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Democratization
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Fighting for the rule of law:

civil resistance and the lawyers'
movement in Pakistan
a

Zahid Shahab Ahmed & Maria J. Stephan

University of New England, Armidale, New South

Wales, Australia
b

Planning Officer, US Embassy, Kabul, Afghanistan

Published online: 11 May 2010.

To cite this article: Zahid Shahab Ahmed & Maria J. Stephan (2010): Fighting for the
rule of law: civil resistance and the lawyers' movement in Pakistan, Democratization,
17:3, 492-513
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510341003700360

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Democratization
Vol. 17, No. 3, June 2010, 492 513

Fighting for the rule of law: civil resistance and the lawyers
movement in Pakistan
Zahid Shahab Ahmed

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University of New England, Armedale, New South Wales, Australia

(Received September 2009; nal version received February 2010)
Pakistan, sometimes referred to as the most dangerous place on earth, is not
typically thought of as a place where popular nonviolent resistance could take
root, much less succeed. Citizen apathy, poor governance, and fear of regime
repression and terrorist violence are barriers to effective civic activism inside
Pakistan. Yet, over the past two years, Pakistans authoritarian ruler was ousted
and its independent judiciary restored following a massive grassroots
campaign led by lawyers. The men in black, whose insistence on the rule
of law and embrace of nonviolent struggle captured the hearts and minds of
millions of Pakistanis, helped transform the countrys political landscape in
unexpected ways. The successes tallied by this nonviolent movement, this
article will argue, can be attributed to the large-scale non-cooperation and
civil disobedience that pressured two successive Pakistani regimes one
authoritarian and one democratic to yield to its demands. Unity and mass
participation, nonviolent discipline, and the creative use of nonviolent
tactics were three key ingredients of success. While instability and Islamist
extremism continue to plague Pakistan, the lawyers movement highlights
the steadily growing strength of Pakistani civil society have a potential to
inuence democratic change in the country.
Keywords: Pakistan; lawyers movement; civil resistance; nonviolent action;
democratization; rule of law; civil society

On 9 March 2007, Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf suspended the

Chief Justice (CJ) of the Supreme Court, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, setting
in motion a grassroots movement that reinvigorated Pakistani civil society and
transformed the countrys political system. The former Pakistani president, accustomed to a compliant and submissive judiciary, was unprepared for the organized
resistance that followed his politically-motivated sacking of the nations top judge.
A self-interested desire to preserve their privileged place in society may have
initially spurred the men in black to protest; however, the lawyers nonviolent

Email: zahmed@une.edu.au

ISSN 1351-0347 print/ISSN 1743-890X online

# 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13510341003700360
http://www.informaworld.com

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493

resistance catalyzed a larger and more robust civil society movement for democracy and the rule of law.
The lawyers movement paved the way to a decisive opposition victory in the
2008 general elections, after which Musharraf was forced to step down from
power without a shot being red. Later, after the civilian government led by President Asif Ali Zardari reneged on its earlier promise to restore the deposed judges, a
new movement by lawyers, rights activists, media, and civil society, backed by
Nawaz Sharifs opposition party, put relentless pressure on the Zardari government
until it was forced to yield. On 9 March 2009, after a massive long march from
Lahore to Islamabad and threatened sit-in in downtown Islamabad, the Zardari government announced the reinstatement of Chaudhry and the other deposed judges.
This article examines the lawyers movement and how it had a major impact
upon recent political events in Pakistan. We rst describe the context in which
the movement emerged and explain how an individual act of deance sparked a
national movement that helped oust a dictator and restore an independent judiciary.
The analysis is informed by a central theory of nonviolent action, which holds that
a rulers power is dependent upon the consent and cooperation of the ruled. Organized protests and non-cooperation by large numbers of people in key sectors of
society can raise the political, economic, social, and military costs of maintaining
the status quo for even the most repressive regimes, pressuring them to yield concessions, or, in certain circumstances, causing nonviolent regime change.1 We
argue that the decentralized organization of the Pakistani lawyers movement, its
innovative use of traditional and alternative media, and the strong backing it
received from opposition political parties and outside actors (which would have
been unlikely had the resistance been violent), increased the movements resilience
in the face of repression, enhanced its leverage, and made victory possible against
both a dictatorial and democratically-elected government.
The peoples judge: from individual deance to organized resistance
Unifying leadership, effective organization, and sustained civic pressure have
driven many successful nonviolent struggles over the course of history, from the
1986 people power movement in the Philippines, to the 1989 revolutions in
Eastern Europe and the popular rejection of the stolen elections in Georgia
(2002) and Ukraine (2005), to the independence intifada in Lebanon that
ousted Syrian forces in 2005. Like Corazon Cory Aquino, Lech Walesa, and
Viktor Yuschenko before him, Pakistans Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry became
a unifying symbol of deance against injustice. However, unlike these other nonviolent leaders, however, Chaudhry was neither charismatic nor seeking political
ofce.
Born in Quetta in 1948 to lower-middle class parents, Chaudhry quickly rose
through the legal ranks, becoming the youngest-ever jurist appointed to the
Supreme Court. After he was named Chief Justice by Musharraf in 2005, Chaudhry
became an advocate of ordinary Pakistanis, challenging anti-terrorist measures,

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Z. S. Ahmed

taking on individual human rights cases and exposing corruption. The cases
included those of approximately 563 missing Pakistanis believed to have been
rounded up without charge by intelligence agencies, whose heads Chaudhry summoned to the Supreme Court, and cases of women gang raped while in police
custody.2 In early 2007, the Supreme Court ruled against the improper privatization
of Pakistan Steel Mills to a Musharraf crony a huge embarrassment for the
military ruler.
The Pakistani public thus viewed the independent-minded judge as a breath of
fresh air in a judiciary widely regarded as corrupt, elitist, and in the pockets of the
politicians. For Musharraf, the chief justice had become a thorn in his side. On 9
March 2007, Musharraf met with Chaudhry in Rawalpindi at the Army House
and demanded that the judge resign on the grounds of misconduct. Chaudhry
refused to resign, stating in his afdavit, I wouldnt resign . . . I am innocent; I
have not violated any code or conduct or any law, rule or regulation; I believe
that I am myself the guardian of law. I strongly believe in God who will help me.3
Chaudhrys principled stand generated a groundswell of popular support. After
refusing to resign voluntarily, the CJ decided to challenge his suspension in the
Supreme Court. While proceeding to the court for this purpose he was roughed
up by the police, sparking further public outrage. Popular discontent in Pakistan,
however, had rarely translated into popular resistance before this time:
. . . Even though nothing much ever gets done [by the Pakistani government], and
despite the fact that Pakistani political culture works primarily to serve the interests
of the few, ordinary Pakistanis hardly seem to mind. Generally moderate in the religious beliefs and largely apolitical, they rarely take to the streets, nor do they plot to
overthrow the government.4

Pakistans lawyers changed all that and won broad-based support in the process.
The civilian-led movement that ultimately led to Musharrafs nonviolent ouster
began with symbolic, low-risk nonviolent tactics. Aitzaz Ahsan, the president of
the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) and a critical gure in the lawyers
movement, called on the Pakistani population to observe black ag week starting
on 9 March. On that day a rally was launched from Ahsans residence in Lahore by
the Lahore High Court Bar Association (LHCBA) and the Lahore District Bar
Association (LDBA). During the next week protestors carrying black ags,
banners, and posters demonstrated in major cities throughout the country. In
addition, groups of lawyers began to organize Thursday strikes at district and
high courts, which were stacked with judges that most lawyers accused of being
regime acolytes.
During May to July 2007, as his case was being heard before the Supreme
Court, CJ Chaudhry went on a historic series of visits to bar councils around the
country, starting in Peshawar and continuing on to Lahore, Faisalabad, Abbotabad,
Hyderabad, and Sukkur. All of these visits received enormous support from the
local bar councils, with thousands of lawyers attending each event. The lawyers

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495

arrived in these cities in late evenings and the meetings lasted until midnight, so as
to encourage the participation of workers and to allow the television media to
provide full and live coverage of the nonviolent rallies. A Western journalist
described the signicance of the chief justices national tour in the following way:

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Tens of thousands of people lined the roads and cheered as Chaudhry barnstormed the
country an astonishing sign of Pakistanis craving, after years of repression, for
democracy and the liberal principles established in Pakistans Constitution.5

In nonviolent action terms, the lawyers initial actions were creating the infrastructure for more confrontational and higher-risk activities that followed. At the same
time, the CJs insistence on nonviolent discipline set the tone for the entire movement, creating a situation whereby government violence against the nonviolent
protestors ultimately backred.6

Resistance, repression, and backre

As the lawyers protest activity intensied, so did regime repression. Pakistans
independent media, a vocal critic of the Musharraf regime, was a primary target.
In March, the Punjab Police attacked the Geo TV ofce in Islamabad, harassing
the staff and destroying the ofce equipment. The Jang newspaper and Geo TV
in Karachi received bomb threats. One of the main instigators of regime violence
was the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a major coalition partner in the
Musharraf government that was behind a number of opposition killings.7
On 12 May 2007, 42 people were reported killed during a protest in Karachi after
being attacked by members of the MQM.8 Instead of condemning the 12 May killings, Musharraf insisted on Aaj TV that, the MQM was well within its rights to
make that decision [to violently block the demonstration] as a rally in support of
the Chief Justice would have passed through party strongholds and it had to challenge that.9 Afterwards, divisions within the government coalition deepened. A
major Musharraf government coalition partner, the Pakistan Muslim LeagueQuaid (PML-Q) expressed displeasure with the violent crackdown and the MQM
leadership even hinted that the party might quit Musharrafs ruling coalition.
Pakistani civil society, including many nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs), quickly joined the lawyers movement and provided it with critical
resources, mobilizing structures, and popular support. These included the Joint
Action Committee for Citizen Rights, the Womens Action Forum, the Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), the Aurat Foundation, ASR Resource
Centre, Christian Study Centre, Omar Asghar Khan Development Foundation,
Sungi Development Foundation, Strengthening Participatory Organization
(SPO), the Pakistan-India Peoples Forum for Peace and Democracy, the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, and Shirkat Gah. The activities of these and
other key NGOs were organized through the provincial bar associations, a structure
described later in the article.

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Workers and organized labour, notably workers from the Brik Kiln, from the
Pakistan Bhatta Mazdoor Union, the Labour Party Pakistan, the National
Workers Party, and many others mobilized their members and formed a critical
pillar of support for the lawyers movement.10 The participation of these self-supported civil society actors, who raised funds internally to support the lawyers
movement, added enthusiasm, resources, numbers, and legitimacy to the
growing movement demanding a free judiciary in Pakistan. The Pakistani business
community, which largely remained on the sidelines, nevertheless provided the
lawyers with occasional nancial and moral support.
Meanwhile, opposition political parties began to coordinate their efforts to
challenge the military dictatorship. The loose alliance between civil society
groups and opposition parties widened the scope and depth of the nonviolent
resistance. From early on, the lawyers movement was backed by the Jamaate-Islami (JI) and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), as well as a number of
smaller left-wing parties. The JI is the most organized pan-Islamic party in Pakistan
with active provincial chapters and a student wing. The PTI, led by charismatic
leader Imran Khan, famously referred to the lawyers movement as Pakistans
movement and had strong backing from students, intellectuals, and the NGO
sector.11
On 12 July the All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM), a political alliance
of 32 parties was formed at the All Parties Conference in London. Major coalition
members included the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Pakistan
Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakhtun-khwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP), Muttahida
Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and the Awami National Party (ANP). The APDM was
responsible for launching the Go Musharraf Go campaign the following month
calling for the restoration of democracy.
As the lawyers organized daily marches, hearings on the Chaudhry case took
place at the Supreme Court of Pakistan (SCP), where the deposed judge was represented by a group of prominent Pakistani lawyers including Aitzaz Ahsan,
Shahid Saeed, Qazi Anwar, Gohar Khan, and Nadeem Ahmed. After two
months of hearings, on 20 July 2007 the bench headed by Justice Ramday
reinstated CJ Chaudhry. Although many feared that Musharraf would interfere
with the courts ruling, for the time being he accepted Chaudhrys reinstatement.
Meanwhile, the Pakistani President continued to receive strong support from
Washington. In the midst of judicial crisis prompted by the lawyers nonviolent
resistance, in July 2007 the US Assistant Secretary of State Richard A. Boucher
visited Pakistan to commend Musharrafs efforts to curb terrorism and assured
him of US support.12
Musharraf declares martial law
Once reinstated, the peoples judge continued to challenge the constitutionality
of regime policies and practices, going so far as to question the legal basis of
Musharrafs presidency. On 3 November, days before the Supreme Court was to

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decide on a petition challenging the constitutionality of Musharrafs re-election in

October 2007, the Pakistani President issued a Provisional Constitutional Order
(PCO) suspending the constitution and imposing a state of emergency. Musharraf
cited the need to restore law and order and combat extremist violence to justify the
draconian measure. In his address to the nation, Musharraf insisted that unnamed
conspirators [have] hatched a plot with members of the judiciary to derail the countrys transition to democracy.13 After declaring martial law, Musharraf sacked CJ
Chaudhry and 60 other judges who refused to take oath under the PCO.
Almost two-thirds of Pakistans 97 senior judges refused to accept the PCO and
were dismissed, with many placed in detention or under house arrest.14 Following
Musharrafs declaration of martial law some 800 lawyers were arrested in Lahore
alone and close to 150 lawyers in Karachi were sent to jail.15 Altogether 25,000
lawyers and activists were reportedly arrested within the 48 hours after the state
of emergency was imposed,16 including Asma Jahangir of the Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan who was put under house arrest for 90 days.17
With so many lawyers, activists, and civic leaders arrested or detained during
the martial law period, which lasted until mid-December, the scale of public
demonstrations decreased. Yet, the lawyers movement refused to remain silent.
In early November 2007, the lawyers announced the launch of the Adliya
Bachao Tehreek or the Save Judiciary Movement to protest against martial
law.18 Ali Ahmad Kurd, President of the Supreme Court Bar Association, called
the movement a continuation of what began in March, saying, We have now
started the second phase of our struggle, which will culminate in Musharrafs
ouster.19 Lawyers from the movement demanded Musharrafs impeachment
trial under Article 6 of the Pakistani Constitution.20
Although the mass arrests limited the size and scale of public activities during
the martial law period, Pakistani students, who were prohibited from forming
unions during Musharrafs rule, surprised everyone by turning out in sizeable
numbers to demonstrate against emergency rule. Students from the elite schools
of Islamabad and the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS),
University of the Punjab, Karachi University, Quaid-i-Azam University, FAST
University, Hamdard University, and colleges in major cities took to the streets
along with their teachers to rally in support of the judiciary. Their banners read
Adliya kee azaadi tak, jang karain ge (We will ght until the judiciary is free)
and prominent student slogans were: We will decide our own future, Justice
now, Give justice to the judiciary, and Stop playing with the law. As a price
for their activism, hundreds of students, many of whom were active in various
opposition parties, were badly beaten and imprisoned along with their teachers
in Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Lahore, and Karachi.21
Musharraf resigns as army chief
On 28 November, Musharraf stepped down as chief of the Army, one day before he
took the oath of ofce to extend his presidency for another ve years. Musharrafs

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Z. S. Ahmed

decision to step down as army chief, which he was required to do in order to

become a civilian ruler according to the Pakistani Constitution,22 was part of a
deal Musharraf struck with Benazir Bhutto, the leader of the Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) which was expected to be the ruling party in the parliament following
the 2008 general elections. Musharrafs Western allies, including the Bush administration, as well as prominent Pakistani military ofcials like Lt. Gen Ashaq
Kiyani (Musharrafs chosen successor to head the Army), encouraged Musharraf
to step down as military chief. By doing so, Musharraf would retain broad
powers as a civilian president.
Under strong domestic and US pressure, Musharraf agreed to allow the two
main opposition party leaders, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, to return to
Pakistan to campaign for the 2008 general elections. Bhutto, the former Pakistani
prime minister, had been living in self- imposed exile in Dubai and London
since 1999; Sharif, the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)
and Bhuttos chief rival had been living in Saudi Arabia and London since
1999. The two exiled leaders met in London in 2006 to sign the Charter of
Democracy, wherein Bhutto and Sharif committed to rescinding amendments
made to the Pakistani Constitution by the military government that expanded
executive power, and the two leaders agreed to a merit-based system for selecting
judges.23

Bhuttos assassination and opposition victory

The assassination of Benazir Bhutto on 27 December 2007 during a campaign rally
in Rawalpindi shocked the nation. [Bhuttos] death was experienced as a national
calamity both a terrifying proof of the growing reach of terrorism inside Pakistan
and a grave blow to the countrys democratic hopes.24 After the assassination,
Bhuttos widower, Asif Ali Zardari, took over as leader of the Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP). Zardari, known as Mr. 10 Percent for his widely-suspected role in
skimming from the national coffers while his wife was in power during the
1990s, nevertheless beneted from a wave of sympathy following Bhuttos
killing and his party emerged the victor.
In the pre-elections period, some lawyers urged the opposition parties to
boycott the elections based on their belief that they would be neither free nor
fair. The APDM, along with the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), the PMAP, and the PTI,
called for a boycott of the elections. Yet most of the leadership of the lawyers
movement opposed the boycott. Aitzaz Ahsan, a central leader of the movement
who was put under house arrest on 3 November 2007, insisted that their grassroots
campaign could inuence the outcome of the election. In a letter he sent to his
supporters from his home in Lahore, Ahsan wrote,
We have a nation-wide network of district bars. We can make it worth their while for
candidates to adhere to our aspiration of restoration of judges. In the process we can,
across the country, create a signicant and vibrant political movement . . . It will keep

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the issue of the deposed judges right up-front, and maybe make it the most inescapable electoral issue.25

This strategic decision was ultimately vindicated when the major opposition parties
embraced the lawyers cause as a central component of their campaigns.26 After
meeting with a group of senior lawyers and the chairperson of the Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) at his home on 28 January 2008, Asif
Zardari gave his word on reinstating the judges.27 Meanwhile, Nawaz Sharif, the
leader of the PML-Nawaz, observed Youm-e-Ehad (Day of Accord) on 6 February
by swearing an oath in front of the party members, general public, and the media
that the PML-N candidates for the National and Provincial Assemblies, once
elected, would restore the deposed judges. As it turned out, Sharif was far more
committed to the lawyers cause than his PPP rival.
Pakistanis turned out in large numbers to vote in the 18 February elections
despite concerns of vote-rigging and fears of suicide bomb attacks.28 The PPP
emerged victorious following the general elections,29 which were deemed
mostly free and fair despite some evidence of vote tampering.30 The presence of
around 200 international elections observers and nearly 25,000 local observers
seemed to help deter vote rigging.31 After winning the general election, Asif
Zardari formed a coalition government that included its main rival, the PML-N.
While the formation of a coalition government was seen as a hopeful sign by
many, clashes between the two main coalition partners quickly emerged over the
issue of reinstating the deposed judges and over whether or not to impeach Musharraf on grounds that the Pakistani leader had violated the constitution and engaged
in gross misconduct.

Musharraf steps down

In early June 2008, the lawyers organized a long march to push the democratically
elected government to challenge Musharraf, who was still president, to reverse his
unconstitutional attack on the judiciary.32 The march to Islamabad, which began on
9 June in cities as far away as Karachi and Quetta, included lawyers, human rights
activists, leading scholars, professionals, retired army ofcers, religious gures,
families of the missing people, and people from the neighboring areas in Islamabad. Opposition party members from PML-N, PTI, JI, Khaksaar Tehreek, National
Workers Party, Awami League, and the Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party joined the march
in large numbers.
Roughly 40,000 protestors gathered in Parade Avenue in Islamabad on 14 June,
a sizeable showing that nevertheless fell well short of the half million that the
lawyers were expecting. Still, around 6,000 paramilitary troops and police were
deployed in Islamabad to confront the protestors.33 The march was a great disappointment to many young lawyers, students, and political activists, who expected
to participate in dharna (sit-in) until the judiciary was restored. Splits in the
lawyers movement emerged over Aitzaz Ahsans announcement that there

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would be no dharna. Aitzaz was booed by a number of young protestors during his
speech at the end of the march.34
After months of intra-party debate the PPP leadership announced that impeachment proceedings against Musharraf would begin on 7 August. In the midst of
mounting domestic pressure, Musharraf calculated that in the event of impeachment
he would no longer enjoy sufcient support from the Pakistani Army nor from
outside powers, including the United States. On 18 August 2008, in a televised
address to the nation Pervez Musharraf announced that he would be stepping
down as president of Pakistan stating that, After viewing the situation and consulting legal advisers and political allies, with their advice I have decided to resign.35
His resignation was immediately accepted by the Pakistani National Assembly,
which appointed a temporary president, Mohammed Mian Soomro (the chairman
of the upper house of the assembly) until a successor was chosen. According to
Saeed Shah, Musharrafs resignation was the outcome of a Western-mediated
agreement between the president and the PPP, according to which all charges
against him were dropped in return for his resignation.36 The Western intervention
followed a domestic crisis created by the disruptive, albeit nonviolent lawyers
movement.
Broken promises and resistance to President Zardari
After the opposition victory, government coalition partners Nawaz and Zardari
held a series of negotiations in an attempt to resolve the judicial matter.37
Zardari refused to accept a deadline for restoring the judges, causing many in
the lawyers movement to question the sincerity of his commitment to the rule
of law. Instead, the PPP leader appeared more interested in preserving the National
Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), a controversial measure promulgated in October
2007 that was based on a presumed deal between Bhutto and Musharraf, whereby
the latter agreed to grant amnesty to the PPP leader, her husband, and other politicians on erstwhile corruption charges in exchange for a share of post-elections
power. The NRO, according to Imran Khan, the leader of the Pakistan Tehreeke-Insaf (PTI) party amounted to a betrayal of the judiciary.38
In response to Zardaris intransigence on the matter of reinstating the deposed
judges, the PML-N withdrew its ministers from the coalition cabinet on 13 May
2008. Sharif demanded that Zardari abide by the Charter of Democracy signed
by his late wife. At the same time, Sharifs party remained in the government
coalition. After Zardari became President on 9 September 2008, he maintained
his stance of postponing any decision on the judicial issue.39 Zardari insisted
that the document he had signed on 7 August vowing to restore the judges was
an agreement by consent, not an agreement by law.40 Meanwhile, the Pakistani
president succeeded in persuading 57 out of the remaining 63 High Court judges to
take a new oath in order to be allowed to be returned to the bench. Yet CJ Chaudhry
and six other judges refused to take the oath, insisting that because they had been
sacked unconstitutionally, the oaths they had taken earlier remained in force.

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President Zardari soon began to engage in the same authoritarian tendencies that
he had earlier condemned. In early 2009, as the lawyers planned another march to
Islamabad which this time was promised to end with a mass sit-in in the city centre,
Zardari attacked his rival. On 25 February, the Supreme Court, now led by Chief
Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar, a Zardari-appointee, issued a ruling that disqualied
Nawaz Sharif and his brother, Shahbaz Sharif (Chief Minister of Punjab), from
holding or contesting public ofce on the grounds that they had been earlier convicted of crimes. Zardari, seeking to curtail PML-N control over the powerful
Punjab province, imposed the Governor Rule in Punjab, bringing the formerly
autonomous province under federal control. His decision escalated the political
crisis and consolidated the alliance between Sharifs party and the lawyers
movement. That alliance vastly expanded the movements scope and depth.
Splits in the government and the decisive long march
The stage was set for the March 2009 long march, the nonviolent action that
directly preceded the lawyers greatest victory. As the political crisis intensied,
Prime Minister (and PPP member) Yousaf Raza Gillani and the head of armed
forces, General Ashfaz Parvez Kiyani, met with the president and insisted that
he resolve the political crisis through dialogue with the PML-N. Under domestic
and external pressure from London and Washington, the PPP began to split.
Sherry Rehman, PPP member and the Minister of Information, tendered her resignation on 9 March after Zardari ordered that Geo TV be shut down. On the same
day, Mian Raza Rabbani (Federal Minister for Inter-Provincial Coordination), the
PPP leader of the upper house of parliament and a lawyer by profession, also submitted his resignation to the PM. Prominent civil society leaders accused Zardari of
being every bit as willing to manipulate the Constitution as Musharraf had
been.41
The long march to Islamabad began on 12 March. On that day in Karachi, cognizant of the governments ban on public gatherings of more than four people, a
group of lawyers left the building of the Karachi Bar Association in groups of
two or three. The police nevertheless tried to arrest them; some lawyers, in order
to escape arrest, boarded buses to Islamabad.42 A massive crowd was expected
to reach Islamabad, approximately 50,000 from the North West Frontier Province
(NWFP), 20,000 coming with Nawaz Sharif from Lahore, and roughly 10,000
coming from Karachi and Quetta, as well as 20 25,000 from Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Around 100,000 people were expected to arrive in the capital city.43
On 11 March, opposition leader Nawaz Sharif was placed under house arrest.
Meanwhile, Pakistanis watched live footage of the long march on their television
sets as policemen in riot gear red tear-gas canisters at the smartly attired lawyers
and at the droves of PML-N supporters who had joined the march, along with
members of the main Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami. Pakistanis watched as children, women in high heels, and chanting protestors were beaten back with truncheons and tear gas. The highly visible civil disobedience waged by multiple sectors

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of the Pakistani population and the repression that followed intensied the process
of backre, further strengthening the opposition.
Soon after the march began, General Kiyani and PM Gilani met with Zardari
and urged him to compromise with the marchers. US Ambassador Anne Patterson
and Special Envoy Richard Holbrook organized meetings between the PPP and
PML-N leaders. Secretary Clinton and the British Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, pressured the Pakistani President to negotiate a deal with Sharif to prevent
further escalation.44
The lawyers movement triumphed before the long march reached Islamabad.
On 15 June, in an extraordinary show of street power, Nawaz Sharif broke out of
house arrest to join the human caravan to Islamabad.45 The very next day, on
Monday, 16 June, Prime Minister Gilani made the startling announcement that
the deposed judges, including chief justice Chaudhry, would be reinstated. I
order all the provincial governments to release political workers, lawyers and all
those arrested during the long march . . . I want to congratulate the nation. Let us
celebrate this with dignity.46
Participants of the long march were seen dancing and celebrating after hearing
the announcement. Even some of the Punjab Police members who until that time
were throwing teargas and beating activists of the movement were seen on TV
dancing along with the celebrating crowd in Lahore. According to Aitzaz
Ahsan, the lawyers movement was a hugely popular movement in the Islamic
world . . . sustained through nonviolence. It [was] progressive, liberal, it [was]
democratic, it [was] transparent and totally plural Hindus, Muslim, Sikhs,
Christians.47
Anatomy of a successful movement
The Pakistani lawyers movement was a home-grown nonviolent movement that
was both self-sufcient and innovative. As the main theory of nonviolent action
explains,48 the systematic withdrawal of consent and cooperation by large
numbers of Pakistanis wielding nonviolent weapons including mass protests,
long marches, sit-ins, and workers-led resistance undermined the legitimacy and
power of the Musharraf and Zardari governments, particularly after nonviolent
resistance was met with government repression, causing backre.
In the next section we explain how decentralized organization, effective
communications, and nonviolent discipline strengthened movement resilience,49
enhanced its leverage and paved the way to decisive victories.50
Structure of the lawyers movement
The 160 local bar councils and associations in Pakistan, with their 85,000 90,000
members, comprised the organizational backbone of the movement, which was
led by a small group of lawyers headed by Aitzaz Ahsan. The movements
main decision-making body was the National Action Committee of Lawyers

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(NACL), whose main leaders were Ahsan, Ali Ahmad Kurd (president of the
SCBA), Munir A. Malik (ex-president SCBA), Hamid Khan (member of the Pakistan Bar Council (PBC) and ex-president of SCBA) and Tariq Mehmood (retired
justice). Most decisions were made in consultation with the Pakistan Bar
Council (PBC) and the SCBA, whose leadership was represented in the NACL
(see Figure 1).51
The lawyers nation-wide infrastructure and decentralized character (albeit
with a centralized leadership) strengthened the movements organization and communication, enhanced unity of effort, and made it very difcult for the regime to
suppress the lawyers activities. In addition, the NACL beneted from charismatic
leadership. One lawyer from Lahore said that that the NACL member, especially
Hamid Khan and Aitzaz Ahsan, successfully dominated the media.52 But charismatic leadership cannot compensate for lack of organization, which is where the
power of nonviolent resistance resides.

Figure 1. Organization structure of the lawyers movement.

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Z. S. Ahmed

Although they were not ofcially integrated into the decision-making structure
of the lawyers movement, Pakistani NGOs and civic groups provided critical
logistical and informational support to the movement and facilitated resource
mobilization notably during the March 2009 long march.
The material resources needed to power the movement came mainly from
inside Pakistan at rst, from the lawyers own pockets. The Lahore High
Court Bar Association (LHCBA) initiated the movement with only Rs. 1000
(approx. US$12) and then campaigned to raise funds which reached Rs. 800,000
(approx. US$10,000) within a few months. Most bar associations were autonomous with regard to collection and disbursement of funds. Later, funding and
organizational support came from the lawyers main political allies, the PML-N
and the PTI.
Challenges to internal unity
Notwithstanding its organization and self-nancing, the lawyers movement was
not immune to internal disagreements and divisions. For example, in the lead-up
to the 2008 elections, most of the lawyers campaigned in line with their political
afliations. After the 2008 elections the divisions became more apparent, with
some lawyers from the PPP not just staying on the sidelines of the movement
but vocally opposing it.
There were divisions over tactics as was evident during the 2008 long march.
Whereas the president of the SCBA, Ali Ahmad Kurd, called for more aggressive
tactics, such as covering the parliament building with black jackets and launching a
sit-in, both tactics were ruled out by Aitzaz Ahsan and other leaders in favour of a
slower escalation of the conict. Explaining his tactical preference, Aitzaz initially
cited the movements lack of resources to continue dharna. Later, in his media
interviews, he mentioned that there were some segments in the movement that
were trying to break the barriers to attack the parliament house, which he
thought would be counter-productive. Other lawyers felt that the movement was
hijacked by the PML-N and blamed the failure of the 2008 long march on
the Sharif Aitzaz partnership. As one young lawyer from Lahore insisted, the
lawyers have failed an effective strategy against General Musharraf . . . and
really none of the bar councils played any crucial role because of their different
political afliations.53
However, these internal divisions and disagreements failed to undermine the
movement in large part because its leadership, the National Action Committee
of Lawyers (NACL), whose members hailed from different political parties, campaigned for their followers to put aside their political differences and ght for a free
judiciary. Absent this internal unity, as nonviolent scholars have noted, success
against a dictator and his ruling political allies would have been difcult if not
impossible.54
The alliance between the lawyers movement and opposition political parties,
furthermore, greatly enhanced the movements ability to endure regime repression

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while intensifying the civic pressure against the Pakistani government. Most
importantly, the partnership between the lawyers and the PML-N, which intensied in early June 2008, vastly expanded the scope and depth of opposition mobilization and was critical to the successful restoration of the judiciary.
Effective communications
Movement resilience and leverage were further strengthened by the oppositions
effective use of the media and alternative forms of communications. Once again,
the decentralized, well-organized network of provincial and district level bar councils enhanced intra-movement communication and coordination. Most movement
instructions originated from the NACL and were sent to the heads of the local bar
councils via cell phone and SMS. The local leaders, in turn, communicated with the
local bar members. At each provincial bar association an NACL coordinator delivered messages to all district and city bar councils in that province.55 After CJ
Chaudhrys personal cell phone was blocked, both before and during the emergency period in 2007, he obtained a separate mobile phone SIM card to be able
to communicate for a time. During emergency period of November December
2007, Chaudhry spoke from his mobile phone to a rally of several hundred
lawyers near Islamabads district court. His voice was received through a
mobile phone that was held up to a loudspeaker until the mobile networks in
the capital suddenly went dead.56
Information about opposition activities reached the Pakistani population
mainly through television media, notably through popular talk shows on Geo,
Aaj and ARY-ONE TV channels.57 The Musharraf (and later Zardari) regimes
attempted censor the information reaching the Pakistani population. In June
2007 the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) imposed
strict regulations on live shows and forced those TV channels to drop their
famous anchors.58 For more than a month, there were blackouts of the most
popular TV shows. Zardari resorted to similar tactics when his government
blocked the transmission of Geo TV before the 2009 long march.
In response to the blackouts, crowds of lawyers, opposition politicians, human
rights activists, and civic groups, including the South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA), gathered outside the Geo TV ofce in Islamabad and watched
as the Geo TV anchor, Hamid Mir, continued to run a popular program, Capital
Talk, even though it was never broadcast. International broadcasters, especially
BBCs Urdu and Pashto Services, provided the latest news and analysis on its
radio broadcasts and web pages. Planned demonstrations were announced in
several English and Urdu dailies. The Pakistani blogosphere kicked into high
gear at a time when other communication channels were blocked. Tributes to the
movement were posted on existing blogs and new web-based initiatives, such as
the Pakistan Justice Coalition and the Movement for the Rule of Law,59 were
created to report on movement activities and to spread information about demonstrations and protests.60

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Nonviolent discipline
Nonviolent discipline is a critical element of successful nonviolent struggles.
Movements that make their commitment to nonviolent means known are more
likely to attract broad-based support (domestic and international) than struggles
involving violence. They are also more likely to make the opponents use of violence backre.61 The lawyers movement displayed remarkable nonviolent discipline in the face of regime violence and repression. The rare instances of
violence by members of the movement were strongly condemned by the leadership, who did not believe the rule of law would be restored in Pakistan through
violent means. As one activist insisted, There is enough violence as it is. More
will push this country to the brink of collapse. Nonviolent strategies will denitely
help create and promote an environment for dialogues amongst all, especially
between the judiciary and the executive.62
There were nevertheless instances of intra-movement violence and violent
attacks against regime functionaries that threatened the unity and integrity of the
movement while playing to the strengths of the government. These included the
hurling of stones at Pakistani police during demonstrations and specic acts of
violence targeting critics of the lawyers movement, including an attack on the
Pakistani Information Minister and a parliamentary leader 2007.63 In April
2008, the ex-Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Sher Afgan Niazi, was surrounded
by a crowd of angry protestors, including lawyers, and beaten up despite an attempt
by Aitzaz to intervene and protect him.
Yet the leaders of the movement, in particular Aitzaz Ahsan, insisted on nonviolent discipline throughout the movement. He was reluctant even to condone more
confrontational and provocative actions by the lawyers and their supporters that
could have rapidly escalated to violence. Cultural mitigators of violence featured
prominently in the lawyers movement. For example, during mass marches and
rallies, slogans and chants were used to promote a sense of unity and calm. These
ranged from the basic and straightforward (Justice for Chief Justice, Go Musharraf Go), to condemnations of US backing of Musharraf (America ka ju yaar hai
ghadar ahi ghadar hai),64 to comparisons between Musharraf and Zardari
(Musharraf Zardari bhai bhai, Pakistan ki shamat aayi),65 to clear articulations
of the movements goals (Adlia ki Bahali tuk jang rahay gi jang rahay gi (Fighting
until the restoration of judiciary)). One of the most famous slogans, Hum mulq
bachaanay chalay hain, aao hamary saath chalo (Come with us, we are going
to shield the country), was sent as a text message to thousands of Pakistanis.
Poetry was another culturally relevant factor to help focus attention on nonviolent struggle and an important unifying force for the opposition.66 Lyrics
from famous Su mystics, along with the lyrics of Marxist poet Faiz Ahmad
Faiz (1914 1984) were recited not only by lawyers in the crowd but also by
famous leaders of the movement, including Aitzaz Ahsan. Two famous poems
of Faiz were repeatedly recited during the movement; Speak, your lips are free
(bole ke lab azaad hain teray), and we shall see (hum dekhain ge). Most

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demonstrations, in fact, commenced with this powerful verse from Faizs poem
Hum dekhain ge:
Promises that you make to us,
Of the day, the hour, the moment of our victory,
The promise of the promised land,
Of course, we shall wait and see.
The shackles, this burden around our necks,
Will turn into cotton and vanish in thin air,
And when we common people will stake a claim
On this land that is our very own,
When the tyrant rulers will submit to defeat
At the hands of us simple folks,
Of course, we will wait and see.67

Pakistani youths, inspired by the lyrics of famous Pakistani poets, created a revolutionary pop rock band, Laal (Red), in support of the lawyers movement. The
groups rst album, Umeed-e-Sahar (Hope of Dawn) was released in March
2009 and contained songs based on poetry of Faiz, Habib Jalib, and Aitzaz. The
band attracted large youth audiences both during and after the lawyers movement.
The channeling of youth energy, activism, and militancy into nonviolent forms of
resistance helped the movement maintain nonviolent discipline and expand
popular participation.
External support
External support for the lawyers movement came mainly from the diaspora and
transnational solidarity groups. The lawyers received signicant nancial
support from the Pakistani diaspora in Europe and North America, including Pakistani lawyers overseas who directed funding to the local bar associations. The PTI
launched the Long March 2009 Fund for overseas Pakistanis to contribute
towards the struggle for an independent judiciary. Lawyers and bar associations
from the US, Canada, UK, Commonwealth Lawyers Association, South Asia
Bar Association, National Lawyers Guild, and Amnesty International and
Human Rights First provided material and political support for the Pakistani
lawyers. International groups including the International Commission of Jurists
(Geneva) and International Federation for Human Rights (Paris) made visits to
Pakistan to support the lawyers during their campaign.
At the same time, legal scholars from the USA and Pakistan joined forces to
challenge both the constitutionality of emergency rule and American support for
the dictatorship. In January 2008, the US-based National Lawyers Guild (NLG)
Fact Finding Delegation visited Pakistan and later drafted a report entitled Defending Dictatorship: U.S. Foreign Policy and Pakistans Struggle for Democracy.68
Members of the US legal community led by lawyer Devin Theriot-Orr formed
the Pakistan Justice Coalition (PJC), a grassroots civic group that organized US
speaking tours for prominent leaders of the Pakistani lawyers movement. At the

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very beginning of the movement, on 14 November 2007, the Harvard Law School
Association awarded CJ Chaudhry a prestigious Medal of Freedom. The US- based
National Law Journal selected CJ Chaudhry for the lawyer of the year award for
2007, making him the rst non-American to receive this honor. These international
efforts allowed the lawyers movement to extend the nonviolent battleeld and
increase its international visibility and leverage.
Conclusion
The success of this two-year-long deant and sustained movement in the face of
obstructive state machinery and various other roadblocks has changed the countrys political dynamics, writes Hassan Abbas, a noted Pakistani scholar.69 The
nonviolent movement led by the men in black and joined by mass numbers of
ordinary Pakistanis paved the way to the successful ouster of a dictatorship and
opened doors for the two major political parties (PPP and PML-N) to return to politics in Pakistan. The movements crowning achievement, the restoration of the
independent judiciary, followed a remarkable period of nation-wide civic mobilization and sustained popular pressure.
As has been argued in this article, the ability of the lawyers movement to
utilize its country-wide network of bar associations and to form alliances with
opposition political parties and civic groups and associations enhanced the movements resilience, leverage, and ultimately paved the way to success. The lawyers
movement was signicant not only for its success in restoring the deposed judges
to the bench, but for its impact on Pakistani civil society, which saw rst-hand
how organized grassroots activism could achieve results. Ghinwa Bhutto, chair
of the Pakistan Peoples Party-Shaheed Bhutto (PPP-SB), said afterwards that
the Zardari governments decision to reinstate the judges was not made by the
United States or even by Zardari. Rather, the government was forced to restore
the judiciary as a result of the lawyers movement backed by the people of
Pakistan.70
Although major security issues and serious governance challenges persist
inside Pakistan, the lawyers movement played a major role in advancing the
rule of law, which is the foundation of democracy, in Pakistan. Despite a
number of missteps, the Zardari government is abiding by the Charter of Democracy signed by Bhutto and Sharif in 2006, which clearly called for civilian control
of the military. The government has disbanded the political wing of Pakistans
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and also discussed the defence budget for scal
year 2008 2009 in the parliament, as it had committed to do in the Charter. Meanwhile, Army Chief of Staff Ashfaq Kayani has remained rm in his insistence that
he will not tolerate the militarys interference into politics.
As one analyst has written, The contributions of the lawyers must be treated as
a positive direction for the future political and democratic set up. The movement
can be termed as a strong foundation stone of future democracy in Pakistan.71
For those who associate resistance in Pakistan with the Taliban and Qaeda-afliated

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509

groups, the lawyers movement shows how a struggle for rights and freedoms can
be waged (and won) using different weapons.

Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to everyone who contributed towards this research, especially Dr Khalil
Ahmad, Syeda Nazoora Ali, Sarah Peracha, Ayesha Ijaz Khan, and to the following advocates: Syed Ali Raza, Sajid Mahmood Shad, Waheed Ahmad, Choudhri Tahir, and Saqlain
Haider.

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Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

7.
8.

9.
10.

11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.

Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action.

Ziauddin, Amnesty: reveal details of missing persons in Pakistan.
Ibid.
Schmidt, The Unravelling of Pakistan, 32.
Traub, Can Pakistan be Governed?, 29.
Backre, in the context of nonviolent resistance, is when repression leads to greater
movement mobilization after repressive events that are perceived as unjust generate
enormous public outrage against those seen as responsible. See Martin and Hess,
Repression, Backre, and the Theory of Transformative Events, 24967. Martin
elaborates on the concept of backre in Justice Ignited The Dynamics of Backre.
Asian Human Rights Commission, Pakistan 2008.
The MQM was involved in brutal street attacks on 9 April 2008 in Karachi which
claimed lives of 14 persons. Six people were burned alive, including two lawyers;
19 lawyers went missing on that day and around 70 ofces of lawyers were ransacked,
including the ofce of the Karachi Bar Association. There was also an MQM-led
attack on the Malir Bar Association ofce where 50 vehicles of lawyers were
burned (Human Rights Watch, Destroying Legality).
Subramaniam. Disquiet in the Dovecotes.
Robert Helvey, an expert in non-violent conict, denes pillars of support as the
institutions and sections of society that supply the existing regime with the needed
sources of power to maintain and expand its power capacity. Helvey, On Strategic
Nonviolent Conict Thinking about Fundamentals, 149.
The News, Imran Terms Lawyers Movement as Pakistans Movement.
Pincus, US Ofcial Defend Pakistans Efforts against Al-Qaida.
International Herald Tribune, Musharraf Lifts Pakistans State of Emergency.
According to one reporter, Nothing much was happening, of course, because most of
lawyers were in prison in this context the equivalent of being disappeared. Jillani,
Vanguard of Democracy.
Newsheet, Protest against the State of Emergency in Pakistan and Brutal Attacks on
Civil Society.
Reza Pirbhai, Men in Black.
Asma Jahangir is a renowned Pakistani lawyer and human rights activist, and has been
the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion since 2004.
Sassen, Pakistans Two Worlds.
Ahmed, Round Two.
Article 6 reads: Any person who abrogates or attempts or conspires to abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to subvert the Constitution by use of force or show of
force or by other unconstitutional means shall be guilty of high treason. Government
of Pakistan, The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973.

510
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.

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26.

27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.

40.
41.
42.
43.
44.

45.
46.
47.
48.

Z. S. Ahmed
All together approximately 400 500 students were arrested and the majority of them
were released the next day.
Walsh, Pakistan: Lawyers in Long March against Musharraf.
Traub, 29.
Ibid.
Message contained in Aitzaz Ahsans letter to advocates and attorneys in Pakistan on 5
December 2007.
Political parties including the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the Jamaat-e-Islami
(JI) supported the movement from the very beginning. There leftist parties, such as the
Anjuman Mazarian Pakistan, Awami Party, Awami Jamhoori Party, Awami Jamhoori
Ittehad, Community Party, Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party, Labour Party Pakistan
and the Insani Huqooq Ittehad Khudai Khidmatgaar remained rmly on the side of the
lawyers.
Ahmad Noorani, Zardari Gives His Word to Lawyers on Judges Return.
In comparison to the 2002 general elections, the voter turnout for the February 2008
general elections increased by 2.7%, reaching 44.6%. Daily Times, Voter turnout
increased by 2.7 percent.
The PPP won the greatest number of seats with 87, following by PML-N with 67,
PML-Q with 39, and the MQM with 19 out of total 268 seats in the National Assembly. Center for Research and Security Studies, Pakistan: General Elections 2008, 2.
Scholars credit General Kiyani for helping to prevent governmental interference
and manipulation of the elections results. Chamberlin, General Musharraf, a
Dignied Exit.
Center for Research and Security Studies, Pakistan: General Elections 2008, 1.
Daily Times, Long March to Send Do Not Fear Musharraf Message: Munir.
Daily Times, 40,000 Gather as Long March Reaches Islamabad.
Akhtar, Here and Now.
Dawn, Pakistans Musharraf Announces Resignation.
Shah, Pervez Musharraf Resigns as President of Pakistan.
Their discussions centred on reinstating the judges through a simple parliamentary resolution or as a result of a constitutional amendment.
The News, Democracy Betraying Judiciary for NRO: Imran.
To avoid having to make a nal decision, Zardari spoke of a comprehensive judicial
package. There was also a suggestion of CJ Chaudhry minus formula meaning that all
the judges except Chaudhry will be reinstated. Zardari was also accused of delaying
the move because he feared Chaudhry might revive corruption cases against him.
Traub, Can Pakistan be Governed?, 29.
Traub, Can Pakistan be Governed?, 30.
Daily Times, Police Try to Thwart Lawyers Long March.
These estimated gures are collected through direct interviews with lawyers and journalists from Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi, Rawalpindi, and Peshawar.
Times of India, US Special Envoy Speaks to Zardari, Gillani on Political Crisis. The
nal decision to reinstate Chaudhry came after the US Secretary of State Clinton telephoned Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani and opposition leader Nawaz Sharif over the
weekend of 1415 March. She claried the USs position on the matter and urged
them to resolve the crisis in a nonviolent manner. America.gov, Clinton Spoke with
Pakistani Leadership about Chief Justice; BBC news online, A Crisis About More
than Judges.
Subramanian, Nawaz Sharif Dees House Arrest, Leads Long March.
Dawn, Gilani Announces Restoration of Deposed Chief Judge.
Sara, US Drone Targets Militants in Pakistan.
Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action.

Democratization
49.

50.
51.

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52.
53.
54.
55.

56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.

511

Sociologist and non-violent action scholar Kurt Schock dened resilience as the
capacity of contentious actors to continue to mobilize collective action despite the
actions of opponents aimed at constraining or inhibiting their activities. Schock,
Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Non-democracies, 142.
Schock dened leverage as the ability of contentious actors to mobilize the withdrawal of support from opponents or invoke pressure against them through the networks
upon which opponents depend for their power. Ibid., 143.
The PBC is the highest organized and elected body of lawyers in Pakistan and is
comprised of members from all provincial bar councils in Pakistan. The SCBA is
comprised of approximately 1,700 registered members.
Face-to-face interview conducted by the author with Zahid Shahab Ahmed in May
2008 in Lahore.
Interview conducted on 16 June 2008 in Lahore.
See Ackerman, Skills or Conditions?.
Pakistan, a country of 165 million people has around 90 million cell phone users. Electronic mail was not a major mode of communication, since most of the lawyers dont
use or have internet access. Overall in the country there are only 17.5 million internet
users. International Intellectual Property Alliance, Pakistan: 2009 Special 301 Report
on Copyright Protection and Enforcement; The News, Number of Mobile Users in
Pakistan Reaches 90 Million.
Voice of America, Pakistans Ousted Chief Justice Addresses Lawyers Via Mobile
Link.
One of the best examples of this was when Aitzaz and then Attorney General Malik
Qayyum challenged each other for a live constitutional debate on a TV talk show
on 19 March 2008.
The popular anchors forced off the air included Hamid Mir of Capital Talk, Kashif
Khan, Kamran Khan of Kamran Khan Ke Saath,, Dr Shahid Masood of Mere
Mutaabik, Asma Sherazi, and Talat Hussain of Live with Talat.
See the Rule of Law Projects web-site at: http://ruleoawproject.org.
www.movementforruleoaw.com.
See Stephan and Chenoweth, Why Civil Resistance Works; Chenoweth and
Stephan, Mobilization and Resistance.
From an interview conducted by one of the authors on 30 March 2008 in Islamabad.
Gall, Lawyers Battle Police over Pakistan Election Ruling, International Herald
Tribune.
Translation: Musharraf is an American dog.
Translation: Musharraf-Zardari brotherhood disastrous for Pakistan.
Chu, Those are ghting words in Pakistan.
Amitab, Pakistan Lawyers Movement Shows Global Reach of Non-violence.
National Lawyers Guild and Lahore University of Management Sciences, Defending
Dictatorship: US Foreign Policy and Pakistans Struggle for Democracy.
Abbas, Pakistan Can Defy the Odds How to Rescue a Failing State, 23.
The News, Lawyers movement forced establishment to restore judges: Ghinwa.
Asian Human Rights Commission, Pakistan: Lawyers Movement is the Vanguard
of Democracy.

Notes on contributor
Zahid Shabab Ahmed is a PhD candidate at the University of New England, Australia.

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