The Pictographic Account Book

of an Ojibwa Fur Trader

GEORGE FULFORD
McMaster

University

This paper is about the pictographic account book of an Ojibwa fur trader
w h o m a n a g e d the American Traders' post at Vermillion Lake from 1835 to
1839. In thefirstsection I shall describe the account book and its provenience. In the next section, I will outline the history of the fur trade in the
Vermillion-Rainy Lake area. Following this, I shall provide a biography of
the trader. T h e n I will conduct a detailed analysis of the account book in
order to determine the profitability of the Vermillion Lake post. Finally, I
shall discuss what the account book reveals about the economics, politics
and social history of the fur trade in the Upper Great Lakes region during
the late 1830s.1
The Account Book
Vincent R o y managed the Vermillion Lake post from 1835 to 1839. His
account book is dated November 28, 1838 and is kept in the U.S. National
Anthropological Archives at the Smithsonian Insitution, Washington D.C.,
file number 4836. According to the accession card, the book was donated by
John M . Lawler of Wilbraham Massachussetts in 1963. It is leather bound
and in good condition, measuring 10 x 15.7 centimeters.

Many thanks to the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C. for permission to publish material from Vincent Roy's
account book. Thanks also to the Library of Congress for permission to publish
material from the Schoolcraft Papers and to the Minnesota Historical Society for
permission to publish material from the Henry Mower Rice papers. Lee Guemple,
Valerie Grant, Trudy Nicks and Ted Stewart helped m e identify various items of
merchandise in Roy's account book while Ruth Fulford created the charts accompanying this article. Alex M c K a y assisted in the translation of Ojibwa names.
Tim Holzkammfirstdrew m y attention to the biography of Vincent Roy in the
Rice papers.

190

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

191

Roy's account book contains 92 pages bearing pictographic inscriptions.

Three pages record Roy's year-end inventory of unsold merchandise and two
pages record his year-end inventory of furs. O n e page associated with the
inventory pages contains a record which I a m unable to identify while two
others itemize the retail price of merchandise R o y sold to his customers. T h e
remaining 84 pages record the individual accounts of 35 different Ojibwa
trappers, each of w h o m is identified by a pictographic signature. These
signatures have been reproduced in Chart 8. They typically appear in the
upper right corner of pages on the left side of the account book and usually depict h u m a n forms, occasionally with an associated family or clan
emblem. Twenty-three trappers are also identified by Ojibwa names, phonetically transcribed in longhand using R o m a n orthography (two of these
names are unintelligible). T h e handwriting resembles that found in a manuscript biography of Vincent R o y which is contained in the Papers of Henry
M o w e r Rice (1879). These papers are kept in the archives of the Minnesota
Historical Society.
I have been able to identify 40 of the 48 different kinds of trade goods
appearing in Roy's account book and all 12 species of fur-bearing animals.
These items are indexed in Charts 2 A - D , found at the end of this paper. T h e
eight items of merchandise which I have not yet identified represent about
2 % of total sales and are identified as miscellaneous in Charts 3 and 7.
R o y recorded each of his customer's debits and credits on facing pages of
the account book. Pictographs representing trade goods (i.e., debits) appear
on the left hand pages, below a sign (usually a h u m a nfigure,family or clan
emblem) identifying the customer. Pictographs representing fur-bearing
animals (i.e., credits) appear on pages on the right side of the account book.
Charts 1 A - B appended to this paper illustrate the account of Shingwok
('Pine') as it appears in Roy's account book.
I have assumed that the trapper identified by R o y as Shingwok is, in
fact, Shingwokaunce ('Little Pine'). Shingwokaunce was a member of the
Crane clan and a famous Ojibwa war chief w h o fought with the English during the W a r of 1812. H e lived on the Garden River, near Sault Ste. Marie
and was alive at the time R o y managed the Vermillion Lake post. Three
other members of the Pine family (identified by pictographs of pine trees
placed above their heads) also appear in Roy's account book. They are W a a sawabikwan ('Shiny Medal'), Akiwenzie ('Old Man') and a trapper whose
n a m e is not phonetically transcribed but whose pictograph depicts rain or
snow falling from the sky. Despite the presence of Hudson's Bay C o m p a n y
and American Fur C o m p a n y posts within 75 kilometers of Garden River,
the Pines travelled more than 1,000 kilometers to Vermillion Lake. They
chose to go to Vermillion Lake for a variety of reasons. First, they were
attracted by the favourable terms of trade offered by the American Traders.

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GEORGE FULFORD

T h e fact that Vincent Roy was himself half-Ojibwa m a y also have influenced
them. In addition, the Pines m a y have exhausted their credit at posts in the
vicinity of their home. A final factor was the policy of Henry Schoolcraft,
the U.S. Government Indian agent for the Michigan Territory. Schoolcraft
discouraged Americans from doing business with Ojibwas w h o maintained
allegiance with the British Crown. Canadian Ojibwas like the Pines therefore had to travel to remote posts outside Schoolcraft's jurisdiction if they
wished to cross-border shop.
Shingwokaunce's account (reproduced in Charts 1 A - B ) provides an important clue to understanding Vincent Roy's unusual system of numerical
notation. In the upper left hand corner of the left page are two entries:
49.00 D b . and 35.50 Cr. T h e reader will note that 48 full circles and two
half-circles appear on the left (debit) page while 35 full circles and one halfcircle appear on the right (credit) page. Whole circles therefore represent
$1 and half-circles 50 cent increments. Utilizing this information, I have
tabulated conventional balance sheets for each of Roy's customers. Appending the balance sheets for each of the 35 trappers w h o traded with Roy
in 1839 is clearly impractical. Instead, I have presented Shingwokaunce's
account as a specimen in Chart 1C. From the individual accounts such as
Shingwokaunce's I have compiled tables of Roy's total sales of merchandise
and purchases of furs. These tables appear in Charts 3-4. Debits in Roy's
account book refer to customer debits, while credits refer to customer credits. This suggests that Roy kept his account book mainly for the benefit
of his customers. Although Roy m a y have kept trading post accounts in a
more conventional format, I have been unable to find such accounts in the
National Anthropological Archives.
W a s Vincent Roy literate? Basic reading, writing and mathematical
skills would certainly have enabled him to deal effectively with suppliers
in St. Louis or N e w York. O n the other hand, procuring supplies could
have been efficiently handled by a regional manager in La Pointe or Fort
Snelling. As long as Roy could deliver furs on schedule and generate a
profit, he had no need for formal literacy and numeracy skills. Familiarity
with native pictographs would, however, have been indispensable in doing
business with Ojibwa trappers.
Evidence from Roy's account book suggests that he was illiterate. Names
and other incidental notation such as we find on Shingwokaunce's account
are inscribed in the same flowing cursive style found throughout the manuscript papers of Henry Rice. It is inconceivable that Roy wrote these papers.
O n the other hand, it is quite likely that Rice inscribed notes in the margins
of Roy's notebook. Rice would have routinely inspected the books after his

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

193

employer Pierre Choteau acquired the Vermillion Lake post from the American Traders in the early 1840s H e must have inscribed the marginal notes
(perhaps while actually querying Roy) to help decipher the accounts.2
Further evidence of Roy's lack of formal literacy skills comes from his
use of pictographs to record inventory. If R o y was literate, then w h y would
he use the Ojibwa system in records that were only of use to him? T h e only
plausible explanation is that R o y was not skilled in European conventions of
literacy and numeracy. A s the son of a French trader living in the wilderness,
he did not have the opportunity to become literate. A s long as pictographic
records were used, both traders and trappers could decipher records of their
transactions. T h e pictographs R o y used at Vermillion Lake were familiar
to most of his Ojibwa contemporaries. For example, the symbols he used
to represent lynxs, bears and otters are similar to those used in Midewiwin
song scrolls. T h e symbol representingfishers,on the other hand, is clearly
derived from a popular Ojibwa origin myth concerning the so-called "fisher
stars" (Ursa major). 3
Pages from account books like Vincent Roy's are illustrated in Garrick
Mallery's famous monograph on American Indian picture writing (1893:Figures 175-180). Mallery says he obtained these accounts from unidentified
Abnaki traders in Maine in 1888. This fact is noteworthy, because it demonstrates h o w widespread the use of pictographs was a m o n g natives in the 19th
century.4
Rice was regional manager for the Choteau Company, which bought the Vermillion Lake post from the American Traders in the early 1840s. From 1847 to
1849 Roy and his eldest son were employed by Choteau to manage the Vermillion
Lake post.
For examples of bears and otters in Midewiwin song scrolls see Hoffman
(1891:Plate IXA). The famous lynx at Agawa Rock, reproduced in Dewdney and
Kidd (1967:85) is almost identical to the lynx pictographs in Vincent Roy's account book. For an account of thefisherstar story see Schoolcraft (1856:105-110)
and Jones (1917:197-203 and 1919:469-487). Each year, between the winter solstice and the spring equinox, the last four stars of thefisher'stail disappear below
the northern horizon. This explains the association of thefisher'stail with a star
in Roy's account book.
4
Pictographs depicting animals were widely used as sacred symbols by native
groups throughout the Northeastern Woodlands during prehistoric times (see, for
example: Winchell 1911; Dewdney and Kidd 1968; Vastokas and Vastokas 1973;
Swauger 1974; Lothson 1976). The sacred function of pictographs during the
historic period is documented by Schoolcraft (1851b), Hoffman (1891), Mallery
(1893), Densmore (1910), Dewdney (1975), Vennum (1978), Vecsey (1983) and
Vastokas (1984). However there has been little research on the secular use of
pictographs. Yet formal similarities in the pictographs depicting animals can be
found at rock art sites, in Midewiwin song scrolls and in the Vermillion Lake
account book. Such similarities suggest a link between the sacred and secular
functions of the animals depicted by pictographs. Animals which had sacred

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GEORGE FULFORD

Despite their widespread distribution, the use of pictographs a m o n g

natives declined in the late 19th century. T h e opening of Presbyterian
mission schools in Michilimackinak (1823) and La Pointe (1830) promoted
the growth of both Christianity and literacy in the Upper Great Lakes
region.5 T h e spread of "the four Rs" (reading, writing, arithmetic and
religion) eventually changed the fur trade. T h e changes began when traders
like Vincent R o y sent their children to school. Vincent Jr. was 14 years old
when his father enrolled him in the La Pointe school in 1839. Although he
only attended school for two years, he acquired enough education to secure a
job as the manager of a store in La Pointe. Six years later Vincent Jr. joined
his father as account clerk at the Vermillion Lake post.
Schooling introduced Vincent Jr. to literacy, numeracy and a Calvinistic shrewdness in business. These were skills that his father lacked. As
long as frontier traders like Vincent Sr. accepted native religion and used
pictographs to keep their accounts, Ojibwa trappers could concentrate on
what they did best hunting and trapping. But once traders like Vincent Jr. took over, it was only a matter of time until Ojibwa trappers were
obliged to conform and convert in order to do business. This process of
assimilation did not happen overnight. It took at least two generations.
But once Ojibwas began sending their children to school, there there was
no turning back. B y the middle of the 20th century, indigenous forms of
religion, literacy and numeracy were all but lost in the Upper Lakes region.
History of the Vermillion Lake Post
According to oral tradition recorded by William Warren (1885:89-96) the
Ojibwa people did not inhabit the Upper Great Lakes region until the 15th
century. Historical evidence summarized by Conrad Heidenreich (1987:Plate
35) indicates that refugees of the Iroquois Wars such as the Mississauga,
Nipissing, Ottawa and Hurons fled from the Lower into the Upper Great
Lakes area at this time. Archaeological evidence suggests a fairly continuous
cultural horizon in the Upper Great Lakes region for the past 1,500 years
(Brose 1978; Dawson 1974; Wright 1972).
From the journals of early missionaries (Allouez 1896:53; Dablon 1896:
165-169, 191-195), traders (Perrot 1911:157-190; Grant 1960:346-369) and
explorers (Mackenzie 1927:62-78) it is known that the Vermillion and Rainy
Lake area was alternately occupied by Assiniboine, Cree, Sioux and Ojibwa
significance to prehistoric hunters had become mere commodities in the eyes of
traders and trappers by the mid-19th century. In the light of this dramatic change,
the Midewiwin can be seen as an Ojibwa-style cargo cult, marking a transitional
period when animals had both sacred and secular meaning.
discussions of the L a Poi
#IDSW
nte mission, see Moranian (1981) and Widder
( 1981).

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

195

peoples throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. This is not surprising,
considering that the area lies between the drainage basins of Lake Superior]
Lake Winnipeg, James Bay and the Mississippi River. The area also borders'
three ecological zones: the boreal spruce forest, mixed forest parklands and
prairie grasslands. T h e prehistoric and early-historic inhabitants of the
Vermillion and Rainy Lake region thus had a rich selection of resources,
includingfish,wildfowl, moose, deer, elk, caribou, bison and a wide variety
of fur-bearing animals.
From about 1730 to 1756 the French operated forts and trading posts
on Lake of the W o o d s and Rainy Lake. M a p s of this period show an Ojibwa
village on Vermillion Lake (Tanner 1987:40^11). With the collapse of the
French fur trade after the Seven Years War, the Northwest C o m p a n y established trading posts on or near the sites of the old French forts. In addition,
the Hudson Bay C o m p a n y established a post to compete with the Northwest C o m p a n y post on Rainy Lake (Tanner 1987:98-99). Competition for
furs wasfierce,leading to near-depletion of the beaver by the time the two
companies consolidated in 1821. Shortly after consolidation, the Hudson's
Bay C o m p a n y eliminated the old Northwest C o m p a n y posts at Lake of the
W o o d s and Rainy Lake, thus obtaining a monopoly in the area and temporarily relieving pressure on the beaver. This situation was shortlived,
however. B y 1830 the American Traders had established a post at Rainy
Lake, on the site of the old Northwest C o m p a n y post. In addition, the
American Traders established the post at Vermillion Lake. It was at this
post that Vincent R o y was employed in 1839.
Biography of Vincent Roy (based on the Henry Mower Rice Papers)
Vincent Roy was born at Leech Lake, Minnesota in 1797. He was the son
of a French-Canadian trader of the same name. W h e n Roy was about 18
years old his family emigrated to Fort Francis, where he worked as a trader
for the Northwest Company. In 1821, when the Northwest and Hudson's
Bay Companies merged, he worked for the new company for another 12 to
15 years. During this time he married Lisette Lacombe, a w o m a n of French
and Ojibwa ancestry. T h e couple had theirfirstson (Vincent Jr.) in 1825.
In the mid-1830s R o y joined the American Traders and managed their
post at Vermillion Lake until 1840. During this time he wintered at Vermillion Lake, buying goods in Mackinaw and selling them to the Bois Fortes
bands of Ojibwas on Rainy Lake and Vermillion Lake. In 1840 Roy left
Vermillion Lake. For the next eight years he managed the American Fur
Company's post at Leech Lake. From 1847 to 1849 Roy returned to Vermillion Lake, where he worked for Pierre Choteau, w h o had bought the post
from the American Traders. At this time Vincent Jr. was employed by his
father as the post bookkeeper.

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In 1850 Vincent Roy Sr. returned to the American Fur C o m p a n y for one
year. Then he moved to Red Lake, where for the next 10 years he worked
as a trader for Peter E. Bradshaw. From 1861 to 1864 Vincent Sr. acted as
Bradshaw's agent at Lake Nipigon. Then he returned to Vermillion Lake,
where managed the trading post until 1869, when he contracted a severe
illness and moved to Superior City (near Fond du Lac) to live with Vincent
Jr. He died on 18 February 1872.
Like his father, Vincent Jr. was a trader for most of his life. From
1839 to 1841 he attended the mission school at La Pointe. Afterwards
he managed a store in La Pointe for six years. From 1847 to 1849 he
worked as a bookkeeper for his father at Vermillion Lake. From 1850 to
1852 Vincent Jr. worked for his father's employer, Peter Bradshaw. During
those years he managed trading posts at Sandy Lake and Fond du Lac.
In 1852 he was employed briefly by the United States Government as an
interpreter. Afterwards he moved to Superior City, where he became general
manager for Alexander Paul. Paul operated trading posts on Red Lake,
Lake Winnibigoshish, Rainy Lake and Vermillion Lake. Each winter he
sent Vincent Jr. to these posts to do the bookkeeping, drop off supplies and
merchandise and pick up furs. W h e n Paul sold his posts to Bradshaw in
1860, Vincent Jr. continued to manage the interior posts. In 1866 Vincent
Jr. purchased several of these posts from Bradshaw, including the one at
Vermillion Lake.
Analysis of the Account Book
As a general rule, Indian trappers visited trading posts twice a year, once
in the late fall and once in the early spring. This pattern fit in with the
Ojibwa's traditional pattern of resource scheduling, which was described in
detail by Alexander Henry (1809). Henry spent a year living with an Ojibwa
hunter named Wawatam. During the winter W a w a t a m and his family shared
a hunting territory with a several other families at the headwaters of the A u
Sable River, on the western half of the Michigan peninsula. While there,
they hunted elk and bear and trapped beaver and otter. Just before spring
breakup the band travelled 110 kilometers downriver to the place where
the A u Sable River empties into Lake Michigan. For a month other bands
who had wintered in hunting territories adjacent to the various tributaries
of the A u Sable River congregated at the estuary to collect maple sap and
produce sugar. Then, after breakup, families canoed north to their summer
fishing camps on St. Martin Island. Along the way, W a w a t a m stopped at
Fort Michilimackinac to exchange furs for European trade goods. O n the
way back to the A u Sable River in the early fall, W a w a t a m probably made
a second stop at the fort to obtain winter supplies. Then he and his family
returned to the mouth of the A u Sable River, where they hunted elk, deer,

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

197

bear and trapped beaver and marten until freeze-up. After freeze-up they
returned to their winter camp.
Faunal analysis of numerous archaeological sites in the Saginaw Valley,
on the east side of the Michigan peninsula, indicates that the pattern of
resource scheduling followed by W a w a t a m dates back to late Archaic times
(Keene 1981:190-195). This pattern was also followed by Ojibwas living in
the boreal forest to the north (Dawson 1983:79-80).
Dated November 28, 1839, Roy's account book appears to contain only
the records of Indians making the late fall visit to the Vermillion Lake trading post. This is indicated by the fact that Roy's fur-inventory is nearly
twice as large as the tally of furs obtained from adding up individual accounts. T h e difference between the tally of furs obtained from adding up
individual accounts and the year-end inventory must therefore represent his
spring receipts.
R o y used the same pictographic system in both his individual accounts
and year-end inventory. In both cases he identified fur-bearing animals
using the pictographs illustrated in Chart 2D. H e indicated the quantity
of each type of fur using straight vertical lines just like those appearing in
Shingwokaunce's account. T o simplify the representation of large numbers
he used the the R o m a n numeral X to indicate units often. Circles represent
dollars and an X surrounded by a circle represents $10.00.
R o y lists 920 muskrat skins worth $190.00 in his fur-inventory. A single
muskrat skin was thus worth an average of 20.7 cents.6 Unfortunately, Roy
does not provide retail values for other types of pelts. T o obtain these,
Ifirstcalculated the wholesale (i.e., purchase) prices of furs by averaging
figures from individual accounts. Based on these accounts, Roy bought
665 muskrat skins, for which he paid $75.10. A single muskrat skin thus
cost R o y an average of 11.3 cents. Roy's markup on muskrats, obtained by
subtracting the purchase price from the selling price and then dividing the
result by the purchase price, was 8 3 % . Assuming the same markup on all
types of pelts, I have multiplied the purchase price of each type of pelt by
1.83 (i.e., cost plus m a r k u p ) to derive the selling price. These figures are
summarized Chart 4.7
6

This tallies well with Henry Schoolcraft's 1826 "Tariff of Indian Goods",
reproduced in Chart 3. According to Schoolcraft, American Fur Company traders
paid Indian trappers 11 cents each for muskrat skins, which they could then sell
for 20 to 30 cents each in the N e w York.
7
Minor inaccuracies are introduced in Chart 4 due to the process of rounding
markup, average purchase price and average selling price. For example, in Chart
4 the purchase price of muskrat skins (based on Roy's year-end inventory) is listed
as $103.83. Thisfigurewas derived by dividing the selling price by 1.83. Yet it
is $2.63 more than thefigurederived by multiplying the total number of muskrat
skins by their average selling price.

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GEORGE FULFORD

Interpreting Roy's year-end inventory of merchandise is problematic.

One reason for this is that Roy does not clearly and consistently indicate
units of weight or volume. This makes deciphering recorded quantities of
shot, gunpowder, beads and flour impossible. Another complication arises
from Roy's use of an inverted V in his inventory of thread, blankets and
cloth. Does this unit represent a linear measure in feet or yards? On the
other hand, perhaps the symbol represents a standard number of units such
as one dozen. Or perhaps it represents something else. There is no way of
knowing just what the inverted V represents. A final source of confusion
in Roy's merchandise inventory comes from double entries. In cases where
double entries appear, do we subtract the larger from the smaller entry, or
add the two together?
Roy's inconsistencies in record-keeping have made it impossible to provide a total dollar value for the year-end inventory of unsold merchandise
presented in Chart 7. It is, nevertheless, possible to make some general r'
statements and inferences based on the unambiguous entries in this chart.
First, it is clear that Roy overestimated what his sales of hunting supplies
would be. At year-end, he still had 3 muskets, 77 knives, 30 snares and
30 leg hold traps. From these figures we can .conclude either that Roy's
customers obtained these items from another source or that they did not
require them as much as they had formerly. As Chart 6 shows, Roy undercut the American Fur Company's prices for merchandise and offered more
for furs. It therefore seems unlikely that Roy was losing customers to other
traders. Rather, it appears that overall demand for hunting supplies had
fallen.
Why would trappers no longer require the tools of their trade? One
reason for this is connected to Roy's low returns of beaver skins and also
to his low year-end stock of cheap blankets and cloth. 8 The reason why
trappers no longer required as many hunting supplies was that key fur and
game resources were nearly depleted in the Upper Great Lakes region at
this time. Based on his analysis of records from the Hudson's Bay Company
post at Osnaburgh House, Charles Bishop (1974:11) has shown that by 1821
beaver, moose and caribou were becoming rare among the Northern Ojibwa.
"Indians were forced to pursue small game, fish and hare, to offset the
growing threat of starvation", according to Bishop (1974:12). Bishop also
notes that Ojibwas came to rely more and more on British and Americanmade snares, traps and cloth. 9
8
Roy's year-end inventory of 3.0 point blankets is indicated by four and a half
inverted Vs while his inventory of 2.5 point blankets is indicated by 13 of these
Vs. His inventory of cloth is indicated by four large vertical lines and seven dots.
9
Since Osnaburgh house is 700 kilometers north of Vermillion Lake, one may
ask whether a comparison with Vermillion Lake is warranted. Such a comparison

I
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PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

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Roy's inventory of furs and merchandise supports Bishop's theory that

depletion of g a m e and fur resources led Ojibwas to rely on manufactured
goods from the trading posts. Only 37 beaver were brought to the Vermillion
Lake post in 1839, compared to 920 muskrats and 615 rabbits. Lynx, bears,
wolves and foxes were n o w the mainstay of the fur trade at Vermillion
Lake, together accounting for 7 2 % of the total value of furs. Because these
species did not rely on beaver, moose or caribou for food, they continued
to proliferate in the Upper Great Lakes region.
Alexander Mackenzie's remarks (see note 9) indicate that moose and
caribou populations in the Vermillion and Rainy Lake area had been in
decline since the late 18th century. Vincent Roy must have been aware of
this situation. So w h y did he miscalculate his stock of hunting supplies and
blankets in 1839? T w o events shed light on this matter. First, a smallpox
epidemic ravaged Ojibwas in the Upper Great Lakes region between 1837
and 1838 (Tanner 1987:173-174). This epidemic would have reduced both
the number of trappers and the returns of those trappers w h o survived.
Second, thousands of Ojibwas from the Michigan and Wisconsin territories were displaced into western Minnesota at this time. This population
movement resulted from treaties negotiated by the U.S. Government between 1833 and 1837 (Kappler 1904:402-462; Moranian 1981:243; Tanner
1987:155-161). It had an immediate impact on the fur trade. Traplines
languished in the vacated territories, while in Minnesota the population of
fur-bearing animals was subject to excessive pressure. T h e short-term result
was a reduction both in the return of furs and in sales of merchandise. In
the long term conservation measures partially restored populations of furbearers and market prices adjusted to the changes in supply. In the short
term, however, d e m a n d for manufactured goods continued to grow among
Ojibwas in the Upper Great Lakes region and trappers found it increasingly
difficult to pay for these items with furs. B y the late 19th century m a n y
Ojibwas were therefore leaving their traplines to search for more lucrative
sources of income in towns and cities.

is supported by the fact that Bishop's observations echo those of the explorer
Alexander Mackenzie, who passed through the Vermillion and Rainy Lake region in 1789. According to Mackenzie (1801:63), the region was rich infishand
wild rice. In the bush, however, game was particularly scarce. "Some fatal circumstance had destroyed the game", he wrote. This situation promoted Ojibwa
dependency on European trade goods. According to the factor of the Hudson's
Bay Company post on Rainy Lake (cited in Ray 1974:147), caribou and moose
were so scarce in 1826 that he was "obliged to bring in drest leather & parchement
to supply [natives] with the means of making [their] shoes & snowshoes."

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GEORGE FULFORD

The Economic Impact of the Fur Trade on Ojibwas

Fur returns at the Vermillion Lake post reveal m u c h about the demography and ecology of the Upper Great Lakes. But Roy's account book also
provides clues about the economic impact of the fur trade on Ojibwas. A s
Chart 3 shows, by 1839 Ojibwa trappers had replaced traditional toolkits with American firearms, leg hold traps, snares, knives, axes and hide
scrapers. Other manufactured goods were gaining in popularity as well.
Ojibwa w o m e n were substituting cloth and blankets for moose and caribou
hide. Stitching woollen cloth required implements and techniques that were
different from traditional hide stitching. Iron needles thus replaced bone
needles and awls, while thread replaced sinew, twisted bark and hair. T h e
nature of clothing decoration also changed, with colourful glass beads replacing dyed porcupine quills and moose hair. B y 1839 Ojibwa w o m e n relied
almost completely on American or British-made textiles to m a k e clothing.
This is clearly revealed in Chart 3, where the sales of the cloth, blankets
and millinery supplies are twice that of hunting supplies.
Ojibwa w o m e n also seem to have preferred American-made domestic
supplies to their own. A s Roy's account book shows, iron pots were a
popular item of trade in 1839, replacing traditional Ojibwa birch bark and
clay containers. Iron frying pans were also popular, their use introducing a
new means of cooking meat which had the advantage of being m u c h faster
than roasting. Along with the new cooking implements came new foods.
Tea and bannock (made from lard andflour)were not staples in 1839, but
they were becoming increasingly significant in the Ojibwa diet. Tobacco
and alcohol are absent from Roy's inventory of trade goods, but m a y have
been presented as gifts when trappers arrived at the Vermillion Lake post.10
As Ojibwa w o m e n became consumers of manufactured goods, they became active in the fur trade as well. At least two w o m e n the unnamed
wife of Biidaanakwod ('Approaching Cloud') and Midwegan giishigokwe
('Sky D r u m W o m a n ' ) had their o w n accounts in 1839. Each w o m a n bought
a blanket and a small quantity of cloth. Biidaanakwod's wife also bought
a knife, while Midwegan giishigokwe bought a hide scraper, thread, a pipe
and a leg hold trap. Whereas Biidaanakwod paid for his wife's purchases,
Midwegan giishigokwe paid with her o w n lynx, mink, otter and wolf pelts.
Based strictly on h o w m u c h she purchased, Midwegan giishigokwe was
not one of Roy's most valued customers. For $17.00 of merchandise she
In Canada traders could sell alcohol to the Indians. In the U.S., however,
federal statutes prohibited this trade. Although large fines could be levied on
offenders, the U.S. statutes were rarely enforced. O n e reason for this is that fur
traders argued that they could not compete with British traders if they were not
allowed to sell alcohol. Another reason is the failure of states and territories to
recognize federal government jurisdiction (Prucha 1962:102-38).

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traded furs worth $21.50 (wholesale). This transaction brought Roy a gross
profit of approximately $18.00. Significantly, Midwegan giishogokwe bought
only what she needed and did not go into debt. In fact, she established a
credit of $3.50 with Roy.
Based on h o w m u c h they purchased, Biidaanakwod and his wife were
m u c h more valued customers than Midwegan giishigokwe. They purchased
$123.50 worth of merchandise, yet they traded only $52.50 worth of furs,
accumulating a debt of $71.00. O n Biidaanakwod's account Roy m a d e a
gross profit (calculated strictly on the basis of his markup on furs and
merchandise) of $93.57. Yet more than two-thirds of this money was tied
up in Biidaanakwod's debt.
Based on what Biidaanakwod and his wife purchased from Roy, it would
appear that they were serious about repaying their debt. More than half
their purchases were of hunting supplies, including a musket, a sizable quantity of shot and powder and 11 leg hold traps. Biidaanakwod and his wife
had fallen on hard times during in the winter of 1839, but clearly they
hoped that their fortunes would improve. O n the other hand, their taste for
American consumer goods had also contributed to their debt. A m o n g their
1839 purchases were a pistol (of dubious value in hunting), 2 clay pipes and
a pair of earrings.
A customer identified only by the pictographic signature of a m a n wearing a top hat is the clearest example of a trapper whose taste for consumer
goods exceeded his ability to pay for them. O n $65.50 worth of furs, this
customer ran up a debt of $131.90. Significantly, he did not buy any leg
hold traps, guns, powder, hide scrapers or axes. H e did, however, buy a
large quantity of cloth, needles and thread, 2 pairs of scissors, 3 blankets,
a pair of breeches, 4 combs, 11 clay pipes, 7 tomahawk pipes and 1 earring
(not a pair). R o y m a d e a gross profit of $188.59 from his transactions with
the m a n in the top hat, but 7 0 % of this money was tied up in his customer's
debt.
Niish O d e h i m ('Two Hearts') is thefinaltrapper w h o m I shall discuss in
this section. O n $359.10 worth of furs, Niish Odehim bought $319.00 of merchandise, establishing a credit of $40.10 with Roy. O n these transactions,
Roy's gross profit was $512.97. Included in Niish Odehim's purchases are 2
muskets, a sizable quantity of powder, shot and gunflints, 5 hide scrapers,
7 snares and 4 leg hold traps. H e also bought a large quantity of needles,
thread and cloth, as well as 21 blankets, 6 clay pipes, a mirror, comb and
pair of earrings.11
" T h e size of Niish Odehim's purchases suggest that he was the chief of a small
band. If we assume that Niish Odehim procured goods solely for the members of
his band rather than secondary trading, then we can deduce the size of the band
based on his purchases. The purchase of 21 blankets suggests that approximately

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Averages from Roy's individual accounts reveal that the typical Ojibwa
trapper visiting Vermillion Lake in 1839 did not resemble any of the customers discussed so far. T h e typical trapper brought the pelts of 1 beaver,
2 otters, 20 muskrats, 5 minks, 4 martens, 1fisher,3 foxes, 2 wolves, 9
lynxs and 12 rabbits, for which he received $50.00. With this m o n e y the
trapper bought a few pounds of powder and shot, a new knife, axe, hide
scraper,file,pipe, a skein of snare wire and 3 leg hold traps. For his wife
he bought a sack offlour,some tea, a hide scraper, pot, some glass beads,
a few yards of cloth to m a k e leggings and new blankets for each m e m b e r of
his family. Every 3 years or so the trapper would buy himself a new gun.
T o procure these simple items the trapper would incur an annual debt of
approximately $20 (i.e., the value of a new gun and a three-point blanket).
This debt represented about 40 percent of the trapper's income and would
be paid in part by his annual annuity from the U.S. Government.
Even after the decline of the beaver, Vermillion Lake remained profitable. Roy's account book reveals that in 1839 Ojibwas were able to continue buying American manufactured goods by selectively trapping predatory fur-bearers. Declining moose and caribou populations insured a steady
demand a m o n g Ojibwas for cloth and blankets. Figures from Henry Schoolcraft's 1826 Tariff (reproduced in Chart 5) show that traders working for the
American Fur C o m p a n y marked up merchandise 4 0 0 % and furs 100-200%.
O n the other hand, Roy marked up merchandise 6 8 % and furs 8 3 % (see
Charts 4-7). Unfortunately, Roy does not provide a year-end statement of
merchandise sales. Chart 3, based on Roy's individual accounts, shows that
he sold $2,115.90 worth of trade goods to Ojibwa trappers. But it is likely
that these accounts record only fall sales. Roy's annual sales could therefore be twice the amount recorded in Chart 3. Based strictly on fall sales,
the wholesale cost of merchandise sold to trappers is obtained by dividing
$2,115.90 (total retail sales) by 1.68, (average cost plus markup). Gross
profit is obtained by subtracting $1,259.46 (wholesale cost) from $2,115.90
(total retail sales), yielding afigureof $856.44.
Based on his year-end inventory, the gross gross profit on Roy's sale
of furs to N e w York was $3,526.21. I derived this amount from Chart
4 by subtracting $4,248.45 (what Roy paid trappers for their furs) from
$7,774.66 (what Roy's furs would have fetched in N e w York). Roy's gross
profit on sales of both merchandise and furs was $4,382.65. Subtracting
the outstanding credit of $426.80 that Roy extended to his customers yields
a total of S3.955.85. It is not possible to determine exactly h o w much
of the trappers' debt was written off with by their annuity payments and
how much Roy carried as bad debt. Nor is it possible to determine bad

this number of people were in the band. The purchase of 6 clay pipes sugges
that 6 adults were in the band.

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203

debts incurred from Roy's N e w York buyers. Finally, it is not possible to

accurately determine h o w m u c h inventory Roy had left at year's end (see
Chart 7). Even if w e assume that R o y wrote off all of the credit that
he extended to trappers, incurred a similar bad debt from his N e w York
agents, was left with $200.00 of unsold merchandise at year's end, spent
$200 maintaining the post and paid himself a $500 salary, his net profit
would have been $2,629.05. This represents a 1 0 9 % return on the $1259.46
invested in merchandise. If w e assume that spring sales of merchandise
equalled fall sales and factor the resulting gross profit into our estimate
of net profit, then the Vermillion Lake post would have generated a 1 7 7 %
return on investment.
Even in a bad year like 1839 it was possible to run the Vermillion Lake
post at a healthy profit. Ironically, conscientous trappers like Biidaanakwod
w h o wished to write off their debts risked overharvesting local fur resources.
M a n y of the trappers perhaps even Biidaanakwod himself were being
displaced from their traditional traplines and hunting territories to make
room for white settlers. Other trappers like the nameless m a n in the top hat
m a y have stopped trapping altogether. The m a n in the top hat depended
on credit for his supplies. T o maintain his credit, he traded tomahawk
pipes and woollen clothes sewn by his wife for furs. But because he was
trading luxury goods bought from the post at retail prices for furs that
he could only sell to the post for wholesale prices, the m a n in the top hat
was operating at a loss. A s a result, he sank further and further into debt.
Traders tolerated his transactions because they inflated the retail value of
their o w n merchandise.
Unlike m a n y of Roy's other customers, Niish Odehim and Midwegan
giishigokwe were able to stay out of debt. Midwegan giishigokwe accomplished this by limiting her consumption of consumer goods. Perhaps her
trapline was not productive, or perhaps she chose not to overharvest the
animals. For whatever reasons, Midwegan giishigokwe did not fall into the
trap of buying more than she could afford. Her purchases from Roy were
modest and suggest that she lived alone and had no dependents.
B y pooling his resources with other members of his band, Niish Odehim
was able to afford some luxuries. T h e strategy of sharing worked well as
long as traplines and hunting territories remained productive. The risk was
that trappers' demand for British and American manufactured goods would
encourage them to overharvest and eventually deplete local populations of
fur-bearing animals. This pattern had already emerged in the Upper Great
Lakes region as early as the 1780s and would continue to be a threat as
long as trappers like Biidaanakwod and the unnamed m a n in the top hat
continued going into debt. Traders fueled this situation by extending unreasonable levels of credit to their customers. They did this to maintain

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GEORGE FULFORD

their highly-profitable sales of merchandise to trappers. Credit stimulated

trappers' demand for merchandise at a time when their fur returns were
low. It was a short-term solution to the long-term problem of making the
fur trade ecologically, culturally andfinanciallyviable. In the end, credit
only contributed to the problem.
The Political and Social Impact of the Fur Trade on Ojibwas
In this section I shall outline what Vincent Roy's account book reveals about
the fur trade's impact on traditional Ojibwa political structure, social structure and world view. Vincent R o y does not provide any commentary or
other direct evidence pertaining to these matters. However, through analysis and interpretation of the names and pictographic signatures recorded in
his account book, some insights can be gained.12
T h e pictographic signatures and phonetically-transcribed names appended to Roy's accounts and reproduced in Chart 8 identify trappers on
the basis of one or two distinct personal features. Both the signatures and
the names often describe the same features. For example, the pictographic
signature of Niish Odehim ('Two Hearts') depicts a m a n with two hearts.
T h e n a m e suggests a m a n with a strong but divided heart, a m a n w h o is
capable of both shrewdness and generosity. Another trapper identified as
Gitigewinini ('Farmer') is depicted holding a scythe. Waabodjig ('White
Fisher') is represented by the drawing of afisherwhile Ajijaakaunce ('Little
Crane') is represented by the drawing of a m a n standing next to a crane.
Shingwokaunce ('Little Pine') is shown as a m a n with a pine tree rising
above his head. Signatures with pine trees also belong to Akiwensi ('Old
Man') and a m a n whose n a m e was not transcribed. These m e n , like Shingwokaunce, were probably also members of the Pine family.
It is likely that the plants, trees, birds and animals represented in
the signatures and phonetically-transcribed names of Shingwokaunce, Ajijaakaunce, Waabodjig and others represent clan or family emblems (sometimes refered to as totems). William Warren (1885:44-45) lists 21 Ojibwa
clan emblems or totems which can be divided into three groups corresponding to the particular element to which they are distinctively adapted (i.e.,
air, earth and water). These are: (1) birds, including eagle, hawk, crane,
goose, black duck, loon and gull; (2) terrestrial animals and reptiles, including moose, caribou, bear, wolf, lynx, beaver, marten and rattlesnake;
l2
The distinction between long and short vowels and lenis and fortis consonants
was ignored by the person w h o transcribed the trappers' names in Roy's account
book. In this text and accompanying charts I have retranscribed these names
in a manner which clearly recognizes these important distinctions. In matters
of orthography I have been guided by Nichols and Nyholm (1979) and Rhodes
(1985).

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205

(3)fish,including pike, catfish, sucker, sturgeon and whitefish). A final

clan the m e r m a n defies simple categorization, but probably should be
included in the water group.
While extensive, Warren's list is certainly not exhaustive. John Tanner
(1956:314-315) lists three additional clans (pickerel, sparrow hawk and water snake) while Henry Schoolcraft (1851a:248, 253, 290) notes the names
of m a n y additional Ojibwa families not mentioned by Warren but recorded
in Roy's account book. These include those of Shingwokaunce, Akiwenzie
and Waabodjig.
T h e exact relationship of family and clan names is somewhat problematic. According to Frances Densmore (1929:52-53) there are various
classes of Ojibwa names, including birth names, names acquired as a result of dreams or visions, nicknames and clan names. While an individual
had only one birth n a m e or clan name, they might have any number of
dream names or nicknames. Unlike other classes of names, clan names were
generally reserved only for chiefs.
It is difficult to distinguish birth names and dream names from clan
names in Chart 8. It is noteworthy, however, that most of the intelligibly
transcribed names in the chart refer, either directly or indirectly, to air,
earth or water elements, thus linking the person named not only to their
clan, but also to the natural environment. This pattern suggests that the
Ojibwa trappers whose names were recorded in Roy's account book continued to perceive themselves as part of, rather than masters over nature.
There is no w a y of proving that the names and signatures reproduced
in Chart 8 necessarily refer to Ojibwa clans. In fact, the existence of such
clans is the subject of a scholarly debate which hinges on differing interpretations of the same ethnohistorical and ethnographic data. S o m e scholars
(Ritzenthaler 1978:753; Rogers 1978:763; Rogers and Taylor 1981:236) suggest that groups inhabiting the southern portion of the Ojibwa culture area
were traditionally organized into clans, while groups to the north were not.
T h e presence of clans suggests a somewhat greater level of social complexity
a m o n g Southern Ojibwas, but the reasons for this remain obscure. Hickerson (1962:30-35) believes that, unlike their northern neighbours, Southern
Ojibwas inhabited sedentary villages year-round. H e argues that such villages were adapted to a richer resource base in the south and were a feature
of precontact Southern Ojibwa society. Rogers (1978:763), on the other
hand, states that Southern Ojibwas only settled in sedentary villages during the historic period. Prior to this time, clans and villages m a y not have
been a feature of Southern Ojibwa society. Callender (1978:620) and Bishop
(1989:56-58) point to the fact that Southern Ojibwas could have developed
clans without necessarily living in sedentary villages. They argue that clans
were important in promoting peaceful coexistence and trade between groups

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from neighbouring hunting andfishingterritories, but do not explain w h y

Northern Ojibwas lack such social structures.
By focusing on social structure, I believe that scholars have tended to
ignore the traditional world view of Ojibwas. This world view stresses the
identification of h u m a n names with the names of plants and animals. A s
Levi- Strauss (1966:142) has pointed out, natural relationships formed the
foundation upon which Ojibwa personal and collective identity was traditionally built. Clan emblems, he suggests, functioned as category markers
which had both natural and social significance. According to him, Ojibwas
symbolically divided thefish,quadrupeds or birds functioning as clan emblems into parts, which they then restructured into personal names. Parallel
to the way in which certain species of animals symbolized separate Ojibwa
communities, the parts of these animals were symbolically incorporated in
personal names. In this w a y names such as M a k w a bimide ('Bear Grease')
and Gasha nonshgan ('Sharp Claws') were identified with the bear, while
Gichi binesi ('Big Bird') and Ni migizim ('My eagle') were identified with
the eagle.
Not all of the names recorded by Royfitneatly into the scheme suggested by Levi-Strauss. T h e use of the diminutive suffix -aunce in names
like Ajijaakaunce, Shingwokaunce and Ogaunaunce signifies the son of the
patriarch denoted by the stem. T h e prefixing of waaba 'white' in the names
W a a b a ma'ingan ('White W o l f ) and Waabodjig ('White Fisher') evokes the
archetypal qualities of brightness and light associated with the clan animal.
In names such as Shingwokaunce ('Little Pine') and Waabodjig ('White
Fisher') the association with clan animals was all but lost (the former was
a member of the Crane clan while the latter was a m e m b e r of the Caribou
clan). T h e tendency for chiefly names to diverge from the n a m e of the clan
animal suggests that particularly strong individuals could forge identities
that eclipsed even their clan.
According to Warren (1885:42-43) the clan n a m e and emblem functioned like a surname and descended patrilineally. M e m b e r s of the same
clan called themselves brother or sister and did not intermarry. Both Warren and Tanner assert that clan emblems are unique to Ojibwas. "Thus",
Tanner writes (1956:314), "those bands of Ojibbeways w h o border on the
country of the Dahcotah, or Sioux, always understand thefigureof a m a n
without totem, to mean one of that people."
Ojibwas used clan emblems (what Tanner calls "totems") as a form of
signature on grave posts, on rocks and trees to mark their presence to fellow travellers, and in birch bark records of dreams (Schoolcraft 1851b:351;
see also Plates 49, 50 and 55). It is thus not surprising to find Roy using such symbols to identify the Ojibwa trappers with w h o m he traded in
1839. Yet symbols of plants, trees, birds and animals are represented in

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207

only five of the 35 signatures recorded in Roy's account book. Associations with family and clan emblems are suggested, however, in seven of
the 21 names that are intelligibly transcribed. These names are: Ogaunaunce ('Little Pickerel'), M a k w a bimide ('Bear Grease') Gichi binesi ('Big
Bird'), Gaagaage naabe ('Raven'), Gasha nonshgan ('Sharp Claws'), Ni
migizim ('My eagle') and W a a b a ma'iingan ('White Wolf). In addition,
the names of Biidaanakwod ('Approaching Cloud'), Midwegan giishigokwe
('Sky D r u m W o m a n ' ) and W a a b a giishig ('Clear Sky') all refer to the sky,
and thus indirectly to bird clans. O n the other hand, the names of Biweosse
('Walking Around') and Gitigewinini ('Farmer') seem to refer to earth (i.e.,
terrestrial animal) clans. Like Gitigewinini, the n a m e of Gasha manoomin
('Rice Cutter') seems to refer to a distinctive occupation. A s a clan designation, Gasha m a n o o m i n m a y refer to either earth or water clans (wild rice
grows in shallow lakes). Finally, the signatures of Mashkodewense ('Ash
Man'), Midewegan Giishigokwe ('Sky D r u m W o m a n ' ) and three other trappers whose names are either unintelligible or not transcribed are all depicted
with blackened faces, suggesting a c o m m o n but unstated affiliation.
O f the 35 different pictographic signatures that are recorded in Roy's
account book, 13 (37%) lack any reference to family or clan emblems. If,
however, the sample is restricted to the 21 signatures which also have intelligibly transcribed names accompanying them, then only two Niish
O d e h i m ('Two Hearts') and Nind akooz (T a m tall') lack such reference. These cases, representing only 1 0 % of the sample of signatures with
intelligibly transcribed names, are nicknames refering to unique personal
characteristics of the n a m e d person.
A m o n g Ojibwas exchange was traditionally controlled by band chiefs.
I therefore assume that most of the signatures recorded in Roy's account
book belonged to chiefs. According to Bishop, regional exchange networks
in exotic goods were already well-developed a m o n g Ojibwas before contact
with Europeans. Such goods included copper, chert, lead, red ochre, woven
mats, nets, pottery, shell money, hides and pelts. Concerning this trade,
Bishop writes (1986:40):
Among protohistoric Algonquians, such links helped to maintain alliances
and provided information and favors in time of need. The symbolic and
sociopolitical value of goods m a y often have been more important than the
ostensible primary purpose. This may have remained true for a short time
after European goods entered the system. As the historic fur trade expanded
and grew in importance, however, and as furs came to be the chief medium
of exchange, the commodity value of items quickly came to dominate.
The presence of French and later British and American trading posts
undoubtedly undermined traditional Ojibwa trading networks, as well as
the sociopolitical structures which they supported. Chiefs of bands w h o

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controlled access to key trading posts or prime fur resources often became
influential trading chiefs. At the same time, the trading post assumed a
growing importance in the Ojibwas' seasonal scheduling activities, replacing
the s u m m e r village as a gathering place. A s this happened, profit-oriented
exchange gradually replaced traditional gift-giving. In addition, the economic importance of commercial hunting and trapping grew while the economic importance of traditional subsistence activities diminished. Ojibwas'
respectful attitude towards animals as "other-than-human persons" (Hallowell 1963:274) slowly gave way to an attitude that animals were natural
resources to be exploited.
In precontact times trade functioned to preserve Ojibwa sociopolitical
structures. T h e trading of furs for European and American manufactured
goods m a y initially have reinforced these structures as well as materially
benefitting Ojibwas. In the long term, however, it undermined traditional
Ojibwa society and promoted economic dependency. B y the early 19th century the fur trade was pulling Ojibwas away from their traditional band and
tribal exchange systems and integrating them into the mercantile economy
of colonial North America. This economy, based as it was on the extraction
of resources from native land, ultimately expanded at the expense of native
people such as Ojibwas.
T h e fur trade introduced European and American manufactured goods
into Ojibwa society. This new wealth had a profound and lasting effect
on Ojibwa social structure. A s Bishop (1974:139) has shown, early traders
recognized the status of traditional Ojibwa leaders by bestowing them with
special gifts. "The band leaders", he writes,
. . . were accorded preferential treatment, receiving gifts at the beginning and
conclusion of trading transactions. T h e suit of clothing which was given to
them before trade began was called the 'Captain's Outfit,' and as this term
suggests it served to m a k e the trading captains stand out from the rest of the
Indians.

Early European traders recognized the authority of traditional Ojibwa

chiefs by making them trading captains. However, Bishop (1974:139-140)
points out traders also used the new symbols of authority to manipulate the
chiefs.
. . . if a band failed to obtain a sufficient quantity of furs or provisions to pay
off its debts, the band leader was denied these symbols of office. O n the other
hand ... if they were successful in persuading their followers to trap and
bring their furs to the appropriate c o m p a n y posts, the band leaders received
their uniforms as well as an additional present at the conclusion of trade the
amount of which was proportional to the n u m b e r of Indians they had brought
with them.

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209

Vincent Roy's account book records the accounts of at least four trading captains. Their status is indicated by the ceremonial regalia depicted
in their pictographic signatures. O n e chief, identified as Gasha nonshkan
('Sharp Claws'), is shown wearing a military-style uniform, complete with
epaulettes. Waasawabigwan ('Shiny Medal') and two other chiefs whose
names were not phonetically transcribed are also depicted wearing large
medals around their necks. Significantly, none of these chiefs is identified
by the presence of family or clan emblems.
Evidence from Roy's account book suggests that clan chiefs had already
lost m u c h of their prestige and authority by the 1830s. Only one of the 35
trappers w h o traded at Vermillion Lake in 1839 appended an identifiable
clan e m b l e m to his signature. This was Ajijaakaunce ('Little Crane') of the
Crane clan. Ajijaakaunce was one of Roy's more successful trappers, yet he
did not identify himself as a trading captain. In 1839 he exchanged $100.50
of furs for $98.00 of merchandise. His purchases included six blankets and 3
clay pipes, suggesting that there were at least 3 adults and 3 children in his
band. This size of band is optimally suited to trapping, small-game hunting
andfishing.Bishop (1974:4-16) notes that single-family bands of this type
evolved during the 18th century after the decline of moose and caribou
populations in the Upper Great Lakes region. Before this time, when big
g a m e was more plentiful, Ojibwa bands normally consisted of three or more
hunters and their families.
Bishop suggests that the reduction in band size fostered the development of a concept of individual ownership of hunting territories a m o n g
Ojibwas.13 Unfortunately, there is no w a y to either prove or disprove this
claim on the basis of evidence from Roy's accounts. However, the fact that
Ajijaakaunce identified himself with the Crane clan, but lived in a singlefamily band, does suggest that Ojibwa society had already fragmented by
1839. But it is important to remember that Ajijaakaunce's purchases probably only reflect the composition of his winter hunting band. W h a t was
happening in Ajijaakaunce's s u m m e r village is another matter.
Traditionally, Ojibwas congregated in semi-permanent villages during
the s u m m e r . These villages were often located at the narrows of large rivers
or lakes, where spawning fish could be easily speared or netted. Early
trading posts were often located near these s u m m e r villages and m a y have
attracted even more native people to the s u m m e r villages than in the precontact period. However, with rival companies competing for furs during
13

The issue of the development of a concept of private property among Algonquian groups like Ojibwas is a subject of considerable scholarly debate. For a
fuller discussion see Speck (1915), Cooper (1939), Leacock (1954), Rogers (1963,
1986), Bishop (1974, 1986), Ray (1974), Morantz (1986), Sieciechowicz (1986) and
Tanner (1986).

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the late 18th and early 19th centuries and the subsequent decline of the
beaver, caribou and moose populations, Ojibwas travelled to trading posts
that were further afield. In this way they obtained the most favourable
terms of trade and credit available.
From their analysis of ethnohistorical records, Grant (1983:77) and
Rogers and Rogers (1983:93) have determined that during the 19th century members of the Crane clan occupied a region at the headwaters of
the Severn River. Cranes also inhabited parts of the north shore of Lake
Superior. This is documented by Schoolcraft (1851a:110), w h o identifies
Shingwokaunce as a m e m b e r of the Crane clan living in the vicinity of Sault
Ste. Marie. In addition, John Tanner (1956:79) records that in the 1790s
an Ojibwa named W a a b a ajijaak ('White Crane') lived on the Mouse River,
near Lake Winnipeg.
Whether coming from the north, east or west, Ajijaakaunce probably
travelled for m a n y days and possibly weeks to get from his s u m m e r fishing
village to the trading post at Vermillion Lake. Other trappers w h o travelled
long distances to trade at Vermillion Lake included Shingwokaunce, W a a bodjig and Gasha manoomin. 14 Such travelling reduced the time trappers
could spend with fellow family and clan members at their s u m m e r villages
and ultimately had a negative impact on the social cohesion of Ojibwa clans.
By the mid-19th century the fur trade appears to have fragmented
both Ojibwa s u m m e r fishing villages and winter hunting camps. At the
same time it undermined the influence of traditional leaders. Ajijaakaunce,
Shingwokaunce, Waabodjig and Gasha manoomin m a y have retained their
symbolic importance as chiefs, but their relatively modest demand for merchandise from the trading post at Vermillion Lake shows that, unlike their
grandfathers, they no longer controlled the distribution of wealth.

Schoolcraft does not mention Ajijaakaunce in any of his writings. Concerning

Shingwokaunce he writes (1851a:110) that he was a member of the Crane clan who
lived on the British side of the St. Mary's River. "He had a tuft of beard on his
chin, wore a hat, and had some other traits in his dress and gear which smacked
of civilization." More information about Shinwokaunce is provided in J.G. Kohl's
account of his travels on Lake Superior (1860:373-384). About Gasha Monoomin,
Schoolcraft (1851a:290) says only that he lived on Post Lake, near Green Bay. O n
the other hand, Schoolcraft (1848:134-145) wrote extensively about a chief named
Waabodjig who died in 1793 and was probably the father or grandfather of the
trapper of the same name identified by Vincent Roy. According to Schoolcraft,
Waabodjig Sr. was a member of the Caribou clan, lived in Zaaggamogong ('Place
sticking out of the water', today known as La Pointe, Wisconsin) and was famous for his exploits against the Sioux. With other inhabitants of Zaaggamogong
village, he shared a winter hunting territory that "extended along the southern
shores of Lake Superior from the Montreal River, to the inlet of the Misacoda, or
Burntwood River of Fond du Lac."

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

211

Like clan chiefs, trading captains had lost m u c h of their authority by

the 1830s. Despite the grandiose images conveyed in their pictographic
signatures, the four trading captains w h o came to Vermillion Lake in 1839
had already lost m u c h of their political influence. M a n y trading posts that
had flourished during the late 18th and early 19th centuries were closed
d o w n after the consolidation of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay C o m p a n y
in 1821. Chiefs w h o had controlled access to posts that were closed d o w n
lost their geopolitical advantages. B y trading with and extending credit to
individual hunters, British and American traders further undermined the
authority and prestige of trading captains. In addition, the overharvesting
of fur-bearing animals had taken its toll. Instead of bringing hundreds of
pelts to the trading post each spring and fall, as they had done formerly,
trading captains had only a few dozen pelts each to trade in 1839.15 A s a
result of all of these factors, political authority shifted from trading chiefs to
individual trappers. Combined with this, the change from big to small-game
hunting led to the fragmentation of Ojibwa bands. T h e relocation of Ojibwas
from the Michigan peninsula to Minnesota following the U.S. Government
treaties of the 1830s contributed to the further breakdown of traditional
Ojibwa socioeconomic and political structures.
T h e declining fortune of trading captains is indicated by four trends
emerging from information in Vincent Roy's account book. First, the type
and quantity of furs exchanged by trading captains does not stand out
from those of other Ojibwa trappers. Second, trading captains procured
the same type and quantity of trade goods as other trappers. The typical trapper visiting Vermillion Lake in 1839 traded furs worth $50.00 for
merchandise worth $70.00. Compare this to the trading captains. Gasha
nonshgan traded $72.50 worth of furs for $107.50 worth of merchandise.
Waasawabigwan exchanged $32.00 of furs for $50.00 of merchandise. O n e
of the two trading chiefs whose names were not phonetically transcribed in
Roy's account book traded $51.00 of furs for $63.00 of merchandise. T h e
other exchanged $8.00 of furs for twofiles,two blankets and a small quantity of cloth worth a total of $21.00. Compare these modest exchanges with
that of a successful trapper like Niish Odehim, w h o exchanged $359.10 of

"Alexander Henry (1901:139, 147) records that in the winter of 1764 he trapped
one "hundred beaver-skins, sixty racoon-skins and six otter, of the total value
of about one hundred and sixty dollars." This amount does not include what
W a w a t a m (who was not a trading captain) and the seven members of his family
trapped. Henry also mentions that during February of the same winter Wawatam's
family killed an undisclosed number of elk, together yielding "four thousand
[pounds] weight of dried venison." Much of this meat was stored in caches for
future use. According to Quimby (1962:232) this amount of meat was enough to
meet the nutritional needs of Wawatam's family for approximately seven months.

212

GEORGE FULFORD

furs for $319.00 of merchandise. Niish O d e h i m did not identify himself as a

trading captain.
A third indication that trading captains had lost m u c h of their authority
and prestige emerges from the fact that they were all in debt. Patterns of
consumption which they could afford during the late 18th and early 19th
centuries could only by sustained by credit in 1839. Trapping new species of
fur-bearing animals such as lynxs, wolves, foxes and bears helped trappers
improve their returns of furs. But traders did not always profit as m u c h
from the sale of these species as they did with the beaver. Consequently,
they increased markups on merchandise which they sold to trappers in order
to maintain high levels of profit. T o stay out of debt, trappers had to reduce
their purchases from trading posts. But trading captains, w h o depended on
gift-giving and conspicuous displays of wealth to maintain their status, were
unable to do this.
The final indication that trading captains had lost power comes from
the fact that none of those identified in Roy's account book indicated their
family or clan emblem in their pictographic signatures. T h e absence of
such emblems suggests that the trading captain's uniform had become the
preeminent symbol of authority for chiefs, replacing clan animals such as
the eagle, bear and crane. This, in turn, indicates that trading captains
were identifying more strongly with new European and American forms of
wealth than with the animals, which were Ojibwas' traditional source of
wealth. But by the 1830s fur returns were so meager that few traders were
prepared to provide their trappers with captain's outfits. Those trappers
w h o had previously earned these symbols of authority found it increasingly
difficult to secure the wealth necessary to sustain their prestige.
Conclusion
By the 1830s the fur trade had eroded traditional Ojibwa economic, social
and political structures. Multi-family winter bands which had been adapted
to big g a m e hunting were fragmenting in order to adapt to new ecological
conditions following the depletion of moose and caribou. T h e importance of
s u m m e rfishingvillages was being usurped by the trading post. Clans were
declining in importance and the authority of m a n y clan chiefs had already
been usurped by trading captains. Trading captains themselves were losing
prestige and authority as a result of the shifting fortunes of the fur trade.
By 1839 the beaver was practically trapped out in the Upper Great
Lakes region. Traders like Vincent R o y were relying increasingly on sales
of merchandise to generate profits. Trappers were exchanging other furbearing species for manufactured goods. M a n y trappers relied on credit
and were going into debt.

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

213

Ojibwas were becoming increasingly acculturated in the 19th century.

T h e proliferation of mission schools and growth of the four Rs (reading,
writing, arithmetic and religion) promoted the development of European
values at the expense of Ojibwa values. But in 1839 this process was still
in its infancy. Ojibwas continued to use traditional names and think of
themselves as living in harmony with the natural world.

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1974
The Northern Ojibwa and the Fur Trade. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart
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Territoriality A m o n g Northeastern Algonquians. Anthropologica 28:
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1989
The Question of Ojibwa Clans. Pp. 43-61 in Actes du vingtieeme
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1978
Late Prehistory of the Upper Great Lakes Area. Pp. 569-582 in
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Callender, Charles
1978
Great Lakes-Riverine Sociopolitical Organization. Pp. 610-621 in
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Cooper, John M .
1939
Is the Algonquian Family Hunting Ground System Pre-Columbian?
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1974
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1910
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Chippewa Customs. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 86.
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214

G E O R G E FULFORD

Dewdney, Selwyn
1975

The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. Toronto: University of

Toronto Press.
Dewdney, Selwyn, and Kenneth Kidd
1967
Indian Rock Paintings of the Great Lakes. 2nd Edition. Toronto:
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1960
The Sauteux Indians. Reprinted in Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie
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1983
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1963
Ojibwa World View and Disease. Pp. 258-315 in Man's Image in
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1987
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1901

Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories between the Years 1760 and 1766. James Bain, ed. Boston. [1809.]
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1962

The Southwestern Chippewa: An Ethnohistorical Study. The American Anthropological Association, Memoir 92. Menasha, Wisconsin.
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1891

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1917

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1904
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I860

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1954

The Montagnais "Hunting Territory" and the Fur Trade. American

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1966

The Savage Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

PICTOGRAPHIC A C C O U N T B O O K

215

Lothson, Gordon Allan

1976

The Jeffers Petroglyphs Site. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society.

Mackenzie, Alexander
1927

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1893

Picture-Writing of the American Indians. Pp. 3-822 in Bureau of

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Moranian, Suzanne Elizabeth
1981
Ethnocide in the Schoolhouse. Wisconsin Magazine of History 64:
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1986
Historical Perspectives on Family Hunting Territories in Eastern
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1979
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Perrot, Nicolas
1911
Memoire. Originally edited by Jules Tailhan and published in Paris,
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1962
American Indian Policy in the Formative Years. Cambridge, Mass.:
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1962
A Year with a Chippewa Family, 1763-1764. Ethnohistory 9(3):217239.
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1974
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1985
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1879
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1978
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GEORGE FULFORD

216

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1838
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1826
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Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, C

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217

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The Aborigines of Minnesota. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society.

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1972

Ontario Prehistory. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada.

!-.:>

~J

LokL

Sf./p~o~
C)

tr:l

;xl
C)

tr:l
'"!j

c:

t""'
'"!j

;xl

MAP OF SOME TRADING POSTS IN THE UPPER LAKES REGION C/RCA 1839.

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

4/#
3 3*2. fa
o
OOOOO

JT^^^o-^

CHART JA. SALES OF MERCHANDISE TO SHINGWOKAUNCE

(FROM VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT BOOK).

219

220

GEORGE FULFORD

M/J III*

<?d>oOOO0

Cft4JJT 7fl. PURCHASE OF FURS FROM SHINGWOKA UNCE

(FROM VINCENT ROYS ACCOUNT BOOK).

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

SALES O F M E R C H A N D I S E T O S H I N G W O K A U N C E
ITEM
H U N T I N G SUPPLIES:
Shot (5 sizes)
Axes
Hide scrapers
Files
Snares (2 sizes)
Leg hold traps (3 sizes)

UNIT
PRICE

UNITS
SOLD

1.00
1.00
1.00

2
1
2
1
1

TOTAL

$4.50
2.00
1.00
2.00
1.00
0.50

LUXURY GOODS:
Clay Pipe

1.00

CLOTH. BLANKETS. MILLINERY SUPPLIES:

Thread
Cloth (2 varieties)
0.50 /foot
Blankets - 3.0 point
7.00

3.00
14.00
21.00

28
3

TOTAL

S50.00

This represents the price at which merchandise is sold to Shingwokaunce.

Merchandise sold at Vermillion Lake was marked up an average of
168 per cent.

PURCHASE OF FURS FROM SHINGWOKAUNCE

ITEM
Otter
Marten
Wolf
Lynx
TOTAL
BALANCE

NUMBER
BOUGHT
1
9
4
8

PURCHASE
PRICE **
$ 4.00
4.50
11.00
16.00
35.50
(S14.50)

This represents the price paid to Shingwokaunce. Furs sold in New

York were marked up 83 per cent.
CHART 1C. BALANCE SHEET FOR SHINGWOKA UNCE
(BASED ON VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT BOOK).

222

GEORGE FULFORD
HUNTING SUPPLIES
Point
(2 sizes)

Musket/Shotgun
*

Pistol

Flint

Powder horn

'

1
aJ

Muskrat harpoon

Axe

Hide scraper

Ramrod

File

Gunpowder

Snare
(2 sizes)

Shot
(5 sizes)

Leg hold trap

Musket ball

Fish hook
Knife
(2 sizes)

CHART 2A. PICTOGRAPHS REPRESENTING MERCHANDISE SOLD

BY VINCENT ROY TO OJIBWE TRAPPERS.

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

DOMESTIC SUPPLIES

If9

Pot
(4 sizes)

Pan
(2 sizes)

Strike-a-light
Padlock

FOOD

Flour
LUXURY GOODS

Brush

X^

Tomahawk pipe

Comb

^f\ Earring
Mirror
Breeches

J]

Clay pipe

ft

Cft4/cT 25. PICTOGRAPHS REPRESENTING MERCHANDISE SOLD

BY VINCENT ROY TO OJIBWE TRAPPERS.

223

GEORGE FULFORD

224

PI OTH. BLANKFTS. MTLLTV SUPPLIES

Scissors

Needle

Thread

<>
&m

ID

Plain bead

Fancy Venetian Bead

Blanket
(1.0 point)

Blanket
(1.5 point)

Blanket
(2.0 point)
Blanket
(2.5 point)

ZTl Blanket
(3.0 point)

Cloth
(2 varieties)

CHART 2C PICTOGRAPHS REPRESENTING MERCHANDISE SOLD

BY VINCENT ROY TO OJIBWE TRAPPERS.

225

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

FURS

Lynx

Beaver

Otter

Bear
Muskrat
Fox
Mink

Wolf
Marten

Fisher

Rabbit

CHART 2D. PICTOGRAPHS REPRESENTING FURS BOUGHT

BY VINCENT ROY FROM OJIBWE TRAPPERS.

226

GEORGE FULFORD
PRICE/UNIT4

TOTAL
$593.50 (28*)
10
110.50
$12.00
1
8.00
8.00
10
5.00
0.50
0
0.00
7
7.00
1.00
93.00
58.00
0
0.00
24
19.50
6
6.00
1.00
2
1.00
0.50
3
3.00
1.00
28
28.00
1.00
47
47.00
1.00
57
57.00
1.00
28
28.00
1.00
104
118.50
4
4.00
1.00 /quart
97.00 (5*)
78.00
15.00
2
4.00
2.00
0
0.00
97.00 (5*)
FOOD:
92.00
Flour
5.00
Tea
69.00 (3)
L U X U R Y GOODS:
0
0.00
Brush
9
6.00
1.00
Comb
3
2.50
1.00
Mirror
41
33.00
Clay Pipe
8
23.00
3.00
Tomahawk Pipe
1.5
3.00
Earring
2.00 /pair
1
1.50
Breeches
1.50
1.211.90 (57%)
C L O T H . B L A N K E T S . M I L L I N E R Y SUPPLIED
7
3.50
Scissors
0.50
Needles
2.00
Thread
38.40
Plsin Beads
9.00
Fancy Venetian Beads
0.00
Cloth (2 varieties)
1.50 /yard
410
615.00
Blankets - 1 0 point
2.00
18
34.50
1.5 point
3.00
11
29.50
2.0 point
4.00
9
30.00
2 5 point
6.00
48
289.00
3.0 point
7.00
23
161.00
MISCELLANEOUS
47.50 (2*)
TOTAL
$2,115.90
* Price per unit represent! theaverage price paid by Ojibwe trappers to Roy for these item*.
" R o y gave customers diacounti on these items.

ITEM
H U N T I N G SUPPLIES:
Muskets/shotguns
Pistols
Gun flinti
Powder horn
Ramrod
Gunpowder
Shot (5 sizes)
Musket balli
Knives (2 sizes)
Point! (Urge)
Point! (small)
Muskrat harpoons
Axes
Hkle scrapers
File.
Snare*
Leg hold trap* (3 aizea)
Fiah hooks
D O M E S T I C SUPPLIES:
Poti (4 sizes)
Pans (2 aizes)
Strike-a-light
Padlock

UNITS S O L D

CHART 3. TOTAL SALES OF MERCHANDISE SOLD BY VINCENT

ROY TO OJIBWE TRAPPERS (BASED ON INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNTS).

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

227

PURCHASE AND SELLING PRICE OF FURS BOUGHT & SOLD

BY VINCENT ROY (BASED ON YEAR-END INVENTORY)
Quantity

37
64
920
246
372
157
545
102
253
308
615
3,619

Purchase
Price
91.76
251.52
103.83
159.90
223.20
315.57
1,253.50
408.00
369.38
1,041.04
30.75
4,248.45

Selling
Price
167.92
460.28
190.00
292.62
408.46
577.49
2,293.91
746.64
675.97
1,905.10
56.27
7,774.66

$
$
PURCHASE & SELLING PRICE OF FURS BOUGHT & SOLD
BY VINCENT ROY (BASED ON INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNTS)

Quantity

21
43
665
162
115
42
276
17
94
77
410

Type of Fur*
Beaver
@ $2.48 each
Otter
@ $3.93 each
Muskrat
$0.11 each
Mink
@ $0.65 each
Marten
$0.60 each
Fisher
@ $2.01 each
Lynx
@ $2.30 each
Bear
$4.00 each
Fox
@ $1.46 each
Wolf
@ $3.38 each
Rabbit
@ $0.05 each
All types

Type of Fur*
Beaver
$2.48 each
Otter
@ $3.93 each
Muskrat
$0.11 each
Mink
@ $0.65 each
Marten
@ $0.60 each
Fisher
$2.01 each
Lynx
@ $2.30 each
Bear
@ $4.00 each
Fox
$1.46 each
Wolf
@ $3.38 each
Rabbit
$0.05 each
All types

Purchase
Price
52.08
169.00
75.10
104.90
69.50
84.50
635.00
68.00
137.00
260.00
19.00
1,674.08

Selling
Price
95.31
309.27
137.43
191.97
127.19
154.64
1,162.05
124.44
250.71
475.80
34.77
3,063.58

1,922
$
$
* The purchase price of each fur is based on averages from the individual
accounts (figures on purchase price are not available in Roy's year-end
inventory). Selling price is based on the markup for muskrat skins, sold
in N e w York. Markup is derived by subtracting the average purchase price
from the average selling price and dividing by the average purchase price.
{ (20.7 - 11.3)/ 11.3 = 8 3 % }. Small discrepancies in price are due to
rounding.
** This represents the price Roy paid to Ojibwe trappers for their furs.
* This represents the price at which Roy's furs were sold in N e w York. Furs
sold in N e w York were marked up an average of 83 per cent.
CHART 4. TOTAL PURCHASE OF FURS BY VINCENT ROY FROM OJIBWE
TRAPPERS (BASED ON INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNTS).

228

GEORGE FULFORD

TARIFF OF INDIAN G O O D S AS B O U G H T AT T H E ST. LOUIS M A R K E T

A N D SOLD T O T H E INDIAN TRIBES
Quantity

St. Louis Price

$ 6.50
W . W . Shotgun
3.25
3.0 Pt. Blanket
2.75
2.5 Pt. Blanket
2.27
1.5 yards Blue Stroud Cloth
3.00
1.5 yards Red Stroud Cloth
1.00
0.5 yards Red Stroud (leggings)
0.06
1.25 yards Ribbon
Tin Kettle (large)
3.00
1
2.50
1
Tin Kettle (small)
0.12
1.0 pound Tobacco
0.28
1.0 pound Gunpowder
0.06
1.0 pound Lead
0.005
G u n flints
2
0.03
1
Horn comb
0.04
1
Mirror
0.12
1.0 ounce Vermillion
$24,985

1
1
1

Price to Indians
160 Muskrats at 20 cents $ 25.00
12.00
60
10.00
50
10.00
50
12.00
60
4.00
20
0.80
4
25.00
140
24.00
120
1.60
8
2.00
10
0.20
1
0.20
1
0.40
2
0.80
4
0.40
2
$128.40

Remarks.
Here on this Small credit is a charge of 400 per cent [sic]. The trade
for 1826, allows but 11 cents for rats on all merchandise sold to the Indians,
although the prices for this description of furs in N e w York is 25 or 30 cents.
For the support of a family of five persons it requires 6 times this
amount, say $529.60 or 2,640 muskrat skins.
The average credit to Indians is 500 Rat Skins. Many, very many
get no credit at all from any traders, and suffer beyond belief all winter.
This table is correct. We may ask how and upon what grounds of
right any m a n of c o m m o n honesty can charge for lost credit to the Indian Tribes
for 10 or 20 years back? W e r e the traders to count one tenth of the credit made,
they would double their outfit allowing 100 per cent expenses and 100 per cent
cost gain; but not satisfied with this, they make the U.S. pay the remaining 200
per cent at thefirstIndian Treaty.

CHARTS. SCHOOLCRAFTS 'TARIFF'

(TRANSCRIBED FROM THE PAPERS OF HENRY SCHOOLCRAFT)

229

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

A C O M P A R I S O N O F T H E AFC'S A N D V I N C E N T ROY'S "TARIFFS"

PURCHASE
PRICE
3.0 Pt. Maine Blanket $3.25
1
6.50
W
. W . Shot Gun
1
2.75
2.5
Pt.
Blanket
1
2.27
1.5 yards Blue Stroud Cloth
3.00
1.5 yards Scarlet Stroud Cloth
1.00
0.5 yards Scarlet Stroud Cloth
3.00
Tin Kettle Qarge)
1
2.50
Tin Kettle (small)
1
0.06
pound
Lead
1.0
0.12
1.0 pound Tobacco
0.28
1.0 pound Powder
0.04
Mirror
1
0.12
Vermillion
lOz
0.03
Horn comb
1
0.005
Gun flints
2
0.06
Ribbon
1.25 yds
$24,980

SELLING
PRICE
AFC
$12.00
25.00
10.00
10.00
12.00
4.00
25.00
24.00
0.20
1.60
2.00
0.80
0.40
0.40
0.20
0.80
$128.40

Roy.
$7.00
12.00
6.00
3.00
3.00
1.00
3.00
1.00
0.10 *
1.60
0.50
1.00
0.40
1.00
0.50
0.80
$41.90

* Because Roy indicates only the total dollar value of these goods, it is impossible
to determine the price per pound. For simplicity, I have used the American Fur
Company prices for lead and powder. Roy does not indicate how much tobacco he
sold.
** I have included ribbon in the Miscellaneous category because the symbol Roy
uses for it in his Account Book is ambiguous. For simplicity, I've used the
American Fur Company prices for this item too.

CHART 6 WAS VINCENT ROY EXPLOITING THE INDIANS? BASED ON

SCMOLCR^S-TARIFF" AND VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT BOOK.

GEORGE FULFORD

230
ITEM
H U N T I N G SUPPLIES
Muskets/shoxguni
Pintail
Gun flints
Powder h o m
Ramrod
Gunpowder
Shot (5 lizei)
Musket balls
Knives (large)
Knives (small)
Points (large)
Points (small)
Muskrat harpoons
Axes
Hide scrapers
Files
Snares
Leg hold traps (3 sizes)
Fish hooks
D O M E S T I C SUPPLIES
Pots (4 sizes)
Pans (2 sizes)
Slrike-s-light
Padlock
FOOD
Hour

Tea

COST/UNIT*
$6.50
4.76
0.005

0.60

UNSOLD
UNITS
3
0

3
4

ae

as

0.60
0.30
0.60
0.30
0.60
0.60
0.60
0.60
0.60
ss
0.60 /quart

13
64
0
0
4
10
0
0
37
30
0

1.20

TOTAL
$19.50
0.00
as

2.40

*
a

7.80
19.20
0.00
0.00
2.40
6.00
0.00
0.00
22.20
0.00

as
as
a

LUXURY GOODS
a
a*
1
Brush
13.80
0.60
23
Comb
3.60
6
0.60
Mirror
0.96
2
0.48
Clay Pipe
3.60
1.80
Tomahawk Pipe
2
3.60
1.20 'pair
1.5
Earring
0.00
0.90
0
Breeches
CLOTH. BLANKETS. MILLINERY SI
2.10
0.30
Scissors
7
3
ss
Needles

a
ea
Thread

9
a*
Plain Beads

Fancy Venetian Beads

6
as
0.00
Cloth (2 varieties)
0.30 /foot
0
0.00
Blankets - 1 0 point
1.20
0
0.00
1.5 point
0
1.80
0.00
2.0 point
2.40
0
2.5 point
3.60
a*

3 0 point
4.20
aa
MISCELLANEOUS
sa
a
TOTAL
Thisrepresentsthe cost of merchandise to Roy. Coat/Unit is calculated by dividing the
average price/unit (from Chart 3) by 1.68 (the average markup]. Average markup is calculated from Chart 6 by dividing Roy's total selling price for 16 items of merchandise by
his total purchase price. Cost/Unit on certain hems cannot be calculated, either because no
units sold or because such factors as size, weight or volume were not adequately different uued in Roy's accounts.
Unknown
CHART 7 YEAR-END INVENTOR Y OF UNSOLD
MERCHANDISE

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

Ajijaakaunce
'Little Crane'

Akiwensi

'Old Man'

Jfe
Yf

Q
/\7^

t
4
r,

A><k

Biidaanakwod
RR^S)
'Approaching Cloud' V V*Vr ]J(

Biweosse
......
,,
Walking Around

w
< ^

231

Gichi binesi
'Big Bird'

Gitigewinini

.pf^s

Makwa

bimide

'Bear Grease'

Mashkoaewense
<Ash M a Q ,

ft

CV

Gaagaage naabe
'Raven'

Gasha nonshgan

JGC""

'Sharp Claws'

J?V

Midwegan giishigokwe
<Sky Drum Woman'

M migizim
'My Eagle'

C/4J?7 &4. PICTOGRAPHIC SIGNATURES AND

PHONETICALLY
TRANSCRIBED NAMES IN VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT
BOOK.

GEORGE FULFORD

232

YWirtbfl wfl '''c?an

White W o l f

Niish Odehim
'Two Hearts'

Nind akooz
'I a m tall'

Ogaunaunce
'Little Pickerel*

Waabodjig
'White fisher'

WaaravvalWgH'a/i
'Shiny Medal'

Gasha manoomin
'Rice Cutter'

Shingwokaunce
'Little Pine'

Unintelligible
Name

Unintelligible
Name

Waaba giishig
'Clear Sky'
*

CHART 8B. PICTOGRAPHIC SIGNATURES AND

PHONETICALLY
TRANSCRIBED NAMES IN VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT
BOOK.

PICTOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT BOOK

Unidentified
Man in a Top Hat

flF*\

233

Unidentified

Unidentified

_. ., ._ ,
Umdentlfied

Barti* Gprt.

Unidentified
Trading Captain

5*v

ft
Unident ied

Ijjfe
Unidentified
J ^ Member of Pine Family

j ^

Unidentified
Wife of Bidaanakwod

^ h
')A/

A.
\y

jf N Unidentified /V\\

CHART 8C. UNLVENTIFED

VINCENT ROY'S ACCOUNT

PICTOGRAPHIC
BOOK.

Unidenti ied

Unidentified

Unidentified

SIGNATURES IN