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OFANOMIE
AS DEREGLEMENT*
CONCEPT
DURKHEIM'S
STJEPAN
G. MESTROVI(
M. BROWN
HELENE
Lander College
We contrastthe functionalists'
depictionof anomie as normlessnesswith Durkheim's
explicitclaimthatanomieis a stateof painfuldireglement (derangement).Weexamine
Durkheim'sterms for anomie, analyzing his vocabulary both etymologicallyand
throughouthis majorwritings.Weconcludethatthe notionof anomieas normlessness
is incorrect.Anomieas deriglement impliesthatit is a painfulconditionforsocietyand
focus
its members.Ourunderstandingof anomieis also commensuratewithDurkheim's
on morality,particularly
his understandingof a "scienceof moralfacts'
Anomie is undoubtedly among the most important concepts in the sociological vocabulary.
Nevertheless, most English translations render "anomie" as a state of "normlessness,""deregulation" or "normative confusion" (Dohrenwend, 1959:472; La Capra, 1972:159;Merton, 1957:161;
Oxford English Dictionary Supplement, 1972:95; Parsons, 1937:377; Wallwork, 1972:49), thus
obscuring the exact French words and meanings that Durkheim and his contemporaries used to
designate this condition. The one and only explicit synonym for anomie that Durkheim ever used
is djr~glement. This fact is noted by Andre Lalande, Durkheim's colleague in the French
Philosophical Society:
Anomie. ... Absenced'organisation,de coordination."L'6tatde d6riglementou d'anomie..." DURKHEIM, Le Suicide,p. 281 (Lalande,[1926]1980:61).
Normlessness and deregulation are poor translations of ddrWglement
for several reasons. They did
not enter into common English usage until the 1960s and certainly did not exist in Durkheim's
time. Direglement is difficult to render in English. It carries with it in French the connotations
of immorality and suffering, but it is perhaps best translated as derangement. Anomie as direglement implies a condition of madness or something akin to sin. This coincides with the observation
that over 20 words denoting sin were translated as anomia when the Bible was translated by St.
Jerome and others (Lyonnet and Sabourin, 1970; Me'trovid, 1985a).
Our aim is to expose the misinterpretation of Durkheim's concept of anomie as "normlessness"
that is widespread among sociologists. We shall argue that anomie as understood by Durkheim
connotes a painful state or condition felt by individuals as well as by society. The support for
reading anomie in this way is historical, linguistic, and contextual. Thus, we will trace the etymological roots of "anomie," examine the meanings of ddrkglementfrom its historical context, and
trace the context in which Durkheim used both words by perusing his main works.
Our analysis should not be perceived as just a linguistic exercise, but as a sociological inquiry
into the meanings of anomie and ddraglementregarded as social facts. We think that this strategy
is justified in the context of Durkheim's sensitivity to the collective meanings of words, and
because Durkheim thought of language as a system of collective representations which can be
treated as social facts: "The ideas which correspond to the diverse elements of language [langue]
82
AND BROWN
MESTROVIC
1. Dinneen(1967:194)
citesDurkheim'sinfluenceon Saussurein this regard:"Languagecan be considereda
'thing'[socialfact] separatefrom our use of it as individuals,becauseit is inheritedentirefrom the other
speakerswho teach it to us and is not our product."Thoughthe numberof linguistsamong Durkheim's
and linguisticswere
discipleswas small(cf. Besnard,1983;Lukes,1972),theircontributionsto structuralism
substantial.For example,AntoineMeillet,a linguistin Durkheim'sgroupas well as a discipleof Saussure,
wrotein L4nn'e sociologique(1906:1):"Dansla definitionqu'aproposeeM. Durkheim,une langueexiste
de chacundes individusqui la parlent."See also Gernet(1981),Godel (1969)and Meillet
independamm6nt
(1982).
Anomie as Dereglement
83
pollution, and the profaning of the sacred, in short, on variations of sacrilege (Foulqui', 1978:520;
Hastings, 1961:528-71; Hertz, 1922; Lalande, [1926] 1980:748; Lyonnet and Sabourin, 1970;
Metrovid, 1985a; Miller, 1954; Spencer, 1967:180-94; Znaniecki, 1967:353). Thus Lyonnet and
Sabourin (1970:43) claim that "nowhere in the New Testament is anomia related to nomos, 'law'."
At times, the Biblical anomia is translated as "lawlessness";but even then, it refers to "a frame
of mind" or deeds which originate in this frame of mind (Arndt and Gingrich, 1957:71). Thus,
in the Old Testament the Gentiles are considered a-nomos ("lawless")because they are "without
[the Mosaic] Law and therefore without God" (Liddell and Scott, 1966:147), and the Antichrist
is always "the lawless one" because he is completely outside the law of God (Arndt and Gingrich,
1957:71). Strictly speaking, then, the "lawlessness"of Biblical anomia does not represent a quantitative relation to norms or laws; more properly it is "a general state of hostility against God"
(Lyonnet and Sabourin, 1970:30). Therefore, "to commit sin is not only to make a bad action, it
means to commit also 'iniquity,'to reveal, that is, the sinner in his innermost, as a son of the devil,
as he who opposes God and Christ, as he who accepts Satan's rule" (Lyonnet and Sabourin,
1970:43).
The ancient Greeks used a-nomos as an adjective translated as "lawless, impious" (Liddell and
Scott, 1966:147)but their definition of law is not the same as ours today. Nomos was derived from
Moira, meaning destiny, fate, and "that which is right" (Liddell and Scott, 1966:1140-42).As Cornford (1957:29) put it: "The notion of 'dispensation' links together Moira and Nomos." At first,
nomos meant the dispensation of land by Zeus; later it referredto the dispensation of edicts once
and for all by Pericles or other great lawgiver; and, finally, it denoted the impersonal ordering
principle of philosophy-reason (Cornford, 1957:20-39; Hastings, 1961:545-55; White and
Riddle, 1869:526). Thus "reason" as it is used by philosophers is linked to Moira (Cornford,
1957:35). One of Durkheim's most obscure disciples, Louis Gernet, a linguist who specialized in
ancient Greek, emphasized in his writings that the ancient Greeks condemned pride (hubris) and
that for them "nomos is imperative rule derived from a collectivity that represents [etymologically]
the principle of distribution" (Gernet, 1981:329). The idea in the Greek word "nomos" is found
in the Latin word "dispensatio," which is translated into English as "economical management,
charge, direction, superintendence"(White and Riddle, 1869:526). The point is that for Cornford
(1957:30-35), Durkheim ([1950] 1983c:121-70), Gernet (1981:322-29) and other scholars familiar
with classical languages (cf. Frazer, 1890; Pickering, 1984:156-62), the dispensation of land, law,
and reason are all conceived as sacred tasks; thus, the "mismanagement"of any of these is understood as a form of sacrilege.
The English definitions of anomy are not related to normlessness. Merton notes (in Clinard,
1964:226) that the Oxford English Dictionary (1933:347) lists several usages of anomy as
"lawlessness"- among them, works by Lambarde, Hooker, and Samuel Johnson - but he does not
pursue these leads. It is true that in his famous dictionary, Samuel Johnson (1785) defined anomy
as "breach of law." But Johnson defined "law" as "a rule of action" that includes decrees, edicts,
statutes or customs, and includes also "the rules or axioms of science: as, the laws of mechanicks,"
jurisprudence, and the Bible. "Lawlessness" used in the context intended by Johnson is unlike
Merton's understanding of "lawlessness" as a synonym for "normlessness" and is closer to the
French meanings of dir~glement. For example, Johnson's only example of the use of the word
"anomy" is: "If sin be good, and just, and lawful, it is no more evil, it is no sin, no anomy."
Clearly Johnson used anomy as a synonym for sin. In addition, one of Johnson's definitions of
sin - "habitual negligence of religion"- is similar to how he defines "Deraignment"and "Derainment," namely, "departure out of religion" and "disordering." He links "Deraignment" and
"Derainment"to the Latin Dirationare, which is the Latin infinitive for "derain"which, in turn,
is the root of the French ddrangement.
84
AND BROWN
MESTROVIC
In sum, the connotations of "normlessness" and "lawlessness" as used by Merton are overly
secular compared to the clearly theological implications of the various versions of anomie. Even
Guyau was fighting tradition in trying to speak of "moral anomie," a move that Durkheim would
not allow. If one regards anomie as a social fact, one must understand it as implying immorality.
THEHISTORICAL
MEANINGSOF DERE'GLEMENT
The two principal words Durkheim uses in his discussions concerning anomie are regle and
djr~glement.2 According to Lalande's Vocabulairetechnique et critique de la philosophie ([1926]
1980:906), regle is a formula indicating or prescribing what must or should be done, a precept that
is moral or logical, a formula for doing something systematically. Lalande emphasizes that regle
carries a prescriptive not a descriptive connotation.
The Littr3 - the rough equivalent of the Oxford English Dictionary, authored by a disciple of
Comte - supports the understanding of regle found in Lalande (Littr6, [1863] 1963b:1127-32).The
Littrd also lists many authors - most of them theologians - who used the word ddr&glementin the
seventeenth century.4The first definition offered by the Littre ([1863] 1963a:1671-72passim) is a
state of being dirigld, no longer regular [rigulier], as in Richelet: "Diseases develop from nothing
else but a djr~glement of the humors." A second meaning given is that of intestinal disorder, not
relevant to this discussion. The third meaning is "dissolute conduct." Littr6 quotes Richelet again:
"It takes many a year of deirglement and of leading a libertine life for such utmost infamy to
result." Corneille wrote: "And if the people want to see some djr~glements [debaucheries, intemperance] in it [among the nobility], it is because their sentiments are corrupted by others'
opinions." Bossuet wrote: "When the exercise of reason tends to be more perfect, the well known
djr&glementsappear concomitantly." Bourdaloue wrote: "Don't we hear it being said all the time
that everything is upside down [renversel in this world, also that a general djr&glementprevails
. ." Bourdaloue also referred to "the djr&glementthat is exhibited by the ecclesiastic order and
by the priests [which] does harm to Christiandom, when they are supposed to provide guidance
and exemplify good conduct." There is an interesting remark by Rollin: "Scipion had no part in
the djr?glements and debaucheries that were the rule [regle] among the young Roman people.
R6gnardwrote: "It is the ddrkglementamong your nations that prompts my speech" (cf. Biblical
references to the sins of nations). The Littrd provides many other examples. The fourth meaning
given is "violation against the poetic rules." In sum, according to the Littrd ([1863] 1963b:1672)
the principal meaning of djriglement is derangement:
Dir'glement,dirangementare wordsexpressingtwo nuancesof moraldisorder:Whatis ddrangeis disarranged[horsde son rang]or is withoutplace.Whatis ddrigldis out of rule [horsde la regle].The state
of djrkglementis moreseriousthan that of derangement.
We consulted other French dictionaries concerning ddraglement, and in the interest of space,
will cite only two in addition to the Littrd. In Le Dictionnaire de Robert (1985:388) the second
2. Durkheim distinguished sharply among the terms loi, droit, regle and norme, which is true of the French
language in general. Nevertheless, we wish to emphasize these distinctions to make clear that the term "normlessness" is completely alien to Durkheim's thought, even the French language. Durkheim prefers to refer to
3. Emile Littr6wrote the Dictionnaire de la languefrangaise and it is referredto not by its title but as the Littrd.
4. These include the following: Frangois Maucroix (1619-1708); C6sar-PierreRichelet (1635-1708), author of
Dictionnaire Franpais (1680); Nicolas-Perrot D'Ablancourt (1616-1664), translator of Greek and Latin texts;
Jean Massillon (1663-1742), author of Petit Careme; BernardFontenelle (1657-1757), author of Entretiens sur
la pluralitd des mondes (1686); Madame de S6vign6 (1626-1696); Olivier Patru (1604-1681), lawyer; Jacques
Bossuet (1627-1704), priest, author of Traite sur la concupiscence; Louis Bourdaloue (1632-1704), Jesuit
theologian; Charles Rollin (1661-1741),rector, author of Traitddes itudes; Jean-Frangois R6gnard(1655-1741),
author of Le lIgataire universel (1708); Frangois F6nelon (1651-1715), author of Maximes des saints; and
Philippe Buchez (1797-1865), philosopher and socialist, author of L'Histoireparlementaire de la rdvolution.
Anomie as D6reglement
85
meaning of ddreglement, and the one relevant to our discussion, is given as "le fait de s'6carter
des regles de la morale, de l'6quilibreet de la mesure."Several synonyms for djr&glementare listed,
among them: ddbauche, desordre, dissolution, egarement, libertinage, licence, vice, and perversion. Similarly, in Le Trdsorde la Langue Frangaise (Quemada, 1974:1206)djr&glementis defined
as "action de s'6carter des regles" and is linked to the fifteenth century use of desriglement:
1458desriglement(ArnoulGreban,Le Mystbrede la Passion,ed. O. Jodogne,1546);1538desreiglement
"d6sordredans la conduite."
If we examine just one of Littr6's sources, we can gain understanding of the connotative
meanings of "ddrkglement"from the context of its use. Consider Bossuet's ([1731] 1836:43-79
passim) treatise on concupiscence. Bossuet describes the state of dir&glementin terms of affliction,
mal, 6garement, corruption, piche, agitation, tourments, agitations, infini de miseres, troubles,
tourmenter, maladie, disordre, dangereux, souffrir, impidtd, intemperance, dessechement, miserable captiviti. Both Bossuet and Durkheim focus on the themes of evil, impatience and above
all, suffering, in their discussions of direglement.
We have noted that the only synonym for anomie that Durkheim ever used is dir&glement,and
we explored briefly the etymology and history of both words. We propose that Durkheim used
anomie as the secular equivalent of sin - literally, as a derangement or disarrangement of collective
representations.5Such derangement would be entailed in treating sacred representations as if they
were profane, and vice versa. For example, we will show that Durkheim accuses socialism and
capitalism of trying to establish moral rule from economic matter (the former sacred, the latter
profane), an operation he suggests is a form of sacrilege. He focuses on the "cult of the individual"
as the replacement for the collective conscience in modern societies and on the "cult of truth"- two
important modern systems of sacred representations. Under these systems anomie becomes a
contradiction within modern society at large that is a sacrilege against the dignity of a human
person and the sacrosanct quality of truth. There are many varieties of anomie in Durkheim's
thought (economic, domestic, conjugal, intellectual, religious, and so on) and all of them may be
better understood as forms of sacrilege than normlessness.6
We shall begin our analysis of Durkheim's work with Suicide, because its themes are the most
familiar to sociologists, and move to the least familiar themes, such as those found in Pragmatism
and Sociology. The order of the other works chosen is based on this continuum. The readershould
be able to discern a movement from Durkheim's early preoccupation with the culte de l'homme
to his obsession with the culte de vdritein his last years. We believe that these two "cults"constitute
a major portion of the morality which anomie offends. Our strategy is to focus on the word
dereglement and the vocabulary that accompanies it across all of Durkheim's major works, thereby
showing the extent of his concern with this topic and emphasizing the theme of pain and suffering
that anomie entails. We conclude by pointing out how Durkheim's understanding of anomie as
is commensurate with his concern for establishing within sociology a "science des faits
deir&glement
moraux" (Durkheim, [1893] 1976:330).
5. Wedo not meanto implythat Durkheim'suse of "representation"
hasanythingin commonwiththe Parsonian "norm."We also disagree with the depiction of "representation"by Lukes (1972, 1982). For a fuller discussion, refer to Meitrovid (1985b). It must also be kept in mind that for Durkheim, "repr6sentations"may be
unconscious wholly or in part (see Durkheim, 1908, 1924; Meitrovid, 1984).
6. Durkheim's vocabulary, in addition to the terms we are discussing, includes crucial terms such as "repr6sentation," "conscience," "sacr6," "l'inconscient," and "culte." The interested reader will find most of them
discussed in several of our other analyses of Durkheim's thought (Meitrovid, 1982, 1984, 1985a, 1985b, 1985c),
in Foulqui6 (1978), Lalande (1926), Pickering (1984), and Strikwerda (1982). In addition, we do not mean to
imply that djrkglement should be read only from a theological point of view. For example, it is proper to say
in French that one's wristwatch is djrkglje, and djrkglement carries medical connotations as well. However,
even most of these other meanings do seem to imply sin (see Meitrovid, 1985c). Finally, we would refer the
reader to Volume 2 of Karady's (1976) Textes, devoted to anomie and morality in Durkheim's more obscure
writings, as a check on our analysis of Durkheim's vocabulary.
86
AND BROWN
MESTROVIC
ANOMIEAND SUICIDE
In Suicide, Durkheim writes: "L'6tatde djrcglement ou d'anomie est donc encore renforc6 par
ce fait que les passions sont moins disciplin6es au moment meme oui elles auraient besoin d'une
forte discipline" (Durkheim, [1897] 1983b:281, emphasis added). This statement is part of the
frequently cited section of Suicide devoted to anomie ([1897] 1951:246-54) wherein ddrkglement
has been mistranslated as de-regulation. Durkheim claims that anomie is most prevalent in the
business world because business has made d&rkglementinto a regle:
La passionde l'infiniest journellementpr6sent6ecommeune marquede distinctionmorale,alorsqu'elle
ne peut se produirequ'ausein de consciencesddrjgl6eset qui erigenten reglele ddrkglement
dont elles
souffrent..... Et commec'est dansle monde6conomiqueque ce d6sarroiest a son apogee,c'estl1 aussi
qu'il fait le plus de victimes(Durkheim,[1897]1983b:287,emphasisadded).
Spaulding and Simpson's translation ([1897] 1951:257)of "regle de d6reglement"as "a rule that
is a lack of rule"is awkwardthough it is far better than the translation "normlessness."By contrast,
the notion of establishing a regle that is derkglementmay be found in the Littre'and in theological
analyses of sin. Because this is an important passage, we venture to offer our translation based
on the preceding analysis:
The passionfor infinityis commonlypresentedas a markof moraldistinction,eventhoughit cannotso
appearexceptin derangedconscienceswhichestablishas a rulethe derangementfrom whichthey suffer.
Sincethis disorderis at its apex in the economicworld,it has most victimsthere.
Durkheim goes on to argue that government is to blame for this state of affairs because it "has
become its tool and servant"instead of being the rdgulateurof economic life ([1897] 1983b:283).
Durkheim's accusation rests on the assumption that a government's failure to moderate the
profane desires of infinite economic acquisition is something like sin.
Another important passage that has been given a consistently misleading translation concerns
the alleged "non-regulation" of egoists (Durkheim, [1897] 1951:288):
Twofactorsof suicide,especially,havea peculiaraffinityfor one another:namely,egoismandanomy...
It is indeed,almostinevitablethat the egoist shouldhavesome tendencyto non-regulation;for, sincehe
is detachedfromsociety,it has not sufficienthold uponhim to regulatehim. .... Inversely,an unregulated
does not lacka sparkof egoism;for if one werehighlysocializedone wouldnot rebelat every
temperament
social restraint.
In French, the passage reads:
Il est notammentdeux facteursdu suicidequi ont l'unpour l'autreune affinit6speciale,c'estl'6goismeet
l'anomie.... II est memepresqueinevitableque l'6goisteait quelqueaptitudeau deirglement;car,comme
le ddrkglement
il est d6tach6de la soci6t6,elle n'apas assezde prisesurlui pourle rigler.... Inversement,
'
ne va pas sans un germed'6goisme;car on ne seraitpas rebelle tout frein social (Durkheim,[1897]
1983b:325,emphasisadded).
In this passage, Durkheim is saying that egoism and derkglement exhibit an affinity for one
another, not that egoists and anomics are "unregulated."Spaulding and Simpson's phrase "for
if one were highly socialized" was apparently added gratuitously to the text. In addition, we repeat
that the notions of non- or-de-regulation did not exist even in English until very recently.
Though Durkheim is frequently read from the "over-socialized"point of view (cf. Wrong, 1961)
in which it is assumed that anomie is the obverse of social integration (cf. Parsons, 1937:377-407
passim), one must account for the fact that Durkheim regarded too much integration as pathogenic (Durkheim, [1897] 1951:217).In the famous section of Suicide devoted to anomie, Durkheim
refers to anomie as a violation of a "law of justice," ([1897] 1951:249)not as lack of integration
or normative control. We infer from his other writings that this "justice"refersto the reconciliation
of "the necessities of social cohesion with the principle of individualism" in the division of labor
Anomie as D6r6glement
87
(Durkheim, [1904] 1980:102;see also [1893] 1933:395). In this context of "justice,"consider Durkheim's claim in Suicide that in modern times "man has become a god for men" ([1897] 1951:334)
but that "this cult of man is something accordingly very different from the egoistic individualism
above referred to, which leads to suicide" ([1897] 1951:336). Durkheim implies that anomie is a
sacrilege against the culte de l'homme ([1897] 1983b:382) resulting in injustice, not that all
individualism is harmful.
Consider the scattered sections of Suicide devoted to conjugal anomie in the context of this
understanding of "justice."Normlessness is a quantitative expression denoting external controls,
while Durkheim describes a qualitative state. Had Durkheim truly possessed the strong normative
streak often ascribed to him, surely he would have agreed that "the only way to reduce the number
of suicides due to conjugal anomy is to make marriage more indissoluble" ([1897] 1951:384).But
having offered stricter divorce laws as a "solution," he rejects this authoritarian move because he
believes that "for man and woman to be equally protected by the same institution [marriage], they
must first of all be creaturesof the same nature"([1897] 1951:386).There must be genuine equality,
a genuine raising of the dignity of females in marriage, not just "juridical equality." In general,
Durkheim feels that marriage must ensure the "r6glementationdes rapports"of husband and wife,
but in a footnote he explains, "Ce qui importe, en effet, ce n'est pas seulement que la r6glementation existe, mais qu'elle soit accept6e par les consciences" ([1897] 1983b:306).7 His vocabulary
describing the varieties of anomie pertaining to the family emphasizes the pain and suffering that
the lack of justice and parity in marriage causes ([1897] 1983b:304-5 passim): le mal de l'infini,
I'incertitude, inditermination, disenchantement, itat de trouble, d'agitation, de m contentement,
d'inquidtude. Divorce expresses a weakening of this riglementation, not de-regulation in the quantitative sense of a lack of norms ([1897] 1983b:307; see also the text of Durkheim's debate on
divorce in Karady, 1976:212).
The other French words Durkheim uses to describe this state of anomie as djrkglement ([1897]
1983b:271-326 passim)8 constitute a vocabulary that was used by seventeenth-century theologians
when they wrote about sin and madness. We do not think that this is a coincidence, but stems
from the fact that Durkheim was accusing many diverse social institutions of attacking the dignity
of the person considered as a collective representation. He described Western society as being in
effervescence, pain, and in feverish, futile frenzy:
Wemustnot be dazzledby the brilliantdevelopmentof sciences,the artsand industryof whichwe arethe
witnesses;this developmentis altogethercertainlytakingplacein the midstof a morbideffervescence,the
grievousrepercussionsof whicheach one of us feels (Durkheim,[1897]1951:368).
Moreover, this morbid restlessness, a symptom of derangement, has been made into a rule, and
is regarded as normal:
7. We hesitateto translateriglementationby "regulation"
becausethe latterdoes not connotejustice and
morality,while the formerdoes. Justiceand moralitywerecentralto Durkheim'sdiscussionof anomie.We
wouldalso liketo drawthe reader'sattentionto Durkheim'scommenton divorcein a debatein whichhe participatedin 1909:"Noussommesici plusieursa penserque les expressionsde re'gle,de discipline,ne sont pas
de vains mots, mais exprimentdes r6alit6smoralesdont l'hommene peut se passer.Nous pensonsqu'il est
dans la naturede l'hommeque ses d6sirs,ses passionssoient contenusdans de certaineslimites..... Faute
de quoi ses appetitsse djrkglent,s'exasperent, s'enfi~vrentne peuventplus &tresatisfaitsen raisonde cette
exacerbation,et, parsuite,ne peuventplus&trepourlui qu'uneoccasionde souffrances"(in Karady,1976:212,
and "regulation,"
in English,do not necessarilyentail
emphasisadded).Clearly,lack of "rule,""discipline"
suffering.Derkglement,by contrast,does.
8. These include the following:crise douloureuse,6tat de crise constant, coup du sort, crise, jours de
fatigue,impatiencefi6vreuse,fievre,enfi6vr6es,d6sastre6conomique,6branlecontrari6t6,
d6sanchantement,
ment, 6r6thisme,surexciter,crisedu veuvage,mal 6quilibr6s,irr6guliers,mal pond6r6s,tar6spathologiques,
pertubationsmorales,6tat de trouble,d'agitation,de m6contentement,dangermoral,mal,
d6s6quilibr6es,
malaise,crise maladive,esprit de rebellion,malheur,d6tresse,misere,tourments,effervescence,intensit6,
d6r6gl6e,d6sordre,d6classement,soci6t6d6sagr6g6e,l'affolementexasp6r6.
88
AND BROWN
MESTROVIC
Anomie as Dereglement
89
secondary to economic functions (1950:16). The only regle in economics is that of self-interest,
which is insufficient for morality (1950:18). The results are: crise, souffrance, anarchie, mal,
desagre'gation,disorganisation, troubles, desarroi, l'aspect cahotique, le caract~reanomal (Durkheim, 1950:16-20, 113-19passim). In short, anomie as it is exhibited in business is an amoral condition that amounts to a public danger: "Ce caractere amoral de la vie 6conomique constitue un
danger public" (1950:18).
The solution does not lie in merely imposing norms in or upon the business profession unrestrainedgreed is a norm - but in rearrangingthe entire structure,changing its nature (1950:17).
He castigates the utilitarians for deluding themselves (s'abuser) by thinking that the desires of the
masses shall be calmed through laissez-faire capitalism, when, on the contrary, it only rouses their
impatience for gain (1950:22). Durkheim then links his discussion of economic anomie to political
anomie ([1950] 1983c:96), arguing that democracy understood as government ruled by the will of
the people leads to anomie ([1950] 1983c:108).This is because the individual's desires in the political arena are as subject to the "mal de l'infini" as they are in economics so that "the primary duty
is to work out something that can relieve us by degrees of a role for which the individual is not
cast" ([1950] 1983c:108).
90
AND BROWN
MEtTROVIC
follow the letter but not the spirit of science ([1893] 1933:354-59).' But in this section of The Division of Labor ([1893] 1933:354-68 passim), intellectual anomie is discussed in the context of
general anomie. Because this section is rarely cited, we emphasize Durkheim's conclusion ([1893]
1933:367-68):
Methodologicalrulesarefor sciencewhatrulesof law [droit]and customarefor conduct;they directthe
thoughtof the scholarjust as the othersgovernthe actionsof men. . . . This is wherethe anarchicalstate
of sciencein generalcomesfrom,a statethat has beennotednot withoutexaggeration..... Theyoffer the
spectacleof an aggregateof disjointedpartswhichdo not concur.. . . Thesedifferentexamples[science,
industryetc.],are,then, varietiesof the samespecies.If the divisionof labordoes not producesolidarity
becausethey
in all these cases, it is becausethe relationsof the organsare not regulated[reiglementies],
are in a stateof anomy(in French,[1893]1967:359-60,emphasisadded).
The themes of the cult of the individual and the cult of truth should be given as much emphasis
in the reading of this work as are the more popular themes of mechanical and organic solidarity.
ANOMIEIN LE SOCIALISME
Le Socialisme was completed in 1896, though it was not published in its entirety until 1928. In
this neglected work, Durkheim writes of the necessity to set "a limit on the state of disarrangement,
excitement, frenzied agitation, which do not spring from social activity and which even make it
suffer" (Durkheim, [1928] 1958b:204). This rich passage needs to be read in French:
Maiselle [Durkheim's
desunset desautres[thetwosocialclasses],la n6cessit6
theory]affirme,dansl'int6r&t
d'unfreinquicontienned'enhautlesapp6titsdansles consciences,et metteainsiun termea l'~tatde djrkglement,d'effervescence,
d'agitationmaniaquequine provientpasde l'activit6sociale,et qui faitmemesouffrir
(Durkheim,[1928]1978:218,emphasisadded).
Durkheim lays the blame for this state of djr~glement on classical economic theory: "la faute en
est a la science economique" ([1928] 1978:41).Along with the classical economists, Saint-Simon
and his followers are all accused of promoting dirfglement:
is that Saint-Simonand his discipleswantedto get the most
Whatcausedthe failureof Saint-Simonianism
fromtheleast,the superiorfromtheinferior,moralrulefromeconomicmatter[lareglemoralede la matiere
economique](Durkheim,[1928]1958b:240;in French,[1928]1978:253).
According to Durkheim, such aspirations are "impossible" and sacrilegious. The economic structure itself is profane. It emphasizes egoism and materialism, while society, with its moral rules,
transcends egoism and is sacred. Thus, according to Durkheim, "it could not be a question of
building one to the other - still less of mingling them" so that "the very idea of such fusion was
revolting-like sacrilege" (Durkheim, [1928] 1958b:41).
Anomie is presented in terms very similar to its depiction in Suicide, Division of Labor, and
Professional Ethics. Durkheim begins with the claim that, however skillfully ordered, economic
functions cannot co-operate harmoniously nor be maintained in a state of equilibrium unless
subjected to moral forces which surpass and contain them (Durkheim, [1928] 1958b:197).This is
because it is a general law of all living things that needs and appetites are normal only when
contained:
Et, en effet, c'estune loi g6n6ralecheztous les vivantsque les besoinset les app6titsne sont normauxqu'd
se contredit.([1928]1978:211,emphasisadded).
conditiond'etreborn6s.Un besoin illimitde
Durkheim continues ([1928] 1958b:199):
As thereis nothingwithinan individualwhichconstrainsthese appetites,they must surelybe contained
by someforceexteriorto him,or elsetheywouldbecomeinsatiable-thatis, morbid... . Thisis whatseems
to haveescapedSaint-Simon.Tohimit appearsthatthe wayto realizesocialpeaceis to freeeconomicappe9. Montgomery(1984)offers a fine discussionof scientificbias as sin.
Anomie as Dereglement
91
titesof all restraint[frein]on the one hand,and on the otherto satisfythem by fulfillingthem. But such
an undertakingis contradictory(emphasisadded;in French,[1928]1978:213).
The result of enfranchising the "app6tits 6conomiques" is that "les app6tits se derkglent et l'ordre
6conomique se d6sorganise" ([1928] 1978:215, emphasis added).
The similarity between this section of Le Socialisme and the famous discourse on anomie in
Suicide is unmistakable. Again, Durkheim's argument rests on the now familiar claim that insatiability is a sign of disease ("l'insatiabilit6est un signe de morbidit6" [1928] 1978:212).His solution,
therefore, "is to know, under the present conditions of social life, what moderating functions are
necessary and what forces are capable of executing them" ([1928] 1958b:199). This solution is
repeated on the last page of the manuscript in a more complete form, worth citing in French:
Le problme doit donc se poser ainsi: chercherpar la sciencequels sont les freinsmorauxqui peuvent
r6glementerla vie 6conomique,et, par cette r6glementation,contenirles 6goismes,et par consequent
permettrede satisfaireles besoins(Durkheim,[1928]1978:253,emphasisadded).
Again, Durkheim implies that the solution to anomie lies in a scientific study of morals. Note
also that when discussing djr~glement in Le Socialisme, he uses the now familiar vocabulary of
anomie (1978:27-39, 217-47 passim).10Durkheim refers to Marx and the socialists as giving the
world a "shriek of pain" that can be traced to the collective malaise that interests Durkheim.
Socialism, in general, is "un cri de douleur pouss6 par les hommes qui sentent le plus vivement
notre malaise collectif" ([1928] 1978:27, emphasis added).
ANOMIEAND EDUCATION
Moral Education - the translation of lectures Durkheim gave between 1902 and 1907- includes
a long discussion on rules and morality. The "impuissance a se contenir" ([1925] 1963:33) that is
characteristic of anomie is a sign of disease (morbidite): "If such sentiments [impatience] develop
to the detriment of other feelings it is a sign of derangement [d&r?glement],the pathological
character of which is well known to clinicians" ([1925] 1961:38).He gives an example of anomie
that is similar to Suicide:
Shouldtherulesof conjugalmoralitylosetheirauthority,shouldhusband-wife
obligationsbe lessrespected,
shouldpassionsand appetitesruledby this sectorof moralityunleashthemselves,beingeven exacerbated
bythis samerelease[seddrkgleront,
par ce dirkglementmeme]. .. suchpassionswouldentail
s'exaspireront
in French,[1925]
a disillusionment
whichtranslatesitselfgraphicallyintostatisticsof suicide([1925]1961:33;
1963:37).
In economic life, too, ambitions for gain become over-excited [surexciteront] and inflamed
[s'enfi&vreront]and result in a rise in the annual quota of suicides. These are all examples of the
"mal de l'infini qui travaille notre temps" ([1925] 1963:37). In Suicide Durkheim refers also to "ce
mal de l'infini, que l'anomie apporte partout avec elle" ([1897] 1983b:304). The summary of this
discussion in Moral Education is reminiscent of The Rules ([1895] 1982:95)in suggesting how one
shall recognize the abnormal. Thus Durkheim writes in Moral Education:
The notionof the infinite,then, appearsonly at those timeswhenmoraldisciplinehas lost its ascendancy
overman'swill. It is the sign of attritionthat emergesduringperiodswhen the moralsystem,prevailing
for severalcenturies,is shaken,failingto respondto newconditionsof humanlife, and withoutany new
systemyet contrivedto replacethat whichhas disappeared([1925]1961:43).
92
ME9TROVI(AND BROWN
Another passage in Moral Education brings home the theme of unhappiness in relation to suicide:
Whenevermoralruleslack the necessaryauthorityto exert,to a desirabledegree,a regulatoryinfluence
[leuraction regulatrice]on our behavior,we see societygrippedby a dejection[tristesse]and pessimism
reflectedin the curveof suicides([1925]1961:68).
[disenchantement]
Durkheim distinguishes anomie from other forms of deviance remarking that Christ was not
an irregulier(deviant), nor was Socrates, even though they broke rules, because they both upheld
the truly moral rules of their societies ([1925] 1961:53).He adds that the challenging of traditional
rules based on progress is healthy and vital. By contrast, with anomie, there is "l'impatience de
toute r6glementation, I'horreur de toute discipline" ([1925] 1963:46) that degenerates into a
"tendance anarchique" and "douleur."He uses the example of Socrates to make a similar point
in Sociology and Philosophy:
Socratesexpressed,moreclearlythanhis judges,the moralitysuitedto his time.It wouldbe easyto show
that as a resultof the transformation
of the old society. .. a newmoralityand religiousfaithhadbecome
necessaryin Athens([1924]1974:64).
In other words, Christ and Socrates exhibited some "normlessness,"but Durkheim did not regard
them as anomic.
An excellent illustration of Durkheim's understanding of anomie as a form of sacrilege occurs
in his discussion of the corporal punishment of children. He notes that this practice does not exist
in primitive societies, but is rampant in modern, "civilized" societies. He continues:
As a matterof fact,suchpunishmentsconstitutetodayquitea seriousmoralhandicap.Theyaffronta feeling
that is at the bottomof all our morality,the religiousrespectin whichthe humanpersonis held. By virtue
of this respect,all violenceexercisedon a personseemsto us, in principle,like sacrilege.In beating,in
brutalityof all kinds,thereis somethingwe find repugnant,somethingthat revoltsour conscience- in a
word,somethingimmoral([1925]1961:182,emphasisadded).
Again, Durkheim's vocabulary in Moral Education is the same language of pain and agitation
that he used in other discussions of anomie ([1925] 1963:6-61 passim).11
The Evolution of Educational Thought, a translation of lectures he gave in 1904 and 1905, takes
anomie as its basic theme. According to Durkheim,
fromtheiroriginsthe schoolscarriedwithinthemselvesthe germof the greatstrugglebetweenthe sacred
and the profane, the secularand the religious,whose historywe shall have to retrace([1938]1977:26,
emphasisadded;in French,1938:34).
The secularization of education-literally a form of sacrilege, given the religious origin of
schools - became most intense in the "moral crisis" of the Renaissance ([1938] 1977:225),a period
Durkheim describes by using the vocabulary of anomie ([1938] 1977:88). He characterizes the
Renaissance as a period in which aspirations tended toward "l'infini," marked by intemperance
and immorality, and "un fl6chissement g6n6ral du sentiment moral" ([1938:218-43 passim)-"Le
XVIe siecle est donc une 6poque de crise p6dagogique et morale" (1938:260). The humanism of
the Renaissance is understood by Durkheim in the context of "our whole present-daymoral system
[which] is dominated by the cult of the individual person" ([1938] 1977:325). But the problem
posed by the Renaissance has not yet been solved, namely, how should one pursue humanism in
education without succumbing to egoism ([1938] 1977:228)?
Anomie as Dereglement
93
ON INTELLECTUAL
ANOMIEAND THEPAINFULNATUREOF SOCIALIZATION
In his introduction to Durkheim's Pragmatism and Sociology, Allcock observes
what [Durkheim]... finds in pragmatismis no less than intellectualanomie,in that thereis insufficient
regulationof that whichpasses for truthin society.This point is the fulcrumof his entirediscussionof
pragmatismand incidentallyit pointsthe wayto a reappraisalof the generaldriftof Durkheim'ssociology
(in Durkheim,[1955]1983d:xxxvii).
We agree. In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life Durkheim claims that:
This dualityof our naturehas as its consequencein the practicalorderthe irreducibility
of a moralideal
to a utilitarianmotiveand in the orderof thought,the irreducibilityof reasonto individualexperience
([1912]1965:29;in French,[1912]1979:23).
In this statement Durkheim summarizes the two forms of anomie that most concerned him. He
found "the economic life" in Western societies the most obvious example of the reduction of a
moral ideal to a utilitarian motive, and pragmatism an example of the reduction of reason to
individual experience. In Pragmatism and Sociology, he makes it clear that he regardspragmatism
as a public "danger"([1955] 1983d:1),which is how he referredto economic anomie in Professional
Ethics. On the opening page, Durkheim describes pragmatism as "an attack on reason which is
truly militant and determined," as an "irrationalism"that is "a total negation of rationalism" and
as a reversalof "the entire philosophical tradition" ([1955] 1983d: 1). Pragmatism seeks to destroy
"the cult of truth" much as sophism did in the time of Socrates ([1955] 1983d:2).
Pragmatism never poses the problem of truth ([1955] 1983d:6)and, because it emphasizes action
based on the appearance of truth, it is nothing but a "logical utilitarianism" ([1955] 1983d:6)that
denies the sacrosanct quality of truth, profaning it and degrading it ([1955] 1983d:66-7). Its criteria
for "truth" are subjectivist ([1955] 1983d:48); pragmatism denies the need for rules ([1955]
1983d:57);and it supports moral subjectivism ([1955] 1983d:74).It is therefore anti-scientific: "The
essence of the scientific mind is that the scientist takes up a point of view which is sharply opposed
to that of the pragmatist"([1955] 1983d:78).The similarity of Durkheim's critique of pragmatism
to his description of intellectual anomie in The Division of Labor is unmistakable.
Anomie is implicitly woven into the main thesis of The Forms. It is a book about homo duplex,
the dualism of human nature that informs Durkheim's sociology of knowledge, the essence of
religion, and human culture. Lukes (1972:22) regardsthe concept of homo duplex as the keystone
of Durkheim's thought (though Lukes does not link this concept to anomie). But homo duplex
carries with it the attendant idea that pain and suffering are the sacrifice and price individuals
must pay to society. Durkheim is explicit: "If there is any one belief which is believed to be peculiar
to the most recent and idealistic religions, it is the one attributing a sanctifying power to sorrow
[douleur] ([1912] 1965:354; in French, [1912] 1979:450). Similarly, "society itself is possible only
at this price" ([1912] 1965:356). Durkheim continues:
Thoughexaltingthe strengthof man, it [society]is frequentlyrudeto individuals;it necessarilydemands
perpetualsacrificesfromthem;it is constantlydoingviolenceto our naturalappetites,just becauseit raises
us aboveourselves.If we aregoingto fulfill our dutiestowardsit, then we mustbe preparedto do violence
to our instincts... it is ... inherentin all social life ([1912]1965:356;in French,[1912]1979:452).
One could characterize the implicit treatment of anomie in The Forms as the original sin of social
life; after all, many religions teach that suffering and death are the ransom we pay for sin. The
root meaning of "expiation" means "ransom" (Hertz, 1922; Lyonnet and Sabourin, 1970:208).
Fearful that he was misunderstood in The Forms, Durkheim repeated the idea that society is
possible only at the price of douleur in his gloomy, Freudian-like sequel, "The Dualism of Human
Nature and Its Social Conditions" (1914):
94
AND BROWN
MESTROVI6
CONCLUSIONS
Merton (1957:161) writes that "as initially developed by Durkheim, the concept of anomie
referred to a condition of relative normlessness in a society or group." This understanding of
anomie is not supported by Durkehim's writings. Durkheim never used the term normlessness.
There is no support for reading anomie as normlessness etymologically, historically,or contextually.
We will not dwell on the large body of research that is flawed by an incorrect understanding
of anomie, though it should be noted that investigations have failed to support the proposition
that "status integration" is the obverse of anomie (Dodder and Astle, 1980; Gibbs, 1982; Hong,
1981;Schoenfeld, 1982). It has to be invalid for the simple reason that Durkheim treated anomie
as the regle of derkglement, not as normlessness. The orthodox functionalist interpretation of
anomie is embedded in the over-socialized conception of man that Dahrendorf (1958), Giddens
(1976), Gouldner (in Durkheim, 1958b), Mills (1959) and Wrong (1961) have criticized so
eloquently. Despite these thoughtful critiques, it has miraculously survived. Our point is that
Durkheim was highly critical of Westernculture as a whole and that his version of functionalism
is fundamentally different from the Parsonian-Mertonian version.
We do not wish to end with a list of suggestions as to how der~glement should be operationalized. While it is amenable to scientific investigation, sociologists should proceed cautiously and
attend closely to what Durkheim really said. What Durkheim meant is subject to interpretation
and honest scholarly debate, but it is necessary to be precise about what he wrote. It is also important to try to understand the words he used as social facts, as collective representations that have
impersonal meanings which should exert constraint on the scholar. Our aim here is to make sociologists suspicious of the view that anomie is normlessness and to have them consider what anomie
as d6riglement could mean.
Above all, we want to convey our view that anomie, as Durkheim used it, is one of the most
important ideas in the history of Western thought, rich in history and interrelatedness to other
concepts, particularly sin and madness. Anomie ought to be studied as a collective representation
that has refracted a myriad of other ideas related to justice and morals in humankind's struggle
to grasp the essence of morality. Durkheim's concept of anomie is far removed from Merton's
bland, secular and painless concept of "normlessness."Durkheim was a moralist - albeit a scientific moralist - who was sensitive to the pain and sorrow caused by immorality. He did not think
of anomie as just confusion, but as evil. He launched his career in sociology by inquiring, in his
introduction to The Division of Labor, into the method for studying "moralfacts" scientifically
([1893] 1933:424). He was attempting to move beyond the fact-value distinction that has plagued
philosophers and social scientists since the writings of Kant. The Forms ends his career-long
discussion of morality on the note that sociology is "destined to open a new way to the science
of man" ([1912] 1965:495) precisely because it has the potential to overcome the dualisms posed
Anomieas D6reglement
95
by Kant. Durkheim died writing the introduction to his next book, entitled La Morale (cf. Pickering, 1979; Traugott, 1978:191-202). In this introduction he claims that "moral facts" can be
studied as "natural things" and that the expression he had used in teaching this new science was
"Physics or Science of Mores [moeurs] and of Law" (in Traugott, 1978:267;in French, Durkheim
[1920] 1976:330). This expression is obviously a reference to Le!ons de sociologie: physique des
moeurs et du droit, the longest-running series of lectures in Durkheim's career. Because the title
had apparently raised some controversy, Durkheim proposed that
Weshallthereforecall it "Scienceof Morality"or "Scienceof MoralFacts,"understanding
therebythat it
dealswithmoralphenomenaor moralrealityas it can be observedeitherin the presentor in the past,just
as physicsor physiologydeal with the facts they study(in Traugott,1978:202).
Durkheim obviously felt that these "moral facts" were as impersonal as "social facts," enabling
the sociologist to move beyond the impasse of pure speculation reached by theologians and
philosophers concerned with ethics.
Our point is that Durkheim's concern with anomie and deriglement bespeaks his concern with
a science of morality. It is not true, as Besnard (1982:46) claims, that anomie ceased to concern
Durkheim after 1902. There is no real break in Durkheim's thought, and Durkheim's sociology
is concerned with the question how one may study morality scientifically.
Durkheim's immediate circle seems to have understood his quest for a "science des faits moraux"
(in Karady, 1976:330). Many of their studies treated topics related to the theological implications
of der~glement:justice and morality emerge as themes in their writings again and again. In addition, they regarded these theological topics as collective representations which could be studied
as social facts. One of Durkheim's closest followers, Paul Fauconnet, is explicit, writing in La
Responsabilite (1922:3-4):
sont 6videmmentdesfaits: ils tombentsous l'observation,on
Lesregleset les jugementsde responsabilit6
desfaits sociaux.... D'ailleursnous
peutles decrire,les raconter,les situer,les dater.Et ce sont assur6ment
C'estlui-memeunfait social. II fait partiedu
pouvonsmaintenantrevenirau conceptde responsabilit6.
collectives(emphasisadded).
systemedes representations
The very title of Levy-Bruhl'sLa Morale et la science des moeurs (1903) bespeaks his faithfulness
to Durkheim's program. Consider also Robert Hertz's works on sin, expiation, the collective
representationof death, and right-handedness as a symbol of the sacred in this context of a science
of morals (Hertz, 1907, 1909, 1922;discussed in Besnard, 1983:152-76and by Nielsen, 1983). Durkheim cited the work on the collective representation of magic by Hubert and Mauss (1904) when
he made his claim in The Forms that "magic takes a sort of professional pleasure in profaning
holy things" (Durkheim, [1912] 1965:58). For Durkheim, magic is always anti-religious (in Karady,
1976:70), and as such belongs in discussions of anomie (see also Me'trovid, 1985d; O'Keefe, 1982).
Consider the conclusion by Mauss in his analysis of gift-giving as a social fact in The Gift: "It
appears that the whole field of industrial and commercial law is in conflict with morality" ([1925]
1967:64).The works by Hubert and Mauss (1899) on sacrifice and Davy (1920) on the relationship
of law to morals - among many others - are also relevant in discussions of anomie and the scientific study of moral facts.
So long as one understands anomie as normlessness, the works of the Durkheimians seem scattered and peripheralto his concerns, which is probably why they are still largely unknown to sociologists. But when one understands anomie as the obverse of morality, it is evident that the Durkheimians were all concerned with anomie, even though they did not always refer to it directly.
In sum, the understanding of Durkheim's concept of anomie as dir~glement is more accurate
than "normlessness,"points to the continuities in his thought, and refers to social problems other
than crime and suicide which could be studied in relation to anomie. It points to a new branch
of sociology Durkheim had apparently hoped to launch: a science of moral facts.
96
AND BROWN
MESTROVI6
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