Journal of Food Products Marketing

ISSN: 1045-4446 (Print) 1540-4102 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wfpm20

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase:

Understanding Inconsistency in Consumer Choice
Patterns
Joanna Henryks, Ray Cooksey & Vic Wright
To cite this article: Joanna Henryks, Ray Cooksey & Vic Wright (2014) Organic Food at the
Point of Purchase: Understanding Inconsistency in Consumer Choice Patterns, Journal of Food
Products Marketing, 20:5, 452-475, DOI: 10.1080/10454446.2013.838529
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10454446.2013.838529

Published online: 25 Sep 2014.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 573

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wfpm20
Download by: [Otto-von-Guericke-Universitaet Magdeburg]

Date: 02 December 2016, At: 05:31

Journal of Food Products Marketing, 20:452475, 2014

Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1045-4446 print/1540-4102 online
DOI: 10.1080/10454446.2013.838529

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase:

Understanding Inconsistency in Consumer
Choice Patterns
JOANNA HENRYKS
Faculty of Arts and Design, University of Canberra, Canberra, Australia

RAY COOKSEY and VIC WRIGHT

UNE Business School, University of New England, Armidale, New South Wales, Australia

The organic food category, while still small in terms of world food
production, has continued to grow in many markets in the developed world. This article focuses on understanding the barriers and
facilitators to purchasing organic food at the final hurdle: the point
of purchase (POP). A qualitative study has identified seven factors
that influence buyer behavior at the POP, and these are consumer
intention to purchase organic food when entering the retail outlet; habit; availability; false assumptions; visibility and access of
organic food; visual and olfactory cues; and price. These can often
be the final hurdle to consumers choosing (or not) organic food at
the POP.
KEYWORDS organic food, buyer behavior, point of purchase

INTRODUCTION
Organic food has entered the mainstream and can no longer be viewed as
a niche product; approximately 65% of consumers purchase a mixture of
organic and conventional food (Monk, Mascitelli, Lobo, Chen, & Bez, 2012).
Globally, the sales of organic products are estimated to be almost $55 billion
(Willer & Kilcher, 2011); the most recent Australian market figures are almost
$1,150 million (Monk et al., 2012) and in the United States $26.6 billion
Address correspondence to Joanna Henryks, Faculty of Arts and Design, University of
Canberra, ACT, 2601, Australia. E-mail: joanna.henryks@canberra.edu.au
Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.
tandfonline.com/wfpm.
452

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

453

(Willer, & Kilcher, 2011). Understanding buyer behavior in this market is

key to formulating strategies and tactics for organic producers and retailers.
Although much research into various aspects of organic consumer buying
behavior has been undertaken and published, there are still behaviors that
have not been adequately explained.
In developed countries, the majority of consumers buy at least some
organic food. Reports indicate that this may be as high as 90% in the United
Kingdom (Soil Association, 2009) to 70% in the United States (Demeritt, 2009)
and 65% in Australia (Monk et al., 2012). However, market share remains
small (Aertsens, Mondelaers, Verbeke, Buysse, & Van Huylenbroeck, 2011).
In Australia it is estimated to be approximately 1%,1 and it is approximately
4% in the United States (Organic Trade Association, 2011). Thus it appears
that, although a large percentage of consumers purchase organic products, most of these consumers must purchase it only occasionally. Hence,
consumers move between purchasing organic and conventional food. For
example, they may always buy organic bread but buy organic meat only
occasionally, or they may purchase organic fresh fruit and vegetables when
they are encountered below some predetermined price threshold but normally buy conventional fresh produce. This behavior is not static across
categories, and there are a myriad of buying behaviors pertaining to organic
food (Henryks, 2009; Padel & Foster, 2005). Thus the majority of organic food
buyers move between purchases of organic and conventional food and, for
the purpose of this article, have been labeled as switchers.
This switching behavior may, in part, answer the question: If the organic
category is growing, why is it that it still seems to be accessed inconsistently by many consumers? The immense body of literature that exists in the
organic food arena has not yet generated an understanding of this switching
behavior. Answers can be found partly in the form of attitudinal research
that argues that, in the main, consumers buy organic food for reasons of perceived health and taste (Baker, Thompson, & Engelken, 2004; Fearne, 2008;
Hughner, McDonagh, Prothero, Shultz II, & Stanton, 2007; Lea & Worsley,
2005; Lyons, Lockie, & Lawrence, 2001; Sloan, 2002; Zanoli, 2004) or environmental benefits (Chang, Zepeda, & Griffith, 2005; Schifferstein & Oude
Ophius, 1998; Tsakiridou, Zotos, & Mattas, 2006). The lack of pesticides
used in the production of organic fruit and vegetables is also a motivator for
some consumers (Aertsens et al., 2011).
Reasons consumers do not buy organic food are primarily price and
availability (Aertsens et al., 2011; Pearson & Henryks, 2008). That is, organic
food is considered more expensive and not always available. However,
these factors require deeper analysis. For example, in Australia the average
Australian spends just over $20 USD per week on fresh fruit and vegetables
1

Derived from total organic food sales being 1.276 AUD billion (Monk, Mascitelli, Lobo, Chen, &
Bez, 2012) and total food sales being 130.3 AUD billion (DAFF, 2011).

454

J. Henryks et al.

and over $80 USD on alcohol, soft drinks, takeaway food, and confectionary
(ABS, 2011). Further, a study by Dickson and Sawyer (1990) found that more
than half of shoppers sampled could not correctly name the price of an
item they had just placed in their shopping trolley, and a similar number
were unaware that a product they had just purchased was on special. Price
consciousness does not appear to be high. Similarly, availability may mean
not easily available from the supermarkets where I shop (Lyons, Lockie, &
Lawrence, 2001, p. 204). Thus it may, in part, be a question of what consumers value as opposed to what they can afford. This is not to suggest
that all consumers can afford organic food or that they should be purchasing it. The aim is to unpack these barriers to the purchase of organic food
to explore different explanations for inconsistent purchase patterns. As with
any purchase, it is about perceived consumer value, and, clearly, consumers
are not consistently valuing organic food in line with their stated beliefs.
A theory often used in marketing to explain the link between consumer beliefs, attitudes, and intentions is the theory of planned behavior
(Ajzen, 2005), and this theory has been applied in the organic food context.
However, the outcomes are far from conclusive: Some research finds a positive relationship between values and attitudes that support organic food and
purchase intentions (Aertsens, Verbeke, Mondelaers, & Van Huylenbroect,
2009; Chen, 2007; Lodorfos & Dennis, 2008; Michaelidou & Hassan, 2008),
and other research does not find this (Chen, 2009; Shepherd, Magnusson, &
Sjdn, 2005; Vermeir & Verbeke, 2008). As pointed out by Shepherd et al.
(2005), the theory of planned behavior fails to take into account factors that
may be important in the choice of organic food: affective responses to food
and moral concerns about the way foods are produced (p. 357). These factors can actually determine choice of retail outlet on some occasions, which,
in turn, can determine what consumers are able to buy (Henryks & Pearson,
2011). For example, if a farmers market is chosen for a particular shopping event, the range of fruit and vegetables may be limited to locally and
seasonally available foodthus the range may be limited.
Previous research has examined various aspects of the consumer buying
process. These include motivations and attitudes (as mentioned above); various segmentation approaches (Fotopoulos & Krystallis, 2002; Lea & Worsley,
2005; McEachern & McClean, 2002); and the impact of choice of retail outlet on organic purchase (Henryks & Pearson, 2010a). An area that has been
neglected is choice at point of purchase (POP). The majority of consumer
purchase decisions are made at the POP. Innman and Winer (1998) found
that between one half to two thirds of consumer buying decisions are made
at the POP, while other market research has estimated this to be significantly
higher, at 85%90% (Casey, 2002; Gander, 2005). Intuitively, this would suggest the POP may be an area worth exploring from the point of view of the
organic consumer.

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

455

The focus of this research was, on a given shopping event, identifying the contextual factors that appear to influence the organic food
purchase/non-purchase decision at a retail outlet among consumers who
switch between purchasing organic and conventional food. The aim was to
gain a greater understanding of barriers to, and facilitators for, the purchase
of organic food at the POP among organic switchers.

METHODOLOGY
This article examines POP but emerged from a larger study examining the
consumer buying process. A grounded theory approach was chosen to gain
a deeper understanding of the complexities and contexts involved in the
organic food buying process at the POP from the perspective of switching
consumers. This method focused on building theory from the data (Glaser
& Strauss, 1968) and thus was an inductive approach. Analysis occurred in
parallel with the data collection process and influenced further data collection (theoretical sampling; see Charmaz, 2006), which, in turn, informed
subsequent analyses. This cycle continued until no new information came
to lightuntil theoretical saturation (Pidgeon & Henwood, 2004) had been
reached.
The target audience of interest was consumers who switched between
purchasing organic and conventional food because they comprised the vast
majority of organic consumers. Selected participants for this study were the
primary shopper for their household and, to ensure that they were switchers,
needed to be purchasing at least three organic items per week but not the
majority of their food as organic. This was to ensure that they were switchers
and not heavy or non-consumers of organic food.
As the aim was to uncover a diverse range of perspectives to increase the
chances of developing a well-rounded theory, participants were chosen to
enhance demographic diversity and a range of stages in the family lifecycle.
This selection criterion is shown in Table 1 and served to provide a backdrop
of context richness for the stories and perspectives that emerged from the
data. A modified snowball sampling technique was used (Minichiello, Aroni,
& Hays, 2008) whereby informants, known to the researchers, were asked for
their assistance in putting potential participants in touch with the researcher.
Applying theoretical sampling, the collection of empirical information
was deemed to be complete when no new information emerged from the
participants. This saturation point was reached after 19 interviews. As a
further check on whether or not the saturation point had been reached,
two additional interviews were conducted, and neither yielded any new
insights. Hence, the final sample consisted of 21 participants (see Table 1).
Participants were from two Australian cities: Armidale in New South Wales
and Canberra in the Australian Capital Territory. Both these cities supported

456

Single parent part-time children

Single parent full-time children

Single person living alone

Single person in a shared household

Household shopper with older children

Couple with young children

Couple with no children living at home

Household demographics

TABLE 1 Summary of Final Sample

Felicity (Full-time worker).

Henry (retired)
Gabrielle and Dorothy (children have left
home)
Conrad (never had children);
Betty (about to have children).
Elizabeth (1 preschool and 2 school aged
children).
Anna (2 primary and 2 high school
children).

Armidale participants (n = 8)

Queenie (family with a child in primary and

another in high school)
Rose (family with high school children)
Kate, Jenny Ursula (all working full-time)
Lexi (single person, children have left
home);
Olivia (university student in a shared
student household);
Isabelle (house sitting);
Penny and Mary (full-time working, shared
house)
Natalie (2 primary school aged children)
Tanya (1 primary aged child and 2 high
school aged children)

Sam (2 primary school-aged children)

Canberra participants (n = 13)

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

457

a range of retail outlets that stocked organic food, including supermarkets

(small and large), health food stores, and food co-operatives. However, at
the time of this research, only Canberra had established weekly farmers
markets.
An in-depth interview using a semistructured interview schedule was
conducted with each participant. This maximized flexibility during the interview as they remained open to all possibilities (Strauss & Corbin, 1998,
p. 206). The interview guide is included in Appendix 1; however, in line
with the semistructured approach, the list is a topical landscape and not a
definitive list of all questions asked in each interview. Interviews were digitally recorded with the permission of each participant. Recorded interviews
were transcribed by a professional transcribing company. The transcription
process was guided by a set of instructions indicating that both interviewer
and interviewee talk be transcribed and defining specific character codes to
be used to signal unclear or inaudible words, pauses, and background noise
intrusions and interruptions. Transcribed interviews were double-checked
for accuracy against the original digital recording. Analysis of the interview
transcripts was facilitated through the use of the qualitative data software
program NVivo7 (QSR International, 2006). In line with the grounded theory method, data analysis consisted of two dynamically interacting practices:
coding and memos. Coding for the data followed the guidelines set down
by Charmaz (2006) that required a two-stage process comprising initial open
coding followed by selective coding. The initial open coding framework is
outlined in Appendix 2, and the selective coding is outlined in the Results
section. Additionally, memos were composed and used for the duration of
the project to aid reflexivity. These memos worked primarily as aids to memory and pointers to analytical pathways and interpretations to follow up as
opposed to codeable text in their own right. And, finally, participants were
assigned pseudonyms to protect their identities.

RESULTS
Once consumers had chosen a retail outlet for a given shopping event,
either consciously or through habit2 , they were met with a plethora of food
choices. Whether the actual purchase eventuated as an organic or a conventional one depended on many contextual factors characterized as barriers
to purchase or facilitators for the purchase of organic food. They included
consumer intention to purchase organic food when entering the retail outlet; habit; availability; false assumptions; visibility or accessibility of organic
2

For a discussion on the choice of retail outlet and organic consumer behavior from this study, see
Henryks and Pearson (2011).

458

J. Henryks et al.

products; visual and olfactory cues; and price. For identified factors, perspectives emerged that indicated each factor can serve as both a facilitator and
an inhibitor to the purchase of organic food depending on the situational
dynamics. The facilitators and barriers are detailed under each of the factors
listed below.
These factors worked together in a variety of ways and resulted in either
the purchase or non-purchase of organic food at the POP among switchers.
Although intention and habit may be considered factors external to the POP,
they influence a purchase decision at the POP. False assumptions, availability, and visibility/access occurred at the store level, whereas visual and
olfactory cues as well as price were proximal sources of influence operating
prior to consumer choice of purchase. It is not possible to infer their relative importance from the data; however, the roles and relationships among
the factors in determining POP behavior were identified and are explained
below. To conserve space, supporting evidence for specific interpretations
has been deliberately restricted to a single illustrative quote in most cases.

Intention
Intention referred to participants going to a shopping outlet with intention to
buy a specific organic product. This was different from habit, which will be
discussed in the next section. In many cases, these consumers would enact
their intention to purchase organic food unless one of the other factors, such
as unavailability or price, became a barrier. For example:
if I looked at a recipe and it said . . . organic theres one that I make its a
Bill Granger recipe and its a chicken dish and it says use organic chicken
. . . cause I think the flavors probably pretty important for something like
that. (Natalie, Single Parent Part-Time Children, Canberra, p. 9)

In this instance, the participant was positively predisposed to buying the

organic version of the product in question and went shopping with the
intention to buy a specific organic product.

Habit
Habit could be viewed as both a barrier and a facilitator to the purchase of
organic products at the POP, differing from the intention factor in that it refers
to routine shopping behavior as opposed to specific or one-off shopping
behavior. When participants bought the same organic products every week,
the habit facilitated the purchase of organic food. Yet when organic switchers
were in the habit of buying a particular product in a conventional format, the
habit could then become a barrier to the purchase of organic food. Gabrielle
and Anna bought the same food each week. This habit of theirs could act as

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

459

either a barrier (if the product they were routinely buying was conventional)
or a facilitator (if the product was organic). Others tended to buy certain
products in their organic version.
I tend to buy things like rice, lentils, and any of that kind of pulses . . . I
really havent bought too much in the way of fruit and veg cause I know
I just cant afford it at the moment . . . but in the future I may. [Lexi
(talking about what she buys in terms of organic food), Single Person in
a Shared Household, Canberra, p. 9]
I try and get organic flour. [Tanya, Single Parent Full-Time Children,
Canberra, p. 6]

In such instances, the habit of buying the organic products acted as a

facilitator at the point of purchase.

Availability
The limited range of organic food at certain retail outlets meant that it was
not always easily available at the POP. Lack of availability of a specific
organic food acted as a barrier to purchase, and, consequently, shopping
for organic food was perceived to be more work for some organic switchers.
This became a barrier at the POP when consumers were time-pressured: they
may not have chosen to put in the extra work (perceived or actual) to buy
organic food, perhaps needing to go to specialty outlets rather than just one
main shop. For example:
more of a task to do the gathering. (Anna, Household Shopper with Older
Children, Armidale, p. 1)
because I think it would be more of an effort . . . Theres a smaller lot
of available (in supermarket) so you kind of have to be more geared
up for it, I think. Like you cant just go to the big fruit and veg shop
and buy organic stuff, you know. Its not as easy to do. So I think thats
probably what puts me and maybe some otherit makes it just a bit
harder to bring it in more. (Betty, Couple with No Children Living at
Home, Armidale, p. 20)

Greater availability seemed to suggest a greater likelihood that participants

were able to choose organic at the POP. Participant Queenie, for example,
felt that organic food was more available these days and that made it easier
for her to purchase.
The availability (or lack) of organic food at a specific retail outlet could
act as a facilitator (if the organic food was available) or as a barrier (if

460

J. Henryks et al.

the organic food was unavailable) at the POP. Conrad would always scan
the shelves for organic food and choose it if the urge took him. He had
the same experience at the health food shop, buying organic vegetables if
he happened to see them there. These experiences were shared by other
participants. For example:
Like, I wont go out of my way to find it. If its there Ill definitely buy it
. . . if theres a fruit or veg option say if theres ummm like zucchini or any
fruit or veg that you have the option of organic or inorganic, I mean, you
know, not organic I usually always choose the organic. (Olivia, Single
Person in a Shared Household, Canberra, p. 11)
If I had the choice between organic and nonorganic . . . I would tend to
the organic. (Jenny, Single Person Living Alone, Canberra, p. 7)
But now the organics have come back onto the mainstream sort of
shelves in Coles [a large supermarket chain in Australia] I find that Im
buying them more than I was. (Elizabeth, Couple with Young Children,
Armidale, p. 12)

The issue of inconsistent availability was also problematic, particularly for

specific products such as organic milk:
Sometimes I buy the milk thats organic but not all the time. . . . you can
always go to Coles and it might not have it or it might. (Betty, Couple
with No Children Living at Home, Armidale, p. 14)

False Assumptions
False assumptions also acted both as a barrier and as a facilitator to the
purchase of organic food, with some switchers being confused about what
they were eating. Some thought they were eating organic food when, in
fact, it was not organic; conversely, some had purchased organic thinking
that it was conventional.3 For example, Gabrielle and Olivia both thought
that Lilydale brand (free-range) chicken was organic when it was not. This
incorrect assumption resulted in a barrier to the purchase of organic food;
participants would not be seeking out organic food if they assumed they
were already eating organic food. Participant Sam claimed to drink regular
tea, but at the conclusion of the interview when she produced the tea, it was
a brand of certified organic tea.
3

This confusion came to light when some participants produced products throughout the interview
that contradicted their previously held views.

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

461

Visibility and Accessibility

Once in the shop, organic food switchers could be influenced to buy or
not to buy organic food by the visibility and accessibility of the organic
product in the retail outlet. If they could not easily see the product in the
first instance, it was unlikely to become part of their choice set unless they
were specifically searching it out. Being able to clearly see organic food
at the retail outlet could lead to it being purchased. For example, Betty was
specifically interested in gluten-free organic products but could not find them
in the supermarket, and she admitted that she was unsure whether she was
not seeing them or whether the supermarket did not stock the products.4
The visibility of organic food had improved with some participants
now finding it easier to spot and access organic food than in the past. For
example:
I think its becoming easier in supermarkets to see what is organic (Penny,
Single Person in a Share Household, Canberra, p. 13)
Certainly, given the opportunity to have it and easy access to it and
regular access to it, then it certainly would be something I would choose.
(Queenie, Household Shopper with Older Children, Canberra, p. 10)

Some supermarkets separated organic and conventional food. Where organic

food is kept in a different section from conventional food, some participants
will not walk specifically to the organic section to seek it out, preferring to
be able to compare organic and conventional food in one place. It is more
of an effort to compare organic and conventional food.
I find it a little bit annoying the way the supermarket lays out organic
foods the fact that they put it in a different section like in a section on its
own. I think it would be better if it was put with the other food so you
can make the choice there and then. (Ursula, Single Person Living Alone,
Canberra, p. 9)

Visual and Olfactory Cues

There were several types of visual and olfactory cues that could influence
the purchase of organic food. These included freshness, signs of pests, prepackaging, and labeling. These cues could be both a barrier and a facilitator
to the purchase of organic food.
4

The researcher visited the supermarket at the conclusion of the interview and saw organic glutenfree products available for purchase.

462

J. Henryks et al.

FRESHNESS

AND SIGNS OF PESTS

Not surprisingly, visual and olfactory cues to freshness were important. This
was particularly the case with organic fresh fruit and vegetables. Some
organic switchers felt that organic produce tended to look less fresh than
conventional produce. Dorothy and Rose both admitted to expecting the
same high standards of perfect fruit and vegetables that they had become
accustomed to with conventional produce. This was particularly relevant to
Rose as it signaled freshness.
So I do like the organic produce . . . but I do get a bit put off sometimes that perhaps the produce doesnt look as good. And thats just that
commercial thing you want, you know, what are you going to buy that
looks that size of that and what looks the healthiest, and its not always
that way I realize. (Dorothy, Couple with No Children Living at Home,
Armidale, p. 3)
I always look at it (organic fruit and vegetables in local supermarket) and
think how tired it looks . . . and not very appealing and very expensive
. . . Youre used to seeing glossy, fruit and ahh all of that so. (Rose,
Household Shopper with Older Children, Canberra, p. 9)

However, perfect produce was not critical for all organic switchers. A few
bug holes also bode well in that they suggest pesticides have not been used
and therefore underscore the products organic credentials. Olivia and Ursula
did not mind if the organic produce was less than perfect. Olivia expected
it to taste better (even though it might not look as good as conventional
produce), and Ursula considered it a sign that it probably was organic if it
did not look perfect.
I think now because I really love food and Im really into food I want
food that has some of the best flavor and I dont care if its been eaten
away by something even if it looks a bit tatty. (Olivia, Single Person in a
Share Household, Canberra, p. 11)
Like you can tell the ones that look nice and polished and perfect theyre
probably not going to be organic than the ones that have got spots and
whatever and look slightly smaller or things like that and that arent
being sold in bulk so that makes me think that theyre probably organic.
(Ursula, Single Person Living Alone, Canberra, p. 8)

Visual and olfactory cues were deemed to be part of the process of judging
whether produce was fresh at the POP. For example:

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

463

so for me smell of food is very important. Like carrots have got to smell
like carrots. Color is very important and food has to look like it has life to
me. If itsI mean its obvious if foods wilted that the qualitys not that
good . . . Theres something about it that just looks life like. So it has to
look good, but I think smell is the most important thing. (Isabelle, Single
Person in a Share Household, Canberra, p. 3)
I sort of hover there thinking I should buy that but I dont . . . like some
of the things look very wilted and I thought no if theyre wilted now
by the time I get to eat them I might not eat them tonight I might have
to wait a few days to cook them and by then what would they be like.
I understand if you buy to cook on the day but sometimes it just doesnt
work out . . . I had to make myself buy it because it didnt look as
appealing as what youre used to I suppose. (Rose, Household Shopper
with Older Children, Canberra, p. 9)

If the appearance of the organic produce was deemed to be positive, there

was a greater likelihood of purchase. For most participants, it needed to
look fresh because they wanted it to last or it needed to be appetizing for
childrens lunchboxes (so that their children would eat it). There existed a
tension between their desire to buy organic and the practicalities of knowing
it was not as fresh or would not last as long.
There are things like grapes and getting them into school bags and keeping them . . . and that will last . . . so if you buy if buy large white
seedless grapes and I know they will last for the week . . . whereas the
grapes at the coop are magnificent . . . but they will only hold for 2 days
and theyre all wrinkly and nobody will eat them . . . its that trading off
. . . so I might buy a little bunch knowing theyll be ok for tomorrow
but then Ive got to go and buy more.. its a pain in the neck. (Anna,
Household Shopper with Older Children, Armidale, p. 9)
Particularly here in Armidale on occasions Ive gone to buy organic produce and Ive been steered away from it because I dont think that it
looks like Im going to get good value for money. It looks like, I will
need to eat this tonight. It probably wont last too long. (Dorothy, Couple
with No Children Living at Home, Armidale, p. 1)
Some of the supermarket organic stuff isnt that great anyway and it looks
very tired by the time you get to it. (Mary, Single Person in a Shared
Household, Canberra, p. 3)

Some organic switchers shopped on a weekly basis, and this increased

the imperative for the food to last at least until the next shop. This was

464

J. Henryks et al.

where some perceived organic food to not meet this test of a week in the
refrigerator.
Yeah I look at it and I see whether it looks like its fresh and good and
would last a week because I only shop once a week its not much good
having or depending upon what I have when . . . . I dont want everything to only last a couple of days. (Kate, Single Person Living Alone,
Canberra, p. 14)
I like my vegetables to be fresh . . . I only buy vegies aside from carrots
pretty much about once a week so I want them to last. (Penny, Single
Person in a Share Household, Canberra, p. 4)

PRE-PACKAGING

CUES

Organic food in supermarkets was often pre-packed to differentiate it from

its conventional equivalent at the checkout, and this was a potential barrier
to purchase for some switchers. As organic food was often priced higher
than conventional food, organic food charged incorrectly at conventional
prices could result in a loss for the retail outlet. This was not an issue with
pre-packaged goods such as flour, milk, and tinned goods where the pricing
was determined at the checkout via a barcode. Consequently, fresh organic
fruit and vegetables at supermarkets and some specialty shops (i.e., those
that sold a mix of conventional and organic fresh fruit and vegetables) are
pre-packed. These pre-packs were often in limited sizes so that, if a customer
wanted to purchase only one or two organic carrots, they would be unable to
do so. Jenny found this to be frustrating as she required only small quantities
of food for herself (she lived alone) and was unable to purchase her ideal
amounts of organic fruit and vegetables.
Cant choose how much organic in pre packs. . . . in supermarkets . . . so
I dont buy it often. (Jenny, Single Person Living Alone, Canberra, p. 10)

Interestingly, no participants mentioned the potentially clearer visibility of

pre-packaged fresh organic produce: this would seem not to have offset
negative responses to pre-packaging as a presentation form.
LABELING

CUES

Labeling served to identify certified organic food at the POP and to differentiate it from conventional food. Given that it was generally not possible
to identify organic food by simply looking at the raw product, information
provided on labels allowed consumers to differentiate it from nonorganic

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

465

food at the POP. This became a facilitator to purchase for those consumers
positively predisposed to organic food because they could seek out labeling
information.
I very much rely on the labeling . . . so I have no way of knowing unless
someone says this is organic . . . in some way through a sign or like
those labels that say certified organic. (Jenny, Single Person Living Alone,
Canberra, p. 9)
I think theres a certification logo as well which I usually look out for.
(Mary, Single Person in a Shared Household, Canberra, p. 9)
I look for the little symbol some sort of certification symbol. (Anna,
Household Shopper with Older Children, Armidale, p. 11)
If I see something thats got organic on it I am more likely to or Im more
interested in them and Ill certainly read labels. (Conrad, Couple with No
Children Living at Home, Armidale, p. 11)
and I read the fine print on some of the things. Being health minded
I read the fine print on some of the products. (Henry, Couple with No
Children Living at Home, Armidale, p. 4)

Price
One of the most cited barriers to the purchase of organic food was its premium price. Organic switchers perceived organic food to be more expensive
than conventional food. The higher price of organic food was noted by most
participants. Interestingly, unlike previous research linking higher price for
organic products to higher quality expectations (Zanoli 2004), this was not
the case in this studyrespondents did not raise this as a salient issue.
at that time it wouldve been a price thing that set me back and probably
more recently for B (husband) and I, when we were first getting established here and bought a house, we didnt have as much income and
so price wise I wouldnt have gone for it. But now were sort of feeling
more set up. (Betty, Couple with No Children Living at Home, Armidale,
p. 12)
My preference is to go for organic when it is available, but price is also a
consideration . . . Price sometimes comes into it and sometimes it doesnt.
(Conrad, Couple with No Children Living at Home, Armidale, p. 5)

466

J. Henryks et al.

now I tend to buy organic meat, doesnt always happen . . . but thats
one of things that I usually tend to buy thats organic and everything else
if its cheap and I dont feel guilty about making the grocery bill too high,
Ill buy it. (Mary, Single Person in a Shared Household, Canberra, p. 3)

However, not all viewed price as a barrier. Some participants mentioned specific premiums that they considered acceptable. One participant (Conrad),
for example, felt that organic food at double that of conventional food was
acceptable, and another (Ursula) considered a 20-cent price premium on
organic tomatoes acceptable.
I recently got some organic honey. It was just sitting there on the shelf
and the price wasnt much different and Ive heard that there are a whole
lot of bees dying; not in Australia but in other countries . . . So it seemed
like a good purchase. (Elizabeth, Couple with Young Children, Armidale,
p. 13)

Not surprisingly, price specials or discounts also influenced some organic

switchers at the POP.
if zucchinis are on special and but I wasnt planning to buy them I buy
them and make a zucchini slice for lunch. (Lexi, Single Person in a Shared
Household, Canberra, p. 3)

However, the perception that organic food was more expensive than
conventional did exist.
But when you look say at Coles, especially like they seem to have a
pretty big mark-up on the organic stuff. (Betty, Couple with No Children
Living at Home, Armidale, p. 16)
A friend of mine gets all her vegetables from there (organic food shop)
. . . and I thought ohh well . . . thats what Ill do and I went over there to
have a look and I bought a few things when I was there but again for a
family of four buying all of that stuff I just couldnt keep doing it . . . and
I thought cant afford it. (Rose, Household Shopper with Older Children,
Canberra, p. 9)
Even the organic milk sometimes I do try and buy organic milk but you
know I like my partner and I have 7 boys between us and several of
them are like teenage or young adult its like the amount of milk they
consume is enormous. Just sometimes it isnt practical. (Tanya, Single
Parent Full-Time Children, Canberra, p. 6)

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

467

I have, particularly, one child who eats a lot of fruit. Fruit is a very large
part of his diet. So its very expensive. (Sam, Couple with Young Children,
Canberra, p. 1)

However, not everyone felt that the prices of organic food were higher than
conventional, particularly when purchased at the farmers market or food
co-op. For one organic switcher, the retail outlet at which they purchased
organic food influenced how high they perceived the price to be. Felicity
did not feel that organic food was necessarily a lot more expensive than
conventional food.
Because Im buying from the person whos grown it, particularly if theyre
trying to adopt organic principles and the food isnt generally that much
more expensive than shop bought food anyway. (Felicity, Single Person
Living Alone, Armidale, p. 4)

DISCUSSION
Seven factors have emerged that act as barriers or facilitators to the purchase
of organic food at the POP by switchers. Not all these factors influence participants in every shopping event. It is more likely that only two or three
of the described factors influence the purchase or non-purchase of organic
food on a given shopping event. The influence of the factors could differ not
only from participant to participant but also from shopping event to shopping event by the same participant. That is, the influence of the factors was
dynamic. Furthermore, two or more factors could operate synergistically to
alter contextual conditions for or against purchase of organic food. An example of this would be organic food to be not only available in an outlet but
also visible before it could be considered in the choice set at the POP.
In this section, our findings are considered as components of the process consumers use to move from a motivation to purchase organic foods to
purchase behavior. Motivations to purchase organic food, identified earlier in
the article, were the perceived health, taste, environmental benefits, and the
pesticide-free nature of organic fruit and vegetables. Although some of these
motivations were reasons for purchasing organic food, they did not always
translate to actual purchase at a specific shopping event. Identifying general
motivations as to why people intend to buy organic food may be helpful in
understanding switcher buyer behavior; however, the POP is another critical
action space of the actual purchase process. Characteristics of it can determine whether or not consumers end up buying organic food irrespective of
their aims prior to entering the retail outlet. This is a situation that Bagozzi
and Dholakia (1999) described as creating impediments to striving to meet

468

J. Henryks et al.

purchasing goals: the motivation to purchase is present, but acting on it is

impeded.
The seven factors can be either compensatory or noncompensatory
depending on how they interrelate. Availability, intention, habit, false
assumptions, and visibility/accessibility are all noncompensatory factors.
Although these can act as a barrier or a facilitator to purchase depending
on the context, when they are acting as a barrier, no other facilitating factor
can compensate for these factors at the POP. For example, the nonavailability
of an organic item at the POP cannot result in purchase. Similarly, a participant falsely assuming that they are buying an organic brand of chicken will
not result in the purchase of organic chicken. Such false assumptions mirror the findings by Harper and Makatouni (2002) and Henryks and Pearson
(2010b), who found consumers confused free-range with organic meat.
The proposed conceptual framework emerging from this study
addresses dynamically emergent and conditional point of purchase factors that the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 2005) cannot account for.
The interrelationship of the seven identified factors can be represented
diagrammatically (see Figure 1).
In examining the first level, that is, factors that are external to the store
but do influence POP decision making, there are several issues that can be
considered. A pro-organic habit or, at least, intention is normally mandatory
for deliberate organic purchasing to occur. The absence of both cannot be
offset by other POP factors. Consumer trialing of organic products may be
attracted by deep price discounting, but it is not clear how trial might lead
to a subsequent shift in motivation in favor of purchasing organic foods nor
why mainstream retail outlets would accept an incentive to reduce revenue.

FIGURE 1 Emergent conceptual framework of organic buying behavior at the POP.

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

469

Habit, also in the first level, is common across convenience goods.

Shepherd, Magnusson, and Sjdn (2005) suggested that most users of a
conventional food are satisfied with the products they buy and thus do not
seek other options. Similarly, Hoyer (1984) found that for a common repeatpurchase product, consumers do not enter into much decision making at
the POP for products that are regularly purchased and considered relatively
unimportant.
At the store level, products need to be both visible and accessible for
consumers to be able to buy them at the POP. In this article, visibility is
defined as the products being noticeable on the shelf or in the store, and
accessibility as whether consumers can find the organic product if they are
looking for it or whether they are physically in the area it is located. Other
forms of visibility include POP signage to draw attention to the product.
Mitchell and Harris (2005) found that even with low-involvement items, instore stimuli have been noted to increase the degree of involvement and
thus purchase, markedly. Thus when switchers notice signage, they may be
more likely to engage with the product and, in turn, potentially purchase it.
As mentioned, accessibility is determined by whether the consumers
can find the organic product if they are looking for it or whether they are
physically in the area in which it is located. Consumers may avoid certain
sections of a retail environment if they feel those sections to be irrelevant
to their shopping needs (Puccinelli, Goodstein, Grewal, Price, Raghubir, &
Stewart, 2009). In some supermarkets, organic food is placed in a separate
section, whereas in others it is integrated within the store (for example,
organic tinned tomatoes with conventional tinned tomatoes). Hence, in a
store where the organic products are kept separate from the conventional
ones, if a switcher considers the aisle with the organic section to be not
important to their current shopping needs, they may avoid the area and thus
not be exposed to the organic products. Conversely, if the organic products are integrated with the conventional products, the same consumer may
be exposed to the organic brand and therefore at least have the opportunity to purchase it. However, the opposite can also be true. An organic
switcher interested in organic products may not easily notice an organic
product on the shelf if it commingles among competing conventional brands
(poor visibility).
Once intention and/or habit interact with possible false assumptions to
provide direction to a shopping expedition, availability and visibility and
accessibility determine the possibility of applying this pro-organic direction in purchases. When this is positive, behavior may be influenced by
the potentially compensatory interaction of price and visual and olfactory
cues of the organic products to which the customer is exposed. Thus high
perceived freshness may offset negative responses to a high perceived price,
or a low perceived price may offset poor appearance or lack of freshness.

470

J. Henryks et al.

The seven factors (either compensatory or noncompensatory) can influence consumer purchase of organic food at the POP, and, with the exception
of intention and availability, any of these factors, alone or in concert
with others, could be a barrier or a facilitator to the actual purchase of
organic food at the POP. Only five (availability, price, olfactory cues, and
visibility/accessibility) are under direct marketer control.

LIMITATIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH

This research was qualitative and cannot be generalized, at least in a statistical sense. Limitations include the selective sample of shoppers; the two-city
basis (for instance, it may have been useful to interview participants from a
greater range of rural areas); and one interview per participant (for example, a longer time period may have provided data pertaining to changes in
behavior). However, the thematic commonalities identified among switchers
from the two cities do suggest some degree of transportability (also characterized as analytical generalization; see Yin, 2011, pp. 99102) between
their emergent stories.
Further research is required to understand how the seven factors identified can be influenced by marketing strategy and tactics and to ascertain the
relative importance of these factors and the more specific trade-offs between
them. For example, to what degree can freshness be traded off for price? It is
likely that this will require investigations that are specific to individual retail
outlets and specific organic products. A possible option would be to use
an ethnographic approach whereby organic switchers are shadowed as they
shop coupled with think-aloud protocols (see, for example, Owen, 1996).
This would deepen our knowledge of the organic switcher at the POP.

CONCLUSION
Seven separate factors that can act as either barriers or facilitators to organic
food at the point of purchase have been described and discussed. These
factors can influence purchase either in isolation or in combination. For
instance, a consumer may go into a retail outlet planning to purchase organic
chicken for dinner (intention) but be deterred by its premium price (price)
or be unable to find it on the shelf (visibility). However, not all of these
factors are under the marketers or retailers control.
Factors such as ensuring consistent availability of organic food in retail
outlets, ensuring organic products are in prime shelf positions, stocking
fresh produce (and removing limp and spoiled produce), and having clear
labeling of organic products will all serve to facilitate the purchase of organic

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

471

food. However, it should be noted that each of these factors shape switching behavior to different degrees, often depending on contextual factors.
Switchers do not necessarily consider all these factors in a given shopping
event. Some may be more pertinent to the specific event than others.
Thus POP factors contribute to the purchase or non-purchase of organic
food and shed further light on factors that contribute to or detract from
organic food purchase behavior. POP factors constitute the last component
of the organic buying process; they are the final hurdle that needs to be
jumped before purchase of organic food can occur.

REFERENCES
Aertsens, J., Verbeke, W., Mondelaers, K., & Van Huylenbroect, G. (2009). Personal
determinants of organic food consumption: a review. British Food Journal, 111,
11401167.
Aertsens, J., Mondelaers, K., Verbeke, W., Buysse, J., & Van Huylenbroeck, G. (2011).
The influence of subjective and objective knowledge on attitude, motivations
and consumption of organic food. British Food Journal, 113, 13531378.
Ajzen, I. (2005). Attitudes, personality and behaviour. Maidenhead: Open University
Press.
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2011). Household expenditure survey (Cat.
No. 6530.0). Canberra: Author.
Bagozzi, R. P., & Dholakia, U. (1999). Goal setting and goal striving in consumer
behavior. Journal of Marketing, 63, 1932.
Baker, S., Thompson, K. E., & Engelken, J. (2004). Mapping the values driving
organic food choice. European Journal of Marketing, 38, 9951012.
Casey, J. (2002, December 30). Planned impulse purchases: Grocery store head
game. WebMD. Retrieved from http://www.medicinenet.com/script/main/art.
asp?articlekey=51956
Chang, H., Zepeda, L., & Griffith, G. (2005). The Australian organic food products
market: Overview, issues and research needs. Australian Agribusiness Review,
13(15), 113.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing grounded theory. London: SAGE.
Chen, M. (2007). Consumer attitudes and purchase intentions in relation to organic
foods in Taiwan: Moderating effects of food-related personality traits. Food
Quality and Preference, 18, 10081021.
Chen, M. (2009). Attitude toward organic foods among Taiwanese as related to health
consciousness, environmental attitudes, and the mediating effects of a healthy
lifestyle. British Food Journal, 111, 165178.
Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry. (2011). Australian food statistics
201011. Canberra, Australia. Retrieved from http://www.daff.gov.au/__data/
assets/pdf_file/0015/2144103/aust-food-statistics-2011-1023july12.pdf
Demeritt, L. (2009). Current state of the organic consumer. Retrieved from http://
www.hartman-group.com/webinar/current-state-of-the-organic-consumer
Dickson, P., & Sawyer, A. (1990). The price knowledge and search of supermarket
shoppers. Journal of Marketing, 54, 4253.

472

J. Henryks et al.

Fearne, P. A. (2008). Organic fruit and vegetablesWho buys what and why . . . and
do we have a clue? Canterbury: Dunnhumby Academy of Consumer Research,
University of Kent.
Fotopoulos, C., & Krystallis, A. (2002). Purchasing motives and profile of the Greek
organic consumer: A countrywide survey. British Food Journal, 104, 730765.
Gander, P. (2005). See me, feel me, touch me . . . Marketing Week, 28(45), 3940.
Glaser, B. G., & Strauss, A. L. (1968). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for
qualitative research. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Harper, G. C., & Makatouni, A. (2002). Consumer perception of organic food
production and farm animal welfare. British Food Journal, 104, 287299.
Henryks, J. (2009). Organic foods and consumer choice in context: An exploration
of switching behaviour. (Unpublished PhD dissertation). University of New
England, Armidale, NSW, Australia.
Henryks, J., & Pearson, D. (2010a). Organic food: How choice of retail outlet determines purchase behaviour. Australian and New Zealand Marketing Academy
(ANZMAC) Conference 2010, Christchurch, New Zealand.
Henryks, J., & Pearson, D. (2010b). Misreading between the lines: Consumer confusion over organic food labeling. Australian Journal of Communication, 37(3),
7386.
Henryks, J., & Pearson, D. (2011). Retail outlets: Nurturing organic food customers.
Organic Agriculture, 1(4), 257259.
Hoyer, W. (1984). An examination of consumer decision making for a common
repeat-purchase product. Journal of Consumer Research, 11, 822829.
Hughner, R. S., McDonagh, P., Prothero, A., Shultz II, C. J., & Stanton, J. (2007). Who
are organic food consumers? A compilation and review of why people purchase
organic food. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 6, 94110.
Innman, J., & Winer, R. (1998). Where the rubber meets the road: A model of in-store
consumer decision-making. Cambridge, MA: Marketing Science Institute.
Lea, E., & Worsley, T. (2005). Australians organic food beliefs, demographics and
values. British Food Journal, 107, 855859.
Lodorfos, G. N., & Dennis, J. (2008). Consumers intent: In the organic food market.
Journal of Food Products Marketing, 14(2), 1738.
Lyons, K., Lockie, S., & Lawrence, G. (2001). Consuming green: The symbolic
construction of organic foods. Rural Society, 11(3), 197211.
McEachern, M. G., & McClean, P. (2002). Organic purchasing motivations and
attitudes: Are they ethical? International Journal of Consumer Studies, 26,
8592.
Michaelidou, N., & Hassan, L. M. (2008). The role of health consciousness, food
safety concern and ethical identity on attitudes and intentions towards organic
food. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 32, 163170.
Minichiello, V., Aroni, R., & Hays, T. (2008). In-depth interviewing: Principles,
techniques, analysis. Sydney: Pearson Education.
Monk A., Mascitelli, B., Lobo, A., Chen, J., & Bez, N. (2012). Australian organic
market report 2012. BFA Ltd., Chermside, Brisbane, Australia.
Mitchell, V., & Harris, G. (2005). The importance of consumers perceived risk in
retail strategy. European Journal of Marketing, 39, 821837.
Organic Trade Association. (2011). Organic trade associations 2011 organic industry survey. Retrieved from http://www.ota.com/organic/mt/business.html

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

473

Owen, K. (1996). Price in the choice of fresh fruits and vegetables. (Unpublished PhD
dissertation). University of New England, Armidale, NSW, Australia.
Padel, S., & Foster, C. (2005). Exploring the gap between attitudes and behaviour.
British Food Journal, 107, 606625.
Pearson, D., & Henryks, J. (2008). Marketing organic products: Exploring some of
the pervasive issues. Journal of Food Products Marketing, 14, 95108.
Pidgeon, N., & Henwood, K. (2004). Grounded theory. In M. Hardy & A. Bryman
(Eds.), Handbook of data analysis (pp. 625648). London, UK: SAGE.
Puccinelli, N. M., Goodstein, R. C., Grewal, D., Price, R., Raghubir, P., & Stewart,
D. (2009). Customer experience management in retailing: Understanding the
buying process. Journal of Retailing, 85, 1530.
QSR International. (2006). NVivo7. Melbourne, Australia: QSR International.
Schifferstein, H., & Oude Ophius, P. (1998). Health-related determinants of organic
food consumption in the Netherlands. Food Quality and Preference, 9, 119133.
Shepherd, R., Magnusson, M., & Sjdn, P. (2005). Determinants of consumer
behaviour related to organic food. Ambio, 34, 352360.
Sloan, N. (2002). The natural and organic foods marketplace. Food Technology, 56,
2737.
Soil Association. (2009). Organic market report 2006. Bristol, UK: Soil Association.
Strauss, A. L., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and
procedures for developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Tsakiridou, E., Zotos, Y., & Mattas, K. (2006). Employing a dichotomous choice
model to assess willingness to pay (WTP) for organically produced products.
Journal of Food Products Marketing, 12(3), 5969.
Vermeir, I., & Verbeke, W. (2008). Sustainable food consumption among young
adults in Belgium: Theory of planned behaviour and the role of confidence
and values. Ecological Economics, 64, 542553.
Willer, H., & Kilcher, L. (Eds.). (2011). The world of organic agriculture: Statistics
and emerging trends 2011 (12th ed.). Bonn; Frick: Ifoam; FiBL.
Yin, R. K. (2011). Qualitative research from start to finish. New York, NY: Guilford
Press.
Zanoli, R. (Ed.). (2004). The European consumer and organic food organic marketing initiatives and rural development. Aberystwyth, UK: School of Business and
Management, University of Wales.

474

J. Henryks et al.

APPENDIX 1
Semistructured Interview Guide: Topical Landscape
Food Shopping in
General

Food Shopping

Organic Food and Drink

Demographics

Could you tell me about your food shopping?

How do you feel about shopping for food?
What is important to you in shopping for food?
How often do you shop for food?
Is the shopping planned?
How do you decide where to shop?
Could you take me through an average food shopping trip? For
example, thinking back to the last food shop you didcan
you walk me through it?
Did you plan the shop?
How do you decide where to shop?
For each place mentioned:
How long does it take you to travel to X?
How do you feel about X? Could you tell me a story that
represents your experience of XX (describe a situation)
What do you like about shopping at X?
What dont you like about shopping at X?
If organic food has not been mentionedId like to now focus
on organic food. Can you complete this sentence? Please bear
in mind there is no right or wrong answer Im just interested
in the first thought that pops into your mind.
Organic food is like . . .
What does organic mean to you?
Im interested in going back to when you first heard about/first
bought organic food.
Can you recall when you heard about organic food?
When was that?
Who/Where did you hear about it (from)?
Can you recall the first organic item you bought? Ask participant
to describe purchase situation.
Since your first organic purchase XX ago, has your organic
buying changed?
In what ways has it changed?
In what ways has it not changed?
Are there food items that youd never buy organic?
Are there food items that youd occasionally buy organic?
Can you walk me through the last few organic food purchases
you made?
How do you know if something is organic? Id like to remind
you that there is no right or wrong answer; Im just interested
in what organic is to you.
What do you look for?
Has your understanding of what is organic changed over time?
Now just before we finish Id like to ask a few questions about
you.
Id just like to remind you that this information is confidential
and you are free not to answer any questions youd prefer not
to answer.
May I ask how old are you?
How many adults live in your household? How many children?
Gender: Interviewer to complete.

475

Organic Food at the Point of Purchase

APPENDIX 2
Open Coding (NVivo 7)
Name

Sources

CHOICE OF RETAIL OUTLET

References

0
Name
Accessibility/Visibility
Ambience
Convenience
Cost
Crowds
Habit
Physical Environment
Price
Product Range
Time
IMPACT ON BUYING
0
Name
Appearance
Availability
Chemicals Additive
Fresh
Habit
Label
Organic
Packaging
Price
Quality
Seeks out
Taste
Variety
KNOWLEDGE/UNDERSTANDING 0
of ORGANIC
Name
Beliefs
Confusion Researcher
Identified
Confusion Self Identified
First Heard about org
Initial Triggers to buy org
Sources of Knowledge

0
Sources
13
1
18
9
7
8
14
5
20
12
0
Sources
12
11
7
14
4
12
16
2
16
13
4
14
6
0

RETAIL OUTLETS

0
Name
Box Scheme
Coop
Farmers Market
Large Supermarket
Markets
Orchard
Small Supermarket IGA
Specialty Shop

References
42
1
48
28
15
12
25
9
61
43
References
21
18
18
28
5
25
32
2
45
26
7
28
11

Sources
21
6

References
53
11

9
18
9
14

13
22
10
23

0
Sources
1
8
13
21
4
2
9
16

References
2
50
48
114
8
2
20
61