the
that

state

necessary to go to war, as on

it

a previous occasion the Tamils invaded the

away

and carried

island

thousand inhabitants

of

many

as

as twelve

Ceylon to work " in

This story seems to

the city of the Kaveri."

have relation to the building of the magnificent

city of

Kaveripattanam or Puhar by the Chola

While there may be much that

king Karikala.
is historical

in this

we cannot say we

body

of

Ceylon tradition,

are on sure historical ground

names

of

some

of the

we have the

but from Karikala backwards,

Chola rulers and

refer-

ences to some of their wars in classical Tamil

literature itself.
to

notice

Killi,

from

who fought

Nedum

Serai,

The next

The

first

this

source

of

rulers of these

the

them

we have

Peruvirark-

is

against the Chera

and both

Ilanjet-Chenni,

ruler that

fell

Kudakko
in battle.

two dynasties were

father

of

Karikala

and Imaiyavaramban Nedumseraladan,

father of ^enguttuvan.

Then we

get

the

on to

356

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTORY

Karikala in the Chola country, and somewhat

later than the date of Karikala's accession to
the throne or even perhaps after his death

Senguttuvan Sera was the ruler

country

Between

of the west.

was

his father, there

his

in the

this

uncle

not have ruled independently,

Chera

Chera and

who might
but who did

conquer the Kongu country and brought

under

Chera

rule.

This

the

Malayaman

Kollimalais

chieftain

another chief

Adiyaman

(Dharmapuri

in

conquer

Anji

Salem),

the

war against

Tagadur

of

volunteered
Ori

of

to

the

and made over the conquered

Kollimalais,

him asylum

fugitive in

enemy-neighbour,

his

territory to

of

when

Tirukkovilur,,

of

Kari by name, who was a

Chera country as a result

was further

rule

extended to embrace the

it

the friendly

Chera who offered

his difficulties.

ixi

successor or

subordinate of this Chera laid siege to Tagadiir

and destroyed
in battle.

its fortification killing

the Anji

This give us three generations of

the Cholas, Peruvirark-Killi, his son probably,

Ilanjet-Chenni,

his

son certainly

Karikala.

Karikala was succeeded actually by his son or

CONCLUSION

367

grandson known usually as Nedumudik Killi

who

identical with Perunark- Killi,

whom

the Bajasuyam, with

this

celebrated

dynasty

the Cholas seems to come to an end,

rate so far as

we can

see at present.

of

any

at

During

the corresponding period, the Chera dominions

were ruled respectively by Kudakko Nedumseral,

then probably his son, Imayavaramban

Nedum

Senguttuvan

Serai, followed by his son

with a successor who might have been his son

or a cousin, the

Ghera

of the

Elephant Look.'

With him the Chera territory suffers considerable damage at the hands of the young contemporary Pandyan though it recovered partly from
but with him
this diminution of prestige
;

our knowledge of the

ceases so far

information

as

history

the

under

of the

particular

sources

consideration

temporaneous with this

the

Cheras

go.

of

Con-

Pandyan

list

Pandyan Nedum oeliyan,

victor over the Aryan forces, whom for certain
valid reasons I identified with Ugra Pandyan.

begins with

the

I fear this idenbificatioo

but the alternative eouree

is

may have

await the results of further analysis

a definite conclusion.

to be given

not yet quite clear.

of this

up

I shall

evidence for

358

BEGINNINGS OF

S.

INDIAN HISTOEY

His successor was Verri Vel Seliyan, who

was

Viceroy

father's

his

Korkai.

at

He

succeeded by another Pandyan, the famous

is

Pandyan victor at Talaiyalanganam, though

we have no information to settle his relationThis last Pandyan
ship with his predecessor.
seems to be followed by another one, who goes'
by the name Ugra Pandya, but under whom'
some

of the

Sangam

works, at

any

rate,

already

seen that in this

got

We have

to be collected in their present form.

age, the

country

intervening the three kingdoms was divided

among

number

of

somewhat

as follows

pation

the

of

Kadamba

coast

chieftains

Nannan

South Canara and part

is

was

probably

part

country, that

distributed
in occuof

the

a great portion of

of

Malabar on the

West Coast. There was an elder Nanuan

known generally as the woman-killer', and
*

his son

Nannan,

Immediately to the east of

poets called him.

it,

in

what

on this
the

is

the son of Nannan' as the

now

the territory of Mysore and

side of the

territories

of

Western Ghats, extended

Irungovil

of

Araiyam^

Vichchik-kon, and Pari of Parambu Nadu.

CONCLUSION

359

Proceeding further eastwards into the Salem

district, there was in the region of the Bara-

Adiyaman chief of Tagadur

(Dharmapuri), the Adiyaman Anji and his

mahals,

son

the

Elini

wards from
ing his

and immediately

this

territory

next east to him

was Ori

who

who

called

is

of

of the Palni Hills,

across

Tirukkannan,

Malayaman and

famous chieftain

South-west of this

district

was Aai

Podiyil Hills, the Aioi of Ptolemy.

whole

of

general of

Going westwards

to the

Pehan.

Madura

the

Tirukkoilur and

figures later,

we come

this,

adjoin-

of the Kollimalais

the Cholas (Soliyavenadi).

across

east-

in the South Arcot district

was the Malayaman Kari

his successor,

Further

Pohuttelini.

or

of

the

Across the

Tinnevelly on the eastern coast was

the great Evvi chieftain of Mutturru

Kurram

andMilalaik-Kurram, probably the pearl fishery

coast between Korkai and and southern Vellaru.

These are the chieftains

tion,

but

Pandyan

by the
of

tion changes

those

of the older genera-

we come

time

Talaiyalanganam, the

somewhat

as

we

to

the

disposi-

indicated,

that figured in the battles against

and

him

360

BEGINNINGS OF

were
not

slightly

mean

INDIAN HISTORY

S,

came then

that they

only a question of the

it is

That does

names.

different

becoming more important

into existence

less

important ones

at

the time, the

more important ones becoming extinct as in

the case of Ori and Pari, and some of the other
chiefs

losing

their

The

importance.

five

chieftains that figured in the great battle of

Talaiyalanganam against the young Pandyan

Tidiyan; Elini,

were

the

son

Anji

of

of

Tagadur; Erumaiyuran, probably the successor of the

who went by
Mamulanar knew him

chieftain

Erumai, as

and Porunan.
strued

other

the

exhaustive

chieftains

of

list,

the

have remained neutral in respect

cular battle.

among

parties in the age of the

as

some

time

of

might

of this parti-

the various political

Sangam and

in the

or three generations of the great literary

celebrities,

detail
will

Irungovel;

This gives us a clear distribu-

tion of the powers

two

name

This need not exactly be con-

an

as

the

in

come

offers.

some

of

whom

were considered in

the previous chapters

in for consideration

and others

when occasion

CONCLUSION

We

361

have already seen that this part

made

<}ouiitry

a combination

to

the
the

resist

We

incursions ol the northerners.

of

have also

noted that they kept commuication with the

and
long

way

probably by

world,

outside

communication takes us

this

anterior

the

to

the sea

of

Christian

times

to

At

Era.

the age that we have been considering they

had probably
any rate

extensive

as far as the

on the one

side,

trade

reaching

Bast Indian Archipelago

and perhaps Egypt? Arabia

and the Persian Gulf on the

We

other-

already drawn attention to the

great

that was rendered to this over-sea

and

have

service

commerce

by the destruction, early in this age,

pirates

at

of

the

their rendezvous close to the west

coast of this part of the country.

We

also sug-

gested that this hostility of the south against

the extension of the northern power had

haps in

it

something

of a hostility to the reli-

gious propaganda of the

Asoka.
hostility

dhism,

That

is

to the

as

we

Buddhist Emperor

not to be
peaceful

do

per-

find

and some even perhaps

taken

as

following of

Buddhist
of

any

Bud-

authors,

Jain authors,

BEGINNINGS OF

362

S.

INDIAN HISTOKY

about the time and as there

flourishing

is

considerable evidence of a knowledge of these

systems in the south*

here what

we have

We

already said iu respect of

the general condition of the

may

need not repeat

country, but

note that this age gives us, as far as

we
we

know, the conditions most favourable, to the

institution of the
all

famous Tamil Academy and

the available evidence goes to support this

particular inference.

work that may

further.

ject

There

is

a great deal of

usefully be done

upon

this sub-

And now

the

necessary

that

preliminary investigation has been carried to

the degree of fullness to carry conviction, more

work

will be

done to extract form the material

may

usefully be taken for the building

all

that

up

of the history of

and

this

of that comparatively

part of the country

remote period.

ERRATA.
Page.

Line.

27

30

13

42

15

59

For

advise

86

10

94

95

>-113

114

'

hers

,,

..

Maoridle

The'

pali

Mommhen

F.N. 10

135

17

For

152

19

Onoib

bo

read

'

'

,,

'bhe

'

'

'

bhe

'

and omit

Appendix

Anoient India

'

Nannan

'

,,

here
be

'

21

'

Macriodle
palai

Momrasen
'

of

on 'and read

'

The Augusban Age

(in
of

Literabure.'

187

F.N. 13
1.

Kanrajaka

,,

,.

'

Kiebhorn

'

Kauralaka

Kielhorn

188

F.N. 14

190

17

195
206
218

F.N. 16
F.N.
F.N. 9
1.

Omit

'2

For
For

'

'

ab

of

read

'

underaband

'Vaimiki'

,,

Nannam

133

'

F.N.

126

advice'

'Prapannamritam*

,,

'he'

'

,,

Vaimiki

11

Inscripbionum

'

'

urinderstand

62

70

read

'

Prapannamrifcram

line

lasfc

'

Inscripbionem

'

'

'

'

my

Tamil

Page

INDEX.
The numbers in

the index refer to the pages of the booh.

Imperial position explained,
109.

Aay

(Aioi of Ptolemy,) 127,152,

153, 202, 122, 147.

Aay Eyinao, Chera

C-in-Chief.

198, 217, 238.

Abdur-Razak,

17, 149.

Abhira. 116.

Adan Ungan, 92.

Adigaman of Tagadur,

128, 198,

9, 201. 202, 236.

Adigan, 238.
Adi Mandi, story of, 196,
Adiyarkkunallar. 172.

commentary

on S, 331
note to it, in consistent
and impossible details,
Adiyars, Saiva Saints, 45.
Agastya, Sage. 63, 87 105.

Agenor, 105.
196.

Ahavamalla, 101.
Aingurunuru, 192.
Ajatasatru, 101.

Akalavarsha, 101.
Alexander of Epirus, 70
Alexander the Great, 104, 158.
Alexandrinus, Paalus, 345.
Aliyasantanam Law, or Matriarohate, 73.

Amitragbata, 101.
Antiochus, 70.

Anamalai InsoriptionSi 179,180,

262.

Ananta.arya, 43.
Andbras, 63, 96, 103. 209.

Empire, 116.

Appolodotus, 118.

Appaiya Dikshita, the great 8Ind. Scholar and philosopher,

commentary on Yadavabhadayam, 48.
contemporary of Doddayacharya and Rama Raya,
49.

Appar, 203.
Appolonius of Tyana, 16
Arayam of Irungo Vel, 235.
Arattas, 117.

Archaeology,

336. 6.

Ahananuru, 185, 192,

Antigonus Gonatas, 70, 105.

Aparanta,74, 76.

conservation

monuments, preliminary

of
to,

19.

help to history, little scope

for private work, 20.
its gradual
expansion in
India, 20, 21.

reaching far back, 34.

dependence
Archaeology

of history on, 36

and

Epigraphy,
work

impossiblity of private
in, 36.

only dry bones to his-

tory, 58.
Argaritic. 123.

Argaru (PeripluB),Urairyur, 121,

Ariaoa of Ptolemey, 115, 119.
pirate coast, 147, 230.

Arikesarin Maravarman, 258.

Aruvarnoi (Tamil Aruvalar).
12$.

364

INDEX.

Arriacie. 68.
Arisil Kilar, 195, 216, 238.
Arthasastra, see Chanakya.

Barbarioum, 115.
perhaps the same Barbaraka-

Aryabhatta, 306.

Aryan Invasions, 96.

Aryan land, 102.
Aryas, 97.
defeat by Malayamao, 98.
victory over, 99.
Aryaputta, 82.

Asmaka,

65.

-Asoica, 102, 107.

Buddhist Emperor,
Rock Edicts of, 69,
Edicts

106.
74.

208,

Sidadhapura,

at

Brahmagi Maski

Barygaza, 102, 118. 120.

Barukachoha or Broach, 115.
Batoi (Tamil Vettuvar), 122.
Batutah. Ibn, 17, 149.
Bhandarkar, Sir R. G.. 6567.
Bharatavenba of Perundevanar,
282 diff. from Bharatan of P.
Bhasa, dramatist, 65, 317.
Bilhana, author of Vikramankadeva charitam, 13.
Bindusara, 85, 86, 107, 207,

etc., 81.

96, 112, 207.

Rcf. to ihe B in, 350.
Kalinga war, his territorial
extension, 207.
Attakathas, or Arthakathas, 79.
Attanacti, story of, 196.
Attirayauar, Kallil, 91, 92.
-Augustus, 146. 149.
deified, 170.
Avanti, 66.
Avv-iiyar, poetess, 198.
Ayirai fort, 226.

Amitraghata, 101.

Bombay

Sanskrit Series, model

work in Sanskrit,

of critical

50.

Brhatkatha, Paisachi work, 54,

56, 153.

Brhatkathamanjari, 54.
Brown, Mr. Robert, 315.
Author of Primitive Constellations, 322, 323, 318.

the fixing of the zodiac

by the Babylonians, 326.

On

327.

Bucephalus, 117.

Buddha, date of, 342348.

Buddhism, Mahayanist, im-

portance

of

bhakti oh. III.

Madhyamika
Babylonia interoourse with, 114.
communication with India,

Its decay. 111.

330.

Zodiacal arrangement, 318.

System

of

trological

astronomy asaud seasonal,

318.

Traditions,

System

school, 111.

Gonstantine of the Mahayana form, 110.

312 3*6

of astrology,

basal

South Indian

hostility to,

99.

Buddhist Jatakas, 6465.

Buddhist, Nirvana, 79.
Burgess, 20.
Byzantine Emperors, 150.

idea, 322.

or Bakarai, or Vaikkarai, 119, 147.

Bactria, 108.
Baotrians, 117.
Balitai.e. Janardhanam, 121.
Bana, author of Haraha ohaii*

Bacara

tram, 13.
Banavasi or Vanavasa, 74.
78.

76,

Caenitae (Periplus), 230.

Caldwell, Bishop on the Augustus age of Tamil Lit., 1612.
His theory restated, 164.
Camara, identified with Kaveri

pattAnam, 123.

INDEX.
Caracalla, 150, 161, 155.
GaBsiuB Dio. 306.
Caius, Emperor, 122.
Ceylon, semi-histl. immigration
intercurse with
into,
the

Pandyan Country, 349.

Tamil invasions of, 352
354.

Asoka's

diplomatic

365

rum, one

of Fleet's

two

desi-

derata, 27.
Cowell. on Indian Chronology.
4.

Cunningham,

Gel. 20
Sir Alexander, author of
Inscriptions of Asoka, 27.
Curtius, Quinctus, 16.

rela-

tions with, 112.

Chronicles of, 79, 80, 146.

Chanakya's
9

Arthasastra, 68

85.

Dakshinapath

Chandler, Rev. J. 8.. 297.

Chandra gwpta,

73. 85, 100,102,

106, 107, 168, 207.

Damirica or

Dramidaca, 119,

Cherabothra, Keralaputra, 119,

Dandi, 54.

128.

lai, 245, 246.

Chersouesus. golden, 134.

Chintamani, 162. 172.

Cholas, 63, 69, 115.

Their kingdom at the dawn

the Xian era, 127 et seq.

their Ist supremacy. 129.

Three generations of, 356.
to
1st essential
Chronology,

history. 44.

Chryse country, 76, 124. island,

120.
Cicero,

on the 1st law

of history,

3.

Clive and Watson. 149.

Colandial name of the large
vessels of the Tamils, 124,
Constantine, Emperor, 306.
Cook, Mr. Stanley A. on the
defects of specialistic research.

1834.

danota-

120, 123, 134.

Dandakaranya

Cheras. 63.
Chera, achievements. 151.
Chera ascendancy, 130.
the, of the elephant look,

(Dachi.
of

tion, 59, 60,101, 102,112, 118-

Chalukyas, rise of, 155>

Charlemagne. 152.
Chinese Empire, 110,

of

nabadesGk,)chaige

(Tamil Dandaranyam), 62, 63, 101, 118,

128.

Dantivarman
Pallava,
Vairameghau, 47.
D'Ely Mont, 231.
Deva Raya I, 17.
Dharmasutra Apastamba.
Dhruva, story. 3334.

not

320.

Star, pole-star, 324.

Diodorus' resume
of
lonian astrology, 318.

Digambara

Darsana,
work, 189.
Diadohi, 105.

Babya

Jain

Dipavamsa, 79.
Dinnaga, 52.
Dosarene or Dasarna, 125.
Dravida Sangam, 189, 190.

Duttagamani

Abhaya,

great

patron, 77,
of

Buddhism, 354.

Elara or Eleia Singam his high

notions of justice, 353.
Elilmalai,of Nannan.Saptasaila,

Cornelius Nepos, 113.

Montd'ely

Oarpus InscriptioDum Indica

writer*",) 93.

of

mediaeval

IHDW.

-366

Elliot Sir Walter, 23.

Elphinstone on Indian chronology, 4.

Epigraphy

217.

Goodspeed Prof,

10, 19.

Hpecial imp.
His, 22.

its

for 8.

Isd

wide range, 23, 24.

value, 24, 5. 34.
Indian, 25.

its
its

Eras

Eiriuon (Rann

of

Cutch), 115.

Erumaiyuran or Erumai,
tain of Kudanadu, 97.

Eudamos

Geiger's Mahavamsa, 75.

Gnimili, Nannan'a O.in. Chief,

Philip's

chief-

of

Sumerians, 325.
Gopinatha Rao, author of Hindu Iconography, 29
Govinda Raja, image taken from

Chidamoaram

Sucoesscr,

author

history of the Babylonions

and Assyrians : about the astronomical knowledge of the

the history

105.

to Tirupati
of

37.

the temple

of, 37-44.

Eukratides. 108.

Eumenes, 105Evans T G. on the eondition

of

8. India. 155.

Bvvi Chieftain. 127, 203, 236.

Greek Sources, failure after the

time of Asoke, 15.
Gunadya, 153.
Guptas Imperial, their rise,
107, 155.

Gurjjaras, 137.

238.

Guruparamparais,

Fa-Hien, Chinese

Ind Epigraphy, 23, 4.

two desiderata for Ind

his

Historical

traveller, 16

186.
Fleet Dr. 86, 101, 153, 188.
the greatest authority on

Research, 26,

2.

37.

Hammurabi Pantheon,

312.

Harper Prof, 325.

Harsha, 113.
Hastivarman of Vengi, 188.
Havell, author of Ancient. Medieval Architecture, 29.
52.
Herodotus, Father of History

Hemadri,

his Gupta'Inscriptions, 27.

his identification of Mahisha Mandala, 97.'
his theory about the use of
week-days in India, 303308.

15.

Hindu

Astronomy
Borrowed
from the W. i. Dr. Fleet's
view 305, 311
ii

Frazer, 163.

Jastrow's 324 absence of

evidence for this conten;

tion, 330.
its basis

329

Gajabahu, King

of

Gangas, 128
Gangooly, O.C., author of 8.
ladian Bronzes, 28-29.

not chronological,
but
astrological,

320.

Ceylon, 131,

153, 171, 172, 175, 210.

his synchronism, 209.
Gandharas, 70, 71.
Gangaikonda, 101.

its similarity to

and

Babylonian

Sumerian

notions,

327, 329.
if

borrowed, more probably

from Babylonia
than
from the christian astronomers of the B. E. Re-

INDEX.
ferenoes to, in vedie Literature, and Ramayana.

Hinduism, re-assertion

of,

110.

Historical Research, Indian, Requistes, organised study of

Sanskrit and the Dravidian

367
study,
needs for.
Prof.
Maitland's view, short com-

Its

ings

2, 3,

thoughts
and feelings
into the past, an obstacle

languages, and critioal editions of various works, 49,

53, 35, 6.
fixing of

of,

insight and imagination

necessary, 3.
the
tendency
to
read

to

it.

works

Hiuen Thsang,

authors essential 49.

Go-operation indispensable
but easy, 31.
touch with arohteoIogical
epigraphioal and literary

Hiung-uu, 108.

dates of

of

work

essential, 50.

Collation of various kinds

of Bouores necessary, 27.

Mistory of Hindu India,

81.
little

explored, 3.
application of Morley's conception of history to the
3, 4.

want

of

chronology,

complaint

of

the

Elphin-

stone and Cowell, 4.

of provision for the
study of, in Oxford pointed out by Hutton, 56.
demand of a permanent
chair for, by Stubbs, 8.
and its non-fulfilment, 9.
Indications of the interest

want

evoked
by
sympathetic
study of Indian Art. 28.
munificence
of
public
bodies, 29, 30.

Sources

for,

and

their

value, 10. 25, 34.

History, fable agreed upon,

1.

14.

what
1,

it

is,

Morley's view,

2.

Cicero's dictum, 3.
necessity for a permanent
chair of, 8.
its modern tendency leng-

thening, widening
deepening, 3031,

16, 17. 187.

Hultzech, Dr. 23.

Hutton, Rev. Williams Holden,
on limiting the Oxford chair
for Indian History to the
History of British connection
with India.
Hyderabad Achaeological Series.

and

Ilampuranar, commentator 253.

Ilanagan Marudan, 244, 251.
cammentary
on Iraiyanar
Ahappnrnl.
Ilandirayan, Tondaman, 202.
Ilangiran Porundil. celebrating
the Chera of the elephant
look. 246.

author of Silappadikaram, 287.

Uangosar Kongu, 197.
Ilanjet Checni,
Chola King

lango,

95. 98, 215, 234.

Imayavaramban

Perum Serai

Adan, 98.
Indian Caucasus, 104.
Indian Literature, paucity

of

professed histories, 33.

rational and system : study
necessary to yield good
results, 5, 7, 8,
Indrajit, son of Ravana, 321.
Innes Mr. L. C, on the age of
Manikkavasagar. 164,
Ion of the Chios, 323.

Iraiyinar Ahaporul, 3rd section

of Classical

249250.

Tamil Grammar

368

INDEX.

Commentary on
kirar
251.

IruDgo

of

it of Narand Ilanagan, 249,

Arayam,

to his ref. Ori's death and

the battle of Alanganam,

244.
his commentary

128. 201.

on

Tol-

kappiyam, 249.
Kalvar
Jatilavarman Pandya,

Koman

Pulli, 185.
of poets, 46.
70, 71.

Kambar, prince

Jataka, Bavern, 114.

son

of

Maravarman,

257.
his piases, 179.
Jastrow Prof., author of Religious Beliefs etc. in Babylonia
and Assyria, 312.
an Assyriologist, on che
basal ideas of Indian as-

tronomy borrowed from

Greece, 324.

Jivaka Gbintamani, 173

Jouveau-Dubreuil Prof, author
of South Indian Arohiteotuce
and Iconography', 29.

Kambojas,

Kanakasabai

Pillai
Mr, 119,
126, 163, 173, 185, 225.
his identification of Nurran-

gannan, 171, 175, 177.

two mistakes, 295.

his

Kanarese,

language,

Pallavas, 208.

by Vairameghan,
Kanchipuram, 66.

Kannaki, the heroine

Kannaki, Pehan's

Kaunan Kumattur,

258.

Kalahm (Burma), 114.

Kalangaykkanni, N a n n a n
enemy, 232.

Kanishka and

his

euccesBors, 347.

Kalidasa, his Meghaduta, 52.

his date according to W.
Scholars, 309.
distinction bet nakhis
shatra, tara and graha,
308.

Kalinga, 63, 66.

Asok>\'s conquest of, 85.
Cotton fabrics of, 69.
Kalladanar, 192, 366, 238.

of 8. 168.

170.
story of, 176.
ber curse. 332.
wife, 216,

poet 30^
Kapilar, poet. 185, 195, 216, 235,
238, 246.

's

Kalafctalaiyar, 195, 215, 235,

238.
Kalbana his Bajatharangini,13.

about

of

110. 56.

Kalabhra

182,

47.

the Constantine

Mahayana, Bud,

race, 232.
their destruction, 224.
Kadava defeat at Pennagadam,
258.
Kadurigon, 258.

Interregnum,

the

than Telugu lit, 35.

Kanchi, occupation of, by the
Cbalukyas 272,
by
the

Kanishka,

Kacboha, 65,
Kadambas, a pirate

not

elder sister of Tamil, 293.

its literature more ancient

Kkreoi,

(Tamil Karaiyar),

fisher folk, 122.

Kari, king of Mullur, 197, 199.

Kari of Tirukkoilur, 202, 237,
238.

Karikala Gbola, 51, 95, 99, 129,

171. 175, 185. 195, 234, 238.

Karikkanan, 244,
Kariyar, Victory, l30.
Kartavirya, Arjuna, 97.

Karusa, 66.
Kataba (Sumatra) 113.
Kathasaritsagara, of Somadera,.
54, 57.

Katyayana's Vartika, his ezpln.

of Pandya, 66.
Kaveripatam, 125,

369

INDEX.
Kavirajamarga,
a
Kanacese
work on poetics, 35.

Kulottunga Chola II, 40, 48.

Kulottunga Cholanula, 41.

Kennedy

Kulumbur, Pallava

J., 114.

Kerala, 112, 66. 73, 69.

Kern, Prof, author of
of

Bm.

Manual

111.

Kharavela, Kalinga ruler, 109.

Kielhorn Prof. 22, 188.
Kilar, Idaikkunrur, 195. 244.
Kilar, Perungunrur, 195.
Killi, Peruviral, 234.

Kishkinda, mod. Hampe, 61.

Koduhur

fortification, 219.

Koinos, Cavalry Commander, 104.

Koli, renewal of the Walls of by

Bajasimbha, 258.
KoUimaiais. Gcvpture
for Ori

and the

of

defeat

at,

258.

by Kari

gift of it to the

Kumarasami, Dr. A.K., 145.

Kumaratatarya, 49.
Kumari, 121.
Kumbhakarna, the Amitragha*
tin of

Kun

Bamayana,

101.

Pandya,

patron of the
Sangam, according to Peria-

puranam, 256.
Kuntala, ancient, 82,
Kural of Tiruvalluvar, 93.

Kurumtogai, 93,
Kushanas, 110.
their fall,

96, 192, 197.

155,

Kutta Nadu. 120.

Chera, 244-245.
Kollipavai, 217-196.
Kongu country, 128.

Kongudesa Rajakkal,

Konkanam, Tululand,

18.

84, 93.

Korkoi, 121-127.
Korranar, Idayan Sendan, 96.
Kosala, 66.
Kosar (Kongilangosar) a War-

Lang Mr.' author

Custom and

of

Myth, 323.
Lollius, M., 123.
Luders, Dr, 348.
Lymitioa, 119.

like people, 85, 88. 91. 92. 93.

94, 197, 198, 201.

entry into the

Kongu coun-

Chola, 38, 43.

Krishna Sastry RaiSahib. H.,

24.

Kudakko Nedum Seraladan, 195

Kudal renewal of the walls of,
by Rajasimha, 258.
239.

Kulasekhara Alvar, 39,

KulottUDga Chola I, his death
Chola
of
beginning
the
24

105,

315.
astro. Sys., 318.

319.

comment

of,

325. 6.

Mackenzie, Mss, 14.

Maorindle, 113.

Madhyadesa,

Ktesias, 16.

decline, 40,

6.

Machetas, 105.
Maokenzia, Donald A, author of
Myths of Baby, and Assyr,

on the Baby,

Krishna Raya, 43. 48.

Krishna, Sage, 111.

Kudarp Paraudalai,
Kulaoh Chirai, 278.

Macdonnell, Prof.,

Macedonian Empire,

try, 218.

Kovalan, 168.
Kovalan and Kannaki,departure
from Kaveripatnam, 331.
persecuting
a
Krimikanta,

62.

Madras Museum

plates of

Jatilavarman, 179, 257.

Madura Academy

3rd, 86, 103,

238.

Madura, destruction

of,

by

fire,

333,

Madura Kavi.

the Vaishnava
Alvar, 180, 181.
Maeris of Patalene, 105,

INDEX.

Magas

of

Gyrene, 70.

Manimekhalai,

Mababharaca,
Dakshinapatha
limited toDekhanin, 59.
Mahaoharya,
Doddayacharya.

U.

Mahanaman.a

74,

at

Mangala-

86,

80,

112,

130. 209, 210.

61,

63, 66, 74-76, 97.

Serai,

with
1878,

Manu

Serai, 245.

Ghola, 253.

Malabathrum, 120. 134.

Malayalam,
Grown out

of

Tamil, 33.

Malayaman

Chief
96,98, 127.

180,
identification with

Madura*

kavi impossible.
Marco Polo, 17, 93.
on the pirate coast, 148.-9.

Maravarman,Termaran, associa-

Maitland, Prof, on the need for

hiatl, Study, 30, 31, 53.

Mullur,

of

Commeutator,

52,

perhaps Lambothe Paranas, 116.

Mambarus,
of

identified

Maradam, 137.
Maran Kati, 181,

Mahendravarman, 273.
Mahishmati or Mandhata,

Malliriatha,
Malloi, 105.

187,

206.

Mantaram

Mahavamsa,

Kauralaka,

Mandaram

79.

ted in Literature with 16 titles

and li battles with no, ref. to
a Pallava, 266-7, 258.

Marudan, Mangudi. poet of the

Pandyan Court, 142, 242, 243,
Marudur, battle of, 258,
Masalia, 125.
Maternus Firmious, 305.

Mauryas. 90. 93, 96, 99.

war with Palayan Maran,

Nannaa

185, 7.
their army, 92, 95.
Empire overthrown
their
by Pushyamitra, 109.
their invasion
of
South
India, 98. 102, 100, 189,
206, 208.
their decline, 209.

87.
elder contemporary of Para-

Megasthenes, 16.
on the Pandya country, 67,

Mamulanar,

83, 84, 86, 90,

93, 97, 98, 103, 185, 186. 187,
189, 201, 208. 238.
of

the Agastya family, ref.

invasion of the
Contemporary of
S. 87

to the

Karikala
-

Raja

154, 168,

188.

Sthavira monk,

Maharatha, defeat
puram, 258.
Mahasena, 79.

dara

Manta

Wrongly

48, 49.
Mahamatras, 140.

43,

137,
172. 175,178, 192.

and

nar,87.
the Mauryas, 207.
ref. to the battle of Vennil
about the Chera's aohievmentag. the pirates. 235.
ref. to

Manakkilli, Caola princess, 218,

Mandagara

port, 147.

Mangayark Ka
queen,

ref. to

i,

Pandya

oy Sambandar,

278, 279.

Manikkavasagar, 38, 40.

his date not settled, 45, 46.
age of, 164,

68, 328, 350.

ruler of

Menander,

Kabul. 109,

118.

Metellus Oeler, 113.

Mignili, war with, 196, 198.
Miunagara, City of the Scythians, 115.

Mithridates Atsakes I, 107.

Mitton, Miss, authoress of the
ruined cities of Ceylon 353.
Mohur, Chief of, 185. 206.

Mommsen,

133,

Moriyar or Oriyar,

92.

371

INDEX.
Motley, Lord, on history, 1-2
on the shortcomings of histl.
study, 2-3.
Mousikanos, 105.

Mudattamakkanniyar. 215.
Mudavanar, lyur, 244.

Mudukudumi, Paodya

Narkirar. 185, 247.

his refs, to Pari and Eru-

mai, 247, 248.

a

of

the

Sangam,

on
Ahapporul

yanar

Raja-

Irai-

the

most approved, 289 and

dhi Raja, 227,258,

MuhurcaDarpana,
MuUer, Max, 145.

member

248.
his commentary

308. 9.

251.

Murtinayanar, story of, 182.

Muttra, antiquities of, 109.
Muyiri (mod CranMuziris,
ganore), 119,120,134,135, 147
195, 230.

Narrinai, 93,96,192, 196,197,

283.

Nattan,Nallur, 195.
Nedumaran, Pandyan, Victor,
at Nelveli, importance of his
identification to Tamil Literary History, 255.

Nedura Jadayan, Jatila, donor

of the Madras Museum and
Sinnamanur plates, 258.
Nedum Jadaivan, Pandyan, 98

N
Nachohinarkkiniyar, 87, 173.
Nagarjuna, 54, 111,
Nagas, 134.

Nahapana,

Kshaharata

171, 175, 209.

Nedumjadayan,

ruler,

117.
Nalli, 198,

Nambanus,

taka, donor of
grant, 258.

Jatila,

Paran-

the Velvikudi

Nedum
kingdom

of,

115,

Imayavaramban,

116, 117.

Nambiyandar Nambi, ref.

to the Saugam, 281, 275.

of,

Namraalvar, 45, 46.

Nandas, 106, 181 their enor;

mous wealth, 89.

Nandivarmau Pallavamalla, last
great Pallava, 47. 273.
Victor at Tallaru, 282.
Nannan. the woman-killer, 84,
85. 87, 88, 93, 128, 197, 198,
199, 217, 232. 238 ; his City,
228,
his fort, 196his vast wealth, 217.
his kingdom, Konkanam,
217.

Naraaimhachar Mr. R. 24.

Narasimha Pallavamalla,

183,

Iyer

Mr.

editor of
Narriaai), 192, 283.

(the

Pinnathur,

225, 234,

238.
Nelveli, battle of, 255.
Arikesari Varman's 273.
Udayachandra's, 274.
ref.

to.

in later

literature,

Peiiapuranam, 273.

76.

Nero, 150.
Netravati river, 231.
Nioolo-dei-conti, 17.
Nilakanran of Muairi, 253.
Ninevah Archives, receut discovery in, and the commentu
of Mackenzie D. A. and 8ayce
325, 326.

Nirkuuram,

mod.

form

o*

Nelcyuda, 119, 122.

203.

Narayanaswami,

Secaladan, (Chera King

Senguttuv;an) 215, 218.

Nishada Chief. 274.

Nitrias (Naura), nest of pirateg,
119, 147, 230.

Nripatunga. a Kanarese write?

on poetics, 35.

INDEX.

372
Numismatics,
work 80 far,

private

largely

21.
invaluable for

particular
periods uf history. 22.

Nuniz,

17.

Nurraugannan,

171, 175, 177.

Pandya Kavatam (K a v a
puram) 63.
not a mountain but

a-

the

Cape, 68.

Pandyas, 63, 69, 112.

their kingdom, extension
of, 127.
their county 73.

Ori of Kollimalais.
217, 238.

128, 201,

bis defeat, 196.

his death, 197 237.
Oriental, Mss. Library, 91.
Ottakkuttan, poet. 40.
Oviasenan, 172, 177.

Owen, Mr.

Sidney, Reader of
Ind. His in Oxford, 8.
Oxyartes, 105.

Oxydrachoi, 105.
Oxykeuos, 105.

Ozene (Ujjain) 118.

twelve years famine in, 260.

reference to, 360.
their ascendancy, 130, 131-2.
Panini, the grammarian, 65-7.
Papyrus, a Gk. farce, 293.
Param Korranar, 91.
Paranar, Sangam poet 85. 91,
93. 185, 193, 195, 198, 199,
202, 205, 238, age of, 211-239
Contemporary of Sari, ori,
Evvi and Adigaman 236.
refs. mostly to the Cholas
and Chetas 234.
his Voluminous works, 214.
political divisions of his age

199 political circumstances

203 ref to Tal. Pandyan

Paddirruppattu, 98,

102,

168,

Paes, 17.
Paisaohi, 54.
Paitan, 118.

Nannan's

I,

Chola King. 181,

261.

Palaesimuudu, 125.
Palayan Maran, 187, 206,
Pali,

239.

Parantaka

192, 199, 205.

219.

95,
196, 196. 217.
its destruction, 98.
Pali, Literature, its service to
the history of Ancient India,
hill-fort,

37.

Pallava Bhanjana^ 258,

Pallavamalia, 274.
defeat of, 258.
Pallavas, 203.
their rise 130, 155.
the age of the 183.
their accession to power 271
the great, of Kanchi, 273.
not referred
to by
the
Sangam Works, 182.
defeat 'at Kulumbur and
Sankaramangai 28.

commentary
Parimelalagar's,
on Kural, 251. 2.
Pari of Parambnnad, 201.
friend of Kapilar, 247.
Paropanisadae, Ind viceroyalty of Alex 105.
Parthians, 107.
their indepce 107.
their Empire, 110.
Pasungudayar, Unpodi, 95.

Pataiiputra, destruction of, 186

189.
excavations in, 23.
Patanjali, 66, 7.
to
dedicated
Pattinappalai,
Karikaia, 51, 125. 126, 136-7.
Pattini devi, 131, 145. 209.210.
Pattuppattu 167-8 167, 192.
the
Paulina Loliia wife of

Emperor Caius 122, 3.

Pax, a comedy of Ariataphanes,
323.

INBEX.
Fehan chieftaiD

128. 199,
215. 234, 238.
his liberality 195.
Peithon, Viceroy 105.

202,

Priyadarsin

Periapuranam, 182, 183,

on the existence

of the

and

276

Saugam

256.
of the Erythraean Sea,
102, 115, 115, 116, 117,
119. 121. 122, 123, 126, 146,
156-8 on the piratical west
coast 229, 146; on S. Ind.
exports, 134-5.
Periyar, Chera river 222, 226.
Perunjatian, 245.
Periindevanar, 174 194.
rather a common name,
283.
Bharatavenba 282.
Bharatampadiya, 285.
Parundurai port, 198
Perungunrur Kilar, 216, 238.

Periplus
17,

king,

122. 12 5, 146, 147, 151, 172.

230,
his age synchronous with the

Chera ascendancy 159.

Ptolemy II Philadelphus 70.
107, 110.

Padukkotta state. 73.

Puhar, the emporium
East,

Peruvaludi,Palvagasali Pandya,
181, 2,
Peruvirarkkilli 195, 199, 215,
245.
Petronius, 132.
Peutingerian
Tables,
146,
148, 151, 233
Philip, viceroy, murder of, 105.
Pidiyao, ridiculous idendification with Palayan 189.

Pitenikas 70, 72.

Pliny, geographer, 16,146, 151.
on piracy 147, 229.
on the drain from the

Empire

into

India 133.

on the luxuries

of

Roman

ladies, 123-3.

the

of

destruction 129

its

Roman

42.

see Ascka,
Ptolemy, astronomer and geographer 16,114, 115, 119, 121,

Pindan, 198.
d e fe a
destrsctioD of 258.
Perdicoas, 105.

Poduoa, 123.
Porus, 105.

Prapannamrtam

Pinches, Prof about Mars 313.

Pennagadam,

373

festivals at, 146.

Pulikat corruption of Palaverkkadu, 83.

limit of Aryan land, 96.

Pulindas, 60,
Pulli ofVengadam 128.
chieftain of Tirupati,

Pundras,

197.

63,

Pural, Coasts, 121.

Purananuru,

167,

174,

152,

194. 198.

Puranas, 103.
oldest, 63.

Pushyamitra Sung*, 109.

his triple war, 109.

Raghava Aiyangar, Pandit M.,

his life of

Senguttuvan, 166,

184185.
on the

Sangam

period, 203.

Rahulabhadra, 111.
Raja Raja II, 40, 48.
Raja Rajanula, 41.
Rajasimha I, defeat of Pallava-

Plutarch 322.

malla, renewal

PodiyilHill,

Kudal, Vanji and Koli, 258.

90,' 93, 100.

farthest limit of
invasions 87.
defeat at, by the

Mauryan
Kosar

88.

Rajasimha
Rajasimha

of

the walls of

II, 258.
III, 258, 261.
Rajavalikathe, 14.

374

INDEX.

Ramannja, the reconstruction

the

life of,

of

on the posRibilitieR

neoted with, 213.

Narkirar, an eminent

research in Tamil
Literature, 37. etseq.
his life, contained in Pra-

ber of,

pannamrtam,

Rama Raya, 43, 44. 4S. 49.

Ramayaria (Kamban's), 46.
Ramayana,

in the,

321, 322.

Mahabarata,

ohronologi oal

difficulties

connected with, 64.

Ranadhira, 258.
Rangaswami Aiyangar, 192.
Rashtikas, 702.
Rice, Mr., of the Epigraphia
Carnataka, 24.
Roman Commerce, 149 to 150.
of,

owing

political

to

change

conditions,

151.
Romans, 107.

Rost, Reinold, echoing the Galdwellian tradition, 162.

Roxane, wife of Alexander,
105.

works, their contemporary value, 1914.

absence of ref, to the Pallavas in, 182.
their chronology discussed,
161 to 210.
Bangara, Periplus' name for the
smaller vessels of the Tamils,
124.

Sankaramangai, defeat

of the
Pallavas at, 258, 273.
Sanskrit, indispensable for Ind.
Histl. Research, 35.

Saiagoparandadi, 45.
Satakarni. 185.
Satakarui Yegnasena, 109.
their disappce,
Satavahanas,
116, 155.
their records, 34,

mentioned

Satiyaputra,
to have
Ahauanuru collec-

Rudrasarman, believed

made

the

tion, 285.

s
of a school of

AsoVa

edicts,

Sattan, author

in

112
of

Manimekha-

214, 287.
Satyacharya, 327.
Savaham, 113.
Bayce. Prof, on obserratotiei in
Bibylonia. 326.
Scbeifner, 85.
lai,

Saddharma-pundarika, founder

Bahadeva,

to

360.

Sangam
belief

Ramayana and

of

power during, 355

(Vaimiki's;, 61, 63,

94, 101.
astrological

decline

mem-

and

Tal. Pand.
associated with, 284.
ref to in the larger Hinnamanur plates, 282.
distribution of
political

of historio

Buddhism, 111.
march into the

Pandya country, 60.

Sakas, 109.
the era called after them,
108, 110, 111.
Sambandar, Tirugnana, 203,
205.
SamudraguptH, 206.
Sangam Tamil, of Madura, probable origin, 142.
the age of, the Augustan Age
of Tamil Lit., 165.
the best period of activity
2nd and 3rd cens, 286.
Paranar, a celebtifcy oon

Schofi.

WH.,

102, 114.

on the condition

of S.

Ind.,

156.
his identification, 231.
Seleucus Nicator, 73.
his treaty with Chandrsgupta 100, 103, 106, 107.
Seliyan Seudau, identification

with Tal. Pand, not proven,

204, 258.

Senguttuvan,

the Red Chera,

210, 313, 214,

130, 126, 204,

217, 218. 219.

375

INDEX.
beagutiuvaQ his

life

by Baghava

chieftaincies,
seven
bone of contention bet
Cholaa and Cheras, 127-8,

the

Aiyat)gr, 166.
his age, 165, 185.

Nedum

Saraman

Seraladan,

169.

Sesha Aiyar, K. G., on the astronomical data of 8. & M.,

331 CO 348.
his conolusious about

Seweli,
the fiud of Bomau ooina, 149
to 151.
Bhama Sastry, tcanalatoc of the
Acchasastra, 63.
Silappadikaram & M, their histrl. value, 20i to 5 & 209 & 10.
ohronologioal data of 291.
I.
from,
in
quotations
Ahapporul, 293.
astronomioal data discussed,
174 to 5 and 331 to 48.

Simba Vishnu, 273.

binnamanur plaues,
181, 257

Sitaou

167,

179.

and 282.

Rama

oaing turned into

Smith, Vincent A, author of the

Early History of India, and
History of Fine Art in India

and Ceylon, 4 and

29.

the former a vindication of

of
the
possibility
a
connected His. of Ind., 4.
on the S. frontier of Asoka'a
Empire, 82 3.
his

sarith

Eashmerian,

Kathasagara, 54-6

South India, a distinct entity in

Indian History, Chap. I.,
Mauryan invasion of, Chap.
well-known to theN,
by the cime of Patanjali, 67.
its commeroial
condition,

II, fairly

113 to 126.
its internal condition pol.

and indl. 126 to 137.

apparently out of the vortex
of

pol.

ports

and

religious

changes taking place

where, 112.

else-

and roads,

royal power. 139, to 142.

religious toleration and happy confusion, 143 to 146.
its ideal of justice, 142-3.
T. C. Evans and W. H.
SchofE on, 1566.
its stand against the Gks,
158.
its peace ideals, 158 to 160.

Speyer, Prof.

Dutch

scholar, 54,

154.

Chinese Father

Ssu-ma-ch'ien,
of history, 16.

Strabo, 146.
Stubbs Bishop, Regius Prof, of
Mod. His, Oxford, on the need
for a
permanent chair of

India hisooiy,

a star, 321.

Somadeva,

238.
principal
138-9.

Subramania

8.

Aiyer, K.V. extracts

from, 167--174.
his incapacity to appreciate
difierent
des, 205.

mental

attitu-

Sugriva, description of the S. 61

to 63, 94.

Sumerians, their notions ooncerning the moon, 311.

Pillai, his milestones

Sundaram

in Tamil Lit., 163.

Sundaramurti Nayanar, 45.
Sundara (Kuu) Pandya, 203.

Sungas, their

fall,

Suvarnabhumi,

103.

75, 76.

Suvarnagiri. 82.

Swamikannu

Pillai

Dewan

Bahadur, on the date of B. and

M., 172 to 174.
on their astronomioal data,
29C 348. passim
the
unbroken
tradition
annotation connected
with them, 335.

of

376

INDE^.

Swaminatha Aiyar, Mahamahopadhyaya, his rem a r k a b 1 y

well-edited Tamil works
of
Literature, 50 to 51.

battle, 182,

247.

and Mangudi Marudan, 244

Pandyan

Tevaram Hymners, 203.

Thamodaram, Mr. C. W.

Tirukkoilur,
198.

281.
ideutificatioQ with
Seliyan, 204.
Talikoia, battle of, 48.

ref.

ia

to

the

Tamils i. their Literature, no+.

iadependeut of Saus., the
;

oldest and most Vol. 36, 37.

essential for S. lud. His,,
c
135. 212.
jhe seven patrons of, 238.
fh
ligho thrown on the oouud-

ary of the
pire

and

47.
to Pallavas as Vilvelif

ref. to

the

Sangam, 282.

Tirupati temple, 37.

Tiruvoimoli, of Nammalvar, 45.
Todas, emigration, date of, 292.

Tolkappiam,

classical

Tamil

grammar,

249, 250.
division of the year in, 319.

Tulu Nadu,

93.

entry into, bv Kosar, 88.

Tyndia, 116, 119,' 230, 231.
Trygaeus, a character of Aristaphanes, 323.

Mauryan Em>
the Mauryan

Invasion of South India,

attempted
occupation of, 102.
divided among 3 kings,
200.
their capacity for navigation and ship-builditig,
124, 137.

iv. their astrological

Udaya Chandra, Pallava

al,

82, 85.
ii, their country,

iii.

Kari,

of

268.

of,

Sendan

capital

Tirumangai Alvar, his age,

Chap. YI, date

Tambapauui, ref.
Asoka edicts, 69.

Pillai,

Pinna, 48.
Tiruchchirrambalakkovai, 88.

Victor of,
131,
140 to 142, 196, 239
of,

modelled on SanSi,

Timma

282
desociptiou of by, Narkirar,

age

Lit.,

35.

editor of I. Ah*pporul, 253,

Tidayan, idenoification with, of
Tadayan, 189.
Tilak, B.G. on the Veda, etc. 315
Tilaka, a commentary, 94.

Tagara, 119.
Takkayagapparani, 42.

TalayalaDgaaam

Telugu

system,

gener-

273.

Udayana, Sahara King, 273.

Upham,

editor of the

Maha-

vamsa, 131.
Uruvapahrerilaujetchenni,
to, by Paranar, 194.
old expr.
Uttarapatha,

ref.

for

modern Hindustan,

59.
Uttar Phalguni, 299, 300.

302, 303, 328.

Tamravarnika, Chanakya's,

ref.

to, 68.

Taranatha,

Tibetan historian,

85, 111, 208.

Tatarya, 43.

Taxila, kingdom of, 105.

excavations in, 20.

Vadukar, 90, 91, 92, 97.

munai, boundary of
Tamil country, 84.
frontier, 201.

Vada, 201.

the

377

INDEX.
Vamba, 95, 98.
VambaMofiyar, (Maurya nouac
?iomin<E), expr.of Mamulanar,

Viyalur. defeat at and destruction or of, 219.

89.

wrong equation
Vanga,

206.

Week-Day,

63.

Vanji, Chera
300.
its

of,

capital, 138. 139.

identification with

Karut

on uncertain and slender

basis, 190.

renewal

of

the walls

Varaguna Pandya,
Tarahamihira,

of,

258.

45.

astronomer,

Fleet's contention
about, 304 etseq
astrological character of and
animtstio notions in, 330.
West Coast, piracy in, 228, 9,
231, 147-9.
free from the pest, 232.
the Red Chera's achievement in this connection,
;

307. 327.

151, 236.

Varthema, 17.
Vedanta Desika,

White Island. 230.

author

Yadavabhyudayam,

of

48.

Woodroffe,

Justice,
sculpture, 26, 29.

on Indian

Velvikudi grant, 180 to 182, 257.

Venkayya, Mr.,

24.

his reconacruotion of Pandya history, 256.

his masterly epjgraphioal
reports, 257
extracts from, 261 to 264.
Venkoba Rao. G., 180.
Vennikkuyattiyar, 235, 238.
Vennil. battle of. 129. 235.
Vichchikkon, 201.
Vikrama Chola, 40, 48.
Vikramaditya, 56, 272.
Virasoliyam. Commentary, 283.

Vishamasila, 57.
Vishnu, Eastern Chalukya, 274.
Vishnugopa of Kanobi, 188.

Yadavabhyudayam,

48.

Yavanaoharya, quoted by Varahamihira.' 327.

Yonas, 70, 71,

Yueh-ohi, 108.
Yule, editor of Marco Polo, 148

9.

Zenith Arc, contention about,

296 to 299.
^angaria, plains of, 108.

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