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LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA
PRESENTED BY
MRS. MACKINLEY HELM

A HISTORY
OF

THE JEWISH PEOPLE


IN THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.

EMIL SCHURER, D.D, M.A,


PROFESSOR OP THEOLOGY AT THE CNIVERSITT OF

GTESSEN'.

Being a Second and Revised Edition of a "Manual of


the History of Xeiv Testament Times."

fficst

Division.

POLITICAL HISTOEY OF rALE.STJNE, FEOM

B.C. 175

TO

A.D. 135.

TRAN.SLATED BY

REV. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A.

VOL.

NE
C

II

ARL E

\'

AN'

S C

I.

O R Iv
R

1891.

NER

'

SO N

S.

PS

l/.l

CONTENTS OF DIVISION

VOL.

I.

I.

INTliODUCTION.
PAGE

1.

2.

scopk and literatukk,

Auxiliary Sciences,
a.

d.

The Sources,
a.

The Book

13.

Numismatics,
.

/'.

Geography,

23.

Jewish Archaeology,
20.

3.

14.

c.

.1

.13

Chronology,

Inscriptions, 28.

e.

.35

of Maccabees, 30.

Non-Extant Sources,

h.

Greek and Roman Writers,

c.

Josephus, 77.

e.

Rabbinical Literature, 117.

d.

FIRST

47.

110.

P E K I O D.

FROM ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES DOWN TO THE CONQUEST OF


JERUSALEM BY POMPEV.
The Rise of the Maccai5ees and the Period of

FREEDOir,

B.C.At^^t 175-G3.

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF SYRIA DURING THE LAST CENTURY OF


THE SELEUCID DYNASTY, B.C. 175 63.
Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, 172.
173.

Demetrius

Demetrius

II.

Demetrius

II.

V. 179.

I.

Antiochus V. Eupator,

Alexander Balas, 175.

Sotur, 174.

Nicator,

176.

Antiochus Sidetes, 177.

Nicator (a second time), 178.

Antiochus YIII. Grypos, 179.

Seleucus

Antiochus IX.

Cyzicenos, 181.
4.

Religious Destitution and Revivat,,

5.

The Times of Judas Maccabaeus,

g 6.

The Times OF Jonathan,

B.C.

b.c.

161-143,

165-161,
.

18G

219

234

CONTENTS.

Vlll

PAOE

7.

Simon,

8.

John Hyrcancs,

9.

255

142-135,

b.c.

Aristobulus,

b.c.

Alexander Jannus,

11.

Alexandra,

12. Aristobulus

291

105-104,

10.

b.c.

272

135-105,

b.c.

295

b.c. 1()4-78,

308

78-69,

II., b.c.

313

G9-G3,

SECOND PERIOD.
FROM THE CONQUEST OF JERUSALEM BY POMPEY TO THE
HAD JUAN WAR.
The Roman-Herodian

Period,

b.c.

63-a.d. 135.

sketch of the history of the ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA FROM


B.C.

I.

The Period

of the Fall of the Republic, b.c. 65-30,

65-48,

b.c.

II.

,^

15.

....
.

under the Administration of Cassius,

(4) Syria

under the Government of Marc Antony,

of the

Empire,

b.c.

Octavianus Augustus,

30-a.d. 70,

30-a.d. 14

b.c.

b.c.

.328

44-42,

b.c.

345

345

(4) Claudius, A.D. 41-54,

II. (b.c.

Antigonus,

b.c.

63-40), Antipater, Phasael,

40-37,

Herod the Great,

b.c.

.358
.365
.366
.368

and Herod, 371

.....
.....
......
.

37-4,

339

(3) Caligula, a.D. 37-41,

Nero, A.D. 54-68,

41-30,

335
337

IIyrcanus

328

(2) Tiberius, a.D. 14-37,

(5)

14.

of Caesar, b.c. 47-44,

(3) Syria

(1)

13.

The Times

The Days

under the predominating Influence of Pompey,

(1) Syria

(2)

65-A.D. 70.

.392
400

Chronological Sketch,

401

History of Herod,

416

INTRODUCTION.

1.

SCOPE AND LITERATURE.

In the fulness of time the Christian religion sprang out of

Judaism

divine revelation, but also in-

as a fact, indeed, of

separably joined by innumerable threads with the previous

thousand years of

Xo

Israel's history.

incident in the gospel

no word in the preaching of Jesus Christ,

story,

apart from

its

setting in

is intelligible

Jewish history, and without a clear

understanding of that world of thought

distinction

of the

Jewish people.

Thus

it

becomes the bounden duty of Christian theologians

examine into and describe that realm

to

history in which

Nor

is

it

enough

thought

of

and

the universal religion of Christ grew up.


to

know simply

that older literature which

has been collected together in the canon of the Okl Testament.

On

the contrary, the gospel of Jesus Christ

connected with

closely

is

much more

immediately contemporary sur-

its

roundings, and the tendencies of thought prevailing in that


particular age.

The recognition

investigators to devote special


the

Times of Jesus Christ.

of this has already led

attention

to

tlie

many

History of

Besides such scholars as have

continued the history of Israel in a comprehensive manner

down

to the period of Christ

and Hausrath,
era under the

title.

I.

VOL. L

its

apostles,

Schneckenburger

have treated separately of that

History of

present work, too, in


DIV.

and His

in particular,

first

Nno

Testament Times.

edition,

The

was published under


A

INTRODUCTION.

Though the name

that designation.

account
the

of

indefiniteness,

its

work remain

which we

set before us

purpose

the

practically the

scope

task,

however,

of

more limited than that proposed

is

the

describe

to

and

The

same.

While Schneckenburger

by Schneckenburger and Hausrath.


undertakes

now abandoned on

is

condition

of

the

Jewish and

Gentile world in the times of Christ, and Hausrath even adds


to

we

that the history of primitive Christianity,

shall here

attempt to set forth only the History of the Jewish Pecple in

Times of Jesus Christ,

the

for

alone in the strict and

this

proper sense constitutes the presupposition of

the earliest

history of Christianity.

The predominance
tinctly

characterized

Pharisaism

of

its

upon obedience

originator.

to the

No

tendency

far

beyond

longer did

commandments

it

of the

These divine precepts were broken down

scripture Thora.

into an innumerable series of minute


lars,

legalistic

now assumed dimensions

anything contemplated by
suffice to insist

The

period.

this

inaugurated by Ezra had

that which most dis-

is

and vexatious particu-

the observance of which was enforced as a sacred duty,

and even made a condition of

salvation.

And

this exagger-

ated legalism had obtained such an absolute ascendency over


the minds of the people, that all other tendencies were put
entirely in the background.

This Pharisaic tendency had

Maccabean

age.

its

origin in conflicts of the

During the course of those national struggles

the legalistic party not only obtained the victory over those

favourably inclined toward Greek learning and customs, but


also secured the entire confidence of the people, so that they

were encouraged to put forth claims of the most extravagant

and immoderate description.


rulers of the people.

was

sufficiently strong

appreciable degree.

No
to

The

The

scribes

were now

the

other intellectual or political force

counteract their influence in any


battles of the

Maccabean

age,

how-

were also epoch-making in the

ever,

By them was

Jews.
of

SCOPE AND LITERATURE.

1.

political

the foundation laid for the construction

an independent Jewish commonwealth, and

pation from the dominion of the Seleucidae.

was wholly

in

effected

history of the

emanci-

for its

This deliverance

consequence of the Syrian empire.

Judea became an independent

state

under native princes, and

continued in this position until conquered by the Eomans.

On

the ground, therefore, of spiritual development and political

we

history,

are justified in beginning our exposition with the

history of the

Maccabean

age.

In determining also the point at which we should close


our investigations, a glance at the spiritual as well as the
history

political

will

independence was

in

lead

domination of the Eomans.


of the

the

to

same

some measure

result.

preserved

Political

under

the

In place of the priestly dynasty

Maccabees, the new order of the Herodians made

its

After this line of rulers had been set aside by

appearance.

the Eomans, Palestine was for a long period governed by a

But even under them there

series of imperial procurators.

was

a native aristocratic senate, the so-called Sanhedrim,

still

which exercised most

was not

the functions of government.

of

until the time of

Nero and Vespasian that

It

all political

independence was taken from the Jewish people in conse-

quence of the great revolt which they had endeavoured to

The complete

carry out.

freedom was

abolition

finally eifected

break under Hadrian.

And

of all

Jewish national

on the suppression of the outjust as the concluding of our

inquiry with the age of Hadrian recommends itself on out-

ward

or

political

grounds,

so

also

it

will

be

found

to

correspond to the course of the spiritual development of the


people.

For

it

was just during the reign of Hadrian that

the Jewish scholars for the

first

time committed to writing

the hitherto only really communicated traditional law, and in


this

way

laid the foundation of the

Talmudical code.

With

INTRODUCTION.

new epoch

the age of Hadrian, therefore, a

begins also for

the intellectual and spiritual development of the people, the

Talmudic, in which no longer the Thora of Moses, but the

Talmud, forms the basis


same,

this, too,

of

the period in which Pharisaism, in conse-

is

quence of the overthrow

comes a purely

spiritual

Jewish commonwealth, be-

of the

and moral power, without, however,

thereby losing, but rather gaining in

For with the overthrow

people.

All the

discussion.

all juristic

its

of the

influence over the

temple the Sadducean

priesthood was also set aside, and in the Dispersion the lax

and inconsistent Hellenistic Judaism could not permanently


maintain

over against the strict and consistent Judaism

itself

of the Pharisees.

The

makes

sources of information at our disposal

impossible for us to follow step by step the inner

development

of the people in connection with each particular

institution that

under

the

of

state
it

the

appending

to

the

therefore

outline

of

the

description of the inner condition of the

political history a

The

people in a separate division.

two main periods

Eoman

period of the

We are

comes under consideration.

necessity of

the

period

political history falls into

of

independence, and

the

In reference to the internal

domination.

conditions, the following points should be kept prominently

in mind.

We

shall

have

to describe, first of all, the general character

prevailing throughout Palestine, with a par-

of the culture

ticularly careful account of the

confines

Jewish territory and within that

of the

itself ( 22).

spread of Hellenism on the


territory

Then, as supplementary to the political history,

the church constitution of the Gentile communities of Palestine

as

well

as

which belongs

of the

to the

Jewish people must be explained,

inner

or

spiritual

history,

inasmuch

as it brings into consideration the self-administration of the

communities in

contradistinction

to

the

political

schemes

and undertakings

whole land.

of the

communal

Jewish

SCOPE AND LITERATURE.

1.

constitution

The exposition of the


the

gives

add the history of the Sanhedrim and

to

priest ( 23).

The two

ment, however,

are,

temple services

( 24), and,

Scribism

of

Jewish high

chief factors in the internal develop-

on the other hand, the institution

Inasmuch

more absorbed by worldly and

who were

still

the priests

as

occupying

during the Greek era were

positions

official

interests, those

opportunity also

of the

on the one hand, the priesthood and the

25).

prominent and

than by religious

political

now formed

zealous for the law

themselves into an opposition party under the leadership of

The party

the scribes.

around the

of the Sadducees grouped themselves

official priests,

while around the scribes gathered

The

the party of the Pharisees ( 26).

and synagogues served


of the law

among

scribes

and spread the knowledge

and Pharisees

led,

which the

to

we have sought

section to describe life

under the law

law, however, has

nerve-centre in

its

In order

the people ( 27).

view of the results

to give a general

the

to preserve

all classes of

erection of schools

( 28).

efforts

in

of

another

Zeal for the

the Messianic hope.

For the gracious reward of God, which one regards himself


being

as

made worthy

with the law,

the

which

the

is

heavenly

hope are

Messianic
life

life

in accordance

thought of pre-eminently as one that

is

and

in the future

of receiving by a

of

the

( 29).

the

therefore
Israelite

lies

Zeal for the law and

two centres around

moves.

Then, after

the

exposition of the inner conditions of the everyday Palestinian

Judaism

in

its

main

description of those
it

features

has

been

concluded

by a

two powerful tendencies just mentioned,

remains for us to glance at the Jewish monastic institution

of the Essenes ( 30),

and

at the

much more influential, and


much more imporFinally, we have
( 31).

even for the early history of Christianity


tant,

to

Judaism

of the

Dispersion

show from what remains

of the

Jewish literature of our

INTRODUCTION.

period how, in spite of the predominance of Pharisaism, the

and spiritual struggles

intellectual interests

out in various directions.

This

tinian literature ( 32), but in a

Hellenistic literature ( 33)

Judaism spread

of

seen even in the Pales-

is

higher degree in the

still

and

though really

last of all,

belonging to this group just named, the Jewish philosopher


Philo,

on account of his very peculiar importance, may have

and

his writings

his speculation treated of in a distinct section

( 34).

Literature.

New

Prideaux, The Old and

Testament connected in the history of

tlie

Jews and neighbouring nations from the declension of the kingdom


of Israel and Judah to the time of Christ.

This

10th ed. 1749.

1718.

both in

German and

adequate,

may

Ewald, History of

in French translations, though necessarily in-

many

be referred to on

still

London 1716-

2 vols.

once celebrated work, which appeared

Israel.

points with advantage.

London 1867-1886.

8 vols.

Vol.

The

v.

History of Ezra and of the Hagiocracy in Israel to the time of


Vol.

Christ.

vi.

Apostolic Age.

The

Life

Vol.

viii.

and Times

The

of

Vol.

Christ.

Age.

Post-Apostolic

volumes tbe history of Christ and the Apostles

The

vii.

In

these

connected with

is

the history of the people of Israel.

Hausrath, History of New Testament Times The Time of Jesus.


London 1878. This work treats not only of the Jewish
2 vols.
:

history of the period, but also of the

volumes,

not

translated,

discuss

and introduce many

Christianity,

Raphall,

yet

of Jesus

the

history

details of

Post- Biblical History of the

Testament, about the year 420,

life

Roman

Jews from the

till

while later
of

primitive

history.
close of the

Old

the destruction of the Second

Temple in the year 70. 2 vols. London 1856.


MiLMAX, The History of the Jews from the earliest period down to
modern times. 3 vols. 3rd ed. London 1863. The first volume

closes

with

Epiphanes

the

suppression

of

Jewish

worship

by Antiochus

the second continues the history from the ajjpearance

of Mattathias

down

to the third century of the Christian era.

JosT, History of the Jews from the Maccabees to the present day.

York

1848.

Judaism.

From

the

rationalistic

standpoint

of

New

Reform-

SCOPE AND LITEEATUE.

].

*7

Stanley, Lectures on the History of the Jewish Cliurch.

From

Redford, Four Centuries of Silence

London

Time

of

and

Palestine

the

in

religious life of the

New

volumes

first

Roman

from

series

Malachi to

Christ

London

Christ.

1886.

More

" series of studies on the social

Jews in the

first centurj',"

using as sources

Testament, the writings of Josephus, and the Talmud.

Keim, History of Jesus of Xazareth.


the

or,

Third

1876.

1885.

archaeological than historical.

Staffer,

the

Lomlon

the Captivity to the Christian Era.

work

this

London 1873-1884.

6 vols.

deals with the history of

In

Herod and

the

Procurators, and with the state of the Jews generally during

that period.

WiESELER, Chronological Synopsis of the Four Gospels.

London

1864.

DLLINGER, The Gentile and the Jew in the Courts of the Temple of
Christ,

2 vols.

Judaism

is

much

London

1862.

The

exposition here given of

shorter than that given of Heathenism.

In the

discussion of the state of the heathen world the special value of this

work

lies.

London

Pressense, The Ancient World and Christianity.

1888.

Confined to an examination of the pagan religion and the state of


the heathen world in the times of Christ.

Lechler, The Apostolic and Post- Apostolic Times.


Edin. 1886.

Vol.

i.

the Israelite People

3rd ed.

2 vols.

pp. 67-87, Relation of Jewish Christians to


pp. 144-160, Relation of Jewish Christians

with non-Christians.

Schneckenburger, Vorlesungen liber Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte.


Edited from his MS. by Lhlein. Frankfort 1862.
HoLTZMANN, Judenthum und Christenthum in Zeitalter der apokryphischen und neutestainentlichen Literatur.
Geschichte des Volkes Israel, by

Extends
the

Also under the

Weber and Holtzmann.

2 vols.

title,

1867.

from the time of Alexander the Great to Hadrian, after

manner

of Ewald,

but considerably shorter, connecting

the

history of primitive Christianity with the history of the Jewish


people.

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes Israel von Anbeginn bis zur Eroberung

Masada's im

J.

later history

from the time of Alexander the Great with comparative

72 nach Chr.

2 vols.

Leipzig 1869. Treats of the

fulness.

Wkllhausen, Die Phariser und


inner history of Judaism.

die Sadducer.

Greifswald 1874.

contribution to the

This short monograph

INTRODUCTION.

8
gives

more information about the inner history of Judaism during

our period than

many an

extensive work.

Ress, Die Geschichte der heiligen Schriften alten Testaments.


Properly only a history of the literature

1881.

gives this in connection

it

with the history of the people.


Seinecke, Geschichte des Volkes

Vol.

Israel.

Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes

From

ii.

Destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.

From

Israel.

the Exile to the

1884.
the completion of the

Second Temple down to the Deposition of Simon Maccabee from


the Priesthood and Government.

volume

first

Second Temple down to

B.c.

135

Nordhausen 1855.

2 vols.

treats of the political history

The

from the completion of the

the second volume gives the inner

history of the same period.


JosT, Geschichte des

Judenthums und

3 Bde.

seiner Secten.

1857-1859.

Gives a history of the inner development of Judaism from the exile


The

to the present day.

first

volume reaches

to the destruction of

Jerusalem.

Grtz, Geschichte der Juden von den ltesten Zeiten bis auf die GegenBd. iii.-xi. 1853-1870. Deals with period from B.c. 160 to
wart.
1848.

A.D.

Bd.

iii.

3 Aufl. 1878 appeared also under the

Geschichte der Juden von

dem Tode Juda Makkabi's


Bd.

gang des jdischen Staates.


the title
bis

Geschichte der Juden

zum Abschluss

appeared

later,

des Talmud.

i.

ii.,

title

zum Unter-

1866 appeared also under

iv. 2 Aufl.

vom Untergang

Bd.

bis

des jdischen Staates

the latter in two divisions,

1874-1876. The second division of the second volume

goes from the Babylonian exile to the death of Judas Maccabaeus.

Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel in ihrer Abhngigkeit


von der Innern Entwickelung des Judenthums. 1857. Seeks parti-

show how the inner development of Judaism in the postperiod has been peculiarly influential upon the formation of

cularly to
exilian

the Old Testament text.

Geiger, Das Judenthum und seine Geschichte.

Describes
Judaism.

Vol.

i.

the Second Temple


vol.
iv.

iii.

Bd.

i.-iii.

1864-1871.

only the main features of the inner development of

to the

down

carries the history


;

vol.

ii.

down

to the

end of the sixteenth century.

has not yet appeared.

Compare

to the destruction

of

end of the twelfth century

also

The concluding

vol.

Innere Geschichte der

zweiten Tempelperiode und deren Behandlung (Jd. Zeitschrift fr

Wissensch. und Leben, 1868, pp. 247-277).

Salvador, Histoire de

la

domination Romaine en Judoe

et de la ruine

de Jerusalem.
title

SCOPE AND LirERATRE.

1.

Also in German under the

Paris 1847.

2 vols.

Salvador, Geschichte der Rmerherrschaft in Juda

Zerstrung Jerusalems.

Pompey

1847.

2 Bde.

Treats

Jerusalem

to the destruction of

und der

of the period from

but gives almost nothing

beyond a bare reproduction of documents,

WiESELER, Beitrge zur neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte (Studien und


Kritiken, 1875, pp. 516-556).
Compare also Beitrge zur richtigen
:

Wrdigung der Evangelien und der evangelischen Geschichte. 1869.


IIiMPEL, Politische und religise Zustnde des Judenthums in den letzten
Jahrhunderten vor Chr. In TUh. Theol. Quartahchrift, 1858, pp. 63-85.
Der nationaljdische Hintergrund der neutestament-

Baumgarten,

lichen Geschichte nach Josephus.

In

1864-1865.
Josephus,

Judea,

1864,

In Jahrhh. fr Deutsche

four divisions:
pp.

616-648.

605-635.

1865, pp.

Theologie,

The Literary Character


The Iduraean-Roman Rule

I.

II.

III. Last Struggle

of
in

and Defeat of the

Jewish Nation, 1865, pp. 636-668. IV. Outlines of the Effects


produced on one another by the last Struggles of the Jewish Nation

on the one hand, and the

New

Testament history on the other, 1865,

pp. 668-693.

Derenbourg,
d'apres

sur

Essai

et

I'liistoire

Thalmuds

les

et

la

geographie de la Palestine,

autres

les

sources

Histoire de la Palestine depuis Cyrus

Does

1867.

rabbiniques.

P.

jusqu' k Adrien.

I.

Paris

not give a history of the people of Israel during the

period named, but only a collection of rabbinical traditions relating


to that history.

BosT, L']&poque des Maccabees, histoire du peuple juif depuis

de

I'exil

jusqu'

h.

Ledrain, Histoire
fully of the

De Saulcy,

d'Israel.

vols.

Paris

et

1879-1882.

de la Judee au temps de

66 to a.D. 72.

LooMAN, Geschiedenis der

2 vols.

Treats

most

Israeliten

inhoudende
1

de
tot

geschiedenis

la

chute de Neron.

Paris 1865.

van de babylonische ballingschap

op de komst van den Heere Jezus Christus.

1867.

retour

Paris 1880.

a.D.

Herodes

le

Strassbourg 1862.

Graeco-Roman Age.

Champagny, Rome

tot

de Jerusalem.

Histoire des Machabdes ou princes de la dynastic asiuo-

neenne.

From

la destruction

der Israeliten

Meteen aanhangsel,
van

den

op de verwoesting van Jeruzalem.

dood

van

Amsterdam

INTRODUCTION.

On Jewish
Christ

doctrines

and customs during the times

of

Drummond, The Jewisli Messiah. A critical history of the Messianic


idea among the Jews from the rise of the Maccabees to the closing
London 1877.
of the Talmud.
STA^^TON, The Jewish and Christian Messiah a Studj'- in the Earliest
:

History of Christianity.

ViTRiNGA, The

Synagogue

Edinburgh 1886.
and

original work, De Synagoga

Reville,

Manual

Condensed

the Church.

vetere,

of A.D. 1726.

London

London.

of Religious Instruction.

from

the

1842.

Pt.

i.

ch.

v.,

Judaism, pp. 52-73.

KuENEN, The Religion of Israel to the Fall of the Jewish State. 3 vols.
London 1881-1882.
Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung des Alten Testaments mit dem Neuen.
Hamburg 1831. Seeks to show how the Old Testament was treated

and expounded in the time of Christ, and in this connection discusses


very thoroughly the Sanhedrim and the Synagogue.

Gfroerer, Das Jahrhundert des


under the

title

Heils.

2 vols.

Stuttgart 1838.

Geschichte des LTrchristenthums. Bd.

i.

ii

Also

Gives a

systematic view of Judaism in the time of Christ.

LuTTERBECK, Die Neutestamentlichen Lehrbegriffe oder Untersuchungen


ber das Zeitalter der Religionswende, die Vorstufen des Christenthums und die erste Gestaltung desselben. 2 vols. 1852. The first

volume

treats chiefly of the religious condition of

Judaism in the

time of Christ.

NoACK

Der

Ursprung

des

Christenthums.

Seine

vorbereitenden

Grundlegungen und sein Eintritt in die Welt. 2 vols. 1857. The


first volume treats of preparatory circumstances and conditions, but
in a very superficial manner.

Langen, Das Judenthum

in Palstina zur Zeit Christi.

1866. Gives,

like

Gfroerer a systematic description of the Jewish theology in the time


of Christ, hut is distinguished from Gfroerer by declining to nse
as

sources the later Jewish

literature

of the

Talmud and Mid-

rash im.

VrEBER, System der altsynagogalen palstinischen Theologie aus Targum,


Midrasch und Talmud dargestellt. Edited after the author's death

by Delitzsch and Schnedermann. Leipzig 1880. A good indejiendent account, drawn from the sources of Jewish theology in the
Talmudic Age.

SCOPE AND LITERATURE.

1.

Nicolas, Des doctrines

Talmud (Revue

des Juifs pendant les deux siecles

reli^^ieuses

Paris 18G0.

anterieurs I'ere chretienne.

Eeville, Le peuple juif

et le

judaisme au temps de

Deux Mondes,

des

11

du

la formation

1867, Nov. number, pp. 104-137).

Also Le judaisme depuis la captivite de Babylone, d'apres Kuenen


(in the

same Review, 1872, March, pp. 114-141).

Staffer, Les idees religieuses en Palastine IV-poque de

2nd

Jesus-Clirii^t.

Paris 1878.

ed.

Contributions to

Jewish history of our period will

tlie

be found in the following Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, and

Magazines

Smith, Dictionary of the Bible, comprising


geography, and natural history.

American
is

New York

edition,

biography,

its antiquities,

London 1860-1863.

3 vols.

1871, in 4 vols.,

by Hackett

&

Tlie

Abbot,

considerably enlarged and improved,

Fairbairn, Imperial Bible Dictionary,


cal,

and

doctrinal.

historical, biograijhical, geographi-

London 1864-1866.

2 vols.

KiTTO, Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, 3rd


Dr.

W. Lindsay

Schaff-Herzog,
historical,

Alexander.

Religious Encyclopaedia

doctrinal,

A condensed

1884.

and Hauck, in 18

2 vols.

Bibel

or Dictionary of biblical,

Edinburgh

3 vols.

Plitt,

des

of Biblical Theology

1866

and

Ecclesi-

ff.

biblischen

Alterthums

fr

gebildete

1874-1884.

Winer, Biblisches Realwrterbuch.


Schenkel,

by

Leipzig 1877-1888.

New York

Handwrterbuch

Bibelleser.

recast

reproduction of the great work of Herzog,

M'Clintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia


RiEHM,

and practical theology.

vols.

astical Literature.

and

ed., re-edited

London 1869-1876.

3 vols.

Lexikon.

2 vols.

3rd ed.

Leipzig 1847-1848.

Realwrterbuch zum Handgebrauch fr

Geistliche und Gemeindeglieder.


Leipzig 1869-1875.
5 vols.
Hamburger, Real-Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud. Division I.
Biblical Articles, 1870.
Division IL Talmudical Articles, 1883.
The Jewish Qu^srierly, edited by Abrahams and Montefiore, London

begun in 1888, "devoted

to the interests of Jewish literature

theology, history and religion,"

and

INTRODUCTION.

Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift fr jdische Theologie, edited by

und
by

1835-1848.

6 vols.

Geiger.

Der Orient,

und Kritiken fr jdische Geschichte


Together with " Literaturblatt des Orients," edited

Berichte, Studien

Literatur.

1840-1851.

12 vols.

Frst.

Zeitschrift fr die religisen Interessen des Judenthums, edited by


Frankel.

3 vols.

1844-1846.

Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums,


edited from 1851 to 1868

by Frankel

from 1869 by Gratz.

Jdische Zeitschrift fr Wissenschaft und Leben, edited by Geiger.


11 vols.

1862-1875.

Jahrbcher fr jdische Geschichte und Literatur,


Brll, vol.

and

vi.

i.

1874, vol.

1883, vol.

vii.

ii.

1876, vol.

1885, vol.

viii.

iii.

1877, vol.

iv.

edited

by

1879, vols. v_

1887.

Magazin fr die Wissenschaft des Judenthums,

edited

by Berliner

and Hoffmann, beginning in 1876.

Eevue des tudes


juives.

juives, Quarterly publication of the Society des Andes

Paris 1880 sqq.

By way

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

of supplement to the literature given

in

1,

we

mention here the more important works under those depart-

ments which may be regarded as auxiliary


study

now

Biblical

To

before us.

this class belong the following:

and

I.

III.

manners, and

civil institutions,

customs of the Jewish people.

V.

branch of

and Jewish Antiquities or Archaeology, which has

to describe the religious

tine.

to that

The Geography

II.

of Pales-

Jewish Chronology.

IV. Jewish Numismatics.

The

Geography and Chronology

Jewish Inscriptions.

afford us tlie framework, not to speak of space

and time, in

which the history with which we are concerned

is

the Numismatics and Inscriptions afford the

contained

original

docu-

mentary materials.

A.

rich

Jewish Archaeology,

collection

of older

monographs on

Biblical

and

Jewish Archaeology was made by Ugolini in his Tkcsaurtui


antiquitatuvi sacrum, in

The shorter handbooks


whole range of

34

folio vols.,

treat for the

" Antiquities,"

or

tion.

various

The material
Biblical

of

Archaeology

Dictionaries

most part either

of the

particular departments,

of

such as the religious worship of the

Venice 17441769.

civil
is

law and constitu-

also dealt with in the

and Encyclopaedias.

Finally,

expositions of Jewish institutions and usages in post-Talmudic

times afford supplementary details.

very complete

list

of the older literature

theca huttorica, L 2. 118-207.

is

Lists of the

given by Meusel, iblio-

more recent

literature are

INTRODUCTION.

1-4

given in Winer, Handbuch der


Herzog's

Ileal- Encydopaedie,

theol. Literatur,

2 Aufl.

i.

608

i.

133

ff.

Retschi in

f.

Keil, Manual of Biblical Arcliaeology. 2 vols. Edinburgh 1887-1888.


Ewald, The Antiquities of Israel. London 1876.

Michaelis, Commentaries on

Reland, Antiquitates
1713.

Notas

Oxford 1836.

3rd ed.

Jahn, Biblical Antiquities.

tlie

Law

sacrae veterum

adj.

of Moses.

Blasio Ugolino

illustratae, in LTgolini Thes.

by Rau

1814.

Utrecht 1708, Jena

A.

Eb. Rau, Herborn 1743.

amplissimo commentario

London

4 vols.

Hebraeorum.

t.

1744.

ii.

and Ugolini, by Vogel.

Halle

Iken, Antiquitates hebr. secundum triplicem Judaeorum statura,

ecclesi-

with the notes

Edited,
1769.

asticum politicum et oeconomicum.

Waehner,

Bremen

1730.

Antiquitates Ebraeorum de Israeliticae gentis origine,

rebus sacris civilibus et domesticis.

Carpzov, Apparatus

2 vols.

and Moses

"

Frank-

historico-criticus antiquitatum sacri codicis.

Properly a reprint of an older work

fort 1748.

of 1616, but with notes

fatis,

Gttingen 1743.

Goodwin's "Aaron

which in extent and importance

far exceed the original text.

De Wette, Lehrbuch

der hebrisch-jdischen Archologie nebst einem

Grundriss der hebrisch-jdischen Gescliichte, new ed. by Rbiger.


Leipzig 1864.

Saalschtz, Das Mosaische Recht, nebst den vervollstndigenden Tal-

mudisch - Rabbinischen Bestimmungen.


1853.

2nd

ed.

Berlin

2 vols.

Also by same author, Archaeologie der Hebrer.

vols.

Knigsberg 1855-1856.
Scholz, Die

heiligen

Alterthmer des Volkes

In

Israel.

2 parts.

Regensburg 1868.

Haneberg, Die

religisen

Alterthmer der Bibel.

Munich

ScHEGG, Biblische Archaeologie, edited by Wirthmller.

1869.

Freiburg 1887-

Bodenschatz, Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden, sonderlich


derer in Deutschland.

4 vols.

1748-1749.

Schrder, Satzungen und Gebruche des talmudisch-rabbinischen Judenthums.

Bremen

1851.

B.
Tlie exploration

Geography.

of the

Holy Land has been conducted

during the present century with such energy that

it

is

diffi-

enormous

cult out of the

15

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

literature to

the works that

select

We

distinguish

all

the rest in the rich abundance of

among these two classes


1. Comprehensive treatises by authors who have not been
themselves upon the scene, but who work up tlie materials
brought them and 2. The researches carried on in the laud
itself.
Under the former category there are two great works
are most important.

stand out from

wliicli

their

materials,

Reland presenting the older material, and

more

Eitter the

These two works will long be

recent.

dispensable to the student.


of

convenient handbook

Eaumer, of which, however,

edition

original research,

we have no more

Among

than that of 1860.

treatises

mention should be made,

that
of

first

all,

is

in-

that

recent

embody
of the

American Eobinson's epoch-making work, which furnished a


profusion of

new and important

Still

facts.

more completely

and systematically has the French scholar Gut^rin explored and


described the whole of the country west of the Jordan from

Both

place to place.

munication of

tlie

of

results

these writers, along with

of their research, give a very full

account of the historical associations.

accompany by way of explanation the

The Memoirs, which

large English map, deal

simply with the Palestine of the present day.


of Jerusalem forms a science

by

itself.

English and a German, are devoted

more recent

show
of

clearly

Menke

ment

is

discoveries.

the
to

Among

political

a com-

history

to

The topography

Two

magazines, an

the recording of the

historical

atlases

from step to

be specially recommended.

which

step,

that

In the depart-

of map-drawing, all earlier productions have been put

in the shade

by the great English map,

in

twenty-six sheets,

produced on the spot by the Palestine Exploration Society


during the years 1872-1877, according to exact topographical

measurement of the country west of the Jordan.

The English

have also supplied the best groundwork

for

a topography of

1864-1865

Sir

Charles Wilson

Jerusalem.

In the years

INTRODUCTION.

made a topographical survey

1867-1870

of Jerusalem,

and

in the years

the English Palestine Exploration Society con-

ducted the most thorough excavations and measurements on


the site of the temple, to which the labours of the

Germans

could only contribute some further details.

A complete

list

of the older Palestinian literature

inMeusel, Bihliolheca
literature

down

Palestine,

iii.,

historica,

1840

to

is

2.

i.

down

to be found

An

oppressively complete

list

given in Tobler, Bibliographia geographica

is

Palaestinae, Leipzig 1867.


travellers' accounts

is

good survey of that

given in Kobinson, Biblical Researches in

Appendix A, pp. 1-28.

of Palestinian literature

70-118.

yet fuller catalogue

of the earlier

to the tenth century after Christ than

is

may be found in Tobler's Bibliographia geographica


ab anno CCCXXXIII. usque ad annum, M. Dresdae, 1875

given there,
Palaestinae

(reprinted as a separate
Bibliographie

und

monograph from Petzholdt's Neue Anzeiger fr


Continuations of and

Bibliothekwissenschaft, 1875).

additions to Tobler's

work have been made by Ph. Wolff

Jahrbcher fr deutsche Theologie,

1868 and 1872

Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach

dem

in the

Ehricht and

heiligen Lande, Berlin

and Socin and Jacob in their yearly summaries

and reviews, in the

Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina- Vereins, Bd.

1880, pp. 541-648

i.-ix.,

by Socin

the literature

is

later

volumes by Jacob.

also given

by

F.

W.

sketch and review of

Schultz, in article " Palstina,"

in Herzog, Eeal-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl. Bd. xi. (1883) pp. 800-804.

1.

Treatises presenting Results,

Keland, Palaestina ex monumentis veteribus

Utrecht 1714.

illustrata.

Bitter, The Comparative Geography of Palestine and the Sinaitic Penin4

sula.

vols.

Edin. 1866.

This

is

a translation of portions of Die

Erdkunde im Verhltniss zur Natur und zur

2nd

ed.,

Berlin

greatly enlarged

1848-1855.

Of

Geschichte des Menschen,

and partly rewritten.


this

work Part

Parts siv. -xvii.

xiv. (1848) treats of the

Sinai Peninsula; xv. 1 (1850), of the Great Depression of the Jordan

Valley, the Course and the Region of the Jordan; xv. 2 (1851), of the

country west of the Jordan and the Dead Sea (Perea)


Judea, Samaria, Galilee

xvii. 1 (1854), of Phoenicia,

the mountain lands of Northern Syria

xvi. (1852), of

Lebanon, and

xvi. 2 (1855), the Course of

the Orontes iu the

17

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

country of Northern Syria with the

flat

Amanus

Range.

Porter, Holy Land, Syria, Palestine, Peninsula of


Deserts, Petra, Damascus,

Murray's Handbook

and Palmyra

Sinai,

Edom, Syrian

with Maps and Plans.

In

Series.

Handbook to Palestine and Syria. In Baedeker's Series.


London 1876.
Henderson, Handbook on Palestine. Edin. [188].
Raumer, Palstina. 4th ed. Leipzig 1860.
QuANDT, Judaa und die Nachbarschaft im Jahrhundert vor und nach der
SociN, Traveller's

Geburt

Josephus.

Short, bat independent.

Gtersloh 1873.

Christi.

Boettger, Topographisch

historisches

Leipzig 1879.

Collects

Lexicon zu den Schriften des


all

Neubauer, La g^ographie du Talmud.

the material out of Josephus.

Paris

1868.

Gathers

together

material from rabbinical literature, but by no means in a complete


or thorough way.

In the Dictionaries of Smith, Fairbairn, Kitto, M'Clintock and Strong,


Winer, Schenkel, Riehm, place-names occurring in the Bible are
dealt with.

2.

Becords of Oin'ginal Hesearch.

Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, fount Sinai, and Arabia


Petrea.

journal of travels in the year 1838 by E. Eobinson and

E. Smith, undertaken in reference to biblical geography.

London

1841.

Also

adjacent Regions.

vols.

Later Biblical Researches in Palestine and the

journal of travels in the year 1852 by E.

Robinson, E. Smith, and others.

Drawn up from

with historical illustrations by E. Robinson.

the original diaries,

London

Physical

1856.

Geography of the Holy Land. London 1865.


Stanley, Sinai and Palestine in Connection with their Histoiy.

London

1856.

Wilson, Lands of the Bible

visited

and described in an extensive journey

undertaken with special leference to the promotion of biblical research.


2 vols.

Edin. 1847.

Van de Velde, Journey through Sinai and


Van Lennep, Bible Lands and Customs.
Thomson, The Land and the Book
the manners and customs, the
*
London 1859.
DIV.

I.

VOL. L

Palestine.

2 vols.

2 vols.

London

Edin. 1854.

1875.

or, biblical illustrations

drawn from

scenes and scenery of the

Holy Land.

INTRODUCTION'.

18
The Survey of "Western

This

Palestine,

is

general

tlie

title

work, the several portions of which have the following special

of the
titles

Special Papers on topography, archaeology, manners and customs,

by Wilson, Warren, Conder, Kitchener, Palmer,


etc.
London
1881.
Arabic and English Name Lists, collected by Conder and
Kitchener, transliterated and explained by Palmer. London 1881.
Memoirs of the topography, orography, hydrography, and archaeo-

etc.,

contributed

George Smith, Greville-Chester, Clermont-Ganneau,

by Conder and Kitchener.

logy,

Jerusalem, by

and Flora of

in 7 vols., with the large

map

London 1884
The Fauna
London 1884. All together
to below and the large plans

referred

work

criticizing the

(Expos., third

series, vol.

Conder (Expos., third

Gonder, Tent Work in

Fund Committee.

of the English

Merill,

its

by

pp. 321-335),

iii.

Published by Palestine Exploration

Palestine.

London 1878.

2 vols.

London

Tristram, Topography of the Holy Land.

Palestine

Exploration Society

pp. 241-262), the other a defence

ii.

series, vol,

Trelawnet Saunders, An

London 1881-1883.

vols.

See two papers in the Expositor, one

of excavations in Jerusalem.

by Socin

Warren and Conder.


Palestine, by Tristram.

Introduction

1876.

Survey of Western

the

to

London

waterways, plains, and highlands.

1881.

record of travels and observations in the countries of Moab,

Gilead,

New York

and Bashan during 1875-1877.

ToBLER, Bethlehem in Palstina.

Golgotha

1849.

1881.

seine Kirchen

und

1851. Die Siloahquelle und der Oelberg. 1852. DenkZweiBcher Topographie von Jerusalem
bltter aus Jerusalem. 1853.
Klster.

und seinen Umgebungen. 2 vols. 1853-1854. Dritte Wanderung nach


Palstina im Jahre. 1857. Eittdurch Philista,Fussreisen im Gebirge
Judas und Kachlese in Jerusalem.

1859.

Nazareth in Palstina.

18G8.

Sepp, Jerusalem

und das

Syrien und Aegypten.

De

heilige

Land

2 vols.

2nd

Saulcy, Voyage en Terre Sainte.


Paris 1882.

On

earlier

ed.

Pilgerbuch nach Palstina,


Schaffhausen 1873-1876.
Paris 1865.

2 vols.

works of De Saulcy,

graphia geographica, p. 180

I.

Judee.

Paris 1874-1875.

3 vols.

Jerusalem.

Tobler,

Biblio-

f.

GuERiN, Description geographique, historique


Palestine.

see

ct

Paris 1868-1869.

III. Galilee.

2 vols.

Paris

promised on Jerusalem has not yet appeared.

arclu'ologique
II.

Samarie.

de la
2 vols.

1880.The volume

19

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

Topography of Jerusalem.

3.

Topographical desciii)tions of Jerusalem are given in the hooks ahove

mentioned of

Hitter,

Raumer, Robinson, Socin, de Saulcy, Sepp,

and Tobler.
In addition to these we
Krafft, etc.

may name

the Monographs of Olshausen, Schultz,

London

Williams, The Holy City.

2nd

1845.

eii.

London 1855. Besant and


Thrupp, Ancient Jerusalem.
Palmer, Jerusalem, the city of Herod and Saladin. London 1871.
1849.

Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of

Edinburgh 1876.

Christ.

Appendix: Topography of Jerusalem,

Also various essays in the Zeitschrift des deutscheu

pp. 256-308.

Palstina - Vereins, by Schick (vol.


ii.

18-47, 189-200,

xi. 1-37),

iii.

and Spiess

(xi.

i.

15-23), Alten

46-59)

(i.

61-100,

iv.

18-56,

and of these Klaiber makes

contri-

116-176), Klaiber

(iii.

189-213,

butions of special value.


Materials for the topography, especially in reference to the site of the

Temple, are given in the reports of the Excavations and Researches


of the English Society.

good general sketch will be found in

Wilson and Warren, The Recovery of Jerusalem, edited by Morrison,


London 1871 and Our Work in Palestine, being an account of the
;

different expeditions sent out to the

Exploration

Fund

London

ground Jerusalem.
alte

since 1865.

Holy Land by the Palestine

London

1876.

Tempelplatz zu Jerusalem wie er jetzt

4.

Atlases, Charts,

Warren, Under-

1877.

Schick, Beit el
ist.

Makdas oder der

Jerusalem 1887.

and Plans.

SiiiTH and Grove, Atlas of Ancient Geography, biblical and classical,

intended to illustrate Smith's Classical Dictionaries, and especially


the Dictionary of the Bible.

Menke,

London 1875

Bibelatlas in acht Blttern.

Kiepert, Bibelatlas.

Berlin 1847.

(43 maps).

Gotha 1868.
3rd ed. 1854.

OoRT, Atlas voor bijbelsche en kerkelijke geschiedenis.

Groningen

1884.

Van de Velde, Map


London

1858.

of the

Holy Land, with memoir

The best map before that of

to

accompany

it.

the English Society had

appeared.

Map

of Western Palestine, in 26

sheets,

from surveys conducted for

the Committee of the Palestine Exploration

Fund by Cunder and

20

INTRODUCTION.
Kitchener during the years 1872-1877.

Committee
1880.

This map

clear

as

Ordnance Survey

at the

is

The

could he wished.

been issued under a similar

is far

London

Southampton.

of the highest value, but the printing

Another smaller edition on the

sheets, is

Photozincographed for the

Office,

most suitable

behind that of

London

Wilson, Ordnance Survey

an inch

1881.

to a mile has

This

map, in 6

In clearness of printing

for ordinary use.

Van

not so

inch to the mile.

scale is 1

scale of f of

title.

is

it

de Velde.

of Jerusalem during 1864-1865.

of the Jerusalem of to-day in respect of accuracy

This

plan

and exactness

supersedes all earlier attempts,

Warren,

Plans, Elevations, Sections,

etc.,

showing the

results of the

excavations at Jerusalem, 1867-1870, executed for the Committee of


the Palestine Exploration
tains fifty plans

on a large

topography of the Temple

Fund by Warren.

Con-

site.

Palestine Exploration Fund.

London 1884.

with the most minute details on the

scale,

Journals.

Quarterly Statement.

Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina

Issued since 1869.

Vereins, edited

carrying on the work under the direction of

by the Committee

Hermann

Guthe.

Issued since 1878.

C.

The various methods


and

in all ages

in his

Chronology.
all

set forth

nations

by Ideler

Handbook, which, notwithstanding the great amount

research

Eoman

since

his day, has

not yet been antiquated.

of

For

chronology the Fasti constdares form unquestionably

the most reliable source of information.

veys of Hellenistic and

Roman

history,

original sources, will be found in the

and

among

of time-reckoning

have been collected and

Chronological sur-

with references to the

works of Clinton, Fisher,

others.

Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie.


2 vols.

Berlin 1825-1826.

Lehrbuch der Chronologie.

Berlin

1831.

GMPACH, Hlfsbuch der rechnenden Chronologie. 1853.


MoMMSEN, Die rmische Chronologie bis auf Csar. 2 Aufl.

Berlin 1859.

21

AUXILIARY SCIENCES,

2.

Marqardt, Rmische Staatsvervvaltunf,', Bd. iii. (2 Aufl. bes. von


Wissowa 1885), pp. 281-298, 567 If. Au excellent suiuinary aecouab
of the

Roman

Calendar.

Matzat, Rmische Chronologie.

Mller,

art.

wissenschaft,

BouCHET,

On

2 vols.

Berlin 1883-1884.

" Aera," in Pauly's Real-Encyclop. der class. Altcrthumsi.

1,

2 Aufl. pp. 404-422.

Paris 1868.

Ht'nK^rologie.

the Jewish Calendar, see

Appendix

CCXLV.

Fasti consulares ab a.u.c.


inter se collati cura Th.

iii.

at the end of vol.

ad a.u.c.

Mommseni (Corp.

DCCLXVI.
Inscr. Lat.

ii.

qui supersunt

t. i.

pp. 481-552).

Klein, Fasti consulares inde a Caesaris nece usque ad imperium DioLips. 1881.

cletiani.

Clinton, Fasti Hellenici

and Rome,
Augustus.

vol.

iii.

The civil and literary chronology of Greece


From the CXXIV"* Olympiad to the death of
:

2nd

Oxford 1830.

Clinton, Fasti Romani

the

ed. 1851.

and

civil

Justin II.

2 vols.

Rome

literary chronology of

and Constantinople from the death of Augustus

to the death of

Oxford 1845-1850.

Fischer, Rmische Zeittafeln von

Roms Grndung

bis auf Augustus' Tod.

Altona 1846.
Peter, Zeittafeln der rmischen Geschichte zum Handgebrauch.
Halle 1867.

ZMPT, Annales veterum regnorum


ed. 3.

4 Aufl.

Considerably shorter than Fischer.

Berol. 1862.

et

populorum imprimis Romanorum.

A summary sketch without quotation of autho-

rities.

Knaake, Wie rechnet Josephus

die Jahre der rmischen Kaiser

(Zeit-

schrift fr luth. Theol. 1871, pp. 224^247).

Wieseler, Ueber die Regierungsjahre der rmischen Kaiser nach Josephus


(Zeitschrift fr luth. Theol. 1872, pp. 55-63).

Seyffarth, Chronologie der rmischen Kaiser von Csar

Bezug auf das Neue Testament

bis Titus in

(Zeitschrift fr luth. Theol. 1873, pp.

50-76).

On
Lewin, Fasti Sacri

London

1865.

or, a

An

Biblical Chronology.

Key

to the

the biblical, but also of the


to A.D. 70, with
style of Clinton.

Chronology of the

New

Testament.

able survey, in the form of annals, not only of

Roman and Jewish

history,

from

abundant quotations from original sources

B.c.

70

after the


22

INTRODUCTION.

Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of

Edinburgh 1876.

Christ.

WiESELER, Chronological Synopsis

of the Four Gospels, translated by


[German original. Hamburg 1843.]
Fairbairn, Hermeneutical Manual or Introduction to the Exegetical
Study of the New Testament Scriptures. Edinburgh 1858.

Venables.

London

1864.

Seyffarth, Summary of Recent Discoveries in Biblical Chronology,

New York

1882.

Ellicott, Historical Lectures on the Life of our Lord Jesus Christ, being

London

Hulsean Lectures for 1859.

WuRM, Astronomische
und Todesjahres
pp. 1-39

1860.

Beitrge zur genherten

Jesu.

Bestimmung des Geburts-

In Bengel's Archiv fr die Theologie, 1816,

1817, pp. 261-313.

WiESELER, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der Evangelien der evangeGotha 1869.

lischen Geschichte.

Seyffarth, Chronologia

sacra,

Untersuchungen ber das Geburtsjahr des

Herrn und die Zeitrechnung des Alten und Neuen Testamentes.


Leipzig 1846.

QuANDT, Zeitordnung und Zeitbestimmungen


under the

title

stndniss der heiligen Schrift,

i.

Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu.

Ljungberg, Chronologie de
(1.

On

in den Evangelien (also

Chronologisch-geographische Beitrge

2.

Tbingen 1874.

2 Aufl.

la vie de Jesus,

the day of Jesus' death,

On

zum Ver-

Gtersloh 1872.

1).

deux Etudes.

Paris 1879.

the year of Jesus' birth, see Lit

Centralhl. 1879, p. 537.)

MrMAiN, La connaissance des temps evangeliques. Paris 1886 (543

French companion

The following works


birth

and the year

Sanclemente, De

work on the
Rsch,

Zum

pp. 3-48.

of

treat specially of the year of Jesus*

Herod's death

vulgaris aerae emendatione.

Romae

1793.

The

classical

subject.

Geburtsjahr Jesu, in Jahrbb. fr deutsche Theologie, 1866,

Compare

also his reviews of the

and Sevin in the Stud, und


538

pp.).

treatise to Wieseler's Synopsis.

1875, pp. 585-596.

Krit. 1870, pp.

work

of Caspari,

357-388

Zu nipt,

1871, pp. 515-

ZoMPT, Das Geburtsjahr


RiESS

(S. J.),

23

AUXlLIAItY SCIENCES.

2.

Leipzig 18G9.

Christi.

Das Geburtsjahr

Freiburg 1880.

Christi.

ScHEGG, Das Todesjahr des Knigs Herodes und das Todesjahr Jesu
Christi.

RiESS,

1882.

Nochmals das Geburtsjahr Jesu

Ewald, History

1883.

Christi.

London 1885. Vol. vii. "The Apostolic Age,"


The Chronology of this Period."
Zeitbestimmungen im Leben des Apostels Paulus

of Israel.

especially pp. 37-43, "

WURM, Ueber

die

(Tbinger Zeitschrift fr Theologie, 1883,

Heft, pp. 3-103).

Anger, De temporum in actis apostolorum ratione. Lips. 1833.


Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters. Gttingen 1848 (in
which also on pp. C-9 we shall find lists of more of the older
literature).

Lehmann, Chronologische Bestimmung der


13-28, erzhlten Begebenheiten

in der Apostelgeschichte, Cap.

{TJieol.

Stud,

und

Krit. 1858, pp.

312-339).

Aberle, Zur Clironologie der Gefangenschaft Pauli (Theoh Quartalschr.


1883, pp. 553-572).

D.

ricli

abundance of

increased by

new

The History

of

Phoenician and
Tlie

Numismatics.
coins,

which

is

discoveries, is helpful

the

Seleucidae

Hellenistic cities

Jewish Numismatics

with special zeal since

A.D.

in

2.

The

3.

being constantly

in ilhistrating

History

of

1.

the

The Jewish History.


has been developed

particular

1854, when De Saulcy's Ecchcrchcs

sur la Numismatique juda'iquc appeared.

1.

Cough, Coins of the


of their reign

Seleucid Coinjt.

Seleucidae, Kings of Syria

from the establishment

under Seleucus Nicator to the termination of

Antiochus Asiaticus.

With

historical

memoirs of each

it

reign.

under
Hlus-

trated with twenty-four plates of coins, from the cabinet of the late

Matthew Duane.

Gardner, Catalogue

London
of the

1803.

Greek Coins

in the British

Museum.

The

24

INTRODUCTION-.
Kings

Seleucid

of

twenty-eiglit

"With

Syria.

1878. Rich in material, and extremely


eight plates

photographs, with

give good

coin

London

plates.

The twenty-

serviceable.

portraits

of the

successive Seleucid kings.

BuNBURY, Rare and unpublished Coins of the Seleucidan Kings of Syria.


In the Numismatic Chronicle, 1883, pp. 65-107.
Head, Historia numorum, a Manual of Greek Numismatics, London 1887,
pp. 637-649.

EcKHEL, Dodrina numorum veterum,


classical

work on the

t.

iii.

MroNNET, Description des medailles antiques,


Supplement,

t.

viii.

209-249.

(1794) pp.

The

subject.

(1837) pp. 1-81.

t.

(1811) pp. 1-109.

v.

The classical work on the subject.

TufisoR, de numismatique et de glyptique (edited under the direction of

Lenormant), Numismatique des rois grecs, Paris 1849, pp. 83-114,


planches xxxiv.-lv.

De

(folio).

Saulct, Memoire sur

les

monnaies datees des Seleucides.

(publication de la Societe frangaise de

Numismatique

Paris 1871

et d'archeologie).

De

Saulcy, Monnaies des Seleucides munies de contremarques (Melanges

De

Saulcy, Monnaies inedites de Tryphon, frappees dans

de Numismatique,

t.

i.

1875, pp. 45-64).

times de la Phenicie (Melanges de Numismatique, t.

ii.

les villes

mari-

1877, pp. 76-84).

Friedlnder and Sallet, Das knigliche Mnzkabinet [at Berlin].


Geschichte und Uebersicht der Sammlung nebst erklrender
Beschreibung der auf Schautischen ausgelegten Auswahl (2 Aufl.
1877), pp. 122-131.

Friedlnder

in Sallet's Zeitschr. fr Numismatik, vi. 1879, p. 7

vii.

224-227. On coins of Antiochus VIIL and IX.


Imhoof - Blumer, Monnaies grecques (in Verhandelingen der koninkl.
1880, pp.

Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, veertiende


Amsterdam 1883), pp. 422-438.
Imhoof - Blumer, Portrtkpfe auf antiken Mnzen hellenischer und
deel,

hellenisirter Vlker, Leipzig 1885, pp. 28-32, Tafel

iii.

n.

8-28

iv. n.

1-13 (admirable photographs).

2.

Ciiis of the Free Cities.


a.

Head, Coinage of Lydia and


Orientalia.

London

1878.

figures of Persian kings.

Phoenician.

In the International Numismata

Persia.

At

p.

31

ff.,

Phoenician

coins

with

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

Six,

Observations

sur

raonnaies

les

Chronicle, 1877, pp. 177-241.

25

pheniciennes.

The

In

most complete

Numismatic

treatise

on the

subject.

Brandis, Das Mnz-, Maass- und Gewichtswesen in Vorderasien.

Berlin

1866.

Reichardt, Beitrge zur phnischen Numismatik (Wiener Numismat.


Zeitschrift,

ii.

1870, pp. 1-16).

Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques, 1883, pp. 440-449.


L. Mller, Numismatique d'Alexandre le Grand.
Copenhagen 1855.
The bilingual coins of Alexander form the transition from the
Phoenician
ii.

vol.

i.

to the

b,

Reichardt,

On

Greek.

the Ale.xander coins of Akko, in Div.

p. 91.

Greek and Roman.

Greek

Unpublisheil

Imperial

Coins.

Numismatic

In

Chronicle, 1862, pp. 104-122.

Head,

Ilidoria

numorum, Loudon 1887, pp. 662-681.

EcKHEL, Dodrina numorum veterum,

Hber, Unedirte Bronzemnze

pp. 328-445.

iii.

geprgt (Wiener Numismat. Zeitschr., Bd.

Mionnet, Description des medailles antiques,


viii.

De

Commodus

in Tiberias Galilaeae unter


i.

v.

1869, pp. 401-414).

281-552.

Supplement,

192-377.

Saulcy, Numismatique de

autonomes

et imperiales

la

Terre Sainte, Description des monnaies

de la Palestine et de l'Arabie Petree.

Paris

1874.
Jev:ish Coins.

3.

The more

recent literature, since A.D. 1849,

is

enumerated by Madden

Numismatic Chronicle, 1876, pp. 222-234; and

in Coins

of

in
tlie

Jews, pp. 317-324.

a.

Madden, Coins

Comprehensive Treatises.

London

of the Jews.

Jewish Numismatics.

We

1881.

Now the

cla?pical

have here an earlier work

work on

History of

New Testament, London


more recently discovered material incor-

Jewish Coinage of money in the Old and


1864, rewritten, with all
porated,

including

various papers exhibited

to

Chronicle, 1874, 1875, 1876.

EcKHEL, Dodrina numorum vderum,

445-498.

iii.

Levy, Geschichte der jdischen Mnzen.

Leipzig 1862.

the

Numismatic

26

INTRODUCTION.

Merzbacher, Untersuchungen
Numismatik,

Zeitsclir. fr

365;

V.

ber
iii.

(Sallet's

iv.

1877, pp. 350-

552-576.

Supplement,

1878, pp. 151-176, 292-319).

Mionnet, Description des m^dailles antiques,


viii.

Mnzen

althebrisclie

1876, pp. 183-215

v.

377-381.

Tresor, De numismatique

et de glyptique (edited

Numismatique des

of Lenormant),

under the direction

rois grecs, Paris 1849, pp.

118-

130, planches Ivii.-lxii.

Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik oder Erklrung der in

From

erwhnten alten Mnzen.

heil. Schrift

Hannover 1855,

2 Thl.

Italian.

1856.

De

Salct, Catalogue raisonn^ de Monnaies Judaiques recueillies


Jerusalem

en Novembre 1869 (Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, pp.

235-255).

De

Saulcy, Recherches sur

Numismatique

la

Contributes a large abundance of

new

Paris

judai'que.

1854

material.

Shorter Treatises on Matters of Detail.

b.

Reichardt, Inedited Coins of Judea, in Numismatic Chronicle, 1862, pp.


268-277. Also Remarks on some Jewish coins and some inedited

coins of Phoenicia,

174-189.

pp.

Judea,

Also:

etc.,

in Numismatic

Chronicle, 1864,

Unpublished coins of John Hyrcanus, in

Numismatic Chronicle, 1882, pp. 306, 307.


article "Money," in Smith's Dictionary of the

Poole,

Very complete.
Madden, Coins of the two
1866, pp. 36-65.

revolts of the Jews, in

Also

Bible, 1863.

Numismatic Chronicle,

Rare and unpublished Jewish

Numismatic Chronicle, 1879, pp. 13-22.

Also

article

coins, in

" Money,"

in Kitto's Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature.

Head,

Historia

numorum, a Manual of Greek Numismatics, London

1887, pp. 681-685.

Lewis, Shekel of the year

The Academy,
(12th

five,

in

Numismatic Chronicle, 1876,

p. 322.

(July-December 1874) pp. 277 (5th Sept.), 296


321 (19th Sept.), 459 (24th Oct.), 486 (31st Oct.),

vol. vi.

Sept.),

536 (14th Nov.).

Correspondence in regard

to the genuineness of a

Jewish Shekel found by Besant, Evans, and Conder at Jericho.

Ewald, Recension von de


1855,

641-655.

Saulcy's EechercJies, in den Gott. gel. Anzeigen

Also:

althebrischer Schrift, in
122.

Ueber das

dem

Zeitalter der

chten

Mnzen

Gott. "Nachrichten" 1855, pp. 109-

27

"Gold," in Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie,

article

1855, 763

In 2 Aufl. revid. von Eetschi,

ff.

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

2.

Arnold,

v.

Aufl.

iv,

32-37.

ZucKERMAJTN, Ueber talmudische Gewichte und Mnzen. 1862.


Herzfeld, Metrologische Voruntersuchungen zu einer Geschichte des
ibrischen resp. altjdischen Handels, Thl.

1863 (im Jahrb. tur

i.

Geschichte der Juden).

Cavedoni, Neuere Untersuchungen ber die antiken jdischen Mnzen,


bers,

von Werlhof (Mnzstudien, herausg. von Grote,

v.

1867, pp.

9-37).

Reichrdt, Ueber die Mnzen Simons des Makkaberfrsten (Wiener

Numismat. Monatshefte, herausg. von Egger, Bd.


Also

143).

Ueber

1867, pp. 103-116).

ii.

1866, pp. 137-

Mnzen der Makkaberfrsten (ebendas. iii.


Drei merkwrdige Mnzen der Knige Agrippa

die

und II. (Wiener Numismat. Zeitschrift, iii. 1871, pp. 8-3-90).


MoMMSEN, Zu den Mnzen Agrippa's I. und II. (Wiener Numismat.
I.

ZeiUschrift, Bd.

Merzbacher, De
Also

iii.

siclis

1871, pp. 449-457).

nuramis antiquissim Judaeorum.

(Zeitschrift

Numismatik,

fr

Bd.

1874,

i.

pp.

Jdische Sekel (Zeitschrift fr Numismatik, Bd.

HuLTSCH, Griechische und rmische Metrologie


456

ff.,

602

(2

iii.

219-237). Also

1876, pp. 141-144).

Bearbeit. 1882), pp.

ff.

Hamburger, Real-Encyclopdie
art.

Berol. 1873.

Jdische Aufstandsmnzen aus der Zeit Nero's und Hadrian's

fr Bibel

und Talmud,

2 Abtheil, 1883,

"Mnzen."

Mnzen aus Jerusalem

Stickel, Jdische

Palstina- Vereins,

vii.

(Zeitschrift

des deutschen

1884, pp. 211-214).

Grtz, Bedeutung der jdischen Mnzen mit dem Feststrauss (Lulab)

und dem Portale (Monatsschr.


thums, 1887, pp. 145-176).

fr Gesch.

Also

und Wissensch. des Juden-

Les monnaies de Simon du temps

de l'insurrection desjuifs sous Adrien (Revue des etudes juives,

t.

xvi. 1888, pp. 161-169).

De

Sulct, Lettre M. de

la

Saussaye sur

les

monnaies de cuivre frappees

h Jerusalem par l'ordre des gouverneurs romains de la Judee depuis


le

regne d'Auguste jusqu' celui de Neron (Revue Numismatique,

1853, pp. 186-201).

judaique (Revue

Also: Nouvelles observations sur la numismatique

Num.

1864, pp. 370-400). Lettre a

eur la numismatique judaique (Revue

Etude chronologique de
I.

et

Agrippa

II.

la vie et des

Num.

M.

J.

de Witte
Also

1865, pp. 29-55).

monnaies des

rois juifs

Agrippa

(Mc^moirs de la Societi^ fran;aise de Numismatique

et d'Arch(jologie, Section d'histoire et d'ethnographie,

1869.

This

28

INTRODUCTION.
same part contains other two

treatises,

pp.

3-25, and the above

named, pp. 26-56. The several memoirs are, as a rule, published


Also Note sur quelques monnaies
separately under a special title).

d'Ascalon (Annuaire de la Societe fran^aise de Numismatique et


d'Archeologie,

de Philippe

t. iii.

1868-1873, pp. 253-258).

Notes sur monnaies


Numismatique de
les

262-265).

tetrarque (ibid. pp.

le

Tiberiade (ibid. pp. 266-270).

Also

(Revue arch^ologique, nouv.

serie, vol. xxiii. 1872,

Numismatique des Macchabees

pp. 1-19).

Also:

Description de quelques monnaies judaiques nouvelles insufl&sammeut

connues (Melanges de Numismatique,

De Vog^, Monnaies

Juives, Eleasar

t. ii.

1877, pp. 85-94).

(Revue Numismatique, 1860, pp.

280-292).
R]viLiiOUT,

de

Note sur

les plus

anciennes monnaies hebraiques (Annuaire

de Numismatique et d'Archeologie,

la Societe frangaise

Seeks to show that the Hebrew- Phoenician shekel was

first

equal to four drachmas by the Ptolemies, whereas the old


shekel was only half the weight, viz. two drachmas.
the correspondence between
1884, p. 210 sqq.

viii.

Reixach,

Une monnaie

etudes juives,

ix.

viii.

reckoned

Hebrew

Compare also

Lenormant and Revillout in Annuaire,

1885, p. 89 sqq.

hybride des insurrections juives (Revue des

xv. 1887, pp. 56-61).

t.

t.

Revised reprint from Revue Egyptologique).

1884, pp. 113-146.

Les

monnaies juives (Revue

des etudes juives, 1887, p. cxxxi.-ccxix.).

Renan,

L'eglise chrdtienne, 1879, pp. 546-551.

On the coins of Barcochba.

Sallet, Die Silbermnzen des Barcochba (Zeitschrift fr Numismatik,


Bd.

V. 1878,

pp. 110-114).

Garrucci, Monete delle due rivolte giudaiche (Dissertazioni archeologiche


di vario argomento, vol.

ii.,

E.

The

Roma

1865, pp. 31-39).

Inschiptions.

inscriptions falling under our consideration here are

of various kinds

extra-Palestinian

Aramaic.

1.

Non-Jewish and Jewish, Palestinian and


written

in

Greek,

Latin,

Hebrew, and

The non- Jewish Greek and Latin

inscriptions

from Palestine and neighbouring countries have been collected


in

the Corpus Inscriptionum, Graecarum, vol.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinaruvi,

vol.

iii.

iii.,

Both

and

in

the

collection.s,

especially the

29

AUXILIAKY SCIENCES,

2.

meanwhile been largely supple-

former, have

mented by the discoveries of Wetzstein, Waddington, and

The

others.

inscriptions referred to afford highly important

information regarding the state of civilisation and culture in


the pagan

of

districts

Palestinian inscriptions,

Palestine

many

(see

places are of interest in connection


period, as are also

outside of

by

De

it,

many

22).

Besides the

that have been found in other

with the history of our

Semitic inscriptions in Palestine and

among which the Nabatean

inscriptions collected

Vogue and Euting are specially important.

2.

Of the

Jewish inscriptions, those in Hebrew have been collected by

Chwolson

are those in
in

Palestine

important of
at

More numerous

by him.

in the Quarterly edited

Greek and Latin, mostly epitaphs on tombstones


and
all

outside

of

it

and most numerous and

are those taken from the Jewish catacombs

Rome.
1.

Non- Jewish

Inscriptions.

Corpus Inscriptionuin Graecarum,

t. iii.

Corpus Inscriptionuin Latinaium,

t.

iii.

1853, n. 4444-4669.
1873, n. 86-211, 6027-G049.

Additional inscriptions from the Hauran and the eastern desert of Syria,

communicated by G. C. Graham, and edited with a preface and notes

by John Hogj^ (Transactions


second

series, vol. vi.,

of the

London

Royal Society of Literature,

1859, pp. 270-323).

Allein, Greek and Latin in.scriptions from Palestine (American Journal


of Philology, vi. 1885, pp. 190-216).

Wetzstein, Ausgewhlte griechische und lateinische Inschriften, gesammelt auf Reisen in den Trachonen und um das Haurngebirge

(Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, 1863, philol.-histor. Classe,


Compare also Wetzstein, Reisebericht ber Hauran
pp. 255-368).

und Trachonen.

Berlin 1860.

MoRDTMANN, Griechische Inschriften aus Arabia (Trachonitis) (Rhein.


Museum, xxvii. 1872, pp. 146-148, 496). Only si.x inscriptions, mostly

liagmentaiy, of which two, the most complete, were previously

given by

Hauran

Waddington.

Also

Griechische

Inschriften

(Archol.-epigr. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich,

180-192).

viii.

aus

dem

1884, pp.

Also: Beitrge zur Inschriftenkunde Syriens (Zeitschrift

des deutschen Palstina- Vereins,

vii.

1884, pp. 119-124).

INTRODUCTION.

GiLDEMElSTKR, Bemerkungen zu den griechischen Inschriften

Frei's

Schuhmacher's (Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina- Vereins,

und

1388,

xi.

pp. 38-45).

Waddington

in

recueillies

Le Bas

et

en Grece

Waddington, Inscriptions grecques

Syria are in vol.

iii.

explanations in Pt.

2,

1870

the text in Pt.

pp. 435-631.

communicated by Waddington

Clermont-Ganneau,

The

en Asie Mineure.

et

is

The

pp. 449-625, the

1,

number

of

new

discoveries

very considerable.

du Haurn

Inscriptions grecques inedites

regions adjacentes (Revue archeologique, troisieme serie,

may

Single inscriptions

pp. 260-284).

et latines

inscriptions froni

et des

iv.

t.

1884,

be found quoted in various

rejiorts of travel in Palestine.

Inscriptions referring to the Herodian princes have been, collected liy

in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift fr Wissenschaftl.


f248-255.

To

Atticarum,

t.

this collection

iii.

1,

may

be added

Corpus Inscription U7ti

1878, n. 550, 551, 556.

Corpus Inscriptionem

2502 (Herod Antipas in Coos).

Graecarum, n.
helMnique,

pars

iii.

t.

1879,

p.

365

sq.

(Herod

Bulletin de corrcs.

Antipas

Archolog.-epigr. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich,

= Zeitschrift
(Agrippa

The Roman
to

des deutschen

Palstina- Vereins,

viii.

vii.

in

Dolos).

1884, p. 189

121

1884, p.

f.

f.

II.).

inscriptions referring to the Jewish history from Vespasian

Hadrian have been collected by Darmesteter, Eevue

juives,

me

Theologie, 1873, pp.

t. i.

The Semitic

des etudes

1880, pp. 32-55.

inscriptions have been collected in the most complete

in the Corpus InscripMonum Semiticarum,

manner

which has been in course

of publication at Paris since 1881.

Up

to the present

With

only the Phoenician, inscriptions have been issued.

Eschmunazar

reference to one of these, the inscription of

which gives dates important


88, 89.

The most

for the history, see Div.

interesting

in.

relation

to

ii.

vol.

i.

pp.

our subject of the

non-Jewish Semitic inscriptions are the Nabatean, which have been

made
1885.

available to us in the editions of

de Vogue, 1868, and Euting,

For further particulars regarding

close of second volume.

It

is

these, see

Appendix

II. at

only the slightest possible sort of

connection with our subject that can be claimed for the numerous

Aramaic and Greek inscriptions of Palmyra (edited by de Vog^,


Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions semitiques.

Paris 1868),

among which,

especially the bilingual Tariff of Taxes of Palmyra, discovered in

1881, belonging to
text

tlie

1884, pp. 417-436

Berliner Akad.

is

most important.

by Schroeder,

the Greek text

Tlie

Sitzungsh. der

by Dessau,

in

xix. 1884, pp. 486-533.

Hermes, Bd.

Jewish Inscriptions.

2.

Madden

age of Hadrian,

edited in the best style

is

31

AUXILIARY SCIENCES.

?.

Aramaic

gives a list of Jewish Inscriptions in his Coins of the Jews,

pp. 34-39.

Chwolson, Corjms Inscriptionum Ilehraicarum, containing epitaphs from


the Crimea and other epitaphs and inscriptions in the old Hebrew
square characters, as well as specimens from manuscripts of ninth

and

fifteenth centuries.

from the Crimea,

down

square characters
partial list

also

is

forschung des A. T.

Among

Petersburg 1882.

St.

Besides

the epitaphs

gives a collection of all inscriptions in the

it

to

Hebrew

the eleventh century after Christ.

given by Merx, Archiv fr wissenschaftl. Eri.

360-362,

the oldest inscriptions collected by Chwolson, the following are

elsewhere treated of separately

1.

The epitaph

of the Bene Chesir on

the so-called tomb of St. James at Jerusalem, belonging to the Herodian

period (de Vogd, Eevue archcologique, nouv.

n.

1.

t.

ix.

1864, pp.

360

Merx, Archiv fr wissenschaftl. Erforschung des A. T.

398-405.
i.

serie,

Le temple de Jerusalem, pp. 45, 130 sqq., pi. xxxvii.


De Saulcy, Revue archeolog., nouv. serie, t. xi. 1865, pp. 137-153,
Also

200-209).

sq.).

2.

Some Synagogue

Inscriptions in the north of Galilee,

from the time of the Roman Emperors (Renan, Mission de Phcnicio,


pp. 761-783).

To

these

may

also be

added a similar one from Pal-

myra, which contains the beginning of the Jewish Schma Deut.

vi.

4-9 (Landauer, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1884,

p.

933

ff.).

are those

The numerous Jewish Epitaphs.


Among the latter
from the Crimea of a much later date than previously
3.

Chwolson, on the basis of


witsch, supposed
p. 219)

them

false dates

attached to tliem by Firko-

to be (for the literature, see Div.

these, partly

in Hebrew,

Clermont-Ganxeau, Nouveaux
et hebraiques

Also

nouv.

vol.

s^rie,

t.

ii.

On

partly in Greek, the following authors,

before and after Chwolson, specially treat

414).

ii.

the Palestinian inscriptions aie older, but very short.

ossuaires juifs avec inscriptions grecques

(Revue archelogique, nouv.


Ossuaire juif de Joseph

serie,

fils

xxxvi. 1878, pp. 305-311).

t,

xxv. 1873, pp. 398-

de Jean (Revue archeol.,


Hebraic.

32

INTRODUCTION.

Viktor Schultze, Sarkophage und Grabinschriften aus Jerusalem

(Zeit-

schrift des deutschen Palstina- Vereins, iv. 1881, pp. 9-14).

Grtz, Die jdischen Steinsarkophage in Palstina (Monatsschrift, fr


Gesch.

und Wissensch. des Judenthums,

not so

much

1881, pp. 529-539).

Treats

of the inscriptions, as of the tablets on which they are

engraved.

Ci-ermont-Ganneau, Epigraphes h^braiques


juifs

inMits (Revue archeol., troisifeme

Also Un

nouveau

1885, n. 27, p. 14 sq.>

et

grecques sur des ossuaires

serie,

titulus fun^raire

t.

i.

1883, pp. 257-276).

de Joppe (Revue critique,

Greek.

EuTiNG, Epigraphische Miscellen (Sitzungsberichte der berliner Akademie,


1885, pp. 669-688, Tafel vi.-xii.).

Principally Palmyrene inscriptions

and Hebrew-Greek epitaphs from

Palestine.

Apart from the epitaphs, Greek inscriptions of Jewish origin are rarely

met with in

Palestine.

on the entrance

to the

p. 266, note 166),

i.

The most

interesting are the

Warning Tablet

Outer Court of the Temple (see Div.

vol.

ii.

and the Greek inscription among the ruins of

the synagogue at Casiun (Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 774 = Guerin,


Galilee,

The

ii.

447

sq.).

extra- Palestinian

of

any value at

pp. 220-242).

Greek and Latin

all,

inscriptions, in so far as they are

are given in 31,

Special attention

may

i.

and

ii,

(Div.

vol.

ii.

ii.

be called to the great inscrip-

Something may

also

be

learned from Caspari, Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols,

iii.

tion of Berenice (Div.

1875, pp. 268-274.

ii.

vol.

Among

ii.

p.

231).^

these, too, the

majority are epitaphs.

Most numerous are the inscriptions from the Catacombs of Rome


and Venosa, which, together with some
following works

others, are collected in the

^ In addition to the above, the interesting communications of Reinach,


Revue des dudes juives, t. vii. 1883, pp. 161-166 x. 1885, pp. 74-78 xii.
1886, pp. 236-243 = Bulletin de correspondance hellenique, 1886, pp. 327335 (all from Asia Minor), may be consulted. Also the two inscriptions
<m the temple of Pan at Apollonopolis Magna in Egypt, in which Jews offer
their obeisance to the "god," ought to have been referred to in the exyiosition (Letronne, Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines de I'Egypte,
;

t.

ii.

p.

252

= Corp.

Inscr. Graec. n. 4838c).

also the inscription of

Hammam-Lif,

See Renan, Revue arch^ologique, troisieme


t.

iii.

t.

xiii.

1884, pp. 273-275, pi. vii.-xi.


pp. 45-61

Reinach

in

Of Jewish origin

referred to in Div.
serie,

Kaufmann,

ii.

is

vol.

probably
ii.

p. 64.

1883, pp. 157-163


Revue des etudes juives,
t.

i.

same Review, pp. 217-223.

Quoted by Madden in

BcRGOX, Letters from Rome, 1862, pp. 168-174.


his Coins of

tlie

Jews.

Greppo, Notice sur des inscriptions antiques

Rome.

juifs

Corpus

33

AUXILIAHY SCIENCES.

2.

tirees

de quelfj^ues tombcaux

Lyons 1835.
Graecarum,

Insciiptionum

n.

iv.

t.

9894-9926

by

(edited

Kirchhoff).

Levy, Ej^igraphische Beitrge zur Geschichte der Juden, in Jahrbuch

Juden (edited by Goldschmidt), Bd.

der

Geschichte

fr die

ii.

1861, pp. 259-324.

Lenormant,

Essai

sur la j^ropagation

Tancien Monde, vol.

i.

de l'Alphabet Phenicien dans

pp. 264-267.

Garrucci, Cimitero degli antichi Ebrei scoperto recentemente in Vigna

Roma

Randanini.

These inscriptions from the newly-dis-

1862.

covered Catacombs of the Yigna Randanini have very considerably


enriched our materials.

argomento,

vol.

Also

Roma

ii.,

Dissertazioni archeologiche di vario

1865, pp. 150-192.

Forms a

useful sup-

plement to the preceding work.


IIiRSCHPELD, Bullettino
148-152.

Gives the

dell'

Instituto

di

archeol.

corrisp.

1867,

pp.

notice of the Catacombs of Venosa in South

first

Italy, discovered in 1853.

FroRELLi, Catalogo del Museo Nazionale di Napoli.


ii.

inscriptions

now

Museum

to be found in the

Raccolta epigrafica,

1954-1965.

Iscrizioni Latine (Napoli 1868), n.

Describes

the

of Naples from the

Catacombs of Rome.

ExGESTRM,

Om

Judarne

Rom

under aldre tider och deras Katakomber.

L'psala 1876.

Schrer, Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in

With

nach den Inschriften dargestellt.

Rom

in der Kaiserzeit

Jewish

forty-five

inscrij)tiuns.

Leipzig 1879.

AscoLl, Iscrizioni inedite o mal note greche, latine, ebraiche di antichi


sepolcri

giudaici

del

Torino e

Napolitano.

Roma

the inscrii^tions from the Catacombs of Venosa

1880.

of the

Latin inscriptions, however, only those which also have a


paraphrase.
Oratz,

Hebr.

Compare Theolog.

lonatsschr.
col.

1880,

149 sqq.; also

pp.

Div.

Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum,

The Greek and Latin


])letely

t.

Literaturzeitung,

433-451
ii.

vol.

ix.

ii.

1880,

Chwolson,

Gives

Greek and

Hebrew

485-488

Corp.

1883, n. 647, 648, 6195-6241.

inscriptions from

Venosa are given more

I.

cora-

than in Ascoli.

Lexormaxt, La catacombe juive de Venosa (Revue des etudes


DIV.

Inscr.

p. 240.

VOL. L

juives,

INTRODUCTION.

34
t.

vi.

1883, pp. SOO-SO").

Gives a part

of the inscriptions after

new

copies.

Kic.

Mller, Le catacombe

degli Ebrei presso la via

Appia

Pignatelli

(Mittheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archolog. Instituts, Rmische


Abtheilung, Bd.

i.

1886, pp. 49-56).

A communication in regard to a

newly-discovered Jewish catacomb.


49,

According to a statement on

p.

the author seems to entertain the idea of writing a Mono-

graph on " The Old Jewish Cemeteries of

Italy."

For an explanation

of the inscriptions communicated by Mller, compare also the re-

marks of Gomperz

in

aus Oesterreich-Ungarn,

Archologisch
x.

1886, p.

2.31

epigraphische Mittheilungen
f.

3.

The

THE SOCRCES.

chief sources of information

and intellectual

the Jewish people during our period

life of

must evidently be such

we can

given in

literatur(;

included the

New

works of the Jews as had

literary

their origin in that period,

regard to these,

and have come down

and

given in

Among

which

of

section, are

also

to

the

documents

these

Testament, in so far as

inscriptions,

tlie last

In

to us.

here only refer to the accounts of that

3234.

by Jewish writers or makes reference


coins

regard to the spiritual

in

is

was composed

it

Jewish

The

affairs.

has been

literature

be ranked among the

to

documents of primary importance.


All these works and documents, however, would not afford
us material for writing a history of our period

been possessed of the

two Books

works of Josephus, which

relate

of

we had not
and

the

the main incidents in the

course of events, and, indeed, often go


tails.

if

]\Iaccabees

They form the most important,

into very minute deyea, almost the only,

source of information in regard to the political

As

liistory.

supplementary to them, we have, on the one hand, the Greek

and Roman
general

writers, wlio treat in

history of

that

age;

a comprehensive

way

of the

and, on the other hand,

the

rabbinical literature, contained in Mishna, Talmud, !Midrasli,

Targum, which

up

of the

work

sets forth the results

of the scribes,

and preliminary summing

who were

their activity during this period,

and

is,

at the very height of


in so

ITar

at least,

indirect witness to the state of matters at that time.

considering the information supplied us by Josephus,

an

Before

we

shall

take a general view of the non-extant sources, partly in order


36

INTRODUCTION"

that

we may

obtain

conditions of an

a glimpse

drawn upon by Josephus.

sources

following five

divisions:

Writers

and

The First Book

175

upon

3.

will

Josephus

The Rabbinical

5.

Maccabees

of

the

for

first

is

give us the

4.

Greek and

Literature.

fourteen of those years,

main source

the

to

be

forty years of our history, from b.c.

The second book

135.

to b.c.

This

The Two Books of Maccabees.

relied

to

The two Books of Maccabees;

1.

The non-extant Documents

Eomau

circumstances and

tlie

and mainly in order

material for answering the question about the

secure solid

2.

into

earlier age, partly

175

b.c.

treats

of credibility stands far below the

only of the

161

to b.c.
first,

first

but in respect

and can scarcely be

said to be of independent value except in regard to the period

On

that precedes the rise of the Maccabees.

the character of

both of these works and the circumstances of their origin,


that
ii.

necessary will be found under

is

vol.

iii.

do here

is

613, 211216.

pp.

to determine

what

All that

all

32 and 33, in Div.

we

are required to

to be regarded as the starting-

is

point of the Seleucid era, in accordance with which both of


these books

fix

their

with autumn 312

dates.

But

b.c.

The usual Seleucid


it is

era begins

open to question whether in

the two Books of Maccabees, or whether even in one of them,


this usual starting-point is presupposed.

a decision,

we

months uiven
Chap.

i.
i.

,.

iv.

vii.
vii.

set

down

In order

to help to

in order the examples of dating

in the First

Book

of

xai

sJy.ddi

rau

Maccabees

by

54
59
52

43
49

yj

ri

rrs/jbTTrj
"^rs/x-rrr;

%ai

siy.ddi

rp Tpisnaihycdry; roZ

tj^v

/i^jcoc.

toD

/-ir^'/o;

,arivhg \\.ddj>.

Tf>isxajdsKdrr,v ro\J \\.bdp.

roZ Si/vdrov, oyro,

Chap.

3: toZ

ix.

ix.

X.

54

/zTivl

21:

roZ

firyo;

rw

37
roD oe-jrspov

irov:

rrpuiTov

y.ai

rnvrrr

Kui ixa-oarcj.

y.(j670v

THE SOURCES.

3.

6i-jrsp'jj.

TuJ ibiMui

irovg

iMr,vt

iy.aroGToZ Iv

it^yj.ocroZ y.ai

ioprri ffxrivoTTiy lag.

51:

xiii.

iiy.bi

rou divr'ipov

ibofxriy.oaroij

xa/ iKaroaToiJ.

xai

rpirr,

rri

y.ai

/xtjuo;

src-jg

vo;

For the same

occurrence the Megillath Taanitli gives the


date 23rd Ijjar.

xiv.

27

xvi.

14

oy.TCtiy.aib:y.d-ri 'E/.i>., 'irovg drjripo-j y.ai 'ibo;j,rty.coro\J

sv /J.r,vi hhiy.r'jj,

xai ly.a-oaroZ.

Troni these dates

lar.

ij.r,\i

beyond

put

is

it

obre:

all

doubt that the

With

author reckoned the months from the spring season.

him

Ijjar or Zif is

month

the

therefore,

seventh (chap.

Shebat

is

x.

month

the second

Feast

of the

21); Chisleu

is

(chap.

51);

xiii.

the ninth (chap.

iv.

months, therefore, begins with Nisan or Abib, that


list

in

Appendix

III. at the

seems to be put beyond

this it

all

52),

The numbering

the eleventh (chap. xvi. 14).

spring (see

Tizri,

Tabernacles, was the

of

end

of vol.

is,

ii.).

and

of the

in the

From

reasonable doubt that the

year by which the author reckoned also began in the spring

But the Seleucid

season.

usually supposed

is

to

era,

according to which he reckons,

with autumn,^ just as

start

it

was

customary in Syria generally to commence the year in the


season of harvest.

Among

very early times (Ex.

in

autumn,

in

witli

have
'

iii.

both

xxiii.

it ^\as

the custom

16, xxxiv. 22) to begin the year

a custom older probably than that of starting

the spring.^

Lleler,

372

the Jews, too,

of

In the post -exilian

methods

tliese

of

Handbuch der Chronologie,

i.

times

reckoning
444

ff.

we

the

certainly

beginning

Clinton, Fasti Hellcnici,

ff.

The

passages referred

to,

Ex.

xxiii. 16,

xxxiv. 22, bflong to the very

oldest portions of the Pentateuch, whereas the Priestly

Code numbers

the months throughout from the spring, and expressly insist upon this

numbering (Ex.

xii. 2).

The

question,

which of the two systems of nuni-

impoitance in the criticism of


on the one hand, Wellhausen, History of Israel

V)ering is the older, is therefore of great

the Pentateuch.

See,

38

INTRODUCTION.
year

of the

existing

festivals

begins

months

are counted

by

side

The

side.

the spring season

in

the

in

and

Book

First

But

well as in the Priestly Code.

month

so from

the

it

Maccabees as

of

just as even the Priestly

Code could not prevent the celebrating


the

cycle of religions

new moon of
23-25

of the

Tizri with a religious festival (Lev. xxiii.

Num.

xxix.

came

to be

1 G),

in

beginning of the year

times the

later

counted from that day, ^^f^ L"N"i.


The Mishna,
indeed, says distinctly that " for the year " simply, therefore

numbering

for the

According

the 1st of Tizri. ^

year with

of the

hand,

beginning

to Josephus, too, the

Nisan, as ordained by Moses, holds good

with reference only to sacred things


" for

made with

of its months, the beginning is

buying and

whereas, on

the other

and other business," the year

selling

begins with Tizri according to the more ancient pre-Mosaic

In these circumstances

ordinance.^

Book

the First

bering

of

reckoned
felt

too,

is

it

season,

We should

dates from the autumn.

ourselves obliged,

quite possible that

num-

notwithstanding the

months from the spring

tlie

its

Maccabees

of

may have
indeed have

no very decided reasons could be

if

on the other hand. Dill mann, in the Exeget. Handbuch, on Ex. xii. 2,
and Lev. xxiii. 23.
" There are four different beginnings
^ Mislina, lloi^ch haschana i. 1
The 1st Nisan is the new year for the kings and the fesof the year.

antl,

xxiii. 16,

tivals.

The

Ist

and R. Simon

Elul

is

new year

the

say, the

for the titliing of cattle

The

1st Tizri.

1st

Tizri

is

the

R. Elieser

new

year for

the civil year ("'i&'p)^ for the Sabbath year and the year of jubilee, for

The Lst Shebat is the


planting of trees and sowing of seed.
so says the School of Shanimai
for the gatliering of fruit
;

School of Hillel says, the 15th of the montli."


"Joseph. Antiq. i. 3. 3: awi/i os tovto to
isiomov

'iro;

'Ksyo/iiivi),

^'o>j

N<y^of

toStoj

ff

'

Motoiova.v!

year in autumn]

kv

hlyiii^Tov

txTTxaxg Tiz;

ft;

t'/j;

ao%^,",

vtt

'

rov

Kpuiov;

ro Oiuju ri/nxg

fivit/i

h)p/x.imv'

AiyvTrrcj

tov;

iv

OiVTiou,

utto

year
but the

to

'e^cix.o-

Mccks^ovcv

ovru yccp [therefore beginning the

ivtuvrov

Vjaocv

Tooxyx'/uy.

Yip)ceu' ijrl

xt

izct^r,;

Aio> f^iu

new
;

^^iecrsrctxn?.

Ovro;

Mavaii;

xvru kmI Tooi


v*i Kxi

fiivroi ye Trpao-t/j- kx,i

THE SOUUCES.

3.

39

adJuced against such a supposition, to accept

most probable explanation, seeing that

it

as the

this

from autumn as

is

a rule that the dates in the Seleucid era are reckoned.


is

This

the view taken by Wernsdorff, Clinton, and myself in the

But now

edition of this work.

first

it

seems

me

to

that

weighty grounds can be given for thinking that the era of


our book begins with the spring.
1.

from

According to

Eome

Mace.

vii.

151

of the

in the year

king of Syria.

After this

time in the First Book of

43rd and 49th verses of


that

told

Nicanor

1,

withdrew

Seleucid era, and became

and

But in chap.

ix.

his

life

The year

against Judas on the loth Adar.

determined.

I.

we meet with no other note of


Maccabees until we come to the
the 7th chapter, wliere we are

the battle

lost

Demetrius

it

is

in

fitrhtine:

not thereby

is

further said

that in

month of the year 152 of the Seleucid era a new


army was sent by Demetrius into Palestine. According to
the

first

this statement,

it

must then be assumed that the defeat

of

Nicanor took place on the 13th Adar of the year 151 of the
Seleucid era.

Since, then,

by the

" first

month

" of

the year

152, after what had just been stated, the month Nisan of
that year

must evidently be understood, and

Nisan follows immediately

Adar,

after

since,

further,

we suppose

if

the

year to begin, not on 1st Nisan but on 1st Tizri, a space of


three

months would intervene between the one event and the


But according

other.

to the context of the story

more probable that the one followed


upon the

other,

almost

and that therefore tbe

it

is

nnich

immediately

beginning

of

the

year was counted from 1st Nisan.


2.

According to 1

Mace.

x.

1,

Alexander

himself to the Syrian throne in the year


era.

According

to

chap.

x.

the

first

priest's

garments

of this

same year 160

for

of

160

Balas raised

of tlie Seleucid

21, Jonathan put on the high

time

" in the

seventh month

"

the Seleucid era, at the Feast of

40

INTKODUCTICN.

Tabernacles, therefore on the loth Tizri.

year had begun

on 1st

occurrences reported in 1 Mace.

upon putting the beginning

we would be
end

the year,

of

of Ex.

legislation

to

set

and then that

Tabernacles,

the

obliged

been said above about the

has

is

njB'n

Should we

impossible.

than

later

it

the

all

the year in the autumn,

festival

16,

xxiii.

is

of

indeed

as

therefore, the

1-21 would have taken

x.

place within fourteen days, which


insist

If,

woukl follow that

Tizri, it

the Feast

would be

of

thrown into

presupposed in the old

But

nj<V3.

Xew

what

after

Year Festival on the

1st Tizri, on the supposition of the year beginning generally

autumn,

in the

for our

period only the 1st of Tizri can

come

into consideration.
3.
is

When

in the year

given us

in

150

Mace.

of the Seleucid era,

20

vi.

and

vii.

which date

Antiochus

1,

V.

Eupator and Lysias came into Palestine with a great army,


the garrison of Bethzur was obliged to submit to them, and

Zion suffered the

those besieged in the fortress of j\Iount


direst privations

disasters

And

48-54).

vi.

both of these

on account of the Sabbatical year,

of rest to the
of rest

shown

Mace.

happened from their being deprived of the means

of sustenance

year

(1

land"

was

(1

Mace.

vi.

53).

of victuals, however,

from Bosch haschana

could

not

have

been

before the middle of the seventh year, after the stores

new

previous year had been used up and no

On

coming in during spring and summer.


at the time

when

vi.

Bia TO eSo/xov eVo? ehai).

49

aaarov

They must

that the siege of Jerusalem

occurred

1.

felt

of the

were

fruits

the other hand,

rjv rfj jfj

vi.

during

Sabbath

53

therefore have taken

place in the period between spring and 1st of Tizri.

also

is

i.

these events occurred, the Sabbath year had

not yet expired (chap.

we know

year

seventh

This

counted from autumn to autumn, as

in the passage quoted above

The want

49,

" the

But

by Herod and Sosius

year

(Josephus,

Antiq.

2;

16.

xiv.

comp.

THE SOURCES.

3.

xv.

1.

2).

41

That

siege,

however,

is

summer of b.c. o7 (see below,


Thus the year b.c. 38-37 was a Sabbath year.
If,
14).
then, we reckon back from this, we shall find that the year
B.C. 164163 reckoned from autumn to autumn was also a
certainly to be dated in the

seventh

year

therefore
B.C.

era.

fall

of rest.

the

to

The occurrences

summer

of

B.C.

in

163.

163162 corresponds with the year 150


Had that been counted from autumn,

would not

made

It

tally.

will agree only

if

question must

But the year


of the Seleucid
this

reckoning

the Seleucid era

is

to begin with spring.

As

a confirmation of our understanding of the Sabbath year,


be quoted the somewhat late rabbinical note that it was
n-'jjntr ""N^'iD when the temple was destroyed by Titus {Seder
Olam, ed. Meyer, p. 91 ff. nT3t' \>cvirDi n-in r\2^ -nvv:) nvn imx
By n^y-a^' "NViro,
nriM.
So, too, Arachin l\h, Taanith 29a).

may

according to the well-established usage, is certainly to be


understood the year after the Sabbath year (see Schehiith v. 5,
vi. 4
Sota vii. 8; Machschirin ii. 11 comp, n^::' "N^'l-, meaning the day after the Sabbath, and nntr my, meaning the day
Accordingly the year
before the Sabbath, in Chullin i. fin?).
And if we reckon back from
A.I). 68-69 was a Sabbath year.
this, we .hall find that also the years b.c. 164-103 and B.c.
;

38-37 were Sabbath years.


Only one historical date on a Sabbath year stands opposed
According to
to the views that have been here set forth.
1 Mace. xvi. 14, Simon Maccabeus died in the month Shebat
of the year 177 of the Seleucid era.
Since Shebat corresponds
in part with our February, this date, whether one counts the
Seleucid year from spring or from autumn, must be rendered
February B.c. 135. But, according to the report of Josephus,
after the murder of Simon, Jolm Hyrcanus besieged Simon's
murderer in the fortress of Dagon, and was then obliged
after some time to raise the siege wlien the Sabbath year
came round in which the Jews are required to rest.
His
words are these " The year of rest came on upon which the
Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh
day " (Wars of the Jews, i. 2. 4). " That year on which the
Jews used to rest came on for the Jews observe this rest
every seventh year as they do every seventh day " (Antiq.
:

42

INTKODUCTION".

The year b.c. 135-134 must therefore have been


8. 1).
Sabbath year, whereas according to our calculations we
should have expected it to have been B.c. 136-135.
The
statement of Josephus, however, is open to suspicion on other
xiii.

grounds. The reason given there to show the necessity of


raising the siege is that rest is enjoined during the seventh
year as on the seventh day. This was indeed the idea that
prevailed among Gentile writers.
So Tacitus says, Hist. v. 4
dein Uandiente inertia sejotimum quoque annum ignaviae
datum. But in the Pentateuch rest in general during the
seventh year is by no means enjoined, but only the leaving
of the fields unsown (see Lev. xxv. 1-7).
And so far as my
knowledge goes, even the later refinements on the interpretation of the law have never gone farther than this.
There is
therefore good reason ibr the suspicion that Josephus, who is
in this place following Gentile authorities, as is certain on
other grounds, has simply transcribed without sifting the
statements which were before him.
It would also appear
that the real occasion of the raising of the siege was not the
coming round of the Sabbath year, but the failure of provisions
during the course of that year of rest to the land. If this
interpretation be accepted, then B.C. 136-135 will be the
Sabbath year in full agreement with the other dates.
Wieseler, who indeed places the Sabbath year in B.c. 136135, sets down the death of Simon as occurring in Shebat, or
February B.c. 136 and seeing that this, according to our
reckoning, would be the Shebat of the year 176 of the
Seleucid era, he makes the Seleucid year of the First Book
of Maccabees begin in accordance with the Koman practice
in January,
an eccentricity of view that need not now be
;

seriously criticized.
Against the cycle of the Sabbath year here adopted I argued
in the first edition of this work that the year A.D. 40-41 could

not have been a Sabbath year, as according to our cycle it


For the Jews omitted to sow the seed in the
last month before Caligula's death, during November A.D. 40,
not because it was the Sabbath year, but because for weeks
they were going in great crowds to lay before Petronius their
complaints on account of the profanation threatened to the
Wars of the Jews, ii. 10. 5).
temple (Antiq. xviii. 8. 3
From this it would appear that tlie sowing of the fields during
But we are obliged to admit
that year had been expected.
that this indirect argument, when put over against other
possible explanations that may still be given, is not strong

must have been.

3.

THE SOURCES.

43

enough to overturn the very positive proofs that have been


advanced in favour of regarding this year as a Sabbath year.'
Compare generally on the reckoning of the historically
attested Sabbath year in our periods (which by many are
made about a year later than by us) Anger, De temporum
in actis apostolorum ratione, Lips. 1833, p. 38 (and the earlier
works of Scaliger, Petavius, etc., there quoted). Gumpach,
Ueber den altjiidischen Kalender, Brussels 1848. Herzi'ebi,
Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, ii. 458
Zuckermann, Ueber
Sabbathjahrcyklus und Jobelperiode, Breslau 1857 (and the
older literature quoted there, pp. 2, 3).
Gralz, Geschichte der
Juden, Bd. iii. (3 Aufl. 1878) pp. 636-639, note 7. Wieseler,
art. " Aere," in Herzog's Eeal - Encyclop. 1 Aufl. i. 159 f.
Also: Stud, und Krit. 1875, p. 527 ff.
Caspari, Chronological
and Geographical Introduction to the Life of Christ, 1876,
Die geschichtlichen Sabbathjaln-e (Stud.
Also
pp. 23-28.
und Krit. 1877, pp. 181-190). Eosch, Stud, und Krit. 1870,
Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens
p. 361 f., and 1875, p. 589 ff.
Jesu, 2 Aufl. 1874, p. 58 ff.
Eiess, Das Geburtsjahr Christi,
1880, pp. 45 f., 229-236.
:

ft".

Besides the reasons

which we have adduced

for believincf

that the Seleucid years of our book begin with the spring,

we may

also

spring that

add the important

it

fact that

numbers the months.

otherwise impossible to suppose that

autumn,

in

this

month

month and

is

is

also

its

it

from the
not been

cycle of years began

circumstance would have caused very great

difficulty, especially in those

the

it

Even had

passages in which the

name

of

not mentioned, but only the number of the

the year.

the year 152," chap.

Thus we read
ix. 3, etc.

" in

the

first

month

of

This form of expression would

scarcely have been adopted unless a uniform

mode

of deter-

mining the order of the month had prevailed.

We

assume then, with the great majority

the Seleucid era of the First

Book

of

of

critics,

that

Maccabees begins, not

Wieselcr (Studien u. Kritiken, 1875, p. 529 f.) assumes that tlieae


events had occurred in the autumn of a.D. 39.
Had this been so, then
every difficulty would be removed. But according to the connection of
'

the narrative, the events must have taken place a few mouths before
Caligula's death.

44

INTKODCTION.

And however

autumn, but in spring.

in

may

at

first

appear that

sight

extraordinary

it

had

they

Palestine

in

Seleucid era which differed to the extent of about half a

year from that

longer appear extraordinary to one

in

Graeco

Poman

acquainted with

is

period

own

its

had

during

even

yea,

era,

own

its

the Jews on adopting the imperial era should modify

accordance with their calendar.


this

same era was

began

in

Damascus and

But the coins

437).

Seleucid era.

"VYe find, too, that

And

Poman

in the

it

province of Arabia in

Handbuch der Chronologie,


Damascus are dated according

413,

i.

of

in

exactly

The year

Damascus.

in use in the city of

spring (see Ideler,

the

the

quite conceivable that

It is therefore

23).

more important

of the

neighbourhood of Palestine

the

calendar (see

who

Almost every one

the circumstances.
cities

no

current in the rest of Syria, this will

to the

although on an inscription discovered in

Damascene

recent times a specifically

era

spoken

is

this

of,

can mean nothing else than the Seleucid era beq-iuninij

in

spring, just as in our book.^

By

all

that has been said, the question

is

not yet settled as

whether the era of our book begins half a year before or

to

half a year after the date usually assigned, whether in spring

312

B.c.

or in

spring

The French scholar Gibert

311.

b.c.

But

pronounces in favour of the former view.


generally accepted, that spring of
point, can be proved

be enough here, apart from

of the Seleucid era

as equivalent to B.c.

312

the opinion

the starting-

is

be certainly the right one.

to

remarks made in reference

150

b.c.

other grounds, to refer to the

all

to

It will

the Sabbath year.

If the year

were to be regarded, as Gibert

162-161, then the Sabbath

desires,

j^ear

must

be fixed a year later, which would be in direct conflict with


^

Revue

A!t,utx.ax.ov

archeologique,
iTov;

6t:x

troisieme

[689].

And

Clerniont-Gauneau, pp. 267-269.

serie,

in

t.

iv.

addition

1884,

the

p.

267

x.a.roe.

explanations

of

45

THE SOURCES.

3.

by Herod and

the date of the siege of Jerusalem

Sosius, with

which Gibert can reconcile himself only by very

artificial

and

far-fetched reasoning.

The

era

Second Book of Maccabees

the

of

open to dispute than that of the

only

first

according

if

the years

different

to

have also

inasmuch as

era,

book are reconcilable with those

certain dates of the second

of the

more

still

We

book.

first

an apologetic interest in determining the

is

were

each era

in

And, indeed, the

eras.

reckoned

era

of the

second book seems to have a later starting-point than that of


the

But

first.

Some assume

from spring
;311.

of

B.C.

Antiochus Epiphanes

149

2 Mace.

xi.

of

the

down

set

is

Seleucid

era;

is

two

in

The death

1.

Mace.

vi.

16 at

33, he must have died at the latest in the year

quoted, bearing the date

undertaken in the year 150


according to

But

year 149.

Mace.

xiii.

treated of in

of
it

1,

Mncc.

what
33

xi.

successor

his

of that year.
1

Mace.

vi.

2.

20, was

the Seleucid era; whereas,


is

placed

the Seleucid

in

The subject

at first appears.

is

not really the date of the

death of Antiochus Epiphanes, but rather the date of the


of

And

Lysias.

although 2 Mace.

that event to the Seleucid year 148, this


able with 1 Mace.

iv.

in this, that

The

28, 52.

not in a diverse

mode

the Second

of

xi.

33

first

assigns

is

quite reconcil-

difference

consists, there-

of reckoning

Book

The

the former date, the facts of

in reference to

the case are different from

fore,

b.c.

whereas, according to

second campaign of Lysias, according to

campaign

first

are based are indeed

1-48 of the Seleucid era, for there a decree of

Eupator

men-

last

312, and that of the second from autumn

practically only the following

year

The

half.

dates the epoch of the

The dates upon which arguments

very few

the

who

the view of Ideler,

is

some

half a year's difference,

some a year and a

a whole year's, and

tioned

most diverse

in regard to this r.^Atter, too, the

opinions prevail.

time,

but simply

Maccabees erroneously

sets

46

INTRODUCTION.

down

the

first

campaign

of Lysias after tlie

Epiplianes, while

both

year 148

Seleueid era.

sages,

of the

however,

actually do

2 Mace.

books agree in assigning

Mace.

come upon a

xiii.

death of Antiochns

vi.

to

it

the

In the other pair of pas-

20 and 2 Mace.

1,

xiii.

we

But Grimm on

diversity of dates.

own
much honour to

has justly remarked, after repeating his

earlier opinion, that

" certainly

one

does too

the abounding historical and chronological errors of winch the

author of the second book has been convicted, by a great


expenditure of combinations either in reconciling diversities,
or in seeking,

by the assumption

of a different beginning of the

Seleueid era, to explain the chronological difference between

him and
no

fore

Book

the First

sufficient

of

ground

the Maccabees."

for

There

Second Book of the Maccabees.

We

US

era of that

the

choice

of

regarding

l*alestinian Seleueid era

the

there-

is

assuming a special era

for

the

have therefore before

book

as

the

of

tlie

employed in the First Book

Maccabees, or as the Seleueid era prevailing throughout the


rest of Syria.

Compare on the

eras of the two Books of Maccabees FroeAnnales compendiarii regum et rerum Syriae (ed. 2,
AVernsdorff, De fide historica libroruui
1750), Proleg. p. 22 sqq.
Maccabaicorum, 1747, pp. 18-31 (contests the view previously
maintained by Scaliger, Petavius, Usher^ Prideaux, FoyVaillant, des-Vignoles, Froelich, and otliers, that the era of
the First Book of Maccabees begins witli a spring year).
Gibert, Memoire sur la Chronologie de I'histoire des Machabees
:

lich,

(M(5moires de I'Acadc^mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,


Clinton, Fasti Hellenici,
alte Serie, t. xxvi. 1759, pp. 112-156).
iii. 375-382.
Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, i. 531-534.
Wieseler, Die 70 Wochen und die 63 Jahrwochen des Propheten
Daniel, 1839, p. 110
Also: Chronological Synopsis of the
Four Gospels, 1864.
Also: art. "Acre," in Herzog's RealEncyclop. 1 Aufl. i. 159 f. Also Stud, und Krit. 1875, pp. 520532; and 1877, p. 510 ff. Grimm, Exegetisches Handbuch zu
den Apokryphen, iii. 11 f, iv. 186 f Also: Bissei and Wace
(in Speakers Comm.) in their Introductions to Maccabees.

ff".

47

THE SOURCES.

5 3.

X0N-EXTA.NT SOUKCES.

B.

The following survey embraces

1.

All special works on

known

the Jewish history of our period

to us only through

quotations or fragments, whether they are used by Josephus


or not

and

Those of the more general historical works now

2.

which the exposition of Josephus

lost, to

To one

rectly indebted.

directly or indi-

is

or other of these categories belong

the works enumerated in the following paragraphs

all

Jason of Cyrcne.

1.

He

wrote a work in

Maccabean

from

rising,

Judas over Nicanor in


in one

book

books on

five

beginning

its

161.

B.C.

in our so-called

the

down

history of

to

the

the victory of

All this period

is

treated of

Second Book of Maccabees

"

All

these things being declared by Jason of Cyrene in ve books,

we

to abridge

shall essay

He

supposed

is

one volume," 2 Mace,

in

have lived

to

not

long

after the

which he narrates, somewhere about the middle


century

B.c.;

comp. Div.
2. Tlte

hood,"

Book

Mace.

xvi.

ii.

it

vol.

"

p.

The celebrated

Apamea

in

second

the writer of

to

The chronicle

of his priest-

This book, in a style similar to

Maccabees, described his long and

seems

to

have got

was evidently unknown even


iii.

of the

211.

of

It

lost

an early

at

to Josephus.

Comp.

13.

3.

from

p.

24.

Book

honourable career.

Div.

iii.

23.

events

History of John Hyrcanus.

Maccabees

of

that of the First

date, for

vol.

John Hyrcanus was known

history of

the First

ii.

ii,

Posidonius of Apamca.

Stoic philosopher and historian Posidonius,


Syria,

founded a Stoic School.

lived chiefly

He

is

in

Jihodes,

hence called

"

where he

the Ehodian."

48

INTRODUCTION".

who

Since he was also a scholar of Pantius,

have died
130.

B.C.

b.c.

In the seventh consulship of Marius,

went as ambassador
death

Sulla's

(Plutarch's

Cicero,

(b.c.

78),

chap.

iv.).

During the

repeatedly.

Pompey

consulship

He may

IIoaei8)vio<i).

nourished between

Eome

him

Marius

Marcellus,

described

there

having

as

According to Lucian.

50.

B.c.

PJiodes

in

visited

(Suidas, Lexicon, art.

be

therefore

90 and

B.c.

of

Immediately

him

Cicero heard

51, he went once more to

B.c.

86, he

B.c.

Eome, and there saw Marius shortly

to

before his death (Plutarch's Marius, chap. xlv.).


after

must

at latest

110, he cannot have been born later than

Macrob. chap. xx. he lived to the great age of eighty-four years.

Of his numerous writings,


here interests us.

It

his great

it is

historical

work that

frequently quoted in the historical

is

Prom

sketches of Atlienus, Strabo, Plutarch, and others.


the criticisms in Athenus

would appear

it

of at least forty-nine books.

It

is

to

have consisted

not, therefore,

open

to

doubt that Suidas (Lexicon, under the word Uoa-eiSouvio^) has


this

work

view when he makes

in

about the Alexandrian


fxera Tlokviov

make

it

with

B.C.

Posidonius

iv iXio<i v'

'laroptav

rrjv

The extant fragments,

too,

eypa-yfrev

probable that the work begins where Polybius ends,

How

146.

uncertain.

It

went

down

far

250) believes

carried

it

the

on, according to Suidas, ecu?

tliat

instead of this

TOV TlroXe/xaiov rov KuprjvaiKov, that

Apion of Cyrene, who died

B.C.

96.

history

is

tov TroXifiov

Mller (Fragm.

Tov KvprjvaLKov Kol UToXefxaiou.


iii.

erroneous remark

the

hist,

graec.

we ought to read efo?


is, down to Ptolemus

The

too,

fact,

that the

fragments that have been preserved from the 47th and 49th

books refer to the period from


confirm this supposition.
considerable

extent

B.C.

100

to B.C. 90, goes

But, according

quoted

to

by Athenus,

it

to

fragment of
appears

that

Posidonius also gave a detailed account of the history of the

Athenian demagogue Athenio or Aristion,

b.c.

87-86.

And

a notice in Strabo

further, according to

treated of the history of


TT)v irepl

Prom

avTov.

49

THE SOURCES.

S 3.

Pompey

rrjv

(xi.

1.

he also

6),

laropiav

a-vverypaxlrt-

Mller concludes that Posidonius

this

had dealt with the period after

96

B.c.

in a " second part," or

This elaborate hypothesis,

a continuation of his great work.

however, has no substantial support in the evidently corrupted

The

words of Suidas.

fifty-two books

embraced the period from

may have

quite easily

87-86, and the work,

b.c.

may have been brought down


Arnold would have it earned down even to

time.

Much

further

it

as

to

that

b.c.

82.

Scheppig maintains,

certainly could not have extended, since in

the 47th and 49th books the writer had got no farther than
the period

b.c.

The

100-b.c. 90.

history of

Pompey must

therefore have formed a separate work.

The great work


later

historians,

Polybius, as
It

treats.

of Posidonius

who seemed

is

certain

Gott.

Sc.

that
ii.

t.

Trogus Pompeius refers


Soc.

have used

as they did

it

a principal source for the period of which

(Mller, Fragmenta,

Com.

was held in high esteem by

to

t.

p.

Diodorus

has

20,

p.

t.

an authority

to it as

1804,

xv.

iii.

pp.

drawn
251).
(see

upon

it
it

But even
Heeren

185-245;

in

Teuffel,

Poman Literature, 258. 4, and the literature


And so probably it was used by most who
there).

History of
given

treated of this period.

It

is

therefore highly probable that

the passages in Josephus which deal with that time are essentially

based

indirectly, as

upon

Posidonius,

not

indeed

directly,

but

he had found him quoted and used by Strabo

and Nicolaus Damascenus.


Josephus used Strabo and Nicolas as authorities of the first
order for the period referred to.
That Strabo had made use of
Posidonius in the composition of his history is abundantly
evident, for he quotes him frequently and wth great respect in
his Geography (ii. 102, xvi. 753).
In Nicolaus Damascenus,
too, there are unmistakcable traces of use having been made of
I'osidonius (Mller, iii. 415).
Josephus mentions Posidonius

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

INTRODUCTION.

only once, in his Treatise aj;ainst Apion,

marked resemblances, however,


and

ii.

Strongly

7.

are discernible between

his

Diodorus and Trogus Pompeius.


Compare the account of the conquest of Jerusalem by
Antiochus Sidetes in Josephus, .Antiq. xiii. 8. 2-3, and in
Diodorus, xxxiv. 1 and that of the Parthian war of Demetrius
II. in Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 5. 11, and in Justin, i.e. Trogus
Pompeius, xxxvi. 1. 3. If, then, these two Diodorus and
Trogus Pompeius rely upon Posidonius, then so also does
Josephus. Purther details in Nussbaum, Ohserv. in Fl. Jos.
Antiq. xiL 3-xiii. 14
Destinon, Die Quellen, 52
J. G.
Mller on Josephus "Against Apion," 214 ff., 258 f.
The historical and geographical fragments of Posidonius are
collected by C. Aliiller, Fragmenta, historicoruin Graecomm, iii.
245-296. Compare generally, Fabricius, Bihliothec. graec. ed.
Harles, iii. 572-574, iv. 34.
Bake, Posidonii Bhodii reliquae
doctrinae, Lugd. Bat. 1810.
Clinton, Fasti Ilellenici, vol. iii.
under years 143, 86, 78, G2, 60, 51. Porbiger, Handhtch der
alten Geographie, i. 1842, 357-363.
Toepelmann, De Fosidonio Bhodio rerum, scriptore, Bonnae 1867.
Scheppig, De
Fosidonio Apamensi rerum, gentium tcrrarum scriptore, Halis
Sax. 1869.
Nicolai, Gi-iecMsehe Literaturgeschichte, . 1821,
242 f.
Blass, De Gemino et Fosidonio, Kiel 1883.
Arnold,
Untersuclmngen ber Theophanes von Mytilene und Posidonius von Aparnea, in Jahrhb. fr class. Fhilologie, 13 Supplementalband, 1884, pp. 75-150 (seeks to prove that Appian in
his Mithridatica has used both of these authors).
Schhlein,
Studien zu Fosidonius Rhodius, Freising 1886 a careful sifting
and arranging of biographical detail. Zimmermann in Hermes
xxxiii. pp. 103-130 on the use made of Posidonius in the Geography of Strabo. On Posidonius as a philosopher, see Ueberweg. History of Philosophy, vol. i. pp. 185, 189 and Zeller,
The Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, London 1869. Also:
Wendland, Posidonius Werk mpi diuv (Archiv fr Geschichte
der Phos., Bd. i. 1888, pp. 200-210).
exposition

that

of

4.

Timagenes of Alexandria.

Timagenes, by birth probably a Syrian, had been taken


prisoner

in

campaign in

Alexandria
B.c.

55.

by Gabinius during

He was

then

where he continued ever afterwards


under the word

Tifiayivr]';).

carried

his

Egyptian

off to

Rome,

to reside (Suidas, Lexicon,

He was

notorious for his loos

THE SOURCES.

3.

He

enter his house.

Avas

and enjoyed the intimate


in his dc ira,

iii.

Asinii consensuit, ac tola

Tiraagenes as
X.

et

75, names

1.

Tiinafjenes in

definite

tlieir

nullum Uli Urnen

learning and their elegant

Marcellinus, xv.

9,

speaks of

diligentia Graecus et linr/ua.

Even

Quintilian,

him among the most famous

historians.

suflicient to lead us to

judgment upon the contents and


in

The

form any

style of his work.

Josephus are confined to the history of

Antiochus Epiphanes (Treatise against Apion,

Jewish king Aristobulus


Alexander Jannus (Antiq.
ever, that

Seneca

His numerous works were

abshdit.

few extant fragments are not

The quotations

I.

(Antiq.

xiii.

xiii.

12. 5).

ii.

11.

It is

7),
3),

evident,

Josephus did not use the work of Timagenes at

xiii.

name

So, too, the quotation in Antiq.


is

of

howfirst

In

11. 3, he introduces a quotation in this fashion: "as

Strabo bears witness in the

who

the

of

and

hand, but borrowed his references from other historians.


Antiq.

to

esteem,

conlnhcrnio Pollionis

civitatc dilectiis est

domus

Ammianus

form.

hii^li

friendsliip of Asinius Pollio.

prized on account of

rhetorical

hehl in

nevertlieless

23, says:

praeclusa Caesar is

51

was forbidden by Augustus

tongue, on account of which he

much

of Timagenes,

xiii.

12. 5

is

who

says thus."

taken from Strabo,

himself immediately afterwards quoted in Antiq.

xiii.

12. 6.

The fragments of Timagenes are collected by C. jVIiiller,


Fraymenta historienrum graecorum, iii. 317-323. Comp, also
(Clinton, Fasti Hellcnici, iii. 2nd ed. p. 573 ff.
"Westermann in
Pauly's Real-Encyclop. vi. 2. 1971, and the literature quoted
there.
Nicolai, Griechische Literaturgesch. ii. 188.
Gutschmid
in a paper on " Trogus and Timagenes," in Rhein. Museum,
vol. xxxvii. 1882, pp. 548-555, seeks to show that Trogus
Ponipeius is only a Latin reproduction of an original Greek
work, and assumes that the latter was the work of Timagenes.

5.

C. Asinius

Pollio,

Asinius

Pollio.

the well-known friend of

Caesar and

Augustus, composed, besides other works, a history of the

civil

INTRODUCTION.

52.

war between Caesar and Pompey,


This, at least,

tongue.

statements

confused
IIcXiooj/

221.

work
ii.

and

Suidas'

in

under

Lexicon,

the

names

Plutarch, Appian, and others

made use of
46 Appian.

Since

the work of

72

c.

Caesar,

was an authority

it

of

naturally did not allow

and quoted from

the

in

In his Antiq.

duces a quotation

when he

"

tlie

Civ.

affairs,

it

an investigator

to escape him.

From

would appear that Strabo had used

it

it

c.

Literature,

of the first order, as being

man

a contemporary

a notice in Josephus

campaign.

the Latin

in

Roman

{Plutarch. Pompeius,

like Strabo

17 books,

in

the most probable rendering of the

^Aaivio<i (see Teuffel, History of

3).

82).

this,

is

history

xiv.

8.

of

3,

Caesar's

it

Egyptian

Josephus thus intro-

Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to

says thus in the

name

of Asinius."

Compare on Asinius

Pollio generally, Teuffel in Puuly's Real2 Aufl. pp. 1859-1865; Teuffel, History of
Roman Literature, 221, and the literature quoted in both
Something may also be found in Hbner, Grundriss zu
places.
Vorlesungen ber die rmische Litcraturgcsch. 1878, p. 181.

Encyclop.

i.

2,

the history of the Civil War, Thouret, De Cicerone, Asinio


PoUione, C. Oppio rerum Caesarianarum scriptoribus (Leipz.
on Asinius
Stud, zu class. Philol., Bd. i. 1878, pp. 303-360
discussion is being carried on in
Pollio, pp. 324-340).
regard to the authorities used by Appian, but nothing definite
has been reached as to how far he may have employed the
work of Asinius Pollio.

On

6.

Hypsihrates.

Hypsikrates, a writer otherwise unknown,

by Strabo in

his

Geography.

quoted twice

is

The one quotation

refers to the

history of Asander, a governor of the Bosporus under

Pharuaces IL, in the time of Caesar (Strabo,


otlier

quotation

nations (Strabo,

refers
xi.

5.

to
1).

the

ethnology of

is

most likely

King

4. 6).

the

The

Caucasian

In a third passage a quotation

about the natural history of Libya

but this name

vii.

is

to be read

attributed to Iphikrates,

Hypsikrates (Strabo,

xvii.

THE SOURCES.

3.

3.

According

5).

to Lncian. Macroh.

f)3

22, Ilypsikrates was

c.

a native of Ainisus in Pontus, and lived to

two

Since he treats of the times of Caesar he cannot

years.

liave

been much older than Strabo.

According

had borrowed from

in Josephus, Strabo
liis

age of ninety-

tlie

to a statement

Hypsikrates in

this

"The same
name of

account of the Egyptian campaign of Caesar:

Strabo says thus again, in another place, in

Hypsikrates," Antiq. xiv.

Compare
corum,

iii,

8. 3.

generally, Mller,

41)3

ff.

Bahr

the

Fragmenta Msforicorum. Grac-

in Pauly's lieal-Encyclopaedie,

7.

iii.

15G0.

Dcllhis.

Dellius, a friend of Antonius, wrote a

work on the Parthian

campaign of Antonius, in which he had himself taken


(Strabo,

xi.

13.

3,

523

p.

&>9

tpr/aiv

Je'Wto?

part.

rov

'AvT(OVL0V ^i'Xo?, (Tir/ypuyjras tijv eVl Ilapduaiou^ aujov arpareiav, iv y Traprjv koI avro^ rjyefjbovLav e'^cov.
c.

59

TToWov;

K\aK<i i^eaXov

Kal

Be
.

U)v

twv dWcov
koX McipKos

Plutarch. Anton.
ol KXeoirdrpa'i

(f>L\o)v
i}v

^iXapo<; Kal AeWio<;

6 iaroptKO<;).

possible, as

It is
all

Biircklein and

Giitschmid surmise,

tliat

the accounts of later historians regarding the Parthian

campaign

of

the

years

B.c.

4136, and

so,

too,

that

of

Josephus, are drawn either directly or indirectly from this


work.
XV. 2. 6

Josephus
;

Wars of

mentions Dellius in Antiq.


Jev)s,

i.

15. 3

not,

xiv.

15.

however, as a historian,

but as a comrade of Antony.

Compare Biircklein, Quellen und Chroirologie der rmiseliparthischen Feldzge in den Jahren, 713-718.
An Inaugural
Dissertation, 1879 (on Josephus, pp. 41-43).
Gutschmid,
Geschichte Irans und
seiner Nachharlnder
1888, p. 97.
Generally, Haakh in Pauly's Ileal - Encyclopaedic, iL 899.
Teufiel, Hidory of Roman Literature, 255. 3.

54

LNTKODUCTION.

Straho.

8.

down

Besides his Geograpliy, which has come


treated of under

will be

3.

to

us,

and

D, among extant authorities,

Strabo was the author of a large historical work which, with


exception of a few fragments, has been

tlie

work he

tion to this latter

In the introduc-

refers to his history

TreTToirjKOTeii

vTrofivrjfiaTa icrropiKa

dvo/jbv, et?

TT/i/

another quotation which he makes,

Aioirep

-^prjaifxa, to?

Kol TToXiTiKTjv

i^diKi]v

had been

It

lost.

completed before Strabo began his Geograpliy.

iqfiei<:

inroXafi-

From

(f)i\ocro(f)iav.

appears that the 5th

it

book of that history began where the work of Polybius ended,


i.e.

with

vofiifjLcov

146

B.c.

iv

rfj

different

In the

from that

summary

the former being


full.

twv la-ropiKcov vTrofivrjfidrtov iXw,


UoXviov. This overlapping of the
how it is that the character of the first

fjLera

narrative explains
is

earlier

about

come

India

of,

for Strabo says

to

koL rjpZv

S'

virijp^ev

an explanatory note by

forty-three books " Strabo,"


:

it is

i-rrl

history

of

irXeov KariZelv
irpd^ei<i.

Suidas, Lexicon, under the

said, "

"

was composed of

wrote the fierd UoXviov

books ;" while the whole work was made up of

forty-seven books.

From

the quotations in Josephus

concluded that the history had been carried


the conquest of Jerusalem by Herod in
fore

the

AXe^dvtpov

Ta<i

noXvio<i, the work " after Polybius

in forty-three

in a third passage

when he was engaged upon

ravra vTrop.vrjixaTt^op.^voi'^;

name

and

to see the untrustworthiness of the reports

Alexander the Great

According

books /xera oXviov

of the

in the style, the latter detailed

books the times of Alexander the Great

must have been treated


that he had

UaOiKcbu

rtav

eKTT]

BevTepa 8e tmv
four books

8e iroXka irepl

elprjKOTe^

b.c.

down

37.

It

it

may

be

at least to

may there-

have closed with the establishment of sole and absolute

monarchy under Augustus.

made by Josephus, who


authority

for

the

The most

of the quotations are

evidfntly used this work as his main

history

of

the

Asmonaeans from John

THE SOURCES.

3.

Hyrcanus

overthrow

the

to

55

Antii^onus,

of

135-37,

B.c.

because he culls from this large general history the passages

and allusions that have reference

Such notices

will

12.

3.

xiv.

Compare
Epiphanes

c.

some

at least

it is

along

with

ii.

work

know

to

Damascenus

xv.

3,

1.

2.

Antiochus

to

This history

7.

c.

26

as

is

to be regretted,

that Josephus used

one of

his

it

principal

investifjator,

the best sources with circumspection, subjecting

a careful critical

Even

examination.

That he made use

of

in

the

few

he three times cited his

by name, Timagenes, xVsinius

authorities

reference

11.

and by Tertullian, de anima,

satisfaction

4,

by Plutarch, Sulla,

cited

63

c.

fragments preserved in Josephus

krates.

8.

2,

10.

For Strabo was a thoroughgoing

who employed
to

7.

as the loss of this

Nicolaus

authorities.

them

Caesar,

But much

46.

4,

with

also expressly

is

28

c.

6.

3,

statement

xiii.

the Treatise against Apion,

in

Strabo

of

Lucull.

4.

1,

also

to the history of Palestine.

be found in Antiq.

Pollio,

work

the great

and Hypsi-

of Posidonius

doubted.
And though his name is not once
we cannot s;iy how much Strabo may have been
indebted to him for the information given in his comprehen-

cannot

be

mentioned,

Josepbus fn^quently

sive work.

calls attention

to the agree-

ment between Strabo and Nicolaus Damascenus.


Nicolas

Damascus

of

and

Strabo

Cappadocia

of

"

Now
both

Pompey and Gabinius against the


them says anything new that is not in

describe the expeditions of

Jews, while neither of


the

other,"

the one

Antiq. xiv.

liad

made

contemporaries.
in

his

work

But

it

Nicolaus Damascenus

Geography

historical

4.

6.

is

not probable that

use of the other, seeing that they were

(xv.

1.

of Strabo

72, 73).
is

On

is

quoted by Strabo

the other hand, the

rather older than that of Nicolas.

The agreement between them to which Josephus calls attention must therefore have resulted from their using the same
authorities.

INTRODUCTION.

56

It was a decided mistake on the part of Lewitz {Quaest. Fluv.


specimen, 1835) to describe Strabo the historian and Strabo the
t^eographer as two different persons.
Josephus does indeed
speak of his authority as a Cappadocian, whereas the geographer

belonged to Aniasia in Pontus. But the district of Pontus is


also called by Strabo ^ Tphg rf tiSvtm KaTTaSoJc/a (xiii. 1. 4)
and Pliny names Amasia among the cities of Cappadocia {Nat.
Hist. vi. 3. 8).
Mithridates, king of Pontus, is styled on an
Midpaddrrig Kacr^aSox/fae /Saff/Xfuc].
inscription
See Le Bas
:

and Waddington, Inscriptions, iii. 136a. Kuhn, Die Stdtische


und brgerlich Verfassung des rm. Reichs, ii. 148.
The fragments of Strabo's historical work are collected by
Mller, Fragmenta historicum graecoruvi, iii. 490-494.
9.

Commentaries of Ilerod.

Like other royal personages of that age, such as Augustus

and Agrippa

Boman

(Teuffel, History of

Herod the Great wrote Commentaries


once referred to by Josephus.
reader as
Antiq.

6.

them himself
of

3.

Whetlier

is extrerael}''

Herod he
and

authority,

This account

Josephus

we

give the

Damascenus

own
as

The

unfavourable to Herod.

preterite

to

him only

that

chief

was

awakens

'irepii')(eTO

lie

seen

history

his

him used only a source

besides

was known

actually

doubtful, since in his

Nicolaus

follows

had

the suspicion that the work cited did not then


writer, but

220),

which are

contained in the Commentaries of King Herod,"

it is

XV.

"

Literature,

or Memoirs,

before the

at second hand.

On the philosophical, rhetorical, and historical studies of


Herod, see the fragment from the Autobiography of Nicolaus
Damascenus in Mller, Fragm. hist, grace, iii. 350. The view
which I had myself at one time advocated, that Josephus had
made a direct use of the Commentaries of Herod, does not now
appear to be tenable. This is the opinion also of Destinon,
Die Quellen des Fl. Joseplius, 1882, 121 ff. But we have not
the materials for arriving at any final and definite result.

10. Ptolemus.

In
rentia,

4,he

work

the

of

Ammonius, Be adfinium vocabrdorum diffestatemo:it is made under the word

following

THE SOURCES.

S.

^ISovfialoi

Iduniacnns and Jews (lovSaioi)

"

another, as rtolemus says in the

from one

differ

hook of

first

Life of

his

For the Jews are the original inhabitants

King Herod.

but

the Idumaeans were originally not Jews, but Phoenicians and

referred

work

The

Syrians."
to,

otherwise

is

one

Ptolemus

quite

unknown.

of

on

Herod,

here

The statements

quoted about the semi-Judaism of the Idumaeans are without

doubt taken from an independent and unbiassed investigation


as

the descent of Herod, such as a royal historiographer

to

would never have ventured


Antiq.

xiv.

1.

the court

belonjred to

meet
Avas

two men

w-ith

ofcials

Herod, among

of

name

have

therefore

whom we

One

of Ptolemy.

of these

a brother of Nicolaus Damascenus, who, after Herod's

death, took
xvii.

the

side

of Antipas, as

Wars of

and

9. 4,

Herod's death, joined

Nicolaus
8.

cannot

author

of the

Compare Josephus,

publish.

to

The

o.

2, 9.

Jews,

the

party

the

Damascenus,

and

and

Wars of

3, 5,

in

of

we

The

other, after

Archelaus along with

the Jews,

be

Antiq.

are told in

2, 3.

spoken

is

Seeing that our author can

ii.

of
i.

neither

in

33. 8
of

Antiq.
;

ii.

xvii.

1,4.

2.

these two,

one

naturally thinks of the grammarian Ptolemy of Ascalon, the

only writer of the


in

Le adfin.

name

of

vocdb. differentia in

speaks of this Ptoleniy as a

were

this

so,

before Christ.

has made
is

it

any other passage than the one

Stephanus Byzantinus indeed

above quoted.

if

Ptolemy mentioned by Ammonius

{s.v,

'Ao-kuXcov)

contemporary of Aristarchus

he must have lived

in the

and

second century

But Bge (De Ptolemaeo Ascaloniia, 1882)

highly probable that this statement of Stephanus

erroneous, and that Ptolemy had lived rather in the early

part of the
be, in

first

century after Christ.

In that case he would

respect of time, in the very best position for writing a

biography of Herod.

Many
V.

296,

accomplished scholars, as Fabricius in Biblioth. grace,


in his note on the passage from Ammonius, and

Amnion


53

INTIiODUCTION".

in his edition of Vossius, De historicis j^raecia,


226, regard Ptolemy of Ascalon as the author of Herod's
biography.
Compare in regard to him generally, the literature
given in Div. ii. vol. i. pp. 28, 29.
Mller, Fragm. hist, graec,
is inclined to look for the author among the courtiers of Herod.
The statement about the Idumaeans, quoted above, is found
also in an abbreviated form in a writing ascribed to Ptolemy of
Ascalon, vipl hafopg Xsgewi/, which has recently been published
in a complete form by Heylbut in Hermes, vol. xxii. 1887, pp.
388-410. In this work the passage runs as follows " Jews
(^lovhaToi) and Idumaeans (^ihouiJuuToi) are not the same; for the Jews
are the original inhabitants, but the Idumaeans were originally
not Jews, but Phoenicians and Syrians." But this passage, as
well as all the rest of this reputed work of Ptolemy, appears to
be nothing else than an extract from Ammonius, who had on
his part quoted fi^om the genuine work of Ptolemy of Ascalon.

Westermann
p.

11. Nicolaus Damascenus.

Ko

writer has been used by Josephus

who

yields such abund-

ance of good material for the post-Biblical period as Nicolas of

He

Damascus, the trusted friend and counsellor of Herod.

belonged to a distinguished non-Jewish family in Damascus.

His

Antipater, held the highest

father,

official

appointments

Since Nicolas, immediately after the death of Herod,

there.

in B.c. 4, speaks of himself as about sixty years of age, he

must have been born about

R.c.

Greek education, and

his

mainly

Hence

Aristotle.

Mller he

is

in

called

"

he

is

Antony and
B.C.

the Fragments

one of the

to Sophronius, patriarch

the seventh century after

of

When

Augustus was in Syria

20, Nicolas saw in Antioch the Indian ambassadors

came there

(Strabo,

xv.

by

b.c.

at the very latest

1.

73).

in

who

Probably even then, but

14, he lived in the closest intimacy

King Herod, by whom he

was

important diplomatic negotiations.

In

with

by

been the tutor of the children of

said to have

Cleopatra.

followed

collected

Peripatetic," "

According

Jerusalem in the beginning

Christ,

acquired a thorougii

philosophical views

Nicolas the

Peripatetic philosophers."
of

in

He

64.

employed
b.c.

in

some

14 he was

in

THE SORCKS.

3.

retinue

the

when he

Herod

of

At

Minor.

period

later

O
Agrippa

visited

Asia

in

he went with Ilerod to Eonie.

When

Herod, on account of his proceedings in Arabia, had

fallen

into

Rome

as

with Augustus,

disfavour

Also in

ambassador.

his

sons, Alexander, Aristobulus,

prominent place

death of Herod he
the

before

represented

emperor

the

Rome.

at

sent to

with

conflicts

his

and Antipater, Nicolas occupied

counsellor of

as

was

Nicolas
his

the

After

king.

of Archelaus

interests

All

these

the

particulars

are

derived from his autobiography, as given in Mliller's Frag-

He

ments and the corresponding sections of Josephus.


have spent his

to

last years in

Of the tragedies and comedies which Nicolas

supposed

is

have written, no single vestige now remains.

to

his

philosophical productions very

Undoubtedly by
were

his

under

remark

"

He

name

the

wrote

and an account of the


life

and

according
avva'ywyr].

career."
to

little

important

NiKoXao^;,

general
life

Besides

these

of

of

his

writings

Suidas, in

his

makes the following

history

of Caesar,

Even

has been preserved.

works, regarding which

historical

Lexicon,

most

the

far

seems

Rome.

and

three

in

eighty

books,

also of his

works,

he

own

wrote,

Photius, Bihliotli. cod. 189, a irapaSo^wv eOoiu

Of

all

the four works

we

possess fragments of

greater or less extent.

We

owe the greater number of the fragments that are


preserved to the great undertaking of the Kinjx'ror Constantinus Porphyrogennetus, A.D. 912-9rt9, who had the most
trustworthy statements of the old historians collected into
certain volumes.
There were in all fifty -three volumes
or heads among which those collections were distributed.
Only a few of those tilly-three books have been preserved, and
of those that are extant, only two come into consideration at
present.
(1) The extracts l)e virtutibus et vitiis, edited by
V'alesius in A.u. 1634; and (2) the extracts De insidiis, first
edited by Feder, from a codex Esrurialensis, in a.D. 1848-1 855,
with other extracts, in 3 vols. At the same time, and inde-

INTRODUCTION,

pendently of Feder, Mller edited the same manuscript in


his Fragm. hist, graec. iii. 1849.
Compare on the undertaking
of Constantinus Porphyrogennetus generally, Tabricius-Harles,

Bihlioth. graec.

viii.

Schulze,

De

De

excerptis constantinianis quaes-

Zu den Excerptensammlungen des Konstantin Porphyrogennetos (Hermes, Bd. xix.


Bonn 1866.

iiojus criticae,

Boor,

1884, pp. 123-148).


1.

The great

work

historical

Nicolas

of

When

books (Athenaeus,

vi. p.

eighty books, this

must be explained

249).

144

contained

Suidas speaks of only

by assuming an

either

MSS. of Suidas, or by supposing that only eighty


books were known to Suidas.
The extensive fragments preerror in the

refer

excerpts, de

taken exclusively from the

the

to

Constantine

the

in

served

insidiis, are

early

liistory

of the

down
Of books 895 we

Lydians, and
C3'rus.

Persians,

virtutihus

first

and

Assyrians, Medes, Greeks,


the times of Croesus

to

de

seven books, and

as good

possess

as

and

nothing.

Of book 96 some fragments have been preserved by Josephus


Books 96, 103, 104, 107, 108, 110, 114,

and Athenaeus.

116, 123, 124 are distinctly quoted.

In books 123 and


124 an account is given of the negotiations with Agrippa
favour of the Jews residing there, in
in Asia Minor in

which Herod and Xicolaus Damascenus represented the Jewish


interests (Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 3.

comp.

negotiations were carried on in the year

xvi. 2.

B.c.

2 o).

14.

These

The remain-

ing twenty books would undoubtedly treat of the following


ten years,

down

in B.C. 4.

One

in order to

to the

beginning of the reign of Archelaus,

only requires to read Josephus

see immediately that the

connectedly

uncommonly complete

and detailed authority which he follows in books xv. xvii.


on the

life

of Herod, breaks off at

reign of Archelaus.

book

xviii.

utterly

is

so

What

he

tells

the

beginning of the

regarding that reign in

desperately poor and

meagre,

impossible that he could have had

document

like

that upon

which he drew

at
for

that
his

it

is

disposal

books xv.

But

xvii.

complete and detailed authority can have

this

been no other than


is

61

THE SOURCES.

3.

work

tiie

Damascus, who

of Nicolas of

expressly cited in Antiq. xvi.

7.

and who

1,

in

auto-

his

biography gives a historical statement that reads almost like

Hence

an extract from Joseph us.

evident that

it is

length by the author in his larger historical work.

work

historical
for

Asmonaeans,

3,

6.

of

way

of Strabo {Antiq.

of Antiochus
2.

are

David {Antiq.

the history of

xiii.

8.

i.

5.

vii.

12. 6

4,

cites

xiv.

4.

Nicolas'

work

for

3.

9,

7.

2),

2),

6,

3.

and the history

Epiphanes {Treatise against Apion,

Of the biography

still

the

which he uses the

to that in

the history of primitive times (Antiq.


for

But

by Josephus, not only

used

is

Josephus also expressly

4).

gives

Herod, but also for the history of the

a similar

in

work

historical

Nicolas

of

history

the

it

the story of the events recorded at greater

in briefer form

ii.

7).

Augustus, Bio<; Kaiaapo<i, there

of

extant two large fragments, of which the one in the

(Konstantine excerpts, de virtutibus, treats of the

Octavian's youth and

education

history of

while the other, which

is

particularly extensive, in the Coustantine excerpts, de insidiis,


refers to the

time immediately subsequent to Caesar's assassi-

nation, there being

or excursus,

against

c.

added

to

it,

in the form of a large note

1927, a complete account

Caesar, and of the circumstances that preceded his

This second fragment, wliich was

murder.

in the publications of Feder, Mller,


possible

the conspiracy

of

fairly to

estimate

which, notwithstanding

first

made known
makes it

I'iccolos,

historical value of the

tlie

its

and

work,

general panegyristic cliaracter,

is

considerable.
3.

The autobiography,

preserved

in

the

probably Suidas

of

excerpts

mainly

which

de

relies

several

virtutibus,

for

tlie

fragments

and

facts

are

upon whicli
given

in

his

Lexicon articles on the names 'AvTLirarpoi; and NiK6\ao<i,


interesting on account of

the

is

undisguised self-complacency

62

INTRODrCTION.

and

of

conceit

author,

its

bounded praise lavished upon


4.

The

of "

collection

UapaS^cop

which
all his

which

known

(Biblioth. cod. 189), is

in

tlie

un-

Eemarkable Habits and Customs,"

avva'ywyr),

edoiv

shows

he

own achievements.

to

us

was

seen

by Photius

only from the extracts

in the Florilegium of Stobaeus.

A complete collection of the fragments of Nicolas, with the


exception of the philosophical fragments, was first issued by
Mller in his Fragmenta historicorum graecor^tm, iii. 1849, pp.
343-464, and iv. pp. 661-664. Compare generally, Clinton,
Fasti Hellenici, ed. 2, vol. iii. p. 574 f.
Grtz, Geschichte der
Juden, ed. 2, vol. iii. p. 483, note 20, proving that Nicolas
was not a Jew. Nicolai, Geschichte Literaturgeschichte, ii.
536 f. On his exposition of early history, books i.-vii. Steinmetz, Herodot und Nicohius Damascenus, Lneburg 1861.
On Nicolas as an authority with Josephus Bloch, Die Quellen
des Flavins Josephus, 1879, pp. 106-116.
Destinon, Die
Quellen des Flavins Josephus, 1882, pp. 91-120.
The B/of Ka/ffapo5 was separately edited by Piccolos, Nicolas
de Damas., vie de Cesar, fragment recemment decouvert, etc..
Paris 1850.
It is discussed by the following: Brger, De
Nicolai Damasceni fragmento Escurialensi quod inscribitur B/c>
Kaiffapoc, Bonnae 1869
and 0. E. Schmidt, who writes in the
Jalirbb. fr class. Philologie, 1884, pp. 666-687, on Nicolaus
Damascenus and Suetonius Tranquillus, supporting, in opposition to P)Urger, the historical importance of the Biog Kaiaapo;,
and seeking to show that Suetonius had made use of it.
The fragments of the Uapadi^uv iuiv amayuyn have also been
collected and edited in a separate issue by Westermann, Hapado^oypd(poi, 1839, pp. 166, 167.
On the passage referring to
the Lacedaemonians, see Trieber, Quaestiones Laconicae, pars
I.
De Nicolai Damasceni Laconicis, Eerol. 1867.
Of the philosophical writings of Nicolas there remain only
See Clinton, Fasti
a number of titles and short fragments.
Hellenici, ed. 2, iii. p. 574 ff.
Eoeper, Zectiones AhulphavaMller, Fragm. histor.
gianae, Danzig 1844, pp. 27, 35-43.
graec. iii. 344.
Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics,
London 1869. Zell in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, i. 2, 2

1679

Aufl. p.

1879,
jplantis

p.

84,

f.,

art.

Anm.

has been

Diels, Doxographi graeci,


"Aristoteles."
1.
The pseudo-Aristotelian writing de

ascribed by E.

H.

F.

Meyer

to

Nicolaus

3.

THE SOUECES,

63

Pamascenus, and published under his name. Anotlier pseudo<7rtpi x6a,a6v, has been
by several scholars in
earlier and later times attributed to Nicolas.
The CTounds for
so doing are very insufficient.
Becker, Bernays, and Zeller,
Aristotelian tract,

liowever, still incline to ascribe it to our author.


On its later
reproduction by Apuleius, see Teullel, History/ of Roman Literature, 367. 6.
So far as "vve can judge from the quotations
and iragments of the philosophical works of Xicolas, they are
closely related to those of Aristotle, and were not so much
independent works as short expositions or compendia and
illustrations of tlie several departments of the Aristotelian
philosophy. lioeper, Lcctiones Aindphxiragianae, pp. 35-43, and
Usener in: Bernays' Ges. Abhandlungen, ii. 281. Boeper gives
the nio.st complete collection of quotations and fragments. This
is the view also taken of them by Ueberweg in his History of
Fhilosophy, vol. i. p. 184.

The Commentaries of Vespasian.

12.

In the 6th chapter of his Life, Joseph us refers to the

Commentaries of Vespasian as vouching the correctness of


statements
written

At

Nor

"

is

it

only I

Commentaries

the

in

who say
of

this

but so

Vespasian the

it

his
is

emperor."

the same time he brings the charge against his opponent,

Justus of Tiberias, that he could not have read those commentaries, since his statements are in direct contradiction to
in

this

the emperor's

work

"

For neither wast thou con-

cerned in that war, nor hast thou read the Conmientaries of


Caesar, of

which we have evident

In

the

Treatise

ayainst those

against

Apion he

thou hast

proof, because

contradicted those Commentaries of Caesar

in

engages

who judged unfavourably

of

thy history."
in

polemic

his History of the

Jewish War, and denies to them the right of making such


a

criticism

"

How

impudent must those

esteemed who undertake to contradict


state

of those

made use
could not

affairs,

deserve

me about

who, although they pretend

to

be

the

true

to

have

own memoirs, yet they


be acquainted with our affairs who fought against
of

both

the

emperor's

64

INTRODUCTION.
" of

These memoirs

them."

Nothing more

the Life.

Compare

Teuffel,

not

his

emperor's " are evidently

than this

History of

Josephus evidently came

composed

the

Commentaries of Vespasian referred

identical with the

to

work on the

mention them

among

(Treatise against Apion,

is

Boman

Literature,

know them only


Wars of the Jews,
his

to in

known about them.

authorities

311.

after

2.

he had

since he does

for

that

work

910).

i.

13. Antonius Julianiis.

Minucius Felix, in his Octavian.


of his

upon themselves by
writings

and

writings, or
of

c.

33.

refers

4,

for

proof

statement that the Jews had brought their misfortunes

if

those

their

of

the

own evil
Eomans

you prefer those

of the

Antonius Julianus, and you will

deeds,
"

to

their

Read again

Romans, look
find

that

wickedness has occasioned their calamities."

own
their

into those

their

own

The work

of

Antonius Julianus treated probably of the war of Vespasian.

Tor a MdpKo<i 'Avrwvco'i


Josephus as Procurator

of

'lov\iav6<i

is

also

mentioned by

Judea during the time of the

Vespasian war (Wars of the Jews,

vi.

4. 3).

Bernays (Ueber die Chronik des Sulpicius Severus, 1861,


56) conjectures that this work of Antonius Julianus may
have been used by Tacitus, on whom again the work of
p.

This is possible.
But it should
Sulpicius Severus depends.
not be forgotten that there were yet other works on the
Josephus, indeed, distinguishes such books
Vespasian war.
To the one class belonged those who knew the
into two classes.
events of the war at first hand from having themselves been
engaged in it, but through prejudice in favour of the Romans
or against the Jews, told the story in a false and garbled
manner. To the other class belonged those who knew the
matter only from report, and were often misled by the incorrect
and inconsistent reports on which they relied. " Some men
who were not concerned in the affair themselves have gotten
together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have

3.

written

them down

THE SOURCES.

manner

after a sophistical

were then present have given

65
;

and those who

account of things, and this


rather out of humour of flattery to the Eomans or of hatred to
the Jews," Josephus, Wars of the Jews, preface 1. Compare
also the remarks at the end of the preface to the Antiquities,
in the Treatise against Apion, 1. 8 at the end, and in the letter
of Agrippa, quoted in chap, 65 of the Life of Josephus.
false

14. Justus of Tiberias.

About the

of

life

we know only what

Justus of Tiberias

Josephus has told us in his Life (chaps.

9,

12,

17,

35,

37, 54, 65, 70, 74).

He was

Greek education

and along with his father Pistus occu-

(c. 9),

Jew who had

received a

pied a conspicuous position in his native city of Tiberias during


the Jewish

war

of A.D.

66-67.

revolution

the

voluntarily to

(c.

Condemned

70).

of moderate

party, but quitted his

town even before the subjugation


Agrippa

man

Being a

more under compulsion than

tendencies, he attached himself

to

of

Galilee,

long period of imprisonment.

native
fled

to

death by Vespasian, and

had

given over to Agrippa for execution, he

commuted by him, through the

and

his

sentence

intercession of Berenice, to a

He seems

then to have gone

again to reside in Tiberias, but led, according to Josephus, a


rather mysterious and doubtful sort of

him twice
liis

life.

Agrippa sentenced

imprisonment, and had him repeatedly banished

to

Once he pronounced against him sentence of

native city.

death, and pardoned

him only

In spite of

Agrippa entrusted him with the raft?

all

iircaToXcov.

unserviceable,

this,

But in

this

and was

Agrippa (Josephus'

at the entreaty of Berenice.

too,

office,

at last, for

Life,

c.

Justus proved himself

good and

He was

65).

all,

still

dismissed by
alive

in the

beginning of the second century after Christ, for his Chronicle


reaches

down

to the

Trajan, A.D. 100.

death of Agrippa in the third year of

His works are

War, against which the polemic


DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

1.

History of the Jewish

of Josephus in his Life is

66

INTRODUCTION.
Tlie later writers

directed.

who mention

this work, Eusebius,

Jerome, his translator Sophronius, and Suidas, obtained their

knowledge of

it

only from Josephus.

whether Steph. Byz.


work.

Agrippa

by him

2.

II.

s.v.

Tiepid^i,

It is also

drew

very doubtful

from

directly

this

Chronicle of the Jewish Kings from Moses to


It

was known to Photius, and

{Billioth. cod. 33).

is briefly

described

Also Julius Africanus, from

whom

the quotations in the Chronicle of Eusebius and in Syncellus


are borrowed,
ii.

5.

made use

of

it.

notice in Diogenes Laertius,

41, has probably to be referred to another work of

Justus.

3.

The existence

of the Commentarioli de scripturis,

mentioned by Jerome in his de

viris

questionable, since no other author

illustr.

c.

14,

is

very

knows anything about

it.

In regard to the part played by Justus during the Jewish


false opinions have very widely prevailed, owing
to the misleading statements of Josephus.
He has generally
been regarded as an extreme patriot and bitter foe of the
Eomaus. So especially by Baerwald, Josephus in Galila, 1887.
But a critical examination of all these assertions of Josephus
affords us an essentially different picture.
On the one hand,
Josephus describes him as a chief agitator in pressing on the
war, and affirms that he had moved his native city of Tiberias
to revolt from Agrippa and the Eomans (Life, 9, 65, 70).
For proof of this Josephus adduces his campaign against the
cities of Decapolis, Gadara, and Hippos, on account of which
he was accused by the representatives of those cities to
Vespasian, and by him given over to be punished to Agrippa,
so that he escaped death only through the intercession of
Berenice (c. 9 at the end, 65, 74). Further, his connection
with the revolutionary chiefs, John of Gischala (c. 17) and
Jesus, son of Sapphias (c. 54), is advanced as evidence against
him. But in spite of this effort to brand Justus as one mainly
to blame for the revolutionary rising in Galilee, Josephus is
yet guileless enough to confess even at the outset that Justus
belonged neither to the Eoman nor to the revolutionary party,
but to a middle party which " pretended to be doubtful about
going to war" (c. 9). And a whole series of facts prove that
Justus was by no means enthusiastically in favour of war. His
nearest relatives in Gamala were murdered by the revolutionary
party (c. 35, 37). He himself was one of the prominent men

war utterly

who
(c.

3.

67

THE SOURCES.

oi)posed the destruction of the palace of Herod in Tiberias


Indeed, he was one of the councillors whom Josephus

12).

they would not join in the


he also then declared that he did indeed
know the might of the Komans, but that for tlie present they
could do nothing else than join " the robbers," that is, the
Comp. Wars of the Jews, ii. 21. 8-10
revolutionists (c. 35.
Justus also left Tiberias when the revolution
Life, 32-34).
there was just at its height, and went over to Agrippa and the
Komans (c. G5 and 70). He was therefore quite correct in his
statement that Josephus was mainly chargeable with the

had put

in prison just because

revolution, to

whom

revolutionary movement in Tiberias, and in affirming that


Tiberias had been drawn into the revolt only under compulsion
The real facts of the case are thus perfectly clear.
(c. 65).
Justus was a man of precisely the same style and tendency as
Both had taken part in the revolt, but both did sd
Josephus.
In reality neither
only under the pressure of circumstances.
of them wished to have anything to do with it, and so now the
one seeks to throw the blame upon the other.
The work which Josephus in his Life so vehemently
attacks cannot have been the same as the Chronicle described
by Photius. For, according to Photius, that Chronicle was
" very meagre and brief, and passed over nnich that was important and even necessary " but the work referred to by
Josephus evidently entered into minute details, and is simply
characterized by Josephus as a History of the Jewish War.
" For he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks, and in
dependence on that skill it was that he undertook to write a
" Justus, who hath
liistory of these affairs " (Life, c. 9).
Justus
himself written a hi.story concerning these afthirs.
,
undertook to write about these facts and about the Jewish
war " (c. 65).
In tliis same chapter (Life, c. 65) Josephus
speaks of his astonishment at the impudence of Justus, who
claimed to be the best narrator of these occurrences wliereas
he knew nothing at first hand, either of the proceedings in
Galilee, or of the siege of Jotapata, or of the siege of Jerusalem.
He therefore evidently treated in that work of the whole
history of the war.
It was not publihed by Justus until
twenty years after it had been completed, when Vespasian,
;

Titus,

and Agrippa

II.

were dead

{Life,

c.

65).

It

must

therefore have been completed during the lifetime of Agrippa,


and so, again, it must be distinguished from the Chronicle
which reaches down to Agrippa's death. Eusebius, Jerome,
and others derived their grounds of accusation against Justus


68

INTRODUCTION.

from Joseplius. He is charged (Eusebius, Hist. Ecchs. iii.


Jerome, de viris illustr. c. 14) with having written a
10. 8
history of Jewish affairs in a distorted manner to suit his own
personal ends, and is declared to have been convicted by
Josephus of falsehood.
The article in Suidas* Lexicon on
'louffroc is taken mrbatim from Sophronius, the Greek translator of Jerome.
Probably also the notice in Stephanus
Byzantinus on the name Tiberias is grounded upon Josephus.
On the Chronicle of the Jewish Kings, Photius in his
BiUioth. cod. 33, remarks as follows: 'Ave/vokt)! 'lolerou Ttipisojg
^poviTiov, o'j
'7riypa(pr)
Iouto Tiipisug 'lovbaiuv affiXsuv ruv iv
;

7)

ToTg aTi/jb/u^adiv.
"

Apyirai

^Aypi'TT'Tra

hi

Obrog
laropiag

rrig

tou /33o/40u

cctto

yo?,wj rrig

airo

xai in /juaXXov

Tpa'/avou, ob xai
Ti

xai

t]

'lerop'ia

TO, -rXg/irra rcLv

tto

rr^v

'

vay/.aio-ruv

lug

of

-upij^aro.

7i}.ivrr,g

Hpuidou, liTarou ds

apyji^

OvsSTraaiavou,

xctrejj^sv.

Tiipiddog

xaTa^.r^yii

/isv ruiv aero r/;s o'lKiag

'loudaiav adi^.ixjaiv, g '^rapi'KaBi i^h


hi iiri "Sipuvog

iv Ta7.i7.aic!,

Mu'JGiug,

"'Eari b\

I'^i

K7.avdiou,

nXivT^

6s

Tf,v ippaff/v

rtaparp'-yjiiv.

'irtt

sv

rcTc

r,\j^yi&ri

Tiplruj

swrofj-uraTog

From

this

work

Eusebius and
those made by Georgius Syncellus, which undoubtedly made
their way to Eusebius and Syncellus through the medium of
Julius Africanus.
In the preface to the second book of the
Chronicle, Eusebius speaks as follows " That Moses flourished
in the times of Inachus is affirmed by such famous teachers as
Clement, Africanus, Tatian from among ourselves, and by
Josephus and Justus from among tlie Jews, each after his own
fashion supporting the statement from primitive histories."
This passage from the preface of Eusebius is not only expressly
quoted by Syncellus, but also made use of elsewhere in several
other passages.
Eusebius further mentions Justus in his
Chronicle, ad ann. Ahrah. 2113, during the reign of the Emperor
Nerva, as a well-known Jewish writer. In Syncellus again
the same notice stands at the bednninjr of the account of
Trajan's reign.
This also must have been the original position
given to him in the Chronicle of Africanus. For undoubtedly
the statement rests upon the assumption that the Chronicle of
Justus reached down to the beginning of the reign of Trajan.
The notice in Scaliger, Thcsaums, 'icropiMv auvayuyi] ad 01.
210, A: evraZda Xrjyn rh 'JovCtov Tiipisujg ypovr/Jv, rests Only
upon Photius, BiUioth. cod. 33. If, then, it is rendered certain
from what has been adduced that Julius Africanus made use
of the Chronicle of Justus, the theory is thoroughly confirmed
that certain notices about Jewish history in the Chroniclers
dependent on Africanus, which are not derived from Josephus,
also are taken the quotations in the Chronicle of

3.

THE S0UKCE3.

69

See below, 10, note 32 and


are to be traced back to Justus.
Gutschmid had also
Gelzer, Julius Africanus, i. 246-265.
previously guessed that Africanus had made use of Justus.
See Div. ii. vol. iii. p. 222.
In the biography of Socrates in Diogenes Laertius, ii. 5. 41,
we meet with the following statement " Justus of Tiberias
;

that at his trial Plato went up to the platform and said,


men of Athens, being the youngest of those who have gone,
up to the platform, and that the judges cried out Go down,
go down." It is extremely improbable that so special a notice
regarding details in the history of Socrates and Plato should
liave had place in a brief chronicle of Jewish kings.
But even
a comparison of the wording of the title as given by Photius
with that given by Diogenes Laertius, leads one to suppose
that Justus had written other works besides the Chronicle of
the Jewish Kings. The title (Vhoim?,, BiUioth. cod. 33) ^loudaluv
tells

cannot mean

"

History of the
crowned kings of the Jews," altiiough GTt/j./j!,a usually means
crown. But as aTi/j./x,a also means a genealogical table, this
" History of the kings of the
title is rather to be rendered
aaiXiuv ruv

ro??

cri/nfMaffiv,

But what ori/j./j,ura are


Jews enumerated in the Tables."
meant? The Chronicle of Julius Africanus consisted, it is
well known, in great part of lists of kings, Greek, Oriental, and
Pioman.
Is it not likely that the older work of Justus should
have been similarly constructed ? Then there would have been
only a part of the whole work known to Photius, namely, the
liistory of the kings of the Jews designated in the 6r';;j./jbccTa of
Justus, while to Diogenes Laertius there was known another
therefore another part of the whole work.
generally, Vossius, De historicis graecis,
1838.
Fabricius, Bihlioth. graec. ed. Harles, v. 61, x. 691.
Mller, Fragmenta liistor. graec. iii. 523.
Vaillant, De HisaTi/j,/jba,

Compare on Justus

qui ante Joscphum, Judaicas res scripscrc, Paris 1851.


Creuzer, Theol. Stiid. und Krit. 1853, pp. 57-59.
Gnitz, Das
Lebensende des Knigs Agrippa IL, des Justus von Tiberias
und des Flavius Josephus und die Agrippa-Mnzen {Monatsschr.fr Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jud. 1877, p. 337 ff.), gives
an impossible explanation of tlie Photius passage. Baerwald,
Joscplius in Galila, sein Verhltniss zu den Parteien, insbesondere zu Justus von Tiberias tmd Agrippa IL, Breslau 1877.
toricis

1 5. Aristo of Fella.

On

Aristo of Pella and his literary

work we have only two


INTRODUCTION.

70

independent witnesses, Eusebius and Maximus Confessor.


1.

According

was

told in a

to

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History,

work

iv.

6.

3, it

of Aristo of Pella, that after the conquest


" it

was enjoined

of Bitther

and the overthrow of Barcochba,

by regular

legal enactments of

race, that

they should on no pretext enter within the region

Hadrian upon the whole Jewish

round about Jerusalem, the emperor wishing that they should


not be able, even from a distance, to look upon their native
{jo irav e6vo<;

soil."
ryr]<i

ercelvov Kal

e'f

irdfiTrav eiriatveiv etpyeTat,

'ASpiavov,

09

av

fjuTjS'

ijKe\va-afievov.

UeWalo^

founded what

is

and by the Armenian

respecting Aristo

of

Pella.

lepoaoXv/xa

is

to irarpMOV eha^o<i
laTopel.)

Moses

notice

" I

this

of Chorene,

In the Scholia of Maximus

Dc mystica
630-650, we meet with the

Confessor on Dionysius the Areopagite,


written about a.d,

On

said in the Chronicon

historian,

2.

ra

voov SojfxaTL Kal Bcard^eatv

clttotttov Oecopolev

^Aplajcov

passage in Eusebius
paschale,

e'f

Trepl

t>}9

have also read the expression

'

thcologia,

following

seven heavens

in

'

the dialogue of Papiscus and Jason, composed by Aristo of


Pella,

which Clement

of Alexandria, in the sixth

Hypotyposes, says was written by


TOVTO " eirra ovpavom
T(o

IIeX\.ai(p

"

koI iv

rf]

St.

Luke."

book of his
{^Ave'yvav he

avyyeypanfjievT] ^AplaTcovi

SiaXe^ei UaiTLcrKov Kal ^Idcrovo<;,

rjv KX?//x?j9

^A\e^avSpev<i iv eKrcp iXlcp rwv 'TuTOTVirca-ecov rov ajcov

AovKCLv ^rjaiv avaypdylrat.)

According

to

Maximus

Confessor,

therefore. Aristo was the author of the Dialogue between Jason

and Papiscus, which


an anonymous work.

is

also elsewhere quoted, but always as

He was

already

known

to the heathen

philosopher Celsus, as well as to Origen and Jerome.


obtain most information from the

Latin

translation

made by

still

extant preface to a

certain Celsus, according

Harnack, belonging probably to the

fifth

We
to

century after Christ,

contained in some manuscripts of the works of Cyprian.

At

the close of the main section, cap. 8, he names himself Celsus.

THE SOECES.

3.

71

According to the statement here given concerning

it,

Jason

was the representative of the Christian view, Papiscus was the

But the Christian

representative of Judaism.

Jew

proves to the

so convincingly

the Messiahship of Jesus, that the latter

is

soon converted and baptized.

Seeing that the Dialogue, as

lay before Celsus, Origen,

it

Jerome, and the Latin translator, was evidently anonymous,

no one

for

is

named by them

as its author,

whether the testimony

able

authorship of Aristo

is

of

it is

Maximus

worthy of

credit.

very question-

in favour of the

AVhence should a

writer of the seventh century obtain correct information about

the author of

whom

all earlier writers

guess of Maximus, however,

is

knew nothing

The

by no means improbable.

Tertullian's work, adversus Judaeos,

c.

In

13, at the beginning,

we

have the imperial edict forbidding the Jews to enter the environs of Jerusalem, given in terms almost literally identical

with those of the passage quoted by Eusebius from Aristo


{interdictum

ne in confinio ipsius rcgionis dcmoretur quis-

est

quam Judaeorum ....

Hicrusalem pro-

terram vestram de longinquo earn

hibiti ingredi in

videre

post expugnationem

permissum

ocidis

tantum

Since Tertullian brings this forward in

est).

an anti- Jewish controversial

treatise, it is

highly probable that

he had extracted the notice from a similarly anti-Jewish work.

But such

precisely

was the character

of the Dialogue

between

Jason and Papiscus (comp, also Harnack's Texte und Untersuchungen,


If,

i.

12,

p.

12 7

ff.).

then, on the basis of

what has been adduced,

jectured that the notice in Eusebius

is

it

is

con-

taken from the Dialogue

between Jason and Papiscus, we cannot ascribe to Aristo a


special history on the

Hadrian war

and

it

is

not probable

that the other statements in Eusebius about the Hadrian war


are

drawn from

Aristo,

ence to that one

edict.

who rather makes only passing referAs to the date of Aristo, he may be

put down somewhere about the middle of the second century.

INTRODUCTION.

Y2

In the Clironicon paschale, on the year A.D. 134, the remark


made " In this year Apelles and Aristo, whom {m) Eusebius
Pamphilus mentions in his Ecclesiastical History, presents
{sirihibum) the draft of an apology concerning our religion

is

to the

Emperor Hadrian."

Since the anthor refers expressly

no independent value.
The
makes it probable that he wrote UiX'KaTog
^Apiaruv, out of which 'a-^-e^.a^s tcui Aplaruv arose through corAt any rate, the Armenian historian,
ruption of the text.
Moses of Chorene, derived his information irom Eusebius. He
indeed states that Aristo reports the death of King Artases, a
to Eusebius, his testimony has

singular

i-TrihibuGiv

'

contemporary of Hadrian but then in his history of Barcochba


he closely follows Eusebius. See Eouth, Reliquiae Sacrae, i.
101 ff. Langlois, Collection des Historiens de I'Armenic, t, i.
[= Mller, Fragmenta hist, grace, v. 2] p. 391 sqq. Harnack,
Texte und Untersuchungen, i. 1-2, p. 126.
The Dialogue between Jason and Papiscus was probably
largely used in the Altercatio Simonis Judaei et Theophili
christiani, published by Martene in his Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, vol. v., Paris 1717, and again rescued from oblivion
by Harnack, Texte und Untersuchungen, vol. i. div. 3, 1883,
especially pp. 115-130.
On Aristo generally, compare Fabricius, BiUioth grace, ed.
Harles, vii. 156 ff.
Grabe, Spicilegium Patriim, ii. 127-133.
Eouth, Bcliqidae sacrae, i. 91-109.
Gieseler, Ecclesiastical
History, Edin. 1846, vol. i. 156.
Smith and Wace, Dictionary
of Christian Biography, London 1877, vol. i. pp. 160, 161.
Pauly's Bcal-Encijclop. i. 2, 2 Aufl. p. 1597.
Mller, Fragm.
hist, grace, iv. 328.
Corjms apologetarum, ed. Otto, t. ix. 1872,
Harnack, Die Ueberlieferung der griechischen
pp. 349-363.
Apologeten des zweiten Jahrhunderts in der alten Kirche und im
Mittelalter, 1882.
Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentl. Kanons, vol. iii. 1884, p, 74.
;

16.

Among

Fapyrus

Parisiensis, n. 68.

the Greek Papyrus texts of the Louvre at Paris

meet with certain fragments which

Jews
The

in Alexandria
texts,

referred

refer to the revolt of the

during the time of the

however, are so fragmentary that

possible to determine with


to.

Eoman
it

any exactness the date

Were they more

we

complete,

is

Empire.

quite im-

of the revolt

they would

have

THE SOURCES.

3.

For they had

us invaluable historical information.

afforded

contained, as

we can make out beyond


two

things, one or

Jews

73

among

other

emperor addressed to the

of the

rescripts

question,

of Alexandria with reference to the outbreak, as well as

by a man who had been

a letter addressed to the emperor

already under sentence of death, and now, face to face with


death, " will not shrink from telling the truth."

The fragments are published as Pajiyrus Paris, n. 68, liy


Brunet de Presle, in Notices et extraits des Manuscrits
publics par I'lnsfitut de Finance, vol. xviii. part 2, Paris 1865,
See also Atlas attached thereto, sheet xlv.
pp. 383-390.
.

Suidas in his Lexicon, under the name TevKpo^ o


:

"

On

the Gold-yielding Earth

tium; on the Mithridate war, in


books

on the Arabians,

six books,
ypd'\^a<i

'^pvaocfiopov

TLKo-virpd^eoiv

iXia

[(jToptav ev cXioi<;

Kal ra XoiTrd.)

Of

small fragments

now

the

names

in five

of

'yP]<?,

e' ,IIepi
r',

this

books

is

on Byzan-

Tupov

five

on Jewish History,

in

(TeD/cpo? 6 Kv^lktjvcx;, 6

MiOptha-

Ilepl rov Bvl^avrlov,

^E(j)7]cov

'Apai/ccv

e' ,^IovZalKr]v

twv ev Kv^lkw aaKiqcnv

7'

Teucer Cyzicenus there are only two

extant,

two places

nothing whatever

Kv^tK'r]v<?,

books; on Tyre, in

five

and various other works."

Hepl

known

which discuss the etymology

in Epirus

and Euboea.

of him.

Whether he

been occasionally mentioned, must

continue

of

Otherwise
is

with some other writers of the name of Teucer

identical

who have

undetermined.

Comp. Mller, Fragmenta historicorum graccorum,

iv.

508.

18. Various Works irepl 'I ovSulcov.


Special treatises on

written

by the Jewish

the history
Hellenists,

of the

Jews were

Demetrius,

also

Eupolemus,

Artapanus, Aristeas, Cleodemus-Malchus, and the classical


Philo.

Teuccr Cyzicenus.

17.

says that he wrote

But these can scarcely come under consideration

here,


INTRODUCTION.

7-4

since they mainly,

if

not exclusively, treat of the earlier periods

of the history (see Div.


of the pseudo-Hecateus

ii.

voL

on the Jews seems to have dealt

named with

]nore detail than those just

own days

people in his

The

The book

200-210).

pp.

iii.

(see Div.

vol.

ii.

in

the condition of the


iii.

302306).

pp.

books of Philo on the persecution of the Jews under

five

Tiberius and Caligula would have been an important document


of his times,

for the history

work

here, because the

no longer extant

is

Pagan

allusions to the Jews.

collection of these

first

vol.

iii.

pp.

be found in
in

But from the

to be written.

Jews known

Kara ^lovSaicov of Apollonius Molon

251254).

Not much

2.

compilation of Alexander Polyhistor,


are

may

14-23.

i.

Jews by non- Jewish authors came

avcTKevr)

made passing

century before Christ special works on

oldest non-Jewish history of the

we

ii.

177 179, and

Polyhistor, pp.

Josephus, Treatise against Apion,

beginning of the

vol.

(see Div,

authors, even from very early times,

Freudenthal, Alexander

the

mentioned

to be

350-354).

pp.

iii.

which ought

to

1.

us

The

is

(see Div.

the
ii

later is the learned

-jrepl ""lovZalcuv,

to

which

indebted for valuable excerpts from the writings of

Jewish Hellenists

(see Div.

ii.

vol.

iii.

197-200).

pp.

3.

In

the age of Hadrian lived Philo Byblius, also called Herennius


Philo, who, besides

In

ha'icov.

to the

to

it

book

it,

other works, wrote

a treatise, irepl ^lov-

according to the statement of Origen, he referred

of the

pseudo-Hecateus on the Jews, and in regard

expressed the opinion that either the book was not the

work of the historian Hecateus,

or

that

if

Hecateus were

indeed the author, he must have out and out accepted the

Jewish doctrine (Origen, contra Cclsum,


referred

to

in

Div.

ii.

vol.

iii.

Eusebius, Praeparatio evangel,


the

same

treatise,

Trepl

i.

p.

i.

304).

15

see the passage

Two

fragments in

10, are avowedly taken from

'louBaicov.

The contents

of those

fragments, however, refer expressly to the Phoenician mytho-

and the second of them

logy,

place {Pracparatio evangel,


TrpcoTOV avyypdfM/xaTO'i

rrj<;

was simply an excursus


laropla.

So,

when we

But,

e.g.,

quoted by Eusebius in another

is

iv.

16) with the formula,

to the large

work

was

of Philo, <^oiviklkt]

Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor,

It

34.

p.

would rather seem that Eusebius,

Mller, Fragmenta histor. grace,

560576.

iii.

Sanchuniathon," in Herzog,
'lovSatcv,

was

364.

xiii.

written by a

also

'lovhaicov,

Comp, on Philo

which, too, he was acquainted.

i.

taken by him from

10, inadvertently ascribed the passages

irepl

It

treatise, irepl ^lovBaioov,

the Phoenician history to the treatise irepl

"

he tou

consider the contents of the Eusebian fragments,

this is not probable.

art.

eic

^tXcovo'i ^oivikck7}<; iaropla^:.

assumed that the

therefore generally

Vo

THE SOECES.

3.

with

generally,

Baudissin, in

4.

certain

treatise,

Damocritus.

From the brief statement regarding it in Suidas, under the


name AafioKptro^ (comp, also Mller, Fragmenta histor. grace.
iv.

377), this only seems

work

of

duta,
6.

p.

As

standpoint was one of

clear, that its

deadly enmity to the Jews.

5.

The same may be

said of the

a certain Nicarchus, irepl 'lovBalcov (Bekker, Ance-

380

= Mller,

Fragmenta

a writer on Jewish

affairs,

histor.

grace,

335).

iii.

Alexander Polyhistor

also

mentions one Theophilus (Eusebius, Pracparatio evangel,

and an anonymous Hvpia^

But

all

the three had

(Eusebius,

ix.

35),

o-)(^oivofiiTpr}ai<i

(Eusebius,

ix.

36).

evidently spoken of Jev.'ish

the other two gave interesting details about

the topography of Jerusalem.

Fragmenta
iv.

515

matters

Theophilus treated of Solomon's relation to

only in passing.
the king of Tyre

ix.

Avtw^ov

34), one Timochares, eV Tot9 irepl

histor. grace,

iii.

Comp, on

209

also

all

the three

Mller,

on Theophilus, Mller,

ff.

19.

The Chronograjphcrs.

For a detailed account

of the

Antiochus Epiphanes, Josephus

plundering of the Temple by


refers, in

his 2rcalise against

76

INTRODUCTION.

Apion,

ii.

among others to the chronographers Apollodorus


To Castor he also refers in order to determine

7,

and Castor.

the date of the battle of Gaza {Treatise against Apion,

Since

it

is

possible that he also

we
we have regarding

22),

elsewhere derived various

chronological information for these treatises,

it

is

most im-

should here examine carefully the notices

portant that
that

i.

these two.

Apollodorus of Athens lived about the middle of the

1.

second century before Christ, and besides other works wrote


the XpoviKa, which treated in chronological order of the most

important events in universal history down to the time of

King Attains

Pergamum,

II. of

in the middle of the second

century before Christ.

collection of the fragments of this historical work, which


not to be confounded with the extant BiXio6r]y.ri under
Apollodorus' name, is to be found in Mller, Fra/jmenta historicorum graecomm, i. 435-439. Compare also Mller, I.e. p. 43;
Tuuly's Eeal-Eucyclopaedie, i. 2, 2 Au. p. 1302 f.
is

2.

Chronicle

Castor's

is

known

to

us mainly through the

quotations in the works of the Christian chroniclers Eusebius

and Syncellus. The

now

book of the Eusebian Chronicle, extant

first

only in an Armenian translation, gives us particularly valu-

able extracts.

the work

What

of Castor

is

Valerius Messala and M. Piso,

year in which

which the

Pompey

subjection

makes

therein contained

was carried down


B.c.

celebrated

to the

61
his

it

certain that

consulship of

that

is,

Asiatic

down

(nostrac rrginnis res praeclaraque gesta cessarunt).

to the

triumph, by

Further Asia was finally

of

M.

settled

Since the

author concludes at that particular point of time, his work

cannot have been written


first

much

century before Christ.

bius, of six books.

the

name

But

it is

of

We

It

later

than the middle of the

consisted, according to Euse-

meet with many individuals bearing

Castor during the time of Caesar and Cicero.

doubtful whether the chronographer

is

to be iden-

"

3.

tified

THE SOUCES.

77

with any of these, and so nothing can with certainty be

determined as to the circumstances of his

life.

The fragments are collected by Mller in the Appendix to


the edition of Herodotus, Paris 1844, Appendix, pp. 153-181.
Eusebius mentions the work in the list of his authorities in
the following terms " The six books of Castor, in which he
collects materials for history from the ninth to the one hundred
and eighty-first Olympiad." The termination of the work is
])recisely stated in passages expressly quoted by Eusebius.
"
set down in order the consuls, beginning with Lucius
Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius CoUatinus, and ending
with Marcus Valerius Messala and Marcus Piso, Mho were
consuls in the times of Theophemus, archon of Athens " (Euse" The archons of Athens
bius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 295).
end with Theophemus, in whose days the famous deeds and
the renown of our land were brought utterly to an end
(Euseb. Chron. i. 183).
Compare generally, Mller, Herodotus, Paris 1844, AppenWestermann in Pauly's Heal-EncydojMedie,
dix, pp. 153-155.

We

207

ii.

fonte

f.

Bornemann,

De

Castoris Diodori Sicidi chronicis

norma, Lbeck 1878.

ac

Stiller,

De

Castoris

Berlin 1880.
Gelzer, Julius Africanus,
pp. 63-79 ; on the person of Castor, p. 70 ff.
chronicis,

C.

Joseph

ii.

1,

lihris

1885,

us.

Josephus, whose works form a priucipnl authority for our


history, gives

in

his Life

and

in

the History of the

Wars

of the Jews several important particulars from the story of


his

own

career.

He was

born at Jerusalem in the

of the reign of Caligula, a.D.

37-38.'

His father

first

year

was called

Matthias, and was descended from a distinguished priestly

The
down to
'

first

year of Caligula's reign extends from IGth Marcli A.D. 37


Since Josephus, at the close of his Antiqui-

16th Marcli A.D. 38.

makes his fifty-sixth year synchronize with the thirteenth year of


Domitian, which extended from 13lh Sejitenilier a.D. 93 to 13th September
His
A.D. 94, he cannot have been born before 13th September a.D. 37.
birth therefore falls between 13th September a.D. 37 and 16th March

ties,

A.D. 38.

Compare Wieseler,

Chronologie des aj)ostolischen Zeitalters, p. 98.

78

INTRODUCTION.

whose ancestors Joseplins can

family,
of

John Hyrcanus.

One

had married a daughter


ander Jannaeus
face 1

?).

trace

back to the times


Matthias,

of his forefathers, called

of the

See Life,

Antiquities, xvi. 7.

high priest Jonathan

(=

Alex-

and Wars of the Jews, preThe 3'ouug Josephiis obtained

1,

1.

a careful rabbinical education, and even as a boy of fourteen


years old had acquired so great a reputation for his know-

men

ledge of the law, that the high priests and the chief
the city came to him in order to receive from
in regard to difcult points of law.
satisfied

him

of

instruction

Yet he was not himself

with such attainments, but, on his attaining his

six-

made a pilgrimage through the various schools of


But even this did
the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.
not suffice to quench his thirst for knowledge.
He now
teenth year,

withdrew into the wilderness, and visited a hermit called


Banus, in order to receive from him the finishing stroke in
After he had spent three years with him, he

his education.

returned to
joined

Jerusalem, and in
party

the

of

the

twenty-sixth year

(/tier'

corresponds to A.D.

64,"^

his

Pharisees

nineteenth year openly


{Life,

c.

In his

2).

elKoarov koL sktov eviavrov), which

he took a journey to

Eome

in order

to obtain the release of certain priests nearly related to him,

who had been


trifling matter.

some

carried thither as prisoners on account of

Having, by means of an introduction from a

Jewish actor Alityrus, secured the favour of the Empress


Poppaea, he succeeded in securing the end he had in view,

whereupon he returned
c.

3).

Soon

Judea laden with rich presents

after his return, in a.D. 66, the

Eomans broke
all

to

out.

At

first

possible, since the

c.

4);

first

and

this

indeed

Jewish aristocracy in general

entered this outbreak only under compulsion.


that Josephus, after the

war against the

Josephus kept himself clear of

connection with the war (Life,

was quite

(Life,

decisive battles

But the

fact is

had taken

place,

Wieseler, Chro7iologie des apostolisch. Zeitalters, p. 98.

THE SOURCES.

3.

79

attached himself to the revolution party, and indeed became

one of

He was

its leaders.

movement with

(Waos of

chief of Galilee

entrusted by the directors of the

the most important post of a commander-inthe Jews,

20. 4

ii.

Life,

c.

From

7).

that time onward his doings and fortunes are closely joined

with those of the Jewish people, and therefore form a component

Compare

part of the history of the Jewish war.

Wars of
1.

the Jews,

4-21. 10

Zife,

ix.

Galilee

of

an end by his being taken prisoner by the Eomans

to

67 {Wars

after the fall of the fortress of Jotapata in A.D.


the Jews,

he

774

c.

3-8. 9

4. 1, 6.

iii.

His performances as commander-in-chief

5, 6.

came

20.

ii.

iii.

When

7-8).

8.

oj

he was carried before Vespasian,

prophesied to him his future elevation to the imperial

{Wars of

throne

when, two years

Jews,

the

later, in A.D.

9;

8.

iii.

Life,

But

75).

c.

69, Vespasian was in very deed

proclaimed emperor by the Palestinian legions, and the pro-

phecy of Josephus was thus


his prisoner,

{Wars of

Vespasian remembered

fulfilled,

and as a thank-offering granted him


Jews,

the

iv.

10.

From

7).

this

his freedom

time onward

name

Josephus, as custom required, assumed the family

Vespasian

" Flavins " along

with his own.

claimed emperor, Vespasian hasted

first

of

After being pro-

of all to Alexandria

{Wars of the Jews, iv. 11. 5), to which place Josephus accomThence Josephus returned to Palesjjanied him {Life, c. 75).
tine in the retinue of Titus, to

whom Vespasian had

the continuation of this war, and remained in the


Titus

down

to

against Apion,
obliged,

i.

by order

to negotiate

the close

75).

war

{TAfe,

c.

75

was

own

life,

of Titus, often at the great risk of his

2-4, 13. 3

of

Treatise

siege of Jerusalem he

with the Jews for a surrender


vi.

2.

Wajs of

1-3,

2. 5, 7.

the Jeics,

Life,

Once while engaged on such an errand he was struck

by a stone, so as
V.

During the

9).

v. 3. 3, 6. 2, 7. 4, 9.
c.

of the

committed

company

13. 3).

to be

When,

rendered unconscious

Wars of the

Jews,

after the capture of the city, Titus allowed

80

INTRODUCTION.

him

take whatever he would, he

to

were his

friends,

who had been


request, one

among whom was

only some sacred

took

many

books, and obtained the release of

his

of the prisoners

own

already crucified were again taken

whom

of

recovered {Life,

him

Titus gave
c.

At

76).

place

in

of

it

down

at his

When

75).

c.

Eoman

property in Jerusalem was required by the

who

Three

brother.

his

garrison,

another in the plain {Life,

the conclusion of the war he went with Titus to

Eome, where he continued

to reside, pursuing his studies

and

engaged in literary work amid the unbroken favour of the

The Jewish

emperor.

Greek

what had formerly been

Eoman

the rights of

pension

{Life,

primus

He

the

On

compare

palace, bestowed

Suetonius,

18
annua centena

Vespasian,

Graccisque rhetoribus

also presented

on him

and granted him a yearly

him with a splendid

estate in

leader

of the

insurrection, Jonathan, gave the

many prominent Jews as being accomplices with


He said
and among these was the name of Josephus.
But
Josephus had sent him weapons and money.

names
liim,

own

the suppression of the Jewish outbreak in Gyrene,

captive

that

his

citizenship,

sco Latinis

constituit).

Judea.

76

c.

was now transformed into a

Vespasian assigned him a residence in

man.

literary

priest

of

Vespasian gave no credence to this false charge, and continued

show favour

to

to

Josephus

{Life,

76

c.

Wars

of the Jews,

Like favour was enjoyed by Josephus under

11. 1-3).

vii.

79-8 1, and under Domitian, A.D. 8 1-9 6. The latter


granted him exemption from tribute in respect of his estate in
Judea {Life, c. 76). Nothing is known as to his relation to
We also know equally little as to the
the later emperors.
This much only is certain, that
precise time of his death.
Titus, A.D.

lie

was

Por

still

of the

autobiography was written

the

Agrippa

alive in the first decade

II. {Life, c. 65).

of Trajan,

A.D.

100

after

second century.
the

But Agrippa died in the

(Photius, BiUioth. cod.

33).

death

of

third year

According

3.

to a

THE SOURCES.

81

statement by Eiisebius {Ecclesiast. History,

was honoured in Eome by the erection of a

iii.

9),

Josephus

statue.

In regard to his family connections, Josephus gives us the


following details.
During the days of John Hyrcanus his forefather Simon the Stammerer lived.
He belonged to the first
of the twenty-four orders of priests, therefore to the order of
Jehoiarib.
Simon's son was Matthias, called Ephlias, who
married a daughter of the high priest Jonathan (= Alexander
Jannaeus ?). Of this marriage was born Matthias Curtus, in
the first year of Hyrcanus II.
The son of Matthias Curtus
was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra (?).
His son was Matthias, the father of our Josephus, born in
the tenth year of Archelaus {Life, c. 1).'
The parents of our
Josephus were still alive in the time of the great war. While
he was commander-in-chief in Galilee, he obtained through his
father news from Jerusalem {Life, c. 41).
During the siege of
Jerusalem his parents were within the beleaguered city, and
were, because regarded as untrustworthy, kept in prison by the
revolutionists (the father. Wars of the Jews, v. 13. 1
the
mother, IVars, v. 13. 3 comp, also v. 9. 4 at the end).
On
the capture of the city he obtained the release of his brother
from a Eoman prison {Life, c. 75). This is supposed to have
been his full brother Matthias, who had been educated along
with him {Life, c. 2). According to the Wars of the Jews, v.

The

'

genealo_^y, as given in the received text of the Life, contains

was born in the


then his son Joseph could not have been
born in the ninth year of Alexandra, B.c. 69. Here we meet with either
an oversight of Josephus or a corruption of the text. If we assume that
Joseph, the grandfather of our Josephus, was born somewhere about B.c.
30, in the ninth year of Herod, then Matthias Curtus will have been born
under Hyrcanus, in his first year, and we shall have to understand this of
Hyrcanus II., who was high priest in b c. 78. The mother of Curtus cannot
then have been the daughter of Jonathan, the first of the Maccabees,
who died in b.c. 143-142, but only a daughter of Alexander Jannaeus,
who died B.c. 78, and who was also called Jonathan. Josephus has indeed
said of this Jonathan his forefather that he " was the first of the sons of
several impossibilities.

If Joseplius' father, Matthias,

tenth year of Archelaus, a.D.

6,

Asmoneus, who was high

priest, and was the brother of Simon, the high


But we may reasonably suspect that Josephus has erroneously
explanatory note to the name of the high priest Jonathan as

priest also."

added this
he found it in the list of his forefathers. If Alexander Jannaeus is meant,
it will also harmonize with the statement that Simon the Stammerer lived
under John Hyrcanus.
DIV.

I.

VOL.

T.


82
9.

INTRODUCTION.

was

at the end, his wife also

in the city during the siege.

In all probability this was his first wife, of whom there is no


mention elsewhere. As Vespasian's prisoner of war, he had at
his command married a captive Jewess from Caesarea.
But
she left him during his stay with Vespasian in Alexandria.
He then, again, in Alexandria married another {Life, c. 75).
By this last he had three sons, of whom at the time of his
writing his autobiography only one survived, Hyrcanus, who
was born in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian {Life,
Still during Vespasian's reign, he got divorced
c. 1 and 76).
from this wife and married a Jewess of noble family in Crete,
who bore him two sons Justus, born in the seventh year of
Vespasian, and Simonides, with the surname of Agrippa, born
in the ninth year of Vespasian. Both of these were alive when
Josephus wrote his life {Life, c. 1 and 76).
:

To the

Josephus at

literary leisure of

for those works,

The Wars of the Jews,

1.

divided

is

appears

seven

into

from

Antiq.

work

books, a

10.

xiii.

6,

in his

Life,

1.

it

2,

first

introduction,

c.

74.^^

which, as

distribution

xviii,

The proper history of the war

Josephus himself.

by a very comprehensive
whole of the

four following

Tlepl toO ''lovhalKov iroXi/iov,

as Josephus himself entitles the


It

are indebted

without which our history could scarcely have

They comprise the

been written.

Eome we

is

owes

to

preceded

which occupies the

book and the half of the second.

The

book begins with the time of Antiochus Epiphanes,

first

1 75 164,

B.c.

B.c. 4.

and

down

reaches

to

the

death of Herod,

The second continues the history down

break of the war in


year of the war,

A.D. 66,

6667.

A.D.

to the out-

and gives an account

The

the

first

third treats of the

war

of

"In the second book

of the Jewish
In the manuscripts the
This title, which certainly was not given
title usually runs Tripl y^aiag.
the book by Josephus, is first met with in J erome, who, in his Commen" which Josephus, a writer of Jewish history,
tary on Isaiah, c. 64, says
Of the Jewish
explains in seven books, to which he gave the title,
*

Similarly Antiq. xviii.

War"

{kv TYi liVTipx t''hos

Tov

1.
'

2:

lovloil'icav '^oT^ffiov).

'

Captivity,' that
c.

35

is,

vipt T^aasa:."

adv. Jovinian.

ii.

14

Compare

also Epist. 22,

de viris illustribus,

c.

13.

ad Eustochium,

X TUE SOUllCES.

67

in Galilee in A.D.

down

the war

to

the fourth of the continued course of

complete isolation

the

Jerusalem

of

and sixth describe the siege and overthrow of

filth

salem

the

Jei'u-

the seventh relates the events that followed the war,

down

destruction of the last smouldering embers of

to the

the revolution.
leavn that

it

From

was

tongue, therefore

the

work

preface to this

originally written

1)

(c.

In order to re-write

in Greek.

it,

period

he took

Greek composition (Treatise against Apion,

lessons in

we

the author's mother

in

Aramaic, and only at a later

in

by him

re-written

As

8 3

i.

9).

main authority for the story of the war proper, he relies

upon

own

his

engaged

in,

was

an eye-witness

least

at

of,

the events

siege of Jerusalem he

Even during the

recorded.

had been either actively

experience, since he

or

had taken

notes in writing, for which he drew upon the state-

down

ments of survivors as

to the state of matters within the city

{Treatise against Apion,


pleted,

he handed

Agrippa

to

i.

When

9).

the work was com-

Vespasian and Titus, and had the

by

assured

them, as

also

he

had reported

the

correctly,

facts

King

by

and many Romans who had taken part

II.

war, that

being

of

satisfaction

it

in the

and with

absolute fidelity to the truth {Treatise against Apion,


Life,

c.

own hand wrote an

Titus with his

65).

the publication of the book {Life,

c.

i.

9;

order for

Agrippa wrote

65).

sixty-two letters, in which he gave testimony to the truthfulness of the

During the composition

narrative.

of

the

him book by book, and


had obtained favourable opinions from him {Life, c. 65).
Since the completed work was submitted to Vespasian
work, Josephus had submitted

to

{Treatise

against Apion,

during his reign,


of*

9),

69-79

m.ust

it

have

been

written

but not until near the close

that reign, for other works had been written on the Jewish

war before
c.

A.D.

i.

this

one by Josephus

Antiquities, Preface,

c.

1).

Wars of

the Jews, Preface,


84

INTRODUCTION.

The Antiquities of the Jews,

2.

from the

with the Ptomans in

was

books

Jewish people

biblical

lonian

from

The

ten

first

The

captivity.

eleventh

Alexander

to

Judas Maccabee in

b.c.

death of Alexandra in

division

the

Herod,

3 74

the

end of the Babythe

history

down

the

twelfth

from

Great

323, down

B.c.

to

the death

161; the thirteenth down

to the

69; the fourteenth down

to the

B.c.

treat

B.c.

of the

37

the

reign

of

the last three books carry us on to the

year 66 after Christ.


thetic statements,

with

to the

and seventeenth

sixteenth,

b.c.

(Antiq.

carries

beginning of the reign of Herod the Great in


fifteenth,

twenty

into

himself

run parallel

books

Alexander the Great, who died


of

The

Josephus

of

and reach down

history,

Cyrus

work

outbreak of the war

the

to

66.

A.u.

the

also

conclusion).

down

times

earliest

^ApxatoXoyia,

'lovBa'cKi)

in twenty books, treat of the history of the

The

work, according to

many

paren-

was completed in the thirteenth year of

Domitian, when Josephus was in his fifty-sixth year, that


in A.D.

93 or 94 {Antiq.

been encouraged to carry


certain Epaphroditus, a

and

literature

xx.
it

11

Jewish but

aim mainly was


*

To

for
to

Greek and Eoman


afford

i.

science

by Josephus.*
first

readers,

instance, not

and that

its

the cultured v/orld some idea of

this Epapliroditus Joseplius also dedicates his Life, see

the Treatise against Apion, see

is,

He had

lively interest in

praised

That the entire work was intended, in the


for

close).

on to the end, especially by a

man whose

enthusiastically

is

at the

and

ii.

41.

Two

men

c.

of the

76,

and

name

of

The one was a


Epaphroditus are known to have lived at this time.
freedman and secretary of Nero, and was put to death by Domitian
(Tacitus, Annals, xv. 55; Suetonius, Nero, 49; Domitian, 14 j Dio
The
Cassius, Ixiii. 29, Ixvii. 14; Suidas' Lexicon, under 'Ettiktyito;).
other was a grammarian, who lived in Rome from the time of Nero
down to that of Nerva, and collected a great library (Suidas' Lexicon,
under 'E!r?)po3/Tor. Compare also Fabricius, Biblioth. graec, ed, Harles,
i. 512, 582, iii. 815).
Many regard the one first named as identical with
the patron of Josephus.

But

this is impossible, since the latter

must

THE SOURCES.

3.

mucli calumniated Jewish

the

from

form

general

its

even

declared

must appear evident


and

character,

by Josephus

superfluity

to

race,

and

85

is

expressly

himself

(Antiq.

xvi. 6. 8).

As
down

Josephus employed

authorities,

Nehemiah, about

to

books

canonical

As a native of
them, in many ways, his

Palestine, he displays in his use of

knowledge of the Hebrew language.

commonly
an extent

is

Septuagint

history

use

To such

uses those parts

iii.

179, 182; Bloch, Die Qulen des

6979).

His reproduction of the Jewisli

vol

ii.

pp.

written from the following points of view:

is

infrequently modifications are

interest,

something offensive

and

tlie

tlie

nation.

help

Yet he makes
translation.

the case, that Josephus

this

<see Div.

Fl. Josephus,

Not

the Greek

books of Ezra and Esther which appear only in the

of the

LXX.

of

earlier periods

440, almost exclusively the

B.c.

Old Testament.

the

of

for the

of

history

the

(1)

in an apologetical

omitted or smoothed down,

is

forth in the form best fitted to glorify

is set

(2) For the

older

made

purpose Josephus

latter

the

legends,

influence of that literature

is

so-called

had the

Haggada.

The

seen chiefly in the history of

the patriarchs and of Moses.

(3) Josephus,

it

would seem,

Haggadic adornment wholly from

had not derived

this

tradition, but

part from the older Hellenistic reproduc-

tions of the
others.*

in

biblical

(4) In

his

history

oral

by Demetrius, Artapanus, and

exposition of the law he

follows

the

have lived fceyond the time of Domitian. Much more likely wouM the
grammarian have been but even tliis could be only on the supposition
lliat he survived to the beginning of the reign of Trajan.
Tlie name
Epaphroditus was by no means rare. See the Roman sejiulchral monuments, Corp. Inscr. Lat. vi. 17181-17194.
;

'

On

the influence of Demetrius, see Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor,

pp. 46, 49, note 61, note 63.


note, 169-171.
On both

On

that of Artapanas

Freudenthal, pp. 160,


Quellen des Fl. Josephus, pp. 53-62.
at first hand, but only through the medium
:

Bloch,

Josephus knew neither of them


of Alexander Polyhistor.
See Div.

ii.

vol.

iii.

p.

197

ff.

86

INTRODUCTION.

For examples, see Div.

ralestiiiian Halacba.

vol.

ii.

i.

330-

(5) In several particulars the iiitiuence of Pliilo

339.

very observable.

He

(6)

extra-biblical authors in order to illustrate,

firm the Scripture history.


his treatment of the

is

does not scruple to draw upon

This

is

and con-

up,

fill

specially the case with

history of primitive times, and also of

that of the latest periods, where

it

became largely mixed up

with the history of neighbouring nations.^

On
and

the post-biblical
forth

set

period

information

his

and disproportionate

manner.

made

he has

an

extremely

filling

up the

in

In

inquiries

his

unequal
great gap

between Nehemiah and Antiochus Epiphanes, from


to

175, Josephus depends

B.c.

almost

b.c.

440

upon two

entirely

legendary productions, namely, the Alexander legends and the

whom

pseudo-Aristeas, from

For the period

b.c.

he gives a lay extract

175135

the First

Book

(xii.

Maccabees

of

the principal source, which indeed towards the close

way

in so slight a

could have had


(see Div.
(xii.

ii.

1),^

9.

that

is

iii.

is

used

becomes doubtful whether Josephus

it

before hira a complete copy of that

vol.

2).

p. 9).*

work

supplemented by Polybius

It is

and, for the period beyond that at which Poly-

See
Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria, pp. 278-281.
Freudeuthal,
Alexander Polyhistor, p. 218. On the other side Bloch, Die Quellen des
Fl. Josephus, pp. 117-140. Drummond, Philo of Alexandria, London 1888.
:

''

i.

In the

3. 6,

first

ten books the following non-biblical writers are quoted

Berosus, Jerome, Mnaseas, Nicolas of

Mochus, Hestiaeus, Jerome,

Berosiis,

Acusilaus, Ephorus, Nicolas

Homer
;

vii. 5. 2,
viii.

Menander
Bus,

10.

i.

4. 3,

Hesiod,

i.

Hecataeus,

Sibylla, Hestiaeus

i.

Manetho,

3. 9,

Hellanicus,

7. 2,

Berosus,

Malchus, from Alexander Polyhistor vii. 3. 2,


N icolas viii. 5. 3, Menander, Dios viii. 6. 2, Hero2-3, Herodotus
viii.
13. 2, Menander
ix. 14. 2,

Hecataeus, Nicolas
dotus

Damascus

x. 1. 4,

i.

15,

Herodotus, Berosus

x. 2. 2,

Berosus

x. 11. 1, Bero-

Megasthenes, Diodes, Philostratus.

As to whether Josephus made use of the Greek text of the First


Book of Maccabees, see Div. ii. vol. iii. p. 9, and literature given there.
On the way in which he used it, see Grimm, Exeget. Handh. zum ersten

Makkaberb.
9

p. 28 ff.
See Nussbaum, Ohservationes in Flavii Josephi Antiquitates,

lib. xii.

3-

THE SOURCES.

3.

stops,

liius

146, by those authorities from which the

B.C.

Asmoneans

of the

history

For

derived.

87

down

generally,

to

135,

b.c.

is

period Josephus evidently was without

this

any written documents

Jewish

of

He

origin.

therefore

obtained his materials by culling from the general historical

works

Greeks

the

of

bearing upon the


for the

rities

any

history

period

statements

historians

and indeed almost exclusively, quoted by him


10. 4, 11. 3, 12. 6

3, 6. 4).

by

these

fact of

frequently quoted by Josephus shows

inserted only for

interpolations,

menting the text afforded

made use

of

one

inexplicable

into

by

from

Josephus

confusion.

these

authors,

the

and supplements
an

it

given

from

unnamed

vestige can be found.

and

text,

his geography,

where

he

is

not

is

authorities

the

then

his

refers

to

which he quotes

citations

other.

principal

The

borrows

are

really

an

Josephus follows the one

careful

Of any deeper
source,

method

evidence which characterizes Strabo, and


in

so

not

the author in the same

state

Or where the

that he does.

foundation,

being

the purpose of supple-

by unnamed leading

show that they

interpolation in

authors

But such a view would only lead

him.^*^

material

order to

way

1.

3, 4.

that they were

particular passages of special importance,


in

1.

and that the citations are to be regarded

his chief sources,

whole

(xiii.

xv.

In recent times the idea has been indeed expressed

many, that the very

as

12. 6; xiv.

(xiii. 8. 4,

often,

Strabo

2, 8. 3

xiv. 3. 1, 4. 3, 6. 4, 7.

2) and Nicolas of Damascus

discovered

His chief autho-

135-37 were two

B.c.

he

that

of Palestine.

is

not
of

the

laid
least

weighing his

so conspicuous

quite discernible in particular passages

named, as

in

several

statements about

14 (1875), pp. 8-28.


Bloch, Die Quellen fks Fl. Josephus, pp. 96-100.
Destinon, Die Qicellen des Fl. Josephng, p. 45 fl".
1" So Niese
Bloch, Die Quellen
in Hermes, li. 1876, p. 470 ff.

xiii.

des Fl.

53

ff.

Jo.iejahus,

p.

92

ff.

Destinon, Die Quellen des Fl. Josephus, p.

INTRODUCTION.

88

numbers,

For the

Then, again, that

upon

conclusions

their

5.-^^

12.

xiii.

half of the

first

two base

these

authorities

earlier

self-evident.

is

under consideration,

period

B.c.

135-85, most probably Posidonius would prove the most


reliable source

(see

above,

pp.

49,

Also in passages

50).

borrowed from Strabo we find references to Timagenes


3, 12.

11.

5),

Asinius Pollio, and Hypsikrates (xiv.

Josephus has scarcely made use of Livy, who

named

(xiv. 4. 3).

8.

3).

only once

is

But the material obtained

(xiii.

way

in this

from Strabo and Nicolas was supplemented by Josephus in


respect of the internal Jewish history from narratives which,

by reason

and from the general framework of the narrative we

legends,

may
56

of their contents, deserve to be characterized as

as such

see that they are plainly taken


xiv.

tradition.

2.

For

These

1).

are

3.

xii.

the history of Herod,

1-3

xiv.

is

admitted on

is

it

It

of the

Jews

is

xvi. 7. 1

drawn exclusively from him.

impression

the

source.

On

of

having been

58

and above, pp.


in the

Wars

Also the detailed

account given in the Antiquities, books xvi. and

duces

all

the principal authority

would seem that the short sketch given

63).

10. 3, 10.

evidently derived from oral

hands that Nicolas of Damascus


(comp.

(xiii.

derived

xvii.,

pro-

from

one

the other hand, in book xv. seams and joinings

are apparent, which point to the

and indeed, in addition

employment

two sources

of

to Nicolas, it is evident that

Josephus

Herod.
made use of
Whether Josephus had himself seen the Commentaries of
King Herod, mentioned in the Antiquities, xv. 6. 3, is
another

at least

authority

unfavourable

extremely questionable (compare above,

to

p.

56).

Full and detailed as the treatment of the history of Herod


is,

it

is

successor
^^

very noticeable that the history of his immediate


is

Compare

extremely

defective.

also against that

view

my

the Theolog. Literaturzeitung, 1879, 567

It

seems

notices of Bloch

ff.,

and 1882, 388

almost

as

and Destinon
ff.

if

in

Josepliiis

liad

sources of information.
reign of Agrippa

again more into

It

is

deprived of

possession of abundance

For the history

to

Here he would be once more

detail.

the

I.

by

in

he would then

of oral tradition, for

be informed about the reign of Agrippa


II.

written

all

we come

only when

4144, that the narrative enters

A.D.

I.,

been

point

tins

at

89

THE SOURCES.

3.

Agrippa

his son

of the last decade preceding the war,

he would be able to rely upon his own personal recollections.

The quite unparalleled completeness with which the

events,

even those which do not relate to the Jewish history, occurliome at the time of Caligula's death, and at the

ring in

beginning of the reign of Claudius in a.d, 41, are narrated,


is

There can be no doubt that

very remarkable (xix. 14).

borrowed from a special source

this portion of the

history

by the hand

contemporary.

arrive at

of a

is

But we

are

Josephus paid very particular

any sure standing ground.^^

From what he

attention to the history of the high priests.

here

unable to

any more definite conclusions from the absence of

states,

we

able

are

to

determine

uninterrupted

the

succession of high priests from the time of Alexander the

Great down to the destruction of the temple by Titus.

might be conjectured that

had

at

his

command,

for this

least

at

Great, the original priestly

It

purpose he would have

from the time

documents.

of

Herod the

For great import-

ance was attached to the preservation of the register of the


generations of the priests, and great care taken of
against Apion,

i.

7)}^

it

{Treatise

Finally, of great value are the State

^- Momrasen in Hermes, iv. 1870,


pp. 322, 324, .and after him Schemann, Die Quellen des Fl. Josephus in der jdischen Archologie, Buch
xviii.-xx. 1887, p. 52, suppose that the historical work of Cluvius
Rufus, who, according to Antiq. xix. 1. 13, was himself an eye-witness,
would be a principal source. The quotations preserved to us from this
work, however, refer only to the time of Nero and the incidents of the

year 69.
'^

See Teuffel, History of

Comp. Bloch, Die Quellen

Quellen des Fl. Josephus, p. 29

Roman

Literature, 314. 2.

des Fl. Josephus, p.

ff.

147

ff. ;

Destinon, Die

90

INTKODUCTIOISr.

papers
rative

which

5, XX. 1.

xix.

the

of

time

Jews

the

xiv.

2,

the

8.

5,

xiv.

10,

The most numerous

2).

of

embodies

frequently

Josephiis
9.

(xiii.

Caesar

privilege

in

xiv.

nar-

his

12,

xvi.

and Augustus, which granted


of

the

free

6,

of these are those

observance

to

of their

religion/*
It does not by any
3. The Life or Autobiography.
means present us with an actual account of the life of
Josephus, but treats almost exclusively of the part which he

played as commander-in-chief of Galilee in

A.D.

66-67, and

indeed only of the measures which in that situation he took


preparatory to the grand hostile encounter with the

7-74).

(c.

and end
tion

of

notices of the beginning

The short biographical


the work

(c.

and conclusion to

Eomans

1-6, 75-76) form only introducthis

principal part of the contents.

According to the remarks at the close of the Antiquities,

Josephus had then the intention of carrying on the account


1*

Whether Josephus

actually copied these State papers

is

uncertain.

he had seen them all together in the great


"For since we have produced evident marks,
archives of the Capitol.
that may yet be seen, of the friendship we have had with the Eomans,
and demonstrated that these marks are engraven upon columns and

He makes

it

appear as

if

tables of brass in the Capitol that are still in being, and preserved to
this day, we have omitted to set them all down as needless and dis-

This library,
comp, also xiv. 10. 1.
xiv. 10. 26
having been destroyed by fire during the conflicts of the year a.D.
69 (Tacitus, Hist. iii. 71, 72 Suetonius, Vitellius, 15 Dio Cassius, Ixv.
Josephus, JFars of the Jews, iv. 11. 4), was again restored by
17

agreeable," Antiq.

after

Suetonius, in the 8th chapter of his Vespasian, says " Ipse


Vespasian.
restitutionem Capitolii adgressus, ruderibus purgandis nianus primus
:

aerearumque tabularum tria


admovit ac suo collo quaedam extulit
milia, quae simnl conflagraverant, restituenda suscepit, undique invesinstruraentum imperii pulcherrimuni ac vetustigatis exemplaribus
tissimum, quo continebantur paene ab exordio urbis senatus consulta,
plebiscita de societate et foedere ac privilegio cuicumque concessis."
But in that library only a small part of the documents communicated
by Josephus could ever have been, only indeed the Roman papers, pro;

bably only the decrees of the Senate certainly not the decrees of the
cities of Asia Minor, of which Josephus communicates a large number.
;

THE SOURCES.

3.

war and " our

of the

people "

down

fortunes," the

war

to

the Life

fact,

with the enclitic

work, and

preceding

dicate

what

befell

conclusion.

all

treatise

this

of our

with the words

"

at

and

Antiquities,

only one

10.

iii.

regard the

Compare Mommscn, Corpus

and

"

the

words

in all extant

Life

is

joined

mistake

of the Antiquities as

Josephus there has in view

Life.
Inscript.

Lat.

i.

p.

112

also

Moinnisen,

The documents were


1888, pp. 1004-1021.
together from various places
from Rome, Asia

/{misches Staatsrecht,

no doubt collected

exception,

statement at the end

having reference to the

To

I de-

quotes

i.)

It would, however, be a great

with the Antiquities.

to

"

for the

so

from the Life with the remark that the

with

it

immediately after the Anti-

is

the close of his Antiquities

manuscripts,

Also the position of the

Eusebius {Ecclesiastical History,

passage

occur

manuscripts

the

in

Life

quities.

us

In

which attaches

Se,

concludes

present I here conclude the whole."

to

xx.

Epaphroditus, the most excellent of men, do

thee,

God permit me,

if

again, with

Antiq.

Jewish

of the

represented as an Appendix to the Anti-

is

It begins

quities.

the

very day,"

this

story

And

"

to the present day."

I will briefly run over this

therein

91

iii.

2,

Through the regular

Minor, probably also from Palestine.

intercourse

that took place between the .Jewish communities, Josephus could easily

have obtained from the several colonies of the Jews the State papers that
In the collecting of these he proceeded very
bore upon their interests.
Sometimes they are but mei'e fragments which Joseplni.s
carelessly.
Since in the speech delivered by Nicolas of Damascus
Agrippa, on his arrival in Asia Minor, in favour of the

communicates.
before M.

Jews residing there {Aiiq.

Koman

xvi.

favour of

2.

4),

reference

is

made

to the older

the Jews,

Niese conjectures that the


documents communicated by Josephus had been previously collected
by Nicolas of Damascus, and had been borrowed by Josephus from
his work (Hermes, xi. 1876, pp. 477-483).
But this is not probable,
decrees

among them

in

found some documents of more


p. 480), and one referring
to the Jews of Cyrene, and therefore of no consequence to those of
Asia Minor (xvi. 6, 5). On the genuineness of the documents, whicli
Etudes hisUm/mes, Paris 1866,
is now generally doubted, see Eggcr,
for

recent date (xvi.

there are
6.

2 and

p. 163.

certainly
7

see Niese,

INTRODUCTION.

92

the continuing of the history of the Jews

The

time.

however,

Life,

such a proposal.

It

of another

lication

down

to the present

anything but a fulfilment of

is

was apparently called forth by the pubJewish war by Justus of

history of the

That author had

Tiberias (see on him, above, pp. 64-69).

represented Josephus as the real organizer of the outbreak in

This was extremely inconvenient to Josephus

Galilee.

he now

writes a counterblast, in

makes himself pose

on Justus, and

Eomans.

which he

The attempt

is

pitifully

casts all the

so

blame

friend of the

the

as

now

And

Eome.

that he occupied a position of eminence in

weak, for Josephus cannot

avoid mentioning deeds which prove the very opposite of what

he desires to make

had been driven

to

With this self-vindication which he


make he joined a few biographical notices

out.

by way of introduction and conclusion, and then published


the whole as an Appendix to

his

The

Antiquities.

scheme was therefore abandoned and quite a


substituted for

it.

immediately to

it

In

spite, tlien, of

the

(c.

the Life assumes that Agrippa

65).

But Agrippa

died,

must have

the

Antiquities.

was already dead

according to Photius,

cod. 33, in the third year of Trajan, A.D.

100.

down

composition of the Life must be set


A.D.

Life

to

II.

one

would attach

tliat

the

subsequent

been written a long time

Now

the hk

other work,

earlier

different

If,

Bibliotli.

then, the

as at least after

100, that will be in perfect harmony with the other facts

of the case, and there will be no reason to doubt the correct-

ness

of

the

unsupported,

statement
because

of

the

I'hotius

Life

or

must

to

have

set

it

been

aside

as

written

immediately after the Antiquities}^


^5 The correctness of the statement has been questioned hy many.
Grtz seeks to point out a confusion by making the words of Photius,
" he died in the third year of Trajan," refer, not to Agrippa, but to Justus
Niese, too,
of Tiberias, which from the context is quite impossible.
without solving the difficulty, maintains that the Life was written in the
days of Domitian. The correctness of the reading in Photius is confirmed

THE SOURCES.

3.

The Treatise against

4,

Apion", or,

93

On

the Extreme Anti-

quity of the Jewish People, in two books.

not even in any part of

solely,

grammarian Apion and

it

This work

is

not

mainly, directed against the

Jewish people,

his calumniating of the

but rather generally against the venomous attacks and the


prejudices, in

Jews

many

instances absurd enough, from which the

of those days suffered.

It

is

and well-con-

careful

ceived Apology for Judaism, skilfully and ably wrought out.


The numerous quotations given from authors whose works

now

are

writers

Div.
is

ii.

lend

lost

whose
vol.

iii.

certainly

an altogether special

it

statements

249-262.

pp.

not

the

original

abstinentia, iv. 11, cites


''EX\.r]va<;

i 16,

paratio evangel,
title

Tvepl

The
one.

On

the

by Josephus,

see

interest.

contested

"Against Apion"

title

Porphyry

the work under the

in

title

his

De
tou?

tt/jo?

the earliest Church Fathers (Origen, contra Celsum,

11

iv.

are

t/}?

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History,


7.

viii.

21,

x.

6.

15) refer

Prae-

under the

Both

^lovhaiwv dp'xawrrjToi?.

roiv

iii.

to it

titles

are

probably equally old and equally well authenticated, for the

demonstration of the antiquity of the Jewish people


the main point insisted upon in the Apology.

is,

in fact,

In the Codex

PeiresciamLs of the excerpts of Constantinus Porphyrogennetus,


de virtutibus,

we meet with

Kara 'EW'^vcov,
title

contra

a singular blending of right

Apionem

ad Magnum oratorem,
ii.

14.

the superscription

first
c.

Trepl

and wrong.

by the

r;

The

appears in Jerome in Epist. 70


c?6

viris illustr,

c.

13

adv. Jovinian.

In the last-named passage he transcribes the above

quoted sentence of Porphyry, but substituted


title

iramofi

for

the one that has now become current.


fact that Syncellus places the

beginning of

tlie

Porphyiy's

For the

full

literary activity of

Justus in the beginning of the reign of Trajan, and umloubtedly for


this reason that his Chronicle was carried down to that date.
But

according to Photius

it

went down

coins also prove that Agripj)a lived

pare generally,

19,

Appen<Iix.

to the death of

down

Agrippa

II.

to at least the year 95.

The
Com-

94

INTRODUCTION.

statement

Jerome, see Div.

of

vol,

ii.

As

201.^^

p.

ii.

Josephus in this work quotes from his Antiquities

(i.

and 10),

the Treatise against Apion must have been written later than
93.

A.D.

It

and the

like the Antiquities

is,

Epaphroditus

(i.

1,

Life, dedicated to

41).

ii.

Besides these four works,

many

Church Fathers

of the

Book

ascribe to Josephus the so-called Fourth

is

of Maccabees,

The

or the treatise Trepl avTOKparopo'? Xoytafiov.

certainly very similar to that of Josephus.

from the standpoint

was not

it

may

is

written
of

be accepted as certain that


Div.

See

author.

its

It

of it

Judaism with a varnish

of Pharisaic

But

Greek philosophy.
Josephus

spirit

ii.

vol.

iii.

pp.

244-247.
The writing described by Photius,

Bihliotheca cod.

bearing in the manuscripts the three different

titles,

Ilepl Tov 7ravT0<;, Ilepl t?79 tov iravro^ alrla^, Tlepl


ovaLa<;,

iravro'i

Christian

of

is

own under

the

title irepl rfj^

on

TravTo?

is

rmischen
I'hotius,

the

also

raundi creatione,
ii.

789

ff.,

iii.

1855, pp.
example,

for

16

the
it

The

ovaia<i.

among whose works


"jrepl

tov

See Volkmar, Hippolytus und die

named.

So,

tov

32, quotes

ff.,

60

ff.

Besides

other writers refer to this treatise as a

Josephus.

of

x.

Hippolytus statue a treatise

Zeitgenossen,

many

c.

tov iravroq

author of botli was probably Hippolytus,


in the list

Trj<;

and belongs to

origin,

author of the Philosophumena, who, in


as his

48, as

'loxnjTrov

John

of

John

Philoponus

in

work

De

Damascus, Sacra parall. 0pp.

and John Zonaras, Annal.

vi. 4.

A considerable fragment of this treatise was published first


by David Hschel in his edition of the Bihliotheca of Photius
in 1601, then by Le Moyne in his Varia sacra, i. 53 ff., where
lie maintains the position that it was written by Hippolytus
by Ittig and Havercamp in their editions of Josephus; in
^^

Compare on the

1866,
p. 17.

p.

154

f.

J.

title,

Bernays, Theophrastos' Schrift ber Frmmigkeit,

G. Mller, Des Fl. Josephus Schrift gegen den Apion,

3.

THE SOULCES.

95

Fabricius, IIi2ypolyti Opj^. i 220-222 in Galkndi, Biblioth. pair.


451454, and in Migne, Patrol, gr. x. 795-802. It has been
issued in a more complete form, according to codex Baroccianus,
;

ii.

Bunsen, Analecta Ante-Nicacna, vol. i., and Lagarde,


Hippolyti quaefcruntur, 1858, pp. 68-73.
specimen of the
text according to three Vatican manuscripts is given by Pitra,
Analecta sacra, ii. 1884, p. 269 f.
Compare generally, Salmon
in article on Hippolytus in Smith and Wace, Dictionary of
Christian Biograplty, vol. iii. p. 100.
Kouth, Beliquiae sacrac,
2nd ed. ii. 157 ff. Caspari, Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufin

symhols,

At

iii.

395

fi'.

the close of the Antiquities Josephus says that he had

the intention of writing

opinions about

"

these books concerning our Jewisli

God and His

essence

and about our laws,

why, according to them, some things are permitted us

and others are prohibited."


reaaapai iXoL<;

'lovBaccov ev

Kal irepl tcov

Bta tI

v6p.oiv,

iTotelv TO. he KeK(o\vTai.)

so

many

(Kara

kut

By

ra<i

rifieTepa<;

irepl 6eov Kal

ra

avToix;

Tr]<i

fiev

God and the rational


way similar to Philo's

essence of

legislation of Moses.

i.

1. 1,

to

work

this

10. 5

iii.

e^ecmv

mean

treat

of

the

systematic exposition of the


ii.

vol.

as one contemplated

10

^filv

interpretation of the Mosaic

Compare Div.

5. 6, 6. 6, 8.

avrov

words have been understood

In the earlier books of the Antiquities,


refers

roiv

B6^a<i

ovaia<i

this he certainly does not

different works, as these

by many, but only one work, which should


law, in a

do

to

iv. 8. 4,

iii.

too,

pp.

338-348.

he frequently

by him (Preface
44).

But

4,

seems

it

never to have been actually written.

Many

of the formulae of reference used in

are obscure, seeming, as they do, to


also written a

often remarks,

him

is

this is
'^

work on the history


for

the Antiquities

imply that Josephus had


of the

example, that what

is

Seleucidae.

He

briefly related

by

narrated in more detail in another place.^*

done by the passive formula,

The most

" as

Where

has been related

thorouprh examination of these pas.'^ages will be found in

Destinon, Die Quellen des Fl. Josephus, pp. 21-23.

96

INTRODUCTION",

elsewhere"

aXkoa

Kal ev

{Ka9o)<;

SeBi^XcoTai), the reference

might quite naturally be supposed

works of the writers (Antiq.


4.

8.

8,

13.

4,

4;

xiv.

6.

xi.

7.

2,

to be

to

8.

xii.

3,

11.

frequently Josephus distinctly uses the

have informed the reader elsewhere


BeSrjXcKafjLev, Anf.iq.
4,

4.

citations four
of

may

10.

1,

Wars of

refer to

in-

we

koL iv Woi<}

2;

5.

13.

6,

known

the Jews,

i.

to
2.

2.

xiii.

1,

2.

Of these

5).

c.

refer to

Wars,

refer to

Antiq.

7.

10

vii.
iii.

and Antiq.

But

10. 4.

Antiq.

us.

Antiq.

1 of the same book

refer to

so

xiii.

3 and

xiii.

far

as

vii.

xiii.

Antiq.

xiii.

15. 3

10.

10.4
13. 5

the rest are

All of them

concerned, no such parallels can be thought of


refer to the

xiii.

But not

(icada)^

xii.

12.

4,

person, " as

1).

first

historical

10.

be explained as references to other portions

the works of Josephus

may
may
may
may

3;

15.

vii.

10.

11,

5.

6,

"

the

history of the Seleucid dynasty from Antiochus

Epiphanes down to the end of the second century before


Christ {Antiq.
Seeing,

xii.

5.

2.

xiii.

nothing

that

then,

is

1, 2. 4, 4. 6, 5.

known

of

Seleucids written by Josephus, Destinon

21-29, ventures

Josephus, pp.
of

may have been

reference

11, 12. 6).

a history of
in his

the

Quellen des

to guess that all these

formulae

already in the sources used

by

Josephus, and that he simply transcribed them without change

own

to his

Such procedure would indeed be somewhat

pages.

extraordinary, but the conjecture

without further examination.

met with

in the

in the Antiquities

Wars of

the

and

pare Antiq. xiv.


i.

8.

of the Jews,

7.

8.

the parallel passages

9.

common

sources.

Com-

Wars of the
the end, with Wars

3 at the beginning, with

and Antiq.
i.

to

Jews, although both works were produced

independently of one another from

Jews,

not to be thrown aside

favour, that occasionally similar fornmlae of reference

in its

are

is

This at least can be adduced

On

xiv.

7.

3 at

the other hand, in some of the

passages in question, the writer, immediately after or before

3.

speaking in the

person,

first

and

(so in xii. 5. 2

in

proceed from Josephus


scarcely possible to do

On

97
himself

certainly Josephus

is

These douLtful formulae,

12. 6).

xiii.

same

are precisely the

THE SOURCES.

too,

form as those which unquestionably


10. 4, 13. 5).

(xiii.

It

more than pass a verdict

therefore

is

of

non

liquet.

the character of Josephus and his credibility as a his-

most widely divergent opinions have been enter-

torian, the

In early times and during the Middle Ages

tained.

as a rule, very highly prized


"

him the

Greek Livy."

of

bably be found that the truth

No

extremes.

one will

now

been the

will

It

midway between

lies

pro-

these

be inclined to undertake the

in his composition.

and dishonourable

base

was,

run to the

criticism has

depreciation.

Vanity and

vindication of this character.

the main elements

lie

Jerome, for example, styling

Modern

^^

extreme

opposite

precisely

self-sufficiency are

And

even had he not

betrayer

of

native

his

country that he at a later period in his Life declared himself

to

be,

he at least carried out the transference of his

Eomans and

allegiance to the

his attachment to the imperial

family of Flavius with more dexterity and equanimity than

was becoming

in

an

Israelite

the destruction of his people.

But

great weaknesses.

who pretended
As a writer,

to be quite fair, one

his principal weakness as a writer

He

man.

writes

he has his

must admit that

not to his discredit as a

a design he invests the earlier history of

the Jews with a halo of romance.


later history, too, is

mourn over

with the purpose of glorifying his own

With such

nation.

is

to
too,

His description of

their

The

dominated by the same intention.

Pharisees and Sadducees are philosophical schools which con-

cern themselves with the problems

of

freedom and immor-

The Messianic hope, which, on account

tality.

political claims

which became attached

most powerful incentive


'*

DIV.

I.

Epint. 22

VOL L

to rebellion

ad Euytochium,

c.

35

to

it,

against

of

the

had proved the

Rome,

is

Joyephus, Graecus Liviuf.

passed

98

INTRODUCTION.

over in absolute silence, for

his wish

is

it

was not engaged upon by the


were only driven into

unquestionably

much more

It gives

the Antiquities.

which we have no reason

The long speeches which Josephus puts

and they do not


respects.

numbers too

his

But

exactly.

by Josephus with many ancient

faults are shared

affect

credibility of the

the

must be excepted from


considerably

this

different

Wars of

historians,

regards

work was evidently much more

Wars of

history of the

the

This

is

That

specially true about

has been remarked that when

writing

them the author must have been


the

8,

case

carelessly prepared than the

the Jcivs.

the last

is

iii.

The

Antiquities.

books, of which

not only

of his

the Jews,

favourable judgment.

as

these

works in other

Only what he says about the circumstances

being taken prisoner at Jotapata, in

And

into the

of his heroes are, of course, free rhetorical productions,

and we must not take

is

the

carefully compiled than

an account, going into the minutest

details of events, the credibility of


to doubt.

these

all

The Wars of

and unequal importance.

are of very varied

mouth

In

fanatics.

In other respects, his several works

with a distorted picture.

is

the people, but they

of

historical statement of Josephus presents us

directions the

Jews

will

by some

it

not to represent

The war against Eome

the people as enemies of the Eomans.

it

work

carelessly

utterly wearied.

done,

but

also

the

sources are often used with great freedom and the utmost
arbitrariness, at least

them.

This

is

where we are in a position

sources

regard to the use of those


verify.

his

Yet

having

(Antiq. xiv,

here, too,

subjected
1.

to

criticize

much confidence in
that we can no longer

not calculated to produce

3,

xvi.

we meet with
his
7.

sources
1,

xix.

occasional evidence of

to

1.

10,

be expected, the value of the work in


varies according to the sources that

most faulty production

is

examination

critical
1.

its

14).

had been used.

undoubtedly the

As might

various

Life,

sections

By

far the

an attempt

3.

made with

99

THE SOURCES.

singular blindness to turn facts upside down,

by

proving that while he had organized the rebellion in Galuee,

he had always maintained his allegiance to the Eomans.

In the Christian Church from the earliest times Josephus


was diligently read, since his works afforded a suitable and
convenient summary of the history of the Jewish people. The
testimonia vcterum regarding Josephus are gathered together in
Havercamp's edition in the Prolegomena to the first volume.
In the West, Josephus became known mainly through a
Latin translation of his complete works, with the exception of
the Life, and by a free paraphrase of the JVars of the Jews.
On the history of the origin of these texts we have statements
from the following witnesses: 1. Jerome, Ejnst. 71 ad Luciniurn,
c. 5, says: " The rumour that has reached you that the books of
Josephus and of St. Papias and St. Polycarp have been translated by me is false, for I have had neither the leisure nor the
strength to render these writings with the same elegance into
another tongue." Prom this it follows not only that Jerome had
made no translation of Josephus, but also that in his time the
works of Josephus, or at least some parts of them, were still

untranslated, otherwise the need of such a performance would


not have been felt. 2. Cassiodorius, De institutione div. lit.
" As Josephus, almost a second Livy, is widely
c. 17, says
known by his books on the Antiquities of the Jews, whom
Jerome, writing to Lucinus Paeticus, declares that he had not
been able to translate on account of the size of his voluminous
work. Yet one of our own friends has translated the work
into Latin in twenty-two books," i.e. twenty books of Antiquities and the two books against Apion, " who also wrote
other seven books on the captivity of the Jews with wonderful
brilliancy, the translation of which some ascribe to Jerome,
others to Ambrose, others to Eufinus and its being ascribed
to such men sufficiently proves the excellency of its style."
From this it may be assumed as certain that the extant Latin
translation of the Antiquities and the Treatise against Apion
were made at the suggestion of Cassiodorius, that is to say, in
the sixth century after Christ.
But there seems no groimd
whatever for attributing this translation, as has commonly

been done after the example of St. Bernard, to a certain


Epiphanius, whose name was probably suggested by the fact
that Cassiodorius, two sentences farther on, ascribed to him
the reproduction of the hisioria tripartita.

It

is

uncertain

100

INTRODUCTION.

whether the remarks of Cassiodorius in reference to the


Bellum Judaicum refer to the Latin translation which is
generally ascribed to Eufinus, or to the free Latin paraphrastic
rendering which in the various editions bears the name of
Hegesippus. The designation of the work as a translation
might apply to either production.
For even the free
rendering has been spoken of as a translation (compare the
superscription in cod. Amirosiamis : Amhrosius epi de grego
franstulit in latinum).
But what Cassiodorius says about its
style favours the reference to the work of Hegesippus.
For
although Eufinus also wrote in good Latin, the expression
dictionis eximiae merita could only be correctly applied to the

work

Hegesippus written in the Sallustian style. If the


be intended, then these two results would follow from
the words of Cassiodorius 1. That this work was anonymous,
for Cassiodorius knew only of conjectures as to its author.
2. That the literal translation was not yet in existence in
the time of Cassiodorius for had it been so he would not have
been silent regarding it, and have mentioned only the free
rendering, since he distinctly states that cnre had already
been taken to translate the Wars of the Jevjs into Latin.
Before this question can be decided with certainty, it would
be necessary to inquire whether the older Latin writers down
to the ninth century, from which the oldest manuscripts of
Eufinus are dated, make use of the Wars of the Jews in the
form of the so-called Eufinus or in that of the so-called Hegesippus translation.
That the literal translation was the work
of Eufinus is in any case highly improbable, since in the catalogue of Eufinus' translations by Gennadius, De viris illustr.,
no translation of Josephus is mentioned.
The free Latin rendering of the Wars of the Jews in the
various editions bears the name of Egesippus or Hegesippus.
This is certainly only a corruption of Josephus
in Greek,
'iwffjjToj,
'iwer/TTTTo;
in Latin, Josepus, Joseppus,
'iwffJiT'^ros,
Josippus.
The name " Egesippus " is not found in the
manuscripts of Josephus earlier than the ninth century. In
the earliest references the work is quoted simply under the
name of Josephus as, for example, in Eucherius in the fifth
of

latter

century, and now in Widukind, the historian of the Saxons, in


the tenth century. Also in the oldest manuscripts, an Ambrosianus of the seventh and eighth centuries and a Cassellan of
the eighth and ninth centuries, only Joseppus Josephus is
named in the inscriptions on the columns as the author. In
addition, at an early date the names of Ambrosius and

THE SOURCES.

3.

101

In the somewhat more recent part


and ninth centuries, the inscription of the first book runs " Josifpi," corrected by a later hand
into " Egesippi" " liber prirmis ex])licit."
Incipit secundus.
Amhrosius epi dc grego transtidit in latinum. A codex Bernens
of the ninth century names Hegesippus, a Paled- Vatican of the
ninth and tenth centuries names Ambrose yet more modern
manuscripts sometimes the one and sometimes the other.
An interesting passage is brought forward by Traube in the
Bhein. Museum, xxxix. 1884, p. 477, in a letter of the Spaniard
Alvarus of the ninth century, in which he says to an opponent

Hegesippus were given.

of the cod. Amhrosianus, eighth


:

scito

quia nihil

tibi ex Egcsij)pi

where he
our Hegesippus
doctoris,

name
name

posui

verbis, sed ex

refers to a passage in tlje

He knew

the

work

Josippi vesiri

work ascribed

to

therefore only under the

of Josephus, but his opponent had known it under the


In this state of matters the idea of an
of Hegesippus.
Ambrosian authorship need not be seriously entertained. It is
a mere conjecture, which has been suggested simply from the
circumstance that Ambrose, as well as Jerome and Eufinus,

acted a leading part in transmitting Greek theological literaThe work certainly had its origin in the
ture to the West.
days of the great bishop of Milan, the second half of the fourtli
century, but was produced most probably not by him, as the
thorough investigations of Vogel in his Be Hegesippio, 1881,
tend to show. The text of Josephus is there treated with
great freedom,
in many places abbreviated, in many places
expanded. The seven books of Josephus are compressed into
five.
The first edition appeared in Paris 1510.
The work
has been often since reprinted. The best edition is Hegesippus qui dicitur sive Egesippus de belle Judaieo ope codicis
Cassellani recognitus, ed. Weber, opus morte Weberi iritcrruptum,
absolvit Ca<;sar, Marburg 1864.
Compare generally Gronovii
Observatoruvi in scriptoribus ecclesiasticis Moyiobiblos, 1651,
capp. 1, 6, 11, 16, 21, 24.
Oudin, De script, eccl. ii. 1722, col.
1026-1031. Fabricius, Biblioth. lat. mediae et infimae aetatis
iii. 1735, pp. 582-584.
Teuffel, History of Roman Literature,
Mayor, Bibliograpliical Clue to Latin Literature,
433. 5-6.
1875, p. 179. Vogel, De Hcgesippo qui dicitur Josephi interprets. Erlangen 1881.
Also: 'OfxoiTr^ri; Sallustianae (in Acta
seminarii philolog. Erlangensis, i. 1878). Also in Zeitschrift
fr die oesterreich Gymnns. 1883, pp. 241-249. Lipsius, Die
apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden, ii. 1, 1887,
Itnsch, Die lexikalischen Eigenthmlichkeiten
pp. 194-200.
der Latinitt des sogen. Hegesippus {Romanische Forschungen,


102

INTRODUCTION".

1883, pp. 256-321). Also: Eia frhes Citat aus dem


{Zeitschrift fr Wissensch. llicol. 1883, pp.
239-241). Traube, Zum latein. Josephus {Rhein. Museum,
Bd. xxxix. 1884, p. 477 f.).
The Latin translation of the works of Josephus was first
From that
printed by John Schssler in Augsburg in 1470.
time down to the appearance of the first Greek edition, the
number of printed editions of the Latin rendering was verygreat; the last with which I am acquainted was issued in 1617.
The Latin translations which after that date for the most part
accompanied the Greek original, are modern productions only
the edition of Bernard, which was never carried to completion,
The best edition of the old Latin
gives the old Latin version.
The later ones are in various
version is that of Basel 1524.
More particulars about
places corrected after the Greek text.
the character of this translation and its editions are given in
the prolegomena of Ittig, Llavercamp, and Niese, and in Frst,
manuscript of the Latin translation
Biblioth. Jud. ii. 118 ff.
of the Antiquities vi.-x. (with blanks), of importance owing
to its age, the sixth and seventh centuries, and its material,
On it
papyrus, has been found in the Ambrosiana in Milan.
Eeifferscheid,
see Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae, iii. 919 ff.
Sitzunfjsherichte der Wiener Akademie, philos.-hist. KL, Bd.
Ixvii. 1871, pp. 510-512.
Niese, Joseiphi opp. i. p. xxviii.
Syriac translation of the sixth book of the Wars of the
Jews is contained in the great Peschito manuscript of the
Ambrosiana in Milan, and is there given as the Fifth Book of
Maccabees. It has been published in a complete form, with
notes by Ceriani, in the Translatio Syra Pescitto Veteris TestaCompare Kottek, Das
menti, 2 vols., Milan 1876-1883.
Ceriani
sechste Buch des Bellum Jadacum-, nach der von
photolithographisch edirten Peschitta- Handschrift bersetzt und
The view there maintained
kritisch bearbeitet, Berlin 1886.
is that this Syriac translation was made, not from the Greek,
See the opposite
but I'rom the Aramaic original of Josephus.
view upheld in the Lit. Centralbl. 1886, pp. 881-884.
On the free Hebrew rendering of Josephus known under the
name of Josippon or Joseph son of Gorion, see below in the
account of the rabbinical literature.
On the manuscripts of the Greek text the Prolegomena of
the earlier editions gave very insufficient information. The
manuscript material was first examined in a thorough manner
by Niese. But the Prolegomena that have up to this time
been published with the first volume of his edition, 1887, only
Bd.

i.

lat.

Hegesippus

3.

THE SOURCES.

103

undertake to deal with the manuscripts of the first ten books of


the Antiquities.
The following sketch of the most important
manuscripts of the complete works has been most kindly handed
over to me by Niese for publication at this place (compare also
on his researches Edersheim in Smith and Wace, Dictionary of
:

Christian Biorjrcq-jliy vol. iii. 1882, p. 450 ff.)


" The several works of Josephus were issued separately.
The
Antiquities also fell again into two divisions, each of whicli, in
respect of its transmission, has a history of its own.
"The numerous manuscripts of the IFars of the Jcics fall
into two principal classes.
The most important representatives of the first are the Farisinus gr. 1425, the Amhrosianus
D. super. 50, both from the eleventh century, and Marcianns
The second class has three
383, from the twelfth century.
different types.
As representative of the first type may be
mentioned the Vatican 148, the Falatino- Vatican 284, and
the Lipsiensis.
To the second type belongs the Laurent, pint.
and to the third, the Urhinas n. 84. All these
G9, cod. 19
manuscripts, the most perfect specimens of the several kinds,
belong to the eleventh century, only the -Pa/a^wio-Fa^/c?i to
the twelfth.
Of the two classes the first named is the better.
Besides the Greek text there is also the old Latin version commonly ascribed to Eufinus, which is at least a pre-Cassiodorian
translation, belonging exclusively to neither of these two
classes, but attaching itself in many passages to the superior
class.
Also the still older free Latin rendering of Ambrose,
the so-called Hegesippus version, comes under consideration for
the purposes of criticism and history of the text.
" The manuscripts of books i.-x. of the Antiquities also fall
into two classes the first and better, extant in two specimens,
the Parisin. 1421 and the Boclleiamis misccll. gr. 186 and tlie
second, which embraces all the other manuscripts, of which we
may mention the Marcianus gr. 381, Vindohcn. hist. gr. 2,
Parisin. 1419, and Laurent, pint. 69, cod. 20.
" Less directly marked are the distinctions of classes in the
second division of the Antiquities, books xi.-xx., together with
the Life.
The oldest and best of the manuscripts is the
Palatino- Vatican n. 14, of the tenth century, in which indecil
tlie last three books, xviii.-xx., are wanting, wliile the lAfc is
still preserved.
Next to it come the Amhrosianus F. 128 sui-).,
of the eleventh century, the Laurent, pint. 69, cod. 10, of the
filteenth century, the Laurent, plut. 69, cod. 20, and the Lcidcnsis
F. 13.
The last two named have only books xi.-xv. In these
manuscripts the documentary sources in book xiv. 10 are per:

104

INTRODUCTION.

The rest, among which the Vatican 147 may


be specially mentioned, want these either wholly or in part.
" For the history of the transmission of the Antiquities, an
Epitome, extant in several manuscripts, and made use of by
Zonaras, is of importance.
It may have been drawn up somewhere in the ninth or tenth century. For the first edition it
follows the inferior class of texts, and for the second it assumes
a middle position. The Antiquities, too, were translated into
Latin on the suggestion of Cassiodorius. The text lying at the
basis of this translation was for the first division a representative
of the inferior class but in the second division it rests sometimes upon this manuscript, sometimes upon that. The Life is
to be found neither in the Epitome nor in the translation.
" Finally, of the Books against Apion, there is only one
Greek manuscript that comes into consideration, the Laurentianus plut. 69, cod. 22, of the eleventh century. Besides this, the
Cassiodorian Latin translation, which appears in a fragmentary
form in all printed copies, is of very great critical value. Of
special value, too, are the quotations of Eusebius, which restore
to us several isolated passages of this important work."
fectly preserved.

Editions and Literature.

The first edition of the Greek text of the works of Joseplms


were published by Frobenius and Episcopius at Basel in 1544,
It was
under the direction of Arnold Peraxylus Arlen.
At
followed by the Genevan editions of 1611 and 1634.

Leipzig, in 1691, the title falsely bearing the name Coloniae,


appeared the edition of Ittig with learned Prolegomena. An

by Bernard, Antiquitatum Jud. lihri quatuor priores


pars magna quinti. De hello Jud. liber primus et pars secundi,
Oxoniae 1700, which made use of a new collection of manuscripts, and was accompanied by a rich exegetical apparatus,
Hudson was the first to issue an
was never completed.
improved text of the whole works according to the manuHavercamp issued a repertory
scripts, 2 vols. foL, Oxonii 1720.
of everything that had previously been discovered, and also
new collections, but not an improved text, in 2 vols, fol.,
Amsterdam, Leyden, Utrecht, 1726. The editions of Oberthiir,
in 3 vols.. Lips. 1782-1785, and Eichter, 6 vols.. Lips. 1826Dindorf in his
1827, follow closely that of Havercamp.
edition, 2 vols., Paris 1845-1847, here and there amended the
Bekker in his
text from materials supplied by Havercamp.
In none
edition, in 6 vols.. Lips. 1855-1856, followed Dindorf.
edition
et

TUE SOURCES.

3.

of these editions, not even in those of

105

Hudson and Havercam]),

the manuscript apparatus presented with anything like


completeness. None of the editors above named since Havercamp gave themselves any concern with the manuscripts.
Only for the Bellum Judaicum Cardwell issued a separate
edition of a creditable kind, for which he had examined at
Flavii Joscphi Dc
least a portion of the better manuscripts
hello Judaico lihri septem, ed. Cardwell, 2 vols., Oxonii 1837.
comprehensive collection of all the better manuscripts was
first undertaken quite recently by Niese.
Of his critical
edition, which gives a thorough reconstruction of the text of
Josephus on the basis of the manuscripts, two volumes have up
to this time appeared, containing the first ten books of the
Antiquities : Flavii Joscphi opera edidit et apparatu critico
instruxit Bcned. Niese, vols. i. ii., Berol. 1887, 1885.
He has
also issued a smaller edition of the text only, without the
critical apparatus
Flavii Jose-phi opera recoynovit B. Nicse,
vols. i. ii., Berol. 1888.
The Life appeared in a separate edition
by Henke, Brunswick 1786.
Compare generally on the
editions Fabricius, Bihlioth. Grace, ed. Harles, v. 31 ff. Frst,
Bihlioth. Judaica, ii. 117 f.
Graesse, Tresor de livres rares et
pre'cieux, iii. 1862, pp. 480-484.
On Textual Criticism Ernesti, Observafiones philologicocriticae in Arisfojyhanis miles et Flav. Josephi antiqu. Jud.,
Lips. 1795.
Holwerda, Emendationum Flavianarum specimen,
Oorinchemi 1847.
Also
Ohservationes criticae in Flavii
Joscphi Antiquitatum Judaicarum lihrum XVIII. (Mnemosyne,
is

Bekker, Varianten zum Josephus, in


1853, pp. 111-141).
Monatsberichte der Berlin. Akad. 1860, pp. 224-230.
Westermann, Fxccrptorum ex hibliothccae Fcndinac Lipsicnsis libris
manu scrijotis pars cdtcra, Lips. 1866. Wollenberg, Recensentur
LXXVII. loci ex Flavii Joscphi scriptis excerpti cjui ex conlcctaneis Constantini Augusti Porphyrogcnctac mpi apsry,g xal xaxiag
in codice Peiresciano extant, Berlin 1871.
Dindorf, Ueber
Josephos und dessen Sprache {Neue Jahrbb. fr Philol. und
Pdag. Bd. 99, 1869, pp. 821-847). Naber, Ohservationes criticae
in Flnvium Joscpltum, in Mnemosyne, xiii. 1885, pp. 263-284,

352-399.
Translations.
said above.

On

More

tlie older translations, see what has been


recent Latin translations are given in the

editions of Hudson, Havercamp, Oberthiir, and I^indorf.


An
English translation of the whole works of Josephus was made
by Whiston, Professor of Mathematics in the University of

Cambridge, and published by him in 1737.

Though by no

lOG

;;

INTRODUCTIOlf.

correct in its rendering, nor in any sense a


work, its serviceableness and general popularity are
shown by the numerous editions through which it has passed.
An admirable translation of the Wars of the Jews has been
made by Traill, The Jewish War of Flavins Josephus, a new
translation ly B. Traill, edited hy Isaac Taylor, London 1862.
Before the publication of the Greek editions a German translation from the Latin was made by Caspar Hedio, Strassburg 1531
then revised by the same after the Greek text, Strassburg 1561.
On other German translations of the sixteenth to eighteenth

means invariably
critical

centuries, see Fabricius, Bihlioth. Graec., ed. Harles, v. 31, 38,


48 ; Frst, Biblioth. Jtidaica, ii. 121-123, There need here

only be mentioned the translations of the whole works by


Demme, Josephus'
Gotta, Tbingen 1736
Ott, Zrich 1736
Werke, bers, von Cotta und Gfroerer ; das Ganze von neuem
naeh dem Griechischen heai-heitet, etc., durch C. B. Bemme, 7th
The translation of the Antiquities
ed., Philadelphia 1868-1869.
by Martin, 2 vols., Cologne 1852-1853, 2nd ed. by Kaulen,
of the 11th and 12th books of the Antiquities by
1883
Horschetzky, Prague 1826 of the 13th book of the Antiquities
by the same translator in 1843 of the Jewish War by Priese,
by Gfroerer, 2 vols., Stuttgart 1836
2' vols., Altona 1804-1805
Translations of the
and by Paret, 6 vols., Stuttgart 1855.
Life by Eckhardt, Leipzig 1782 by Priese, Altona 1806 by
M. J. in the Library of Greek and Ptoman writers on Judaism
and the Jews, vol. ii., Leipzig 1867. Of the Treatise against
Apion by Frankel in the Monatsschrift fr Gesch'.und Wissensch.
by Paret,
des Judenthums, 1851-1852, with some abbreviation
and by M. J. in Library of Greek and Koman
Stuttgart 1856
writers on Judaism and the Jews, vol. ii. 1867. On other translations into English, French, Italian, etc., see Fabricius, BiblioFrst, Bibliotheca Judaica,
theea Grace, ed. Harles, v. 30 ff.
;

ii.

123-127.
General Literature on Josephus (the earlier literature given

in Fabricius

Bibliotheca Grace, ed. Harles, v.

Bibliotheca Judaica,
(ed. 1, 1624),

ii.

ii.

8, ed.

127-132).

Yos^ms, Be

49-56

Frst,

historicis Graecis

Westermann, 1838, pp. 238-243. Haver-

57 ff. Ceillier, Histoire generale des


auteurs sacres et eecl^siastiques, i., Paris 1729, pp. 552-580.
Cave, Scriptorum ecclesiasticoritm historia literaria, i., Oxonii
Meusel, Bibliotheca historica, i. 2, 1784, pp.
1740, pp. 32-36.
209-236. Oberthr in Fabricius, BiUiotheca graeca, ed. Harles,
Jost, Geschichte der Israeliten, ii. 1821,
t. V. 1796, pp. 1-64.
Scholl, Geschichte der griech. Literatur^
Anhang, pp. 55-73.
camp's edition,

ii.

2, p.

3.

THE

107

SOUIICES.

Lewitz, Quaedionum Flavianarnm


ii.
1830, pp. 383-389.
By the same, De Flavii Joseplii
specimen, Kegiom. Pr. 1835.
Hoevell, Flavii Josephi
fiele atqiLe auctoritate, Knigsberg 1857.

quatenus per vitae opport imitates ad conscrihendam


historiam at que antiquitatem Hebraicam idoneus fuit? etc.,
Chasles, Z?6 Vautorit^ historique d.e FlavivsTraj. ad Eh. 1835.
Egger, Examen critique des hisioriens
Jos^plie, Paris 1841.
ancicns de la vie et du regne d'Auguste, Paris 1844, pp. 189-209.
Biihr, art. "Josephus" in Pauly's Fcal-Encyelop. der class. AlterCreuzer, Joscphus und
Ihumsivissensch. ii. 1846, pp. 242-244.
vita

seine griechischen

und

hellenistischen

Fhrer

{Thcol. Stud,

und

Reuss, Geschichte der heil. Schriften


Krit. 1853, pp. 45-86).
. T.'s, 1881, 15. Paret, art. "Josephus" in Herzog, JRealFarrar, article
Encyclop. 1 Aufl. Bd. vii, 1857, pp. 24-29.
" Josephus " in Kitto, Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature.
On

Josephus Farrar in Expositor, second


E. A. Abbott in Expositor for
series, vol. iii. p. 403 ff.
January 1882
Salmon, Introdmction to the New Testament,
"
London 1885, pp. 638-649. Edersheim, article on " Josephus
441in Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, iii.
Terwogt, Het leven van den joodschen geschiedschrijver
460.
Flavins Joscphus, Utrecht 1863. Hausrath, Neutcstctmentliche
Also
Zeitgeschichte, 2 ed., iv. 56-74.
Ueber den jdischen
(ieschichtschreiber und Staatsmann Flav. Josephus (Sybel's
Histor. Zcitschr. Bd. xii. 1864, pp. 285-314).Ewald, History of
Baerwald, Josephus in
Israel, vol. vii. 492 ff., viii. 68-75.
Galila, sein Verhltniss zu den Parteien insbesondere zu Justus
von Tiberias und Agriqjpa IL, Breslau 1877.
On the theological and philosophical standpoint of Josephus
relation of St. Peter to

Bretschneider, Capita thcologiae Judaeorum dogmaticae e Flavii


Josephi scriptis collecta, Viteb. 1812.
Ghoever, Philo, ii. pp.

356-367.

Dhne, Jild.-alex. Peligionsphilosojjhie,


-Lutterbeck, Die neutestamentlichen Lehrbegriffe,
410-412.
Gerlach, Die Weissagungen des A.

ii.

240-245.

1852, pp.
T.'s in den
Poznauski, Ueber
Schriften des Fl. Josephus, 1863, pp. 6-19.
die religionsphilosophischen Anschauungen des Flavins Josephus,
J'reslau 1887.
Lewinsky, Beitrge zur Kenntniss der religionsphilosophischen Anschauungen des Flavins Joscphus, Breslau
1887.
13rummond, Philo- Judaeus : or the Jewish-Alexandrian
Philosophy in its Develojwient andCompletion,2 vols.,Londonl888.
On the Old Testament Canon that lay before Josephus (especially in regard to the Treatise against Apion, i. 8), compare tiie
Introductions to the Old Testament of Hvernick, Keil, vol. ii.
Ilobcrtson Smith,
pp. 138-140; De Wette, Bleek, ii. 307-309.

i.

108

;:

INTRODUCTION.
the Jewish Church, Ed in. 1881, pp. 149 f.,
History of Israel, viii. 337 tf., 346, 361. Dillraann

The Old Testament in

408. Ewald,

Strack, art. " Kanon


fr deutsche Theologie, 1858).
Treuendes Alten Testam.," in Herzog, 2 Aufl. Bd. vii. 1880.
fels in Frst's Literaturhlatt des Orients, x. 1849, xi. 1850.

{Jahrhh.

Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 478-480.

On the use of the original Hebrew text and the Septuagint


Carpzov, Critica sacra, Lips. 1748, pp. 945-954.
Gesenius,
Geschichte der hehr. Sprache und Schrift, 1815, pp. 80-82.
S pittler, i)e iisu versionis Alexandrinae apud Joscphum, Gottiiig.
1779.
Scharfenberg, De Josephi et versionis Alexandrinae conBloch, Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus,
sensu, Lips. 1780."
Siegfried, Die hebrischen Worterhlrung oi
1879, pp. 8-22.
des Josephus (in Stade's Zeitschrift fr die alttestani. Wisscnsch.
list of the Hebrew etymologies of Josephus
1883, pp. 32-35).
is also given in Vallarsi's edition of Jerome, iii. 745-752.
On the treatment of the biblical history of Josephus Edersheim in article " Josephus " in Smith and Wace, Dictionary of
Zunz, Die gottesdienstChristian Biography, iii. pp. 454-457.
Hartmann, Die enge
llchen Vortrge der Juden, p. 120.
Verlindung des A. T.'s mit dem Neuen, 1831, pp. 464-514.
Burger, Essai sur I'usage que Fl. Jostphe a fait des livres canonGerlach, Die Weissagungen
iqites de V A. T., Strasburg 1836.
Duschak,
des A. T. in den Schriften des Fl. Josephus, 1863.
Plaut,
Josephus Flavius und die Tradition, Wien 1864.
Flavius Josephus und die Bibel, Berlin 1867. Tachauer, Das
Verhdltniss des Fl. Josephus zur Bibel und zur Tradition,
Erlangen 1871. Bloch, Die Quellen des Fl. Josephus, 1879, pj).
23-53. Eanke, Weltgeschichte, iii. 2, pp. 12-41, 1883. Olitzki,
Flavius Josephus tmd die Halacha, 1 Thl. 1885. Grnbauni,
Die Priestergesetze bei Flavius Josephus, 1887.
On the chronology of Josephus, especially for the earlier
Brinch, Chronologiac et historiae Fl. Josephi examen
periods
llafniae 1701 (also in Havercamp's Josephus, ii. 2, 287-304).Carpzov,
Spanheirn in Havercamp's Josephus, ii. 2, 407 f.
Junker, Ueber die Chronologie des
Critica sacrae, pp. 954-957.
The Journal of Sacred
Flavi^is Josephus, Conitz 1848.
Journal of Sacred
Literature, vol. v. 1850, pp. 60-81.
lA.terature and Biblical Record, vol. vii. 1858, pp. 178-181.
Ewald, Historij of Israel, ii. p. 371. Niebuhr, Gesch. Assurs
und Babel's, 1857, pp. 105-109, 347-360. Kuenen, De staamhoom van den masorctischen tekst des 0. Testaments ( Verslagen
en Mededeelingen der koninJd. Akademie van Wetenschappen,
Afdceling Letterkunde, Tioeede reeks, deel iii. 1873, pp. 289-339

3.

THE SOUKCES.

109

on Josephus, p. 321 ff.). Destinon, Z'ie Chronologie des Jose2)htis,


Kiel 1880.
On the sources of the second half of the Antiquities : Nussbaum, Ohscrvationcs in Flavii Josepki Antiquitatcs, Hb. xii. 3Bloch, Die Quellen des
xiii. 14.
Dissertat. inaugur. 1875.
Flavius Josephus in seiner Archaeologie, Leipzig 1879. Destinon, Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus in der JUd. Archaeologie,
Schemann,
Jiuch yi\\.-x\\\.=^ Jd. Krieg, Viwch. i., Kiel 1882.
Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus in der jdischen Archaeologie,
Polemos ii., cap. vii.-xiv., 3 Dissert. 1887.
Buch xviii.-xx.
On the communicated State Papers, especially of times of
Caesar and Augustus Gronovius, Decreta Eomana et Asiatica
pro Judaeis, etc., Lugd. Bat. 1712. Krebs, Decreta Rovumorum
pro Judaeis facta e Josepho collecta et commentario illustrata.
Egger, Examen critique des historiens anciens de la
Lips. 17G8.
By the same
vie et dti rdgne dAuguste, 1844, pp. 193-200.
Etudes histo?'iques sur les traites j^ublics, 1866, p. 163 ff.
Bonnetty, Annates de philosophic chritienne, ix., 5 s6rie.
Mendelssohn, Senati consxdta Romanorum quae sunt in Josephi
Aiitiquitatibus {Acta Societatis philoL, Lips. ed. Bitschelius, v,
Niese, Bemerkungen ber die Urlcunden lei
1875, pp. 87-288).
Josephus Archaeologie, B. xiii. xiv. xvi., in Hermes, xi. 1876,
See reply to Niese by Mendelssohn, Rhein.
pp. 466-488.
Museum, Neue Folge, Bd. xxxii. 1877, pp. 249-258. Wicseler,
Einige Bemerkungen zu den rmischen Urkunden hei Josephus
Ant. 12. 10, 14. 8, 14. 10, in Theol Stud, und Kritiken,
liosenthal, Die Erlsse Csars und die
1877, pp. 281-298.
Senatsconsidte im Josephus Alterth. xiv. 10, in Monatsschrift fr
Gesch. und
Wissensch. des Judenthums, 1879, pp. 176 - 183,
216-228, 300-322.
For tlie literature on the so - called witness to Christ in
Antiquities, xviii. 3. 3, which, as a rule, also deals with
Josephus more generally, see below at 17.
On the geographical views of Josephus Eobinson, Biblical
Researches in Palestine, vol. i. pp. 408-415, and elsewhere
throughout the work. Ilaumer, Palstina, 4th ed. 1800, pp.
466-471. Berggren, Flaviris Josephus der Fhrer und IrrefiUirer der Pilger im alten und neuen Jerusalem, Leipzig 1854.
Arnold, Die Bibel, Josephtis und Jerusalem; Sammlung und
Beleuchtung aller Stellen der Bibel und des Josephus, welche auf
die Topographie Jerusalem's Bezug nehmen, 2 Abth., Halle 18651866.
For the explanation and criticism of the geographical
statements Boettger, Topographisch -historisches Lexicon zu den
Schriften des Flavius Josephus, Leipzig 1879.

110

INTRODUCTION.

For tlie illustration of the Treatise against Apion: Criiice, De


Flavii Jusephi in auctorihus contra Apionem afferendis fide et
auctoritate, Paris 1844.
Creuzer, Theol. Stud, und Krit. 1853,
Kellner, De fragmentis Mancthonianis quae apud
p. 64
Josephum contra Apionem^ i. 14 e^ i. 26 sunt, Marburgi 1859.
Zipser, Des Flavins Joseplnis Werk, " Ueber das hohe Alter des
jdischen Volkes gegen Apion," nach hebrischem Originalquellen
erlutert, Vienna 1871.
J. Gl. Mller, Des Flavius Jose2')hus
Schrift gegen den Apion, Text und Erklrung, Basel 1877.

fi'.

D.

We

Greek and Eoman Writers.

are not required here to take into consideration all the

Greek and Eoman writers who may have made any


contribution to our history, but only those

who have

The Greek

something of considerable and permanent value.

and Eoman historians whose works are

still

sort of

contributed

preserved, afford

us only a few notices in regard to the special history of the

Of much greater importance are the hints

Jewish people.
respecting the

general

characteristics of

gather from contemporary


like

But

Horace and Juvenal.

statements

made by

sideration to the

general history

those

Eoman

period

is

of Syria.

of yet higher

historians

from

who

value are the

give special con-

period.

For the history

the following
^

Modern

The

historians

who

The most important

the

of Pales-

treat

of the

among

tlie

of these are

^
:

editions of the original texts of the authors here

issued in the collections of Didot in Paris

Bibliographical
given

of

most intimately linked with the

history of that country are therefore to be ranked


authorities for our history.

satirists

Syria during the reign

history of

Seleucidae and the


tine during our

Judaism which we

authors, especially

lists

by Engehnann,

of

editions

Bibliotheca

Preuss, 2 vols. 1880-1882.

and

named

are

and of Teubner in Leipzig.

literature

scriptorum

regarding each are

classicorum,

8th

ed.

by

good estimate of these writers will be

found under their several names in Nicolai, Griechische Literaturgeschichte,


3 vols. 1873-1878, and Teuffel, History of Boman Literature, 2 vols.
London.

Ill

THE SOURCES.

Greek Writers.

1.

1.

He was

PoLYBius of Megalopolis in Arcadia.

the thousand distinguished


suspicion

being

of

ill -

Achaeans who

affected

in b.c.

one of

167, under

toward Eome, were trans-

ported to Eome, and were detained there, or at least in Italy,

During

for seventeen years.

his long residence in Eon:e, the

gained possession of him that there was a divine

conviction

reason and need-be for the sovereignty of the

He

Eomans.

gave expression to this idea in his great historical work, which


in forty books described the gradual upbuilding of the

Empire and universal supremacy from

Of these only the


plete form

five

first

extensive, contained

for the

220

collection of

For the purposes

of our history, only the best fifteen books, xxvi. xl.,

In book xxvi.

146.

fragments, more or less

most part in the

excerpts by Constantinus Porphyrogennetus.

consideration.

Eoman

to B.c.

books are preserved in a com-

we have only

of the rest

B.c.

c.

come

10, Polybius enters

first

into

upon

the history of Antiochus Epiphanes.


2.

DiODORUS.

Agyrium

This historian was born at

in Sicily,

hence called Siculus, and lived during the reigns of Caesar and
Augustus.
peoples,

He

wrote a large universal history of

which he entitled BtXioyjKi].

times and

all

It consisted of forty

books, covered a period of eleven hundred years, and reached

down

to the conquest of

work there
of

still

Gaul and Britain by Caesar.

remain books

i.v.,

Of

this

giving the early history

Egypt and Ethiopia, of the Assyrians and the other peoples

of the East, as well as

the Greeks

books xi.xx., from the

beginning of the second Persian war,

B.c.

480, down to the

history of the successors of Alexander the


of the other

Great,

B.c.

302

books we have only fragments, for the most part

preserved in the collection of excerpts by Constantinus Porphyrogennetus.

Some

of

these fragments have been brought to

light only in recent publications

by Mai, Mller, and Feder.

112

INTRODUCTION.

For our purpose only the fragment from book xxix. 32, given in
Mller, Fragmenta hisfor. graccor.

where

for the first time

Steabo

3.

to A.D.

20

mention

Amasia

of

ii.,

comes into consideration,

made

is

of

Antiochus Epiphanes.

in Poutus lived from

about

B.c.

60

but we cannot precisely determine the date either

Of his works we possess only

death.

of his birth or of his

the r(ypa(j)i,Ka, in seventeen books, written toward the end


of his

life,

known

well

as

principal source of information

in regard to ancient geography.

many which

the numerous his-

we meet with

are of importance for the history of Syria.

his description of Palestine, xvi.

2.

In

2546, Strabo has used,

which treated

besides other authorities, one

of the

state of

during the ante-Pompeian age, for he speaks of Gaza,

affairs

which was
pr]fio<;

built

Among

interspersed in this great work,

torical notices

destroyed by Alexander

without mentioning that

(xvi. 2. 30),

by Gabinius

Jannaeus, as fxevovaa

see Div.

to the authority used

ii.

vol.

by him, the

and Gazara (Gadara) are fresh

i.

p.

it

had been

forcible Judaizing of

in the

re-

Also, according

70.

memory

Joppa

2829).

(xvi. 2.

These statements were perhaps derived from Posidouius, from

whom

Strabo here frequently quotes.

Plutarch was born about a.D. 50


Trajan bestowed on him consular
appointed him Procurator of Greece.
We
his native city

presided

about

at

120.

a.D.

Biographies,

Koman,

about

Of

of

also

know

that in

the office of Archon, and repeatedly

his

of the

works

He

Pythian Apollo.

we have

to

died

do with the

men

of Greece

generally two, the one a Greek, the other


alongside of one another.

these are preserved,

Pompey,

rank, and Hadrian

irapaXKifkoi, of distinguished

whom

are placed

fifty

Crassus,

filled

festival

ySi'ot

and Eome, of
a

he

the

Chaeronea in

at

4.

Boeotia.

Caesar, Brutus,

Somewhere

among which

those of

and Antony are of special

interest in connection with our history.


5.

Appian.

Of Appian's

life

very

little

is

known.

He

says

am Appian

" I

the conclusion

himself at

of

ducted processes

made

works,

it

that he lived

appears

The

in the time

courts

deemed me

various

of
to

fit

passages in his

under Trajan, Hadrian, and

composition

Pome,

"^

con-

jurist

justiciary

of court

of

his

150.

A.D.

in twenty-four books.

the synchronistic method, Appian

work

historical

Antoninus Pius, about

of

treats of the history of


of

and as a

the

From

their procurator."

work

historical

attained to the highest

land,

before

members

the

Antoninus Pius.
falls

Home

at

the emperor, until

be

my own

.113

of his

who

of Alexandria,

honour in

position of

THE SOURCES.

3.

chose to

It

Instead

follow

rather

the ethnographic, " because he wished to give the history of

events in each

down

country in an unbroken narrative

separate

time of

to the

union with Eome.

its

Pome

also the history of

Thus he gives

a series of special histories of

in

the various lands and people that had been combined with

Po'man Empire, describing in detail the history of each

tlie

iVom the period of


time of

its

its first

abrief style

incidents

tlie

vii.

in
^

Of

a complete

AvviaiKT],

viii.

lost), xii.

of

books

form

to

the

more recent times "(Bahr in

i. v.

book

tvKrj

Kai riapLKJ] (of which

War),

Pome down

Of the twenty-four books, the

Pauly's Keal-Encydo-p).

lowing are extant


l)ut

contact with

absorption into the empire, and then sketching in

and

laropca),

(seil,

Kap'^TjBoviKi),

XvptaKrj

xi.

the part on the Parthian history

Mc6pi8Tio^, xiii. xvii. ^Ep.(j}vXia (that

The extant

AaKiKi] or 'IXXvpiKij.

xxiii.

fol-

only fragments,

'IrjpiKrj

vi.

koI

ix.,

is,

five

the Civil

books on

the Civil War, xiii.-xvii., are usually cited as Appian. Civ.


iii.

ii.

iv. v.

the other books being

is

named according

i.

to their

contents as Libyca (or Punica), Syriaca, etc.


6.

Dio Cassius,

or,

more

correctly, Cassius

Nicaea in Bithynia about

at
^

'TTT/afff

Vc.it4.yi

'

A'Xi^ets/Zpsv;, ig rec

A.D.

ttoutx

155.
y.kciv iv

avvxyoptiKfets ivl tu ctat^euv, fiixP'

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

,"'

He
Ttt

<f^<^'-'

Dio, was born

spent the period

TXTpiZi,

oUeei;

Kcci

'f^tTpomvii

ij^i'uaetv.

iv

114

INTKODUCTION.
public

of Lis

positions

of aedile,

Consul.

He
In

consul.

Eome, and occupied successively the

in

life

quaestor,

229 he

A.D.

no information

at

date of his death.

from

retired

great

down

to A.D.

229.

arrival

of

first

books

Iv. Ix.

of

but of the

rest,

the year

still

preserved

in

the eleventh century

Syria during the years

106,

b.c.

treated of the history of

Cicero's Orations

first

and Epistles

on the history

A.D.

17.

His great

Eome from

of

half of the

B.C.

59, and

historical

work

the founding of the city

have been preserved, namely, the


first

Arpinum,

5743.

death of Drusus, in 142 books.

only the

at

43, a victim of the proscrip-

B.c.

a main source of information on

as

B.c.

died in the same place

histor}'

while for the

LiVY was born at Patavium (Padua) in

decade, and the

B.c. 1 2

this.

the history of his times, and especially

thirty-five

Pompey

Latin Writers.

Antony and Octavian.

to the

the

CiCEKO was born on 3rd January

are generally recognised

down

Of

more considerable

the death of Agrippa in

and died on 7th December

2.

after

books xxxvii.liv. inclusive

we have not even


2.

tions of

the wars of Lucullus and

to

the

229

we have considerable portions


books Ixi.Ixxx., we have only an epitome

thirty-four books

1.

was

it

inclusive,

made by Xiphilinus
first

are

books xxxv. and xxxvi.

with Mithridates, down


of

have

history from

to

thirty-four books only short fragments

complete, treating

are

Pro-

We

consisted of eighty

It

Eoman

Latium down

at

The following portions

j)ieces of

life.

211-222, but

A.D.

and comprised the whole

Christ.

official

221,

as

work on Roman history was

books,

Aeneas

A.D.

of Africa

regarding his later days or about the

all

His

most probably composed about


continued by him

about

and,

praetor,

administered the province

fifth.

half of the fifth

Of

first,

these, only

third, fourth

For the purpose of our


decade comes into con-

It comprises

sideration.

books

The summary

178-167.

B.c.

THE SOURCES.

3.

xli.-xlv., dealing

MoNUMENTUM Ancyrancm.

3.

with the period

of couteuts of the Looks tliat are

more recent times,

lost, relating to

115

of

is still

some value

Augustus

to us.

death

at his

left

behind him, besides other writings, a review of the most important incidents in his reign, recorded on tablets of brass,

and intended
Aug. 101

rerum a

indicem-

up before

to be set

down

has come

to us

gestarum, quern

se

Mausoleum

aeneis tdbulus, quae ante

Mausoleum

his

translation,

Augustus

is

marble walls

the

Galatia.

in

What

of
is

text,

the

Greek text

is

temple of

Another copy

found in a temple at Apollonia in

documentary memorial

still

is,

its

in a

there wanting in

translation that only unimportant blanks remain.


of the

and

by the fragments of the Greek

so far supplied

whereof also extracts are

in

This review

almost complete in consequence of

on

Ancyra

at

the Latin text

vellet incidi

statuerentur).

having been engraved, according to the Latin

Greek

(Suetonius,

preserved.

Pisidia,

This comprehensive

together with the histories of Dio

Cassius and Suetonius, our chief authority for the reign of

Augustus.

The

most recent and most correct editions are

Perrot, Exploration

1.

arcMologiqxie

1862-1872,

de la

Galatie

et

de la

25-29; 2. Corpus Inscript.


Lat. iii. 1873, pp. 769-799, 1054, 1064; 3. Bergk, ^w^ws/t
rerum a se gestamra indicem, ed. 1873 4. Mommsen, lies
Bithynie,

etc.,

pi.

divi Augusti, ex

gestae

Herum

edldit

momimcntis Ancyrano

acccdunt tahulae undecim,

Pjcrol.

et

Apolloniensi

1883, with a

thoroughly comprehensive and informing commentary.


4.

Tacitus was born about

a.d.

55, and was praetor in a.d.

88, and Consul in a.d. 98.

The date

He

alive at the beginning of the reign

seems to have been

of Hadrian,
1

20.

Of

still

of his death

is

unknown.

and n)ay therefore have died somewhere about

his historical works, the Annals,

eighteen books

their exact

number

is

which

a.D.

in sixteen or

not certainly

treated of the times of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius,

known
and Nero,

116

INTRODUCTION".

that

is,

14

the period from a.d.

of

to A.D. 68, are aJmitteclly

the most important original authority for the history of these

and

times,

They are arranged

the history of Syria.

so, too, for

annalistically, so that they afford a sure determination of the

clironology.

extant

are

great piece

books

complete,

i. iv.

embrace the period

preserved

close.

its

which consisted

Of

is,

books

from

i.-iv.

of Tiberius, the

to

A.D.

96, only a fragment remains,


v.,

Book

for us is

v.

113, where Tacitus, by

Jewish people down to the war with Titus.

had the rank

A.D.

tribune conferred upon

of

the reign of Trajan, A.D.

98117; and

117-138, he was made magister

writings only the Vitae

that under Hadrian,

The

Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula,

Xero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus,


6.

Among

his

XII. Imperatorum come into con-

sideration in connection with our history.


:

him during

epistolarum, but after-

wards received his dismissal from that emperor.

inratores are

know that
8196

In regard to his life-course, we

Suetonius.

that he

A.D.

6870.

treating of A.D.

youth synchronizes with the reign of Domitian,

his

with the

and Domitian,

of a few graphic strokes, gives a sketch of the history

of the
5.

68

second

work, the History,

his otlier great

and a part of book

Of special interest

means

The por-

of twelve or fourteen books, dealing

a.D.

and

partly,

vi.

reigns of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus,

that

There

and that of Nero, with the ex-

half of the reign of Claudius

ception of

and

v.

the beginning and the end.

xi.xvi. defective at
tions

wanting in the middle.

is

twelve

Im-

Claudius,

and Domitian.

Trogus Pompeius (Justinus) wrote under Augustus a

universal history from Ninus

down

to his

own

times, in forty-

four books, with special reference to the history of Macedonia

and the Diadochen dynasty,


piled

full of

and resting on good Greek

is lost.

Only the

four books are

lists

of

preserved,

material, carefully

authorities.

The work

comitself

contents or prologi of the forty-

and an epitome which a certain

Justinns, probably

Even

in

forms for us

age

the

short epitome

this

117

THE SOURCES.

3.

Antonines, drew up.

of the

itself so

is

full of material, that

it

important source of information regarding

an

the Seleucid period.

E.

Compare

The Eabeinical Litekature.

Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrge der


Wolf, Bihliotheca Hchraea,
4 vols. 1715-1733. Frst, Bihliotheca Judaica, 3 vols. 18491863.
Steinschneider, Catalogus librorum hehraeorum in Bihliotheca Bodleiana, Berol. 1852-1860.
Zedner, Catalogue of the
Hehreio Books in the Library of the British Museum, London
1867.
Strack, Bihliograjjhisclter Ahriss der neuhehr. Litteratnr,
in Lchrh. der neuhchr. Sprache und Litt., by Siegfried and Strack,
1884, p. 93 ft:
specially

Jaulen, 1832.

For the bibliography

By

"

Eabbinical Literature

which has grown up out


Kabbis or
sively,

we understand

that literature

the professional labours of the

These labours consisted, not indeed exclu-

scribes.

but mainly, in learned discussions and criticism of the

Scriptures.

On

of

"

Of such productions we have two

the one hand,

in the jurist

different classes.

some have discussed the law hypercritically

st}de

on the other hand, some have expanded

and developed the sacred history and religious and


views by means of learned combinations.
the

first sort

ethical

The productions

of

constitute the Halacha, or the traditional law

the productions of the second kind form the Haggada, or the

and moral contents.

legends, embracing religious

information about both, see

The Halacha and Haggada were transmitted


Imndred years by oral tradition only.
adherence to

upon

literal

for the

In the Halacha

first

strict

accuracy in the transn)ission was insisted

whereas in the Haggada, greater freedom was given to

subjective opinion and imagination.

numerous and comprehensive


St

For further

25, II

vie the Rabbinical

literary

Literature.

The

final fixing of

both in

works makes up what we

The

origin of this literature

118

INTRODUCTIOX.

dates almost witliout exception from the earliest years of the

Only

period immediately after that treated in our history.

the Haggadic treatment of Genesis, which


the

name

known under

is

of the Book of Jubilees, belongs to our period

no longer extant, contributions

do also the earliest, but


Halacha.

But almost the whole

as

to the

of the rabbinical literature

that has been preserved reaches no farther back than the last

decade of the second century after Christ.

an invaluable source

It is nevertheless

for the times of Christ, for

merely

the fountain

away

of the there fixed traditions is to be sought

back, not

in the times of Christ, but in yet earlier periods.

The Halacha has been written down partly

in close connec-

tion with the Scripture text, therefore in the form of

mentaries upon

com-

Scripture, partly in systematic order, grouping

the materials under various headings according to the subjects

The works belonging to the latter class very soon


They embrace
1. The Mishna
obtained the pre-eminence.
4. The Baby3. The Jerusalem Talmud
2. The Tosephta

dealt with.

They may be comprehended under the general


Talmudical Literature. In all of them Haggada

lonian Talmud.

designation of
is

mixed up with Halacha;

tlds blending being

in the Babylonian Talmud, and

The Haggada makes

its

text.

as the Haggadic commentaries,

may

The

name

The Halachic,

as well

be comprehended under

Midrashim,

traditional conception of the Scripture text is given

expression to

They

of

Mishna.

appearance mainly in the form of

commentaries on the Scripture

the general

most conspicuous

least discernible in the

in the

Aramaic translations or the Targums.

too, therefore, are to

be mentioned here, although in the

form in which they have come down to us they are probably


to be dated

Finally,

about one hundred years after the time of Christ.


as

the residuum of historical tradition,

refer to still other historical

the period of which

we

treat.

we must

works which make reference

to

THE SOKCES.

3.

The Talmudical Literature.

I.

The Mishna.

1.

Tlie

word ^f "P

construct

i^.^y'P)

according to

Lut

repeat.*

varied from ny^'p,

{stat. construct. ri^t^'P,

stat.

has generally been rendered by the Church

Fathers by Bevrp(i)ai<;}
^^^',

119

This
root

its

inasmuch

is correct,

means

significance,

in later usage " to repeat

"

came

as the verb

Bevrepovv,

to

to be equiva-

lent to " the teaching or learning of the oral law," iradifioms

Yor the mode

docere or discere.

imparting such instruction

of

was by the teacher dictating the matter again and again


pupils, or
it

even by the pupils themselves being made to repeat

Hence

over and over again.^

i^JP'P,

rich collection of patristic passages

trxtibiis originalihus,etc.

Efist. 121

to the

1705, pp. 238-240.

ad Alrjasiam, quaest.

x.

is

which properly means

given by Hody, De bibliorum

I select

"1 would

the following:

fail to tell

Jerojne,

of the multitude

which are now called otvTipuaeig, and


For indeed the size of my boolc forbids and so
many are vile, that I would blush to quote them." The .same in Epist. ]S
ad Damaxum, c. 20 " But lest we should seem to omit any of those which
the Jews call Oivripii/jsi;, in which they treat of all kinds of knowledge," etc.
In his Comm. on Isa. viii. "Sharamai, therefore, and Hillel, of whom the
former is a quibbling, and the latter a profane interpreter of traditions and
of the traditions of the Pharisees

which are

silly fables.

make void the precepts of their own law." In Comm. on Isa.


"despising the law of God, and following traditions of men, which

oivrioaatt:,
lix.:

" For we expect the


In his Comm. on Ezek. xxxvi.
heavenly Jerusalem gemmed and golden, not according to Jewish fables,
which they call oevTiouan;." In Comm. on IIos. iii. " Loving traditions
iliey call 0iVTspa<nt;."

of

men and dreams

Pluirisaei traditionum
praeferebant.

of livr^pumsi;."
et

i.

his

observationum, quas

For passages from

Constitidiones Apostol.

In

6,

ii.

Comm. on

UK

xxii.

23

Epiphanius, see under, note 24.


In the
the ritual part of the Mosaic law is

5, vi. 22,

called Oivrepiai;, in contradistinction to the true

The

Matt.

oivnpuaeii vocant, justitiam

v6ft,os,

or moral law.

teachers of the oevTiputrn; were called hevrspuTxi, Euseb. Praep.

5. 3, xii. 1. 4.
Jerome on Isa iii. 10, and on Hab. ii.
Audivi Liddae quendam de Hi'.hraeis, qui sapiens apud illos et hvnpuTii;
vorabatur, narrantem hujnsrnodi fabiilnm.
- So in the biblical Hebrew.
Compare ahso Sanhedrin xi. 2, meaning
to do something over again.
' n3"', to teach, e.g.
Taanith iv. 4 r\y\'J Tin' 't T\^T\ "JD, " thus wa.s
R. Joshua wont to teach.''
Compare Jerome, Epist. 121 ad Algasiam,

evangel, xi.

120

INTRODUCTION.

" repetition,"

came

to be regarded as signifying the doctrine of

the law, and even the doctrine of the oral law as distinguished

from the written Thora.*

The work

specially designated

by the name Mishna

is

oldest codification of the traditional Jewish law that has

down

The material

to us.

the

come

here arranged according to

is

its

contents, distributed into six groups (^''IIP), containing alto-

gether

sixty

tracts

(ninaSD,

nspp).

sing.

In

editions,

by subdivision their number

is

three,'''

Each

into

tract,

again,

divided

is

each chapter into paragraphs


is

very old

our

chapters

The chapter

(ni'pcJ'p).

printed

increased to sixty(D''i?'^Si)

division

but the position and numbering of paragraphs

is

modern, and in the printed editions vary very considerably

from those of the manuscripts.

Hebrew

is

its

contents, as

Only two

Halachic.

The

language of the Mishna

we might

tracts,

expect, almost purely

Ahotk and Middoth, are Hag-

" When on certain days they expound their traditions to their


they are wont to say 0/ cofi'/t hvnpiiat^, that is, the wise teach
traditions."
In the sense of " to learn," e.g. Ahoth iii. 7 "'Whoever goes

quaest. x.

disciples,

on the way and repeats (njlti'l) and interrupts his repetitions (p''DD?01
1n3t^'0), and says, How beautiful is this tree, how beautiful is this field,
Scripture regards him as one who has forfeited his life." Aboth ii. 4
" Say not, When I have time I will learn (nrL''S)
for perhaps thou wilt
have no time."
:

Sometimes, as in the passage Aboth

n^CO may be
Aboth

iii.

inat^D),

is

iii. 7,

quoted in the previous note,

translated "repetition ; " sometimes by "instruction," as in


" Whoever forgets a part of his lesson on the law
(TDK "131

regarded by Scripture

But, as a rule,

as," etc.

it

simply means

the traditional doctrine of the law, especially in distinction from the

written text, XipD Kiddnschin

i.

10

Aboth

v.

21.

In cases where later

scholars teacli differently from earlier ones, the earlier doctrine


nji'ti'N"

T\l\l''^^

Kethuboth

v.

The Mishna

Nasir

vi. 1

Gittin v. 6

is

Sanhedrin

called
iii.

distinguished from the Halacha by presenting the legal tradition as the subject of instruction rather than as a

Edvjoth

vii. 2.

is

judicial code.

According to the original ordinance preserved, for example, in the


Baba kamma, Baba mezia, and Baba bathra form together
only one tract, and also the Sanhedrin and Makkoth only one. Compare
*

cod. de Rossi 138,

also Strack in Herzog's Real-Encydop. 2 Aufl. xviii. .300 f

gadic

121

THE SOURCES.

3.

and besides, Haggadic elements, to a small extent, are

found in the conclusion of the

the explanation of

tracts, or in

particular Halachas.^

The names and contents


follows

the sixty- three

of

First Seder,

Berachoth,

1.

are as

tracts

'

ni3"]3,

'^.

W^T'}..

on formulae

of blessings

and

praj'ers.

2. Pea, HNS, on the corners of fields which in harvest

be

left

unreaped

right of the poor in the produce of the


to Lev. xix. 9, 10, xxiii.

Demai,

3.

22

anything where

it is

according

soil,

Deut. xxiv. 19-22.

on the treatment of the

''^'^\

must

and generally on the

for the poor;

fruit, especially

doubtful whether

it

about

ought to be

tithed or not.

Kilajim,

4.

on the

0!'^?^?,

mixing of what

illegal

hetero-

is

geneous in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, and in


clothing, according to Lev. xix.

19

Deut.

5.

Shebiith, nT?^',

6.

Teruvioth, nio-nri, on the dues of the priests.

7.

Maaseroth, nnbro^ on the tithes of the Levites.

8.

Maaser

sheni,

on secondary

^y^^ "^^r'.VP,

taken after the payment of the


according to Deut. xiv. 22
Challa, n?n^

9.

for

on the dough

home

xxii.

911.

on the Sabbatical year.

use,

according to

ff.,

first

tithes,

which are

tithes,

and must,

be paid at Jerusalem.

offerings, a

l-24th of the baking

and l-48th of the baking

Xum.

xv.

17

ff.,

is

to

for sale, which,

be given to the

priests.

Compare Zunz, Die

gottesdienstl.

Vortrge der Juden,

sketch of the Haggadas in the Mishna

German
"

is

p.

86

ff.

A gonoral

given in Pinner's translation in

of the tract Berachoth, Introdnction.

more detailed ILst of contents is given by Pressel in Herzog, 1st ed. xv.
620-639, and also by Strack in Herzog, 2nd ed. xviii. 305-328. The list of
contents given above is mainly derived from " the explanatory li.st " given
in Delitzsch's Covimentary on the Epistle to he Fomans (1870), pp. 113-118.

122
10.

INTRODUCTION.

on the prohibition against using the

Oi'la, '^^"?y,

newly - planted

during

trees

the

fruits

oi

three years,

first

according to Lev. xix. 23-25.


11. Bihkurim, Q^l'O^, on the presenting of the firstlings of the

produce of the ground.

Second Seder,

"tJ/io

'd.

1.

Shdbhath, 03^', on the Sabbath festival.

2.

Erubin,

3.

Pesachim, ^V^r>, on the Passover

4.

Shekalim,

on the binding together of separate

V'^^'^V,

for the

Matt.

localities

purpose of freer movement on the Sabbath.

Q^^P?^',

11

tax, Ex. xxx.

ff.

24.

xvii.

^V^

festival.

on the half-shekel

" day,"

5.

Yoma,

G.

Sakha, nsp, on the Feast of Tabernacles.

7.

Beza,

on the

that

the great day

is,

of

atonement.

'"')'*"'?,

Yom

or

tob,

niD Di% whether one

may

eat

an

egg laid on a feast day, and generally on the observance of feast and Sabbath days.

on the

New

Year

8.

Rosh Hasfiana,

njti'n

9.

Taanith,

on the days of fasting and mourning.

10. Megilla,

JT'jyri,

'^)'9,

K'Ni,

on the reading

festival.

of the " roll," that

is,

of the

book of Esther, and generally on the Feast of Purim.


1 1

Moed

katan, i^P

tween

the

'^^'^^,

first

on the feast days intervening be-

and

last

feast

days of

the great

festivals.

12. Gliagiga, ^"?n, on the duty of appearing at Jerusalem to


offer at the three great festivals.

Third Seder,
1.

Jebamoth,

nion'',

D'tr: 'd.

on levirate marriage with the brother-in-

law, according to Deut. xxv. 5-10.


2.

Kethuhoth, ni2in3, on marriage contracts.

3.

Nedarim,

Q''""]?,

THE SOURCES.

3.

123

on vows, especially with reference

validity in the case of

women, according

to their

to Lev. xxvii.

and Num. xxx.


4.

Nasir,

on the Nazarite vow, according

I'p,,

to

Xum.

vi.

and XXX.
5.

Sota, n^^D,

6.

Gittin,

on proceeding against one suspected of adul-

tery, according to
ptsa,

Num.

11-31.

v.

on writings of divorcement

(p^),

and what gives

legal claim to the obtaining of a divorce.


7.

Kiddushin,

on betrothal

I"'V"^'^i?,

Fourth Scdrr, \T^i


1.

Baba kamma, xsp


of

first

gate," the

first

division

the threefold treatise on injuries, treating of the

damages due

legal

by one
2.

X33, " the

'o,

Baba mczia, i^^^P


plaints

for various

^^^i?,

"

the middle gate," treats of com-

and claims, especially between masters and


employers

slaves,

kinds of injuries done

to another.

and

employed,

borrowers

and

lenders.
3.

Baba

bathra,

i^")^^ ^<nn, "

the last gate," on the municipal

regulations most influential


social
4.

upon the development

of

life.

Sanhedrin,

Plli^^P,

on the Sanhedrim and the criminal

law.
5.

MaJckoth, riisp, on punisliment by flogging.

6.

Shebuoth,

7.

Edujothy
tions

niy^Qtr,

on oaths and offences against sanctity.

" witnesses," contains controverted proposi-

ni'"iy,

from

all

departments

" witnessed to "

*
iii.

The name

the traditional validity

by celebrated

is

authorities.*

of this tract, according to Levy, Neuhehraisch. IForterbuch,

620, ought to be

Encyclopaedie, xviii.

given as Ediyoth ; and Strack in Herzog's Realhas been iii<]u(jeil to accede to this demand.

SH),

124

INTRODUCTION.
Ahocla

8.

nniny^

nnr

sara,

on

idolatry

and

on

generally

heathenism.
Ahoth, ni3X,

9.

Aboth, ni3X

or Plrhe

''p-^Q,

collection of

sentences from the most famous scribes, dating from

somewhere about
ninin,

Horayoth,

10.

b.c.

to a.D. 200.

200

on

decisions

iinintentional

offences

caused by erroneous decisions of the Sanhedrim, and

on unintentional offences

of the

higli

and

priests

princes.

O^C-'hp

Fifth Seder,

'd.

1.

Sehachim, ^V}], on sacrifices.

2.

Menachoth, ninjo^ on meat-offerings,

3.

Ckullin, Tr^^, on the right metiiod of slaying animals not

and on the eating thereof

to be offered,

Bechoroth, niii^n,

4.

men and
Arachin,

5.

on the sanctifying of the first-born among

cattle.

r?"Ji!,

" treasures," treating,

according to Lev. xxvii.,

of the redemption of persons

and things which had

been devoted

the sanctuary, or had

to the service

of

so devoted themselves.

Taiiura, ^'y^^, on

6.

the

exchanging of things devoted

to

penalty of extermination,

or

God, Lev. xxvii. 10.


ri^nns^

KcrithotJi,

7.

solitary

the

what those have

ratlier

But the

on

to

example on whicli Levy

do

relie?,

who have

namely, malkiyoth,

point, since even in that instance the correct rendering

in

'iiuilkuyoth.

So

also for chanuth

plural form of chanuyoth,

Tohoroth
^

No

this.

e.g. cod.

uninten-

we have manuscript authority


de Rossi 138 has in

is

not

wouhi he

Aboda sara

i.

in its

4 and

nVIJn.
tract of the Mishna has been so often printed and tran.slated as
vi. 3,

Some

of the

more recent

editions are mentioned in Div.

ii.

vol.

iii.

In addition, compare Eighteen Treatises from the Mishna, by


Raphall and de Sola, giving translations of Berachoth, Kilajim, Shebiith,
Erubin, Pesachim, Yoma, Sukka, Yom Tob, Kosh Hashana, etc., London
p.

30.

1845.

THE SOURCES.

3.

tionally broken a

125

command which

involves the penalty

of utter destruction.
8.

Meila, "^^TP, on the embezzlement of things devoted to

Num.

God,
9.

Tamid,

V.

6-8.

of daily

1"''?'^,

morning and evening

sacrifices,

and

generally of the daily temple service.


10. Middoth, nnp, of the size and arrangements of the temple.
11.

Kinnim,

Q'Sp,

of

the

according to Lev.

1-10 and

Suth Sahr, nnna


1.

Kclim, Qv?,

2.

Ohaloth,

01^

doves by the poor,

of

offerings

v.

8.

xii.

'd.

household furniture and

purifying.

its

nv^N, on the defilement of tents

by the dead, according

specially
3.

Negaim,

4.

Para, ms, on the red heifer, that

Q'V^?,

pollution

Num.

and houses,

Num.

to

xix.

on leprosy.

contracted

from

on atonement

is,

the

dead,

for

according

to

xix.

5.

Tohm^oth, J^i^n?' o^

^^^^

6.

Mikwaoth,

of

'"lixji?p,

lesser kinds of defilements.

the

water

fitted

bathing and

for

washing.
7.

Nidda,

8.

Machshirin, ]''y^O^, properly

"I'np^

of the defilement peculiar to the female sex.

liquids which, falling

"

making

upon

fit,"

fruits,

render them impure, according to Lev.


9.

10.

Sahim,

Q""?!,

Tchul yom,

11.

xi.

34, 38.

on the running of ulcers and bloody


Qi^

'^3p,

treats

of the

defilement

removed by bathing, but requires


going

treating of the

render or do not

down

isolation

issues.

which
until

is

the

of the sun.

Yadayim, ^H^, on the pollution and the cleansing, washing


of the hands.

12.

blizin,

pyp-y,

stalks

on the defilement of

and rinds or husks.

fruits

through

their


126

INTKODUCTION.

Tolerably sure results in regard to the age and origin of


this

work may
the

in

text

also be gained

from certain indications given

In innumerable

itself.

where the

instances,

opinions of scholars on particular points of law are divergent,

not only

the view of the majority given, but the views of

is

the dissenting scholar or scholars, with the distinct mention


of the

In this way somev/here about 150 authorities

names.

are quoted in the

Mishna the most, indeed, only very seldom,


;

but some almost through

all

cited authorities are the following

First Generation,

^^
:

from about

70

A.D.

Eabban^^ Jochanan ben Sakkai,


Zadduc.-'^

The most frequently

the tracts.

23

100.

^o A.D.

times.

E. Zadoc or

R. Chananya, president of the priests, D'jnan po,

12 times.

R. Elieser ben Jacob.^^

Second Generation, from alout

A.D.

100

to A.D.

130.

Eabban Gamaliel IL, 84 times. E.


Joshua [ben Chananya],^* 146 times.
E. Elieser [ben HyrA.

canos],

Older Group

324

times.

E. Eleasar ben Asarya,

Dosa ben Archinos, 19

times.

. Younger Group: E. Ishmael, 71 times.


^^

Since

that the

38

times.

E.

Akiba [ben

editions vacillate here and there as to the name, I

tlie

numbers given by me

E.

E. Eleasar, son of E. Zadduc.^*

may

say-

are taken from the so-called Jost edition of

the Mishna, Berlin 1832-1834.


^^

On

signifies

the

title

Rabban, see Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

p. 315.

The simple

letter

Rabbi.

^^ The name Rabbi Zadoc, or properly Zadduc, occurs sixteen times.


But probably an older and a younger scholar have the same name.
^^ The name R. Elieser ben Jacob occurs forty times.
Probably here
also two bearers of the same name are to be distinguished.
^* Those patronymics which are, as a rule, not
given in the Mishna,

are enclosed above in brackets.


^*

With

Zadduc.

reference to this name, the same

may

be said as about R,

278

Joseph],

the one

in

times.

Len Nuri, 38 times.


form

4,

Simou ben

in

the

forms

these

other

Jose
simply
Abba

E. Jochanan

Ben

21

Jochanan

times.

Asai,

Galilean, 26 times.
Ben Nannos, in each

or

20

Saul,

times.

Asai, or simply

the

R.

Simon ben Nannos,

127

51 times.

E. Tarplion,

K.

ben Beroka, 11 times.


R.

THE SOUKCES,

3.

times.

li.

of

Judah

ben Bethera, 16 times.

Third Generation, from aboid

Judah [ben

R.

Ilai, or

more

130

A.D.

^o A.u.

correctly Elai],

160.

G09

times.

335 times. R. Meir, 331 times.


R. Simon [ben Jochai], 325 times.
Rabban Simon ben
Clamaliel IL, 103 times.
R. Nehemiah, 19 times.
R.
Chananya ben Antigonos, 13 times.
R. Jose [ben Chalephta],

Fourth Generation, from about ad. 160

Rabbi

[i.e.

R.

Jose, son of R.

Juda ha-Nasi

Judah [ben

The chronology

^o a.D.

37

or ha-kadosh],

Elai],

14

200,
times.

R.

times.

wliich has been here adopted, while in its

leading outlines perfectly certain, cannot be vouched for in

every individual case.


in

the

with

really

evidenced by the

is

one

Thus,

another.

engaged

together

conversation and

in

indeed, with such indications as

younger contemporary

we

of

their

of

Mishna

example,

for

Joshua, R, Elieser, and

II.,

too,

contemporary with one

circumstance

less frequently referred to in the

Gamaliel

men enumerated

that the

fact

same generation were

another,

more or

The

we

Rabban

find

Akiba frequently

discussion,

show that

beini^'

as disputing

and

that,

Akiba was a

the three previously named.'

So,

often find disputing with one another, R. Judah, R.

'<*
For the documents,
and 207.

see Div.

ii.

vol

i.

pp. 3r)l-370,

25,

notes VJU


123

INTRODCTIOX.
E. Meir, and E.

Jose,

And

Simon.

with more or
each

it

similar

way

in

can be determined

certainty to which of the four generations

less

belonged.

in

respect to other scholars mentioned here,

But

further,

also,

succession

the

the

of

generations can be ascertained by similar statements in the

Mishna.

E.

Joshua and E. Elieser were pupils of Eabban

Jochanan ben Sakkai

The men

men

the

are

furnished

with

was therefore

described.

^'^

linked on with

are

relationsliips,

etc.^^

outstanding points

various

is

made

said to have

the temple had been destroyed

immediately after

alive

that

statement that Akiba,

this also agrees the

so

is

an absolutely correct chronology.

Eabban Jochanan ben Sakkai


arrangements

Akiba

by personal

for the sure determination of

" after

E.

also,

generation, too,

third

the second

of

we

Finally,

the

of

^^
;

various
;

"

^^

he

With

event.

who was about

generation younger, was a contemporary of Barcochba and a

martyr during the war of Hadrian.

may

deal with the

Our

In a like manner we

rest.^^

statistics, then,

have thus proved that

Compare Edujoth

Yadayim

the

Mishna

3 at the end.

^'

Ahoth

1^

Sota V.

^^

R. Jose passes a judgment in presence of R. Akiba {Terumoth

1.3).

R.

Simon

8.

ii.

viii. 7.

iv.

2.

Judah was

still

a hearer of R. Tarphon {Nedarim

vi.

6).

Akiba {Machschirin vi. 8). R.


about the views of R. Elieser and R. Joshua

takes part in a disputation with R.

Jose, Judah,

{Kerithoth

and Simon

tell

iv.

R.

iv. 2, 3).

Menachoth x. 5.
liosh hashana iv. 1, 3, 4.
Documentar}^ evidence for all the above statements is much too
voluminous to be given here. In single cases where the Mishna gives no
decision, the sources that follow, Tosephta and Talmud, are drawn upon.
On the men of the first and second generations more particulars are to be
found in Div. ii. vol. i. pp. 366-379. On the third and fourth generations,
2" SuJcka iii. 12.
^^

compare literature given in Div. ii. vol. i. p. 351, especially the articles
also
in Hamburger's Eeal-Encydopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, pt. ii.
I may mention
Strack in Herzog's Eeal-Encydopaedie, xviii. 346-350.
that I have intentionally characterized the two groups of the second
generation, not as two generations, because they are more closely connected with one another than cither is with the first or with the third
;

generation.

must have been

129

THE SUKCKS.

3.

and edited toward the end

collected

second century after Christ, for in

of the

a later composition

it

might be expected that more recent authorities would have


been employed.

In

been ascribed

to E.

simply Eabbi,

who

alter

But our

Christ.^^

even than

lived

It

this.

is

work has

the composition of the

fact,

Judah ha-Nasi,

or ha-kadosh, called also

end of the second century

at the

statistics

teach us something more

clear that a couple of thousand of

statements about the views of particular scholars could not

have been transmitted by oral

If in a

traditions.

work issued

toward the end of the second century, by various scholars of


generations,

earlier

decisions were

hundred

!),

command.

even

couple

of

hundred

particular

communicated (by E. Judah ben Elai over

there

must have been written sources

But the

result of our statistics

that the final redaction

had

makes

it

at

six

their

probable

been preceded by two earlier

summaries of written documents, one from the age of the


second generation, and one from the time of the third generation.

Certain

favour

this

phenomena

theory

,^^

as

in the text

well

as

Mishna

of the

itself

some rather obscure and

*2 Compare on him
Bodek, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus als Zeitgenosse
und Freund des Eabhi Jehuda ha-Nasi ; also luuler title: Rmische Kaiser
in jdischen Quellen, Thl. i. 18G8. Gelbhau.s, liahhi Jehuda llanassi und
Compare here Strack, Tlieoloij.
die Redaction des Mischna, Vienna 1880.
Literaturzeitung, 1881,52 ff.
Hamburger, Real- Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und
Talmud, Abth. ii. pp. 440-450 (art. Jehuda der Fiiist). Some more
:

literature in Strack, Herzog, xviii. 349.

On the period and the date of the

death of R. Judah ha-Nasi, long discussions have been carried on between


Rapoport and Jost. See Frst, Bibliotheca Judaica, ii. 48, and the complete report in Bodek, pp. 11-64; also Jost, Gesch. ds Judenthicms und
seiner Secten, ii. 118 ff.
Rapojtort takes A.D. 192 as the year of his death

The grounds for either are not very certain, but Rapoport's view seems more probable, though his statements about a friendly
intercourse between larcus Aurelius and Judah are very problematical.
^'^
" R. Jose said: Happy thou Kelim (d*^3 l^lti'X), to
Kclim, fin.
Jost, A.D. 219-220.

begin with pollution and end with poverty." It then appears that a
redaction of the tract Kelim appeared in the times of R. Jose [ben Chalephta].
On various stages in the fixing of the tradition, whether oral or

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

'

130

INTRODUCTION'.

The opinion,

doubtful traditions."*

many Jewish

still

by

firmly maintained

documents are not

scholars, that written

to be

found before the time of Judah ha-Nasi, indeed not even in


his days, is based

upon the assumed prohibition

of a written

record of the Halacha, of which, however, the age and range of

At any

application are extremely uncertain,^^


is

rate this

beyond dispute, that in the Mishna the Jewish law

which

in that form

retained in the schools of

it

from the end of the

to the

first

much

codified

is

Palestine

end of the second century

after Christ.
Toseplita.

2.

The Mishna

Judah ha-Nasi has generally received

of E.

canonical rank, and has served as the basis for the further
written, liglat
-*

shed by such passages as treat of the meaning of proposi.

is

down by

older scholars, e.g. Ohaloth ii. 3


Tohoroth ix. 3.
Epiphanius, Haer. 33. 9: A/ yxp Trxp^oaii; ruv 'rrpiavripuv livrBpaaitg

tions laid

TTxpi to;? 'lov^xtoig "hiyovTctt.

'Mavaia;

(ptpofisun' ^svTspct hi

vj

Etat Sg etvrxt reaaxps;'

fit'ci

rov xatXovfihov 'Fcct

'Ax.iii.'

ti; 'vo/a

fcis)

rplrn 'All

Aaufiuvcciov.
In almost the same language
YiTQt 'lovloc' nrpryi tuv viav
Epiphanius expresses himself in another passage, Haer. 15 Asvnpaei; Or
'

^up' irol; Tiaaccpig


le

iig

t6u

OS ilg TO!)

'

y,aoe,v'

QiOa.ax.a.'Kov

Avloiv

uinav

^" Awoii/ tou

Quite a wrong statement


TTn

Is

i]

f^icc

"Tirccpxloai;

el;

fi,i
''

Animu

ovrco

kocI 'lovoecv'

is

uv7o7;

made

rov

"^Icovaiug

oi/ofici

x.oi'Kovf^euov

tripx

oe

roiv

Trpitrvripau,

xctl
'

fisv

Accil

fiSTOc rr,v

Ik 'Bxvvog S'^xvolou,

Bxv'Kuvtx.Zv xlxf^^^i^'f^'^t

vioiig

'

in a third passage, Hner. 42

ysyovi

yiys'j'/irxt,

ruu

rov

Is

Is

viau

'

ivripx

BxpuKictv'

ii;rov;

'TrpoCpyjrov,

Xh-rt

Aaxf/,Ctii/xiov.
:

fth

Axix xxl

AaaxfAojuxiov

oti tov

si/p'/jaug

Tirpo

sv

zuv

xpvoig

'Avrixov.
By the "Deuteroses of Moses," is meant
by the " Mishna of the Asmoneans," most likely the
ordinances of John Hyrcanus, wlio set aside the Pharisaic statutes, and
A code of this Asmonean law is, it would
so created a new system of law.
Compare Derenbourg,
seem, referred to in Megillath Taanith, 10.
Histoire de la Palestine, p. 103.- Mention is also made of a series of
Halachoth by R. Akiba in Tosephta Sabim i., while by " the Mishna of
Akiba" in Sanhedrin iii, 4, only his oral doctrine is to be understood.
Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen
Compare on Akiba's work as a redactor

'

A'hi^xvlpov

Kxt

Deuteronomy

Vortrge der Juden, p. 46


Geschichte der Juden, iv.

Jost, Geschichte der

430

Judenthums,

ii.

112

Grtz,

f.

^* For more detailed information, see Strack in Herzog, Real-Encyclop.


331-337.
According to Grtz, even in the fourth century the

xviii.

3.

THE SOURCES.

development of the law

down

to

us,

Another collection that has come

the so-called Tosephta,

has not attained such a rank.


belongs

together
("Xsri

essentially

The other

Tosephta.

in his

exact parallels

age

of

Tannaites

the

in

the

The

not yet indeed been

two points

certainty:

fifty-nine tracts,

Mishna,

are wanting in the

not merely fifty-two,

Vortrage affirms, have their

The two

Tosephta.

are

therefore

precise nature of their relationship has

made

sufficiently clear.

which may

That the Tosephta

1.

quite the same as

is

tracts of the

Kinnim

Gottesdienstliclien

closely related.

least

the

The arrangement

only Ahoth, Tamid, Middoth, and

at

additamentum^^

The material here gathered

to

Of the sixty-three

that of the Mishna.

Zunz

t''fDir.^

Aramaic, meaning BevTepcorai, the scholars of the

in

age of the Mishna).

as

131

be
is

stated

But there are


with

laid out in

absolute

accordance

with the plan of the Mishna, and professes to be an expansion


of

it,

as the

name

itself

implies

and

2.

That the redactors

Mishna had not yet been committed to writing. Frankel especially, in


modern times, has insisted upon the assumption of written Mishna
collections before that of R. Judah ha-Nasi.
In his Hoderjetica in
Mischnam, 1859, he assigns a Mishna to R. Akiba and one to R. Meir.
Compare further Lewy, Ueber einirfe Fragmente aus der Mischna des Abba
:

Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 399-401.


Hoffmann, Di erste Mischna und die Controversen der Tannaim (Jaliresl)ericht des Rabbiner-Seminares in Berlin, 1882).
Lerner, Die ltesten
Mischna-Compositionem {Mag. fr die Wissensch. des Judenth. xiii. 1886).
Derenbourg sums up his opinion as follows {Jlevuc des e'tiules juives, vi.
41): "It is well known that from the time of the destruction of the
.econd temple down to the commencement of the third century of the
Christian era, there have been different redactions of the Mishna.
The
first comjdete redaction seems to have been undertaken by R. Akiba
before the war of Hadrian.
Upon the reopening of the schools under the
first Antonine, R. Meir resumed the same work, and then R. Judah the
l)atriarch, descended from the famous family of Hillel, composed the
code which has served as a basis for all subsequent rabbinical studies."
^^ Not to be confounded with the Tosaphoth, the explanations of the
Babylonian Talmud from the French rabbinical schools of the Middle
Ages. See on these Tosaphists
Zimz, Zur Geschichte und Literatur,
Saul, Berlin 1876.

1845, p. 29

fr.

132

INTRODUCTION.

had at their command in carrying out their scheme sources


which are older than our Mishna,
the Tosephta

in

the

post

Tosephta has
complete

we have

Mishna times
not

literal

an abbreviated

Hence, on the one hand,

authorities cited

while,

unfrequently

on

the

retained

which belong
other
the

hand,

original

to

the

and

quotation where the Mishna has given only

The Haggada bulk much more

text.^^

largely

in the Tosephta than in the Mishna.

complete separate edition of the Tosephta was issued for


time quite recently by Zuclcermandel, Tosephta nach
den Erfurter und Wiener Handschriften mit Parallelstellen und
the

first

Supplement containing summary,


Treves 1882--1883.
On the Erfurt
manuscript: Zuckermandel, Die Erfurter Handschrift der
and Lagarde, Symmicta, i. 1877, pp.
Tossefta, Berlin 1876
153-155. Previous to this, leaving out of account separate
editions of special portions, the Tosephta had appeared only
in the editions of the Alfasi.
On these and on the separate
editions of portions, see Frst, Bihliotheca Judaica, i. 34-3G, 173;
Steinschneider, Catalogus lihrorum hehr. in hiblioth. Bodleiana,
col. 647 sq., 1087 sqq.
Alter Zedner, Catalogue of the Hebrew
Boohs in the Library of the British Museum, pp. 365 f., 757.
A great part of the Tosephta, consisting of some thirty-one
tracts, is translated into Latin in Ugolini Thesaurus antiquitat2im sacrarum : in vol. xvii. Schabbath, Erubin, and Pesachim
in vol. xviii. the other nine tracts of the second Seder ; in vol.
xix. the following eight tracts of the fifth Seder : Sebachim, MenaVarianten, Pasewalk 1880.

register,

and

glossary,

Temura, Meila, Kerithoth, Arachin


whole of the eleven tracts of the first Seder.
On the Tosephta generally, compare Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrge der Juden, 1832, pp. 50 f., 87 f.
Dnner,
Die Theorien ber Wesen und Ursprung der Tosephta kritisch
dargestellt, Amsterdam 1874.
Zuckermandel, Verhltniss der
Tosifta zur Mischna und der jerusalemischcn Gemara zur
choth, Chullin, Bechoroth,

in vol. XX. the

babylonischen (^Monatsschrift
des Judenthums, 1874-1875).

fr

By

Geschichte und
Wissensch.
the same, Toiifta-Variantem

^^ From this Zuckermandel has wrongly concluded that the Tosephta


preserved to us contains the original parts of the Palestinian Mishna

which formed the text of the Jerusalem Gemara, while our Mishna has
sprung up in the Babylonian Amora school as a new codex, partly
abridged, partly amended, from the Tosephta.

THE SOURCES.

3.

133

Schwarz, Die Tosifta des Tractates


{Monatsschrift, 1880-1881).
ihrem Verhltnisse zur Mischna kritisch untersucht,

Sabbath in
Carlsruhe
JEriihin in
Carlsruhe

By the same, Die Tosifta des Tractates


1879.
ihrem Verhltnisse zur Mischna kritisch tmtersucht,
1882.
Hoffmann, Mischna und Toscfta {Magazin
des Judenthums, ix. 1882, pp. 153-1G3).
die
Wissenschaft
fr
Hamburger, Real- Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, ii. 1225V>i\x\\, Bcfjriff und Ursprung der Tosefta
1227, art. "Tosephta."

zum

neunzigsten Geburtstag des Dr. L. Zunz.


Berlin 1884, pp. 92-110). Pick, Die Toscfta- Citate und der
hebrische Text {Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentl. Wissensch.
Strack in Herzog, Bcal-Encyclo^aedie, xviii.
188G, pp. 23-29).
{Jubelschrift

298

p.

f.

3.

On

The Jerusalem Talmud.

Mishna the

the basis of the

carried on with unwearied energy

was

juristic discussion

and

zeal in the

schools of

Palestine, especially in that of Tiberias, during the third

By means

fourth centuries.

material that was in this

the codification of the

of

way gathered

in the fourth century after Christ the so-called

or

more

In

correctly, Palestinian, Talmud.'^

Mishna

is

that

distinctions

Jerusalem,
the text of

it

taken statement after statement in regular

is

and

succession,

new

together, there sprang

up
the

and

explained

by a

system

casuistical

of

ever more and more subtle and

becomes

For the purpose of explanation not only are the

over-refined.

opinions of the " Amoreans," the scholars of the post-Mishna


age,

drawn upon, but very frequently dogmatic utterances

of the

Mishna

age.

Such propositions

as are

borrowed from

earlier times which have not been incorporated in the Mishna,

are called Baraytha, ^^^na^ " extranea"


**

^10^n means teaching, doctrine

niin, -P

i-

Kethuboth

V.

seil,

4-5,

Sota

v.

vi. 9.

The

e.g.

Kerithoth

traditio.

parts of the Talmud, the Mislina text lying at

its

basis

vi.

They
3.

are

l^iD^n,

two comiionent

and the

ex]>lana-

"Mishna" and "Geniara." But tliis


Jewish antiquity. In the Talmud itself

tory discussion, are distinguished as

is unknown in
Gemara is always "Talmud."

use of the words

the so-called

Encyclopaedie, xviii. 299.

See Strack in Herzog, Real-

134

INTRODUCTION'.

quoted in the Talmud in Hebrew, whereas


language of the Talmud

Aramaic.

is

The

for

the rest the

date of the com-

Talmud may be determined from

position of the Palestinian

the fact that, although indeed the Emperors Diocletian and

Julian are mentioned, no Jewish authorities are referred to

who can be
fourth

assigned to a later period than the middle of the

century."^

principal
material.^''

contents,

Besides

we

Whether

in

the Palestinian

the whole range of the


its first

Halacha, which

the

meet

also

Mishna

is still

forms

its

with rich Haggadic

it

Talmud ever went over


a disputed point.
Only

four Seders, together with the tract Nidda, have been

preserved to

and

us,

the

tracts

Eduyoth and Aboth are

wanting.^^
4.

The Mishna

Abba Areka,
In the schools

said to have been brought to

is

Babylon by

usually called Eab, a scholar of E. Judah."^

came

of that place, too, it

continuous

for

basis

The Babylonian Talmud.

juristic

to be

discussion.

used as the

The boundless

accumulation of material here also led gradually to


This was in

fication.

all

its

codi-

probability undertaken in the fifth

century after Christ, but was not brought to a conclusion


29

See especially Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrge,

p.

52

The

f.

passages referring to Diocletian are also given in Lightfoot, Centuria


chorogr.
20

c. 81 (0pp. ii. 28).


passages are collected in the

Matthaeo praemissa,

The Haggadic

work

nX1?D) of Samuel Japhe in the sixteenth century.


Biblioth. hebr.

96.

i.

1104,

iii.

1109,

iv.

Steinschneider, Catalog., col.


p.

German

translation of Haggadic

jerusalemische

Male
2^

in's

For

f.

See here

Frst, Bihlioth. Judaica,

2427.

Talmud

passages

/riQ"'

Wolf,
ii.

9,

Zedner, Catalogue of British

Strack in Herzog, Real-Encyclop. xviii. 364

Museum,

750

995.

Jejjhe mar'eh

is

in seinen haggadischen

f.

given by Wnsche, Der


Bcstandtheilen

zum

ersten

Deutsche bertragen, Zrich 1880.


traces of the existence of other portions, see Zunz,

Die

gottesdienst-

Strack in Herzog, Real- Encyclopaedie, xviii. 337 f.


^^
For an account of this scholar, see Mhlfelder, Rabh ein Lebensbild
zur Geschichte des Talmud, Leipzig 1871.
lichen Vortrge, p. 54.

before the sixth century.

In

given

frequently

the

in

Talmud

the Babylonian

as well

statements of older scholars were

Palestinian, the

as in the

135

THE SOURCES.

3.

Hebrew

The Talmud

language.

itself was written in the Aramaic dialect of Babylon.

Haggada

is

here represented

Palestinian Talmud.^^

The

still

The whole

with the exception of Berachoth

sixth with

of

the

Tamid from the


exception

therefore embraces only

Talmud 39
lonian

has been

is

fifth

tracts,

is

Seder

and the whole


See Zunz,

while in

are dealt with.

tracts

Talmud

in-

too,
first

Middoth and Kinnim

Nidda.

of

36^

the

of

Shekalim out of the second

Eduyoth and Aboth from the fourth


and the half

than in the

literally

Babylonian Talmud,

There are wanting

complete.

more

The

of the

54.

p.

It

the Palestinian

Nevertheless, the Baby-

at least four times the size of the Palestinian,

much more

Europe since the

diligently studied in

Middle Ages, and stands in much higher repute than the

other.^'*

Mishna and both Talmuds, their editions,


and commentaries, are carefully enumerated bv
'W oli, BiUiothcca Eehraica, ii. pp. 700-724,882-913 iv. 321-327,
The

literature of the

translations,

^^

See Zunz, p. 94. The Haggada from the Babylonian Talmud is


together in the work Jn Jacob (aipV^ py) or En Israel (py

collected

^Slb'"') of

Jacob Chabib, belonging to the fifteenth century.

pare Wolf, Bihlioth. Hebr. i. 590 f., iii. 45G f., iv. 8G6
Steinschneider, Catalog,
Bihlioth. Judaica, i. 151 f.
Catalogue of Hebrew Boohs in British

Real-Enajdopaedie, xviii. 364

f.

Museum^

German

p.

f.

Zunz,

col.

746.

On

this

p. 94.

1196

ff.

com-

Fur^t,

Zedner,

Strack in Herzog,

translation of the

Haggada

given by Wnsche, Der babylonische Talmud


in seinen haggadischen Bestand.ieilen worfgetreu bersetz U7id durch Noten
erlutert, 3 parts, published in 1886, 1887, 1888.
3* In reference to the mode of reference here adopted, it maybe observed
in the

Babylonian Talmud

that the tracts of the

Mishnas

is

Mishna are quoted according

according to the page

number

to

chapters and

same way or
Cracow those of the
the page numbers, which are identical

those of the Palestinian

Talmud

either in the

in the editions of

Babylonian Talmud according to


For exaniple, M. Berachoth iv. 3, or simply Berachoth
in all the editions.
jer. Berachoth iv. 3 refers to the Palesiv. 3, means therefore the Mishna
tinian Talmud
bab. Berachoth 28b, or simply Berachoth 28b, indicates
the Babylonian Talmud.
;

136

INTEODUCTION.

437-445.

Winer, Handbuch

der theolog. Literatur,

Frst, Bihliotheca Judaica,

525.

ii.

40-49,

pp.

i.

523-

94-97, confines

himself to the Mishna and Palestinian Talmud. Neubauer,


Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library,
Schiller-Szinessy, Catalogue of
Oxford 1886, nos. 393-407.
the Hebrew Manuscripts preserved in the U7iiversity Library,
Zedner, Catalogue of Hebrew
Cambridge, vol. ii. pp. 1-12.
Books in the Library of the British Museum, 1867, pp. 545Eaph. Rabbinovicz has written in Hebrew a
555, 739-751.
critical review of all the complete and separate editions of the
Babylonian Talmud since a,d. 1484, Munich 1877. Strack in
Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie, xviii. 342 f., 357-368. We specify
only the following

Editions and Translations of the Mishna.

Mishna

sive totius

Hebraeorum juris, rituum, antiquitatum ac leyum oralium

cum clarissimorum Rabhinorum Maivionidis

systema

commentariis
Surenhusius.

Bartenoras

Amsterdam 1698-1703.
Talmud rests, edited from

vols. fol.

The Mishnah on which

et

Latinitaie donavit ac notis illustravit Guil.

integris, etc.

the Palestinian

the

unique

manuscript preserved in the University Library of Cambridge, Add.


470,

of

1,

by W. H. Lowe. Cambridge 1883. An exact reproduction


Cambridge manuscript, which, however, is not

valuable

" unique," since there


cod. de Bossi 138, at

certainly another of the

is

same kind, the

Parma, representing the same text in perhaps

even a better form.


Eighteen Treatises from the Mishna.

M.
'^2^

J. Raphall.

T\}li^

""mo

London

n'lyu-

Translated by D. A. de Sola and

1843.

6 vols.

Berlin 1832-1834.

of the Society of Friends of the

Issued

by authority

Thora and Science at Berlin, under

M. Jost. The printed text with a German transHebrew writing and a short Hebrew commentary.
Hebrew printed text,
Die sechs Ordnungen der Mischneu

the direction of J.
lation in

Mischnajoth,

German

translation

the First Seder.

and exposition, by A. Sanimter.

Berlin 1887.

If this edition

completion in accordance with the promise of

Part

I,

giving

be carried out to

its first part, it

will

be most worthy of recommendation for the use of the Christian


theologian.
it is

The German translation follows closely that of Jost, but


German letters.
Hebrew texts, with short Hebrew commentaries, have in

printed in

Editions of the

all

THE SOURCES.

3.

Of

times been issued in large numbers.

we may name

137
the

more recent

Cohn

tbose of Sittenfeld in Berlin 18G3, of

editions,

in Berlin

1876.

Editions and Translations of the Palestinian Talmud,

The

was issued by Bomberg in Venice in

editio princeps

mention of the year


Hehraica,

iv.

but this was, according to

1609, at Krotoschin a.D. 1866,

Several other editions

and

Real-Encydop.

at

at Shitomir in 4 vols.

Cracow

fol.

a.d.

a.d.

1860-

have been projected, but were stopped

after the appearance of one or

witliout

439, either a.D. 1523 or a.D. 1524.

Besides this other three complete editions have appeared

1867.

folio,

"Wolf, Bibliotheca

more

See Strack in Herzog,

parts.

xviii. 343.

Latin translation of a great part of the Palestinian Talmud, extending


to nineteen tracts, appeared in Ugolini Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrar.,

namely, in

vol, xvii.

Eosh hashana,

Pesachim; in

Taanith,

vol. XX. Maaseroth, Challa, Orla,

Makkoth; in

An

vol.

vol. xviii. Shekalim,

Chagiga,

Megilla,

Beza,

Bikhurim ; in

Joma,

SukJca,

Moed Katan ;

vol. xxv.

in

Sanhedrm,

xxx. Kiddushin, Sota, Kethuboth.

English rendering of the French translation of Moses Schwab has

The

been undertaken.

first

volume, containing the tract Berachoth

according to the Jerusalem Talmud, was issued in the end of 1885,

The French

translation began to appear at Paris in 1871

to this time ten

volumes have been

and

uj)

issued, containing thirty-three

tracts.

Wnsche, Der

jerusalemische

Deutsche

irCs

Talmud

bertragen,

in seinen haggadischen Bcstandtheilen

Zrich

1880,

gives

only

the

Haggadic

passages,

Schiller-Szinessy, Occasional Notices of Hebreio Manuscripts;


Description of

the

Leyden Manuscript of

the

Palestinian

No.

1.

Talmud.

Cambridge 1878.

Editions and Translations of the Babylonian Talmud.

The

editio princeps

a.D.

1520

fF.

was published by Bomberg

With

this edition all

at Venice in 12 vols, folio,

subsequent issues agree exactly in

the numbering of pages.

Among
on

later editions there


critical

grounds.

is

none that can be regarded

The

as satisfactory

prejudices of Christian editors led un-

happily to the perverse corruption of the

text.

On

this point, see

138

INTRODUCTION.

Neubauer, Catalogue of
p.

On

1099.

the

Hebrew Manuscripts in

the

Bodleian Library,

the other hand, the persecutions to which the Jews

were subjected occasioned such bitterness of feeling on their part


that they forbade, under severe'st penalties, the printing in the Mishna

or

Gemara anything

had reference

that

circular to this effect printed

with the Jews.

The Fragment of
in

the

the

by

London 1812.
Talmud Babli Pesachim
"W".

Talmud

Nrnberg 1856

an

three tracts of the Baby-

sacrar.,
;

in vol. xix. Sebachim

Several single tracts have been translated into

Aboda Sara or

or Tenth Century,

with notes and

and

xxv. Sanhedrin.

vol.

Pinner, Berlin 1842

Ninth

edited

are translated into Latin

Menachoth ; and in

See

and Easy Method

Cambridge 1879.

H. Lowe.

In Ugolini's Thesaurus antiquitatum


lonian

of the

University Library, Cambridge,

autograph facsimile, by

to Jesus of Nazareth.

Leslie in his Short

German

Idolatry,

by

by

Berachoth,

F. Chr. Ewald,

Baba Mezia, by Sammter, Berlin 1876

by

Taanith,

Straschun, Halle 1883

Megilla with Tosafat transl. into German, by

Rawicz, Fraukf. 1883

Bosch ha-Schanah, by Eawicz, Frankf. 1886

Rabbinowicz, Legislation
discusses

on

passages

du Talmud, 5

civile

civil

vols. Paris

law from the various

1877-1880,

tracts

of

the

Talmud.

Wnsche, Der

babylonische

wortgetreu bersetzt,

etc.,

Talmud in

seinen haggadischen Bestandtheilen

2 vols. 1886-1888, gives only the Haggadic

passages.

For Criticism of the Text


Rabbinovicz, Variae

quum

lectiones

in

Mischnam

ex aliis libris antiquissimis

Monacensi praestantissimo

collectae

in Hebrew, not yet couipleted.

Lebrecht, Handschriften und


Talmud, No.

1,

et

in

annotationibus instructae, written

Munich 1867-1886.

Vols, i.-xv.

erste

Talmud Babylonicum

scriptis et impressis turn e codice

et

Gesammtausgaben

des

Babylonischen

Berlin 1862, deals only with the manuscripts.

Helps in regard to the Language.


Bdxtorf, Lexicon Clialdaicum, Talmudicum

reprint of this

work has been

et

Rabbinicum.

issued

by

Basel 1640.

B. Fischer.

Leipzig

1874.

Levy, Neuhebrisches und Chaldisches Wrterbuch ber


Midraschim, vol.

i.

1876,

vol.

ii.

1879,

die

n^

Talmudim und
vol.

iii,

1883,

3.

vol. iv. still inconijilete. Also

JO

]!

die

Targumim und

and

13

haldisches Worterhuch ber

einen grossen Thcil des rahUnischen Schriftthums.

Dictionary of the Targumim, the

the

Midrashic Literature.

Vol.

i.

Talmud Babli and Y^rushalmi,


London 1886. Containing

96 pp. quarto, and reaching down to XD''"1DDNe Mischna augendi particula,

IIartmann, Thesauri linguae Hebraicae


iii.

'J

1867-1868.

2 vols.

Jastrow,

THE SOURCES.

Eostock 1825-1826.

diligent collection of

tlie

ii.

i.

non-biblical

linguistic materials of the Mishna.

Geiger, Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischna.

DKES, Die Sprache

Breslau 1845.

der Mischna, lexikographisch

und grammatisch

betrachtet.

Esslingen 1846.

Weiss, nati'Dn

Studien ber die Sprache der Mischna,

in

LuzzTTO, Grammatik der biblisch-chaldischen Sprache und des Idioms

des

Talmud

DDtJ'O

pji'b

Vienna 1867.

Hebrew.

From

Bihli.

the Italian

Strack and Siegfried, Lehrbuch

by Krger.

Breslau 1873.

der neuhebrischen Sprache

und Literatur

Carlsruhe 1884.

General Literature ox the Mishna.


The most complete and comprehensive

treatises

on the origin and cha-

racter of the Mishna, are the three following

Hebrew language
Frankel, njB'Dn ""Dil,

works written

in tliu

1859.

Also

Mischnam

Hodegetica in

Tosefta, Mechilta, Sifra, Sifri.

nyi^'an ^2-\1

P.

und

T^^^iff^T]

XUO,

lished

Lijjs.
et

index

Lips. 1867.

Gesetzeslehrer

Frankfort 1876.

under the

ea conjunctos

Einleitung in die Mischnah, enthaltend das Leben

die Lehrmethode der

der Mischnah.

cum

librosque

Introductio in Mischnam.

izoh nnsoi niDDin, Additamenta

ad librum Hodegetica in Mischnam.

Brll,

I.

title,

von Ezra

bis

zum

Abschlsse

second volume has been pub-

Einleitung in die Mischnah,

ii.

Plan und

Systi-m

Frankfort 1884.

der Mischnah.

Weiss, Vfini "iH in, Zur Geschichte der jdischen Tradition.

Vol.

i.

down to the Destruction of the Second


Temple, Vienna 1871 vol. ii. From the Destruction of the Second
Temple down to the close of the Mishna, 1876 vol. iii. From the
close of the Mishna down to the comi)letion of the Babylonian
Talmud, 1883 vol. iv. From the close of the Talmud down to the

From

the earliest Times


;

end of the
1887.

first five

thousand years according to Jcwi.sh reckoning,

140

INTRODUCTION.

ScHiLLER-SziNESST,

article

" Mishnala " in the Encyclopaedia Britannica,

502-508.

vol. xvi. 1883, pp.

Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, comprising Pirke Ahoth and Pereq
B. Meir in Hebrew and English, with critical and illustrative notes.

Cambridge 1877,
Robinson, The Evangelists in

the

Mishna

Bennett, The Mishna as

London

Geschichte des

ZNZ, Die
106

Grtz,

der Zeit der Makhaher, iv. 103

seit

Judenthums und

gottesdienstlichen

1859.

Cambridge 1884.

illustrating the Gospel.

JosT, Geschichte der Israeliten

Four

Illustrations of the

or,

Gospels drawn from Jewish Traditions.

seiner Seelen,

ii.

ff.

Also

114-126.

Vortrge der Juden,

1832, pp. 45

86

f.,

f.,

f.

Juden

Geschichte der

485, 494

f.

Also

(Monatsschrift fr

Also

(2 Aufl.), iv. 210-240, 419-422, 430

f.,

479-

Beitrge zur Wort- und Sacherklrung der Mischna

und

Gesch.

Wissensch.

Die Mischna in mndlicher

Judenthums, 1871).

des

XJeherlieferung erhalten

{Monatsschr.

1873, pp. 35-41).

Dnner,

Veranlassung, Zweck

halachischen exegetischen

und Entwickelung

in Umrisse dargestellt (Monatsschrift fr

Judenthums,

Also:

1871).

der

Gesch.

und

halachischen

der

Sammlungen whrend

Tannaim- Periode,

und

TVissensch.

des

E. Juda ha-Nasi's Antheil an unserer

Der
Mischnah (Monatsschr. 1872, pp. 161-178, 218-235). Also
anderer Tannaiten auf R. Jehuda Hanassi's Halachah:

Einfluss

Feststellung (Monatsschr. 1873, pp. 321

Hamburger,

ff.,

Eeal-Encyclopaedie fr Bibel
pp. 789-798 (art. " Mischna ").

On

361

ff.).

und Talmud, Abth.

the scholars quoted and referred to in the Mishna, the


Misnici," see Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

ii.

1883,

" doctores

pp. 351-379 ( 25, IV.).

Geiger, Einiges ber Plan und Anordnung der Mischna (Geiger's Wissenschaftl. Zeitschrift fr jdische Theologie,

CoHN, Aufeinanderfolge
fr Wissensch. und

Bd.

ii.

1836, pp. 474-492).

der Mischnaordnungen (Geiger's Jdische Zeitschr.

Lehen, Bd. iv. 1866, pp. 126-140).

Landsberg, Plan und System in

der Aufeinanderfolge der einzelnen Mischna's

(Motmtsschr. 1873, pp. 208-215).

Derenbourg, Les
juives,

On

t. iii.

sections et les traite's de la

Mischnah (Bevue

des

dudes

1881, pp. 205-210).

the various series of tracts in some of the principal manuscripts and


editions, see the tabulated list

2 Aufl. xviii. 302-304.

by Strack

in Herzog's Real-Encyclop.

Dnner,

Einiges ber

THE SQUKCES.

3.

141

Ursprung und Bedeutung

Tractates Edajoth

des

(Monatssch. 1871, pp. 33-42, 59-77).

Jellinek, Die Composition der Pirke Aboth (Frst's Literaturllutt

des

Orients, 1849, nos. 31, 34, 35).

Zum

Frankel,

Tractad Aboth (Monatsschr. 1858, pp. 419-430).

Brll, Entstehung und ursprnglicher Inhalt

Abot (Jahrbb.

des Tractates

fr jiid. Gesch. und Literatur, vii. 1885, pp. 1-17).


complete list of the Old Testament passages, quoted in the Mishna,
given by Pinner, Tract. Berachoth, Einl.

is

216.

fol.

On the Palestinian Talmud.


Arguments against the generally accepted opinion that the Jerusalem
Talmud had been revised from the Babylonian Talmud, are given in
Frst, Literaturblatt des Orients, 1843, nos. 48-51.

Frankel,

'D^*ki'11\T

X130, in Hebrew, with the Latin

Talmud Hierosolymitanum.
gegenseitigen

des

title

Also

Breslau 1870.

und

Beziehungen des jerusalemischen

Talmuds {Monatsschr. fr

Gesch.

und

Introdudio in

Einiges ber die

Wissensch.

babylonischen

des

Judenthums,

1851-1852, pp. 36-40, 70-80).

Geiger, Die jerusalemische Gemara im Gesammtorganismus der talmud.


(Jd. Zeitschr. 1870, pp. 278-306).

Also

Lit.

Der Jerusalem. Talmud im

Lichte Geigei-'scher Hyjwthesen (Monatsschr. 1871, pp. 120-137).

Wiesner,

Gibe'th Jeruschaldim.

conclusion,

study on the nature, sources, origin,

and on the author of the Jerusalem Talmud, edited with

critical notes

by Smolensky.

Vienna 1872,

On the two Talmdds generally.


Wolf,

Bihliotheca Hebraea,

Waehner,
vol.

i.

ii.

657-993,

iv.

320-456.

Antiquitates Ebracorum, de Israeliticae gentis origvic fatis,


pp. 231-584.

etc.,

Gottingen 1742.

Barclay, The Talmud, London 1878; containing selected

treatises

from

the Mishna and Gemara, with commentary.

Lightfoot, Horae Hebraicae


1

et

Talmudicae, on Gospels, Acts, Komans, and

Corinthians, in Opera Omnia.

Francker 1699,

vol.

ii.

pp. 243-742,

783-928.

Oort, The Talmud and


Review.

Deutsch,

77ie

London

the

New

Testament, reprinted from the

1883.

Talmud, in Literary Remains.

London 1874

Modeim

142

INTEODUCTIOX.

article "

Davidson,
vol.

Pick,

Talmud

" in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature,

Edinburgh 1862.

iii,

article

"Talmud"

in

Theol. arid Eccl. Literature,

Stkack,
369

"Thalmud"

article

in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, xviii. 297-

statement of rich and

a particularly careful and complete

voluminous

literature.

JosT, Geschichte der Israeliten


pp. 222

323-328, nebst

f.,

ZNZ, Die

seit

"

und

Talmud.

habyl.

Eint, in den Talmud, vor seiner Ausgabe

Also

Maimonides'

containing

als

his-

51-55, 94.

des hierosolym.

Tractates Berachoth.

1824,

iv.

Ueber den Talmud

264-294

pp.

gottesdienstl. Vortrge, pp.

Pinner, Compendium

Makkaber, Bd.

Zeit der

der

dem Excurs

im Anhang,

torische Quelle,"

Also

M'Clintock and Strong's Cyclop, of Bihl.


New York 1881, pp. 166-187.

the

Seraim

Seder

to

Uebersetz. des

twelve sheets of the same,

first

Preface

Berl. 1832.

und

(German and

Hebrew),
Frst, Die

fF.).

Talmuds

Vorlagen des

literarischen

1850, n. 1

Also

{Literaturbl. des Orients,

Kultur- und Literaturgesch. der Jaden in Asien.

Thl. 1849.

Fraxkel, Ueber

Lapidarstyl der talm. Historik {Monatsschr.

die

1852, pp. 203-220, 403-421). Also

Beitrge zur Einl. in den

1851-

Talmud

(Monatsschr. 1861, pp. 186-194, 205-212, 258-272).

Grtz, Die talmudische


521).

453,

Pressel,

Also

Zur

CJironologie

481-496).Also
art.

"

1851-1852, pp. 509-

{Monatsschr.

Chron. der talm. Zeit {Monatsschr. 1885, pp. 433:

Thalmud "

Gesch. der

Juden,

iv.

in Herzog's Real

384, 408-412.

Encyclopaedie, 1 Aufl., Bd.

XV. 1862, pp. 615-664.

JosT, Geschichte des Judenthums,

Bedarride, ^tude sur

Auerbach, Das

le

ii.

Talmud

202-212.
Montpellier 1869.

(142, p. 8).

jdische Obligationsrecht, Bd.

i.

1870.

Gives

in the very

development

full introduction, especially pp. 62-114, a history of the

of the Talmud.

Brll, Die Entstehungsgeschichte


werkes {Jahrhb. fr jd. Gesch.

Derenbourg,
religieuses,

art. "
t.

xii.

Talmud

"

des

babylonischen

und

lAteratur,

ii.

Talmuds

als

Schrift-

1876, pp. 1-123).

in Lichtenberger's Encyclope'die des sciences

pp. 1009-1038.

Hamburger, Real-Encydop. fr

Bibel

und Talmud, Abth.

"Talmud, Talmudlehrer, Talmudschulen"


various articles on individual teachers.

Weiss, Zur Geschichte der jd. Tradition,

iii.

1883

(pp.

ii.

(1883)

art.

1155-1164), and


3.

Bloch, Einblicke in

Vienna 1884

In

die Geschichte der

(see also

143

Entstehung der talmudischen Literatur,

BrU's Jahrhh. fr jiid. Gesch. und Literatur,

1885, pp. 101-106).

vii.

the

the

at

THE SOURCES.

editions

the Babylonian Talmud, in vol.

of

the

of

close

fourth

which do not belong

pieces

least reach

back

Aboth, with

many

about the

stories

other Haggadic legends.

Its

part

at

The Ahoth derahhi Nathan, an expansion

(a)

ix.,

several

codex, but in

the

to

Talmudic age

to the

we meet with

Seder,

life

of

the

of

the Pirke

Sage and

present form was given

it first

in post-Talmudic times.

A recension

of this tract, diverging from the usually printed


has been edited by Taussig, wh^ ni3, N'wch Shalom 1st
part, containing Aboth di
Xatlian, is a recension differing
from the printed text, Seder Tannaim w'Amoraim and Varianten or Pirke Aboth, from manuscripts in the Eoyal Library at
Munich, edited and annotated, Munich 1872. Both recensions are given by Schechter, Ahoth de Rahli Nathan, hujus
libri rccensiones duas collatis variis apud bibliofhecas et piublicas
et privatas codicihus edidit, Vienna 1887.
Latin translation
of the common text is given in Tradatus de patribus: Babbi
text,

Nathane

auctore, in linguain

Taileri,

London 1654.

Hebraca,

108

f.

ii.

Frst,

logue of British

The

(6)

Museum,

so-called

p.

small

f.;

translatus opera Francisci


Wolf, Bibliotheca

generally
iii.

various

19

p.

tracts

of

the

Zedner,

ii,

on these compare

237

ff.

Cata-

xviii.

p.

328.

roll of the law,

Synagogue.

-lost,

Zedner, Catalogue,

Strack in Herzog, Beal-Encgclop.

exercises

f.

748.

Sopherim, on the writing of the

1.

gottesdienstlichen Vortrge, p.

Bibliotheca Judaica,

Geschichte des Judenthums,

748

Latinum

Compare
855-857. Zunz, Die

Belonging

and the
to

post-

Talmudic times.

Der talmudische TracSeparate edition Mascchet Sofenm.


der Schreiber, nacli Handschriften herausgegeben und
commentirt von Joel Mller, Leipzig 1878. Compare generally
Zunz, Bie goltcsdien&tl.
Zedner, Catalogue, p. 749
Vortrge, p. 9G f.
Hamburger, Bcal-Enc. Svpplem. p. 104.
:

tat

144

INTRODUCTION.
Ehel rahhaihi, or euphemistically Semaclioth, not Simclioth,

2.

on the treatment of corpses, and on the customs observed


in

to the dead.

reference

Zunz,
tract

90.

p.

cited

come down

has

Talmud

the

in

It

to

quoted

is

the one

that

Hamburger, Suj)plement, pp.

See

us.

idea that the

identical with

is

the Talmud.

in

the

however, contests

Brll,

51-53.
Kalla, on marital intercourse and on chastity in general.

3.

According to Zunz,

89

p.

it

f.,

probably older than the

is

Jerusalem Talmud.
Derek

4.

on

rahha,

erez

Hamburger, Supplement,
Derek

5.

p.

social

50

Zunz,

duties,

p.

110

Precepts for Scholars, Zunz, pp.

erez suta,

f.

f.

110

112; Hamburger, Supplement, p. 50 f.


Separate edition:
Der talmudische Tractat Derech Erez Sutta nach Hand-

und seltenen Ausgaben mit

schriften

Parallelstellen

und

Varianten, kritisch bearbeitet, bersetzt

erlutert

und
von

Abr. Tawrogi, Knigsberg 1885.

Perek schalom, on peace-making, Zunz, pp. 110112.

6.

Seven similar small

by

n'l''D^t^''n^

fort

Septem

1851.

Thora

2.

M. Abadim

tracts

have been recently published

Kirchheim, under

Eaphael

lihri

the

title

These are the following:

M. Mesusa
;

3.

M. Tephillin

M. Kuthim ;

6.

niDDp mriDDO y3K'

Talmudici parvi Hicrosolymitani, Frank-

7.

1.

Massecheth Sepher

4.

M. Gerim.

with

M. Zizith ;

The

5.

sixth tract

a commentary, under

was published

separately,

title

Tntroduciio in lihrum Talm. de Samaritanis,

inDE'

Frankfort
recognised,

Talmud.

^D"i3,

1851.
see

On

On

Zunz,
all

the

the
p.

tract

90.

It

seven, see

paedie, Supplementalband, p.

the

Gerim, which was earlier


is

of later date than the

Hamburger, Real-Encyclo-

95, article "Kleine Tractate;"

Strack in Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie,

xviii. p.

328

f.

145

THE SOURCES.

3.

The Midrashim.

IT.

In the Mislina aud the two Talmuds the Jewish law, the
Halacha,

is

Another

in systematic order.

codified

class

of

rabbinical literary works attaches itself closely to the Scrip-

ture text,

commenting upon

mentaries
partly

of

Midrashim,

or

by

step

it

partly

are

C't^'JIP,

Haggadic contents.

and those following

The former,

Haggadic.
stand

in

very

it,

Ilalachic,

to

the more recent

are almost exclusively

respect

in

relation

close

of

In the older ones, Mcchiltc,

Siphra, Siphre, the Halacha predominates


ones, liabboth

These com-

step.

and

age

of

the

Mishna

contents,

the

latter

belong to a later period, and are not the product of juristic


discussion, but the

residuum of practical lectures delivered

in the synagogue.

The following three works

a group by themselves

therefore form

1.

Mcchilta, xn^''30, on a portion of Exodus.

2.

Siph'a, N~DD, on Leviticus.

3.

Siphre or Siphri, nsD, on

Numbers and Deuteronomy.


made use of in the Talmud

All the three were frequently

Siphra and Siphre being also expressly quoted (Zunz, Die


Vortrge,

fjottesdienstl.

Zeitschr.

1866,

on

Mechilta,

Geiger's

see

In their original form they date

125).

p.

48

46,

back to the second century after Christ, but were revised

and altered in
R. Ishmael

(see

on

Mechilta, as well

him,

as

is

Div.

based

is

and those of his school


theory of Geiger

The Mechilta

times.

however,

This opinion,
in

later

ii.

vol.

is

pp.

i.

simply on

Siphre, sayings

in

ascribed

to

373, 374).

the

fact

of E.

that

Ishmael

are very frequently quoted.

The

extremely problematical, that the original

form of the Mechilta and Siphre represented an older Ilalachic

tendency,

which

had

already

Mishna, Siphra, and Tosephta.


represented
DIV.

T.

VOL.

in
I.

Siphra,

The

disappeared

Ilaggada

more strongly

in

is

from

the

only feebly

Mechilta, and in

146

INTRODUCTION.

Siplire

"

there are considerable

passages

almost exclusively

Haggadic, which comprise at least three-seventh parts of the

whole work" (Zunz, Die

gott.

Vortrge,

of these, as well as of the other

p.

84

Midrashim,

f.).

is

The language
Hebrew.

On

the older editions of these three Midrashim, see Wolf,


1387-1389 iv. 1025, 1030 f.
Frst, Bihliotheca Judaica, ii. 76 f., iii. 125, 126.
Steinschneider, Catalogus lihrorurn Hebr. in Bihliotheca Bodleiana,
Zedner, Catalogue
Berol. 1852-1860, col. 597 sq., 627 sq.
of the Hehrew Books in the Library of the British Museum, 1867,
pp. 515 f., 699 f. More recent editions are the following:
^rb"^^.
Mechilta.
Der lteste halachische und hagadisclie
Commentar zum zweiten Buch Moses. Krit. bearbeitet von J.
H. Weiss, Vienna 1865.
'"131 mor "iQD
bv ^^xycr"" "ain xn^^ao -i2D, Mechilta de Rahhi
Ishmael, the oldest Halachic and Haggadic Midrash on Exodus.
Edited after the oldest printed editions, with critical note,
explanations, indices, and introduction by M. Friedmann,
Vienna 1870 (reviewed in Monatsschr. 1870, pp. 278-284).
'131 Q'3n3 min iqd t<in y^ -m niqd, with commentary (" Hatora
vehamitva"), Bucharest 1860.
'131 D'jn3 min -idd Nin
-an kisd, also under the title Sifra,
Barajtha zum Levitictis, mit dem Commentar des Ahraham ben
David, etc., ed. by Weiss, Vienna 1862.
^"iDD.
SifW dehS Bab, der lteste halachische und hagadische
Midrasch zu Numeri und Deuteronomium, ed. by Friedmann,
Vienna 1864.
Latin translation of the Mechilta is given in Ugolini
Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrum, vol. xiv. Also a Latin translation of Siphra in the same volume, and of Siphre in vol. xv.
On the three above-named Midrashim generally, compare
Wolf, Bihliotheca Hebraea, ii. 1349 sqq., 1387 sqq. iii. 1202,
1209 iv. 1025, 1030 sq. Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrge,
Frankel, Ilodegetica in Mischnam,, p. 307 sqq.
pp. 46-48, 84 f.
Joel,
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 393-395.
Etwas ber die Bcher Sifra und
Notizen zum Buche Daniel.
Weber, /s^'cm der altsynag. palstinischen
Sifre, Breslau 1873.
Strack, art. " Midrash " in Herzog,
71ieologie, 1880, p. xix. f.
Hamburger, RealReal Encyclopaedic, ix. 1881, p. 752 f.
Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, ii. pp. 721-724, 1166 ff.,
Schiller -Szinessy,
articles Mechilta and Talmud. Schriften.
article " Mishnali " in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xvi.
Bihliotheca ffebraea,n. 1349-1352,

3.

147

THE SOURCES.

Hoffmann, Bemerkungen zur Kritik der Mischna


] 883, p. 507 f.
{Magazin fr die Wissenschaft des Judenthums, xi. 1884, pp.
17-30).

On MechiUa and

Siphre

Geiger,

und

Urschrift

Ueherscf-

4^4-450. Also Jd. Zcitxchr. fr Wissensch. und Leben, 18GG, pp. 96-126, and for 1871, pp. 8-30.
Pick, Text- Varianten aus Mechilta und Sifre (Zeitschr. fr die
alttest. Wissensch. 1886, pp. 101-121).
On Mechilta: Frauke!, Moiiatsschrift fr Gesch. und Wis1854, pp. 149-158, 191-190.
sensch. des Jud. 1853, pp. 388-398
On Siphra: Frankel, Monatsschrift, 1854, pp. 387-392, 453Geiger, Jd. Zeitschr. xi. 1875, pp. 50-60.
461.
Besides Siphre, there is yet another Midrash, on Numbers,
the so-called second or small Si])hre, Siphre suta, XDIT nc^D,
which is kuowu ouly from repeated quotations given from it
It seems also to have
in Yalkut and otlier IMidrashic works.
See in regard to it Zunz,
belonged to the Tannaite period.
Die gottesdienstlicJun Vortrge, p. 48 IJrll, Der kleine Sifre,
in the Jiibelschrift zum siebzigsten Geburtstage des Prof. Dr. H.
Grtz, Breslau 1887, pp. 179-193.
zungen der

Bibel, pp.

The

4.

Midrashim

following

Haggada

Rabboth,

This

is

nm,

or

made up

Pentateuch and the


tations,

nothing

almost

contain

but

Midrash Rabboth,
of a

five

collection

Midrashim on the

Megilloth (the Song, Euth, Lamen-

which took

Ecclesiastes, Esther),

different times, but

ni3"i ^T\1^.

of

their rise

in

very

were subsequently gathered together as

one whole under the above name.


{a)

Bereshith Rabba, on Genesis.

was compiled
last

chapters

five

According

Palestine during the

in

on

Gen.

xlvii.

sixth

and

28,

hence from the opening words of the passage


Vaiechi rabba, aie certainly of later date
p.

255

f.,

generally:

of

eleventh

the

des Jud.

twelfth

or

Zunz, pp. 174-179,

des Bereschith rabba

book

vii.

und

seine

in's

viii.

Zunz,

what
"n^i,

it

The

follows,

called

also

according to Zunz,
century.

254-256.

Quellen, in

1880, and book

Midrash Bereschif Rahba,

to

century.

Mag. fr

1881.

Compare

Lerner, Anlage
die

irt.s,s.

Wunsche, Der

Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig 1881.

143

INTRODUCTION.

Shcmoth

(b)

pen as

on Exodus, owes

Ilahha,

Vaiechi

and

raltba,

so

Zunz, pp. 25G-258.

twelfth century.

origin

its

belongs

same

to the

the

to

eleventh or

Wnsche, J9er

ific?ras/i

Shevioth Pudha, ins Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig 1882.

Vayyikra Rabbet, on Leviticus, was compiled, accord-

(c)

Palestine, somewliere about the

ing to Zunz, in
the seventh

Wajikra

Miclrash

Zunz, pp. 181184.

century.

Rabba,

in's

Deutsche

middle of

Wnsche, Der

bertragen,

Leipzig

1884.

Bamidbar Rabba, on Xumbers,

(cl)

written,

according

whom made

Zunz, by two different authors, both of

Tanchuma, Pesikta Rabhathi, and the works of

Pesikta,

Zunz

later Eabbis.

century.

to

use of
still

places the second author in the twelfth

Compare generally

258 2 02.

Zunz, pp.

Der Midrash Bcmidbar Rabba, ins

Wnsche,

Detitsche bertragen, Leipzig

1885.

Debarim Rabba, on Deuteronomy, compiled, according

(e)

Zunz, about

to

Zunz, pp. 251-253.

900.

a.d.

Der Midrash Debarim Rabba, ins Deutsche

Wnsche,

bertragen, Leipzig

1882.

(/) Shir Hashirim Rabba, on the Song, also called


It
Agadath Chasith, from the words with which it opens.
belongs to the later Midrashim, but
tlian

the Pesikta Rabbathi."

Obscrvationes
cod.

{g)

in's

p.

presumably older

263

Chodowski,

ff.

Midrash Shir Hashirim

Monac. 50 Orient, Halle 1877.

Shir ha-Schirim,

secundutn

Wnsche, Der Midrash

Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig 1880.

Midrash Ruth, somewhere about the same date

preceding.
in's

in

criticae

Zunz,

"

is

Zunz,

p.

265.

as the

Wnsche, Der Midrash Ruth Rabba,

Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig 1883.

(h)

Midrash Echa,

Rabbathi.
in the

181.

It

on

Lamentations,

was compiled, according

also

Abrahams,

The

Sources

of

Echa

to Zunz, in Palestine,

second half of the seventh century.


J.

called

the

Zunz, pp.

179-

Midrash Echah

THE SOUKCES,

3.

Rdbhah, Leipzig Dissertation, 1S81.

Ucha

149

Wnsclie, Der Midrash

1881.

Ralibati, in's Deutsche bertrafen, Leipzig

(?')

Midrash

or

Koluieth,

Koheldh

somewhere about the same time

265

belonning

llaVba,

the

as

liuth.

Kohehth,

Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig 1880.

in's

p.

f.

Midrash Esther, or Hagadath

(k)

Zunz,

to

940, and

first

264

Wnsche, Der Midrash

f.

p.

Mcfjilla,

151, Josippon,

according

makes use

written

quoted in the tlnrteenth century.

Deutsche bertragen,

l^e\\)zv^

zum Buche

1881.

tlie

Wnsche, Der Midrash

Song and on

Zunz,

to

Midrashim on

about

of,

A.n.

Zunz,
Esther,

]k

in's

Originally, according

Jellinek and Buber, closely connected with this Midrash,


"

the

is

Abba Gorion," edited by Jellinek, Bet ha1853, pp. 1-18; and by Buber, Sammlun//
Conimentare zum Buche Esther, Wilna 1886.

Midrash

Midrash,

i.

agadischer

Compare

fr jd. Gesch. und Literatur,


148154, who expresses himself opposed to

Brll, Jahrhb.

also

1887, pp.

viii.

to

Jellinek and Buber's view.

On the entire Fiabhoth and its editions, comjiare generally


Wolf, BiUiotheca ffebraea, ii. 1423-1427, iii. 1215^, iv. 1032,
:

1058.

Steinschneider,

Catalogus

libr.

Hehr. in Bihliothccum

589-594. Zedner, Catalogue of Hebrew Books in


Library of the British Museum, pp. 539-542. Strack, art.

Bodleian., col.
the
"

Midrash

" in

Herzog,

Schiller-Szinessy,

Ileal- Encyckqmedie, ix. 1881 pp. 753-755.


Midrash " in the Eiicgclojuiedia Britan,

art. "

285 f. Theodor, Die Midraschim zum


Pentateuch und der dreijhrige paliistinensische Cych\s{Monat.
1885, 1886, 1887), seeks to show that the chapter division
rests on the three years' Palestinian cycle.
Hnml)urger, Bealnica, vol. xvi. 1883, p.

und Talmud, ,Suppleuu^ntall)and, ji]i.


107-111, art. "Midrash llabl)a."
Editions with Hebrew commentaries are numerous in recent times.
For examjile, that of
Warsaw 1874, of Wilna 1878.
Encgtiopacdic fr Bibel

5.

Pesikta, xnp'DD.

I'he Pesikta does not treat of a

whole

biblical book, but

the biblical lessons for the feast days and the

of

more important

150

INTRODUCTION".

Sabbaths of the entire year, taking up sometimes the readings


of the

day from the Pentateuch and sometimes those from the

prophets

(Zunz,

190).

p.

quoted from in the later

Since

literature,

work

the

frequently

is

Zunz made the attempt

to

reconstruct the text without having a copy of the work within


reach, and succeeded in producing what in all essential points
agrees with the original.

by Buber in
to

A.D.

Bereshith

Zunz,

p.

1868.

The complete

Owing

text

was

edited

to its manifold resemblances

Vayyikra Rabha, and

Rabha,

first

Echa RahhatJd,

195, considered that the text of the Pesikta must be

regarded as dependent on these, and hence set down the time


of its composition at A.D.

Hamburger.

On

700.

So also Geiger, Weiss, and

the contrary, Buber, Berliner, and Theodor

regard the Pesikta as older than those Midrashim.

It

must

have originally begun with the reading

New

Year

(Zunz,
in

p.

191

for the

Geiger, Zeitschrift for 1869,

the manuscripts which Buber follows

p.

it

191)

whereas

begins with the

Feast of Dedication.

Die lteste Hagada, redigirt in


Edition xnp'DQ, PesiJda.
Herausgegeben nach einer in
Palstina von Rab Kahana.
Zefath vorgefundenen und in Aegypten copirten Handschrift
durch den Verein Mekize Nirdamim: Mit kritischen Bemerkungen, Verbesserungen und Vergleichungen der Lesearten
anderer drei Handschriften in Oxford, Parma und Fez, nebst
einer ausfhrlichen Einleitung von Salomon Buber, Lyk 1868.
German translation Wnsche, Pesikta des Rab Kahana, nach
der Buber'schen Textausgabe in's Deutsche bertragen, Leipzig
:

1885.

Compare generally Zunz, pp. 185-226. Carmoly, Pesikta


Grtz, Geschichte der Juden,
{Monatsschrift, 1854, pp. 59-65).
Weber, System der altsynagog. palst. Theol. p. xxii.
iv. 495 fi'.
:

Strack,

article " Midrash " in Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie, ix.


755 f. Hamburger, Real- Encyclopaedic fr Bibel und
Talmud, Supplementalband, p. 117 ff., art. "Pesikta."

1881,

p.

Besides this Pesikta de

Rab Kahana,

there are other two works which bear that


(a) Pesikta Rdbhathi, which, like

or Pesikta simply,

name

the older Pesikta, treats

151

THE SOURCES.

3.

and Sabbaths

of the biblical readings for certain feast days

the Jewish year.

the ninth century.


(h)

Zunz,

of its origin

p.

give to

common with

at all in

Compare Zunz,

name.

given

vols. XV.

On

It

and

for

to

has nothing

it

the other two books that bear this


pp.

293295.

Thesaurus

Ugolini's

in

Pentateuch and the

was quite a mistake

book the name of Pesikta,

this

the second half of

Tobia ben Elieser of Mainz, in the

E.

beginning of the twelfth century.

is

is

244.

Pesikta Sutarta, a Midrash on the

Megilloth, by

five

The date

of

Latin translation

antiquitatum

sacrarum,

xvi.

two works and their editions see Wolf, Bibliotheca


Frst, Bibliotheca Judaica, iL
391, 720 f., iv. 1031.
Steinschneider, Catalog, libr. Hebr. in Biblioth.
160, iii. 427.
Zedner, Catalogue of Hebrew Books
Bodl., col. 631 sq., 2674 sq.
Strack in Herzog,
in Library of British Museum, pp. 633, 758.
Real-Encyclopaedie, ix. 756. Hamburger, Eeal-Uncyclop., Supplement, pp. 119-122, art. " Pesikta."
" New Pesikta," which is closely related to the Pesikta
Eabbathi, but shorter and more popular in style than it, has
tliese

Hebraea,

i.

been edited by Jellinek


pp. 36-70.
6.

Firke derabbi Blieser, "iry^X

Elieser, nryi'K

first

or Baraytha derabbi

fifty-four chapters,

minute

man, and then again

patriarchs

^"^"lD,

1877,

which follows

in

respects the course of the pentateuchal history.

It goes into specially

the

'il

vol. vi.

'n Nn^n3.

Haggadic work, iu

all essential

ha-Midrash,

in his Bet

and the Mosaic

details
it

age.

It

was written

not before the eighth century (Zunz,

Compare: Wolf,

Zunz,

about the creation and

lingers over the story of the

p.

Bibliotheca Hebraea,

at the earliest

277).
i.

173

sq.,

iii.

110,

iv.

Sachs, Bcvierkungen ber das


pp. 271-277.
gegenseitige. Verhaltniss der Bernita des Samuel und der Pirke de

1032.

R. Eliesar {Monatsschr. 1851-1852, pp. 277-282). Strack and


Hamburger are referred to in tlie last note. Pinner gives an
outline of its contents in the introduction to his translation of
list of editions, etc., is given by
the tract Berachoth (1842).

152

INTKODUCTIOX.

Steinschneider, Catalogus,
Frst, BiUiotheca Judaica, i. 232.
Latin translation is
col. 633 sq.
Zedner, Catalogue, p. 221.
given by Vorstius, Capitula R. Elieser ex Hcbraco in Latinum
Proof that the Barajtha derabbi
translata, Lugd. Bat. 1644.

Samuel is given by
Elieser is different from the Barajtha
Zimz in Steinschneider's Hebr. Bibliojrajjliie, vol. v. 1862,
p.

15

f.

Tanchuma,

7.

NDin^D, or Yelamdenu, ^:^tD^^

composition in the
that

Zunz

Midrash on the Pentateuch.

it

had

first

its origin in

south of Italy.

Europe, perhaps in Greece or in the

frequent use of the formula

Yelamdenu

raHbenu.

its

half of the ninth century, and assumes

name Yelamdenu from

obtained the

It

the date of

fixes

" It is

Zunz

its

taught us by our Master

226-229,

has proved, pp.

"

that

Yelamdenu and Tanchuma, were


But the
one and the same Midrash.

both of these designations,


originally applied to

him two different recensions,


Yelamdenu and Tanchuma (Zunz,

author of Yalkut had before

which he distinguished as
p.

229

guished

And

f.).

the

both

from

common
these

of

Tanchuma

abbreviation of

printed text
as

so that

distin-

also

is

recent

comparatively

we have in

all

no

than three recensions of the text of this Midrash.


edited the original text of

Tanchuma

we have no complete

time, however,

in

text of

Bereshith Rabba,

than

Pesikta,

or

225

und

Literatur,

and Brll

sq.,

viii.

121

in the Jahrhh.

the

fr

is

Babylonian

jild.

juives,

Geschichte

Tanchuma, however,

ff.

In

Tanchuma

Talmud, Neubauer has written in the Revue des dtudes


xiii.

Buber
to this

Yelamdenu.

opposition to Buber's opinion, that the original


older

Up

1885.

less

is

un-

doubtedly the oldest Haggadic Midrash on the whole Pentateuch (Zunz,

On

the

p.

233).

common

printed text and

1166

its

editions

Wolf, BiUio-

1035.
Frst, BiUioSteinschneider, Catalogus, col. 596 sq.
theca Judaica, iii. 409.
Recent editions have been issued
Zedner, Catalogue, p. 543.
at Stettin 1864, at Warsaw 1875.

theca Helraea,

i.

1159

sq.,

iii.

sq., iv.

3.

THE SOURCES.

153

Ein agadiseher Cominentar zum


Midrascli Tancliuma.
Pentateuch von Rabbi Tanchunia ben Rabbi Abba.
Zum
ersten Male nach Handschriften aus den Bibliotheken zu
Oxford, Rom, Parma und ^Mnchen herausgegeben etc. von
Salomon Buber, 3 vols., Wilna 1885.
Fragments from Yelamdeuu and Tanchuma are given in
Jelliuek, Bet ha-Midrash, vol. vi. 1877, pp. 79-105.
Fragments
of Yelamdenu in Neubauer, Le midrasch Tanchuma et extraits
du Vdamd^nu et de petits midraschim {Revue des 4tvdes juives,
xiii. 1886, pp. 224-238; xiv. 1887, pp. 92-113).
For a general information reference may be made to the
following
Zunz, pp. 226-238.
Weber, System der Alt-

^ynagogalen Palstinischen Theologie, xxiv. f.


Strack in
Herzog, Bcal- Encyclopaedic, ix. 757 f.
Theodor, Buber's
Tanchuma {Monatsschr. 1885, pp. 35-42, 422-431). Die Midraschim zum Pentateuch und der dreijhrige palstinensische
Bacher, Zic Buher's
Oyclus (Monatsschr. 1885, 1886, 1887).
Tanchuma-Ansgahe (Monatsschr. 1885, pp. 551-554).
Hamburger, Beal-Bncyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, SupplementBrll, Jahrhl. fr jd.
alband, p. 154 f., art. " Tanchuma."
Gesch. 1887, pp. 121-144.

YcdJciit

8.

This

is

Hebrew

Shimoni,

'jiyoc' Dip/""

(from

tap!?,

to collect).

an immense Midrashic compilation on the whole


which,

Bible, in

after

the

style

of

the

patristic

Catenae, explanations of each separate passage are put


in order, collected
p.

299

f.,

the

work was composed

thirteenth century.

named

as the

from the older works.

certain

in

down

According to Zunz,
the

first

half of the

Rabbi Simeon Haddarshan

compiler, whose native place

have been Frankfurt-on-the-Main.

or

residence

Zunz

is

is

supposes

said

to

that

he was Simeon Kara, who, in the beginning of the

thirteenth century, lived in South Germany.

Compare: Wolf, BiUiotheca Hcbraea, i. 1129 sq., iii. 1138.


Rapoport in Kercm Chcmed (written in
pp. 295-303.

Zunz,

Frst, BiUiotheca Judaica, iii. 327 sq.


Steinschneider, Catalogics, col. 2600-2604.
Zedner, Catalogue,
Strack in Herzog, T^m^-j^ncyc/o/jafrftV, ix. 738.
Recent
p. 702.

Hebrew),

edition,

vii.

ff'.

War.aw 1876-1877.

154

INTRODUCTION".

Targums.

III.

The Targums
belong

also

expression

Aramaic translations of the Old Testament

or

Rabbinical

the

to

given

is

understanding of the Scripture


of those

which are not

phrastic renderings

inasmuch

Literature,

them likewise

in

This

text.

is

as

traditional

especially true

but rather free para-

strictly literal,

of the original.

the

to

We

mention here only

the Targums on the Pentateuch and on the Prophets, for the

Targums on the Sacred Writings or Kethubim can

come

under

by

consideration

owing

us

scarcely

their

to

late

origin.
1.

Onkelos on the Pentateuch.

The few

notices about

Talmud

the person of Onkelos that are to be found in the


describe

him sometimes

as a scholar

and friend

of the elder

Gamaliel, according to which he must have lived about the

middle of the

first

temporary of

century after Christ, sometimes as a con-

Elieser

and R. Joshua, according

he must have lived in the

They agree only


The Chaldaic
ascribed to
its

translation of the

him

is

poetic,

exposition.^'

which

Pentateuch which has been

distinguished from all other


literalness.^^

passages

xxxii. xxxiii.), does

to

half of the second century.

one particular, that he was a proselyte.'"

in this

almost painful

mostly

first

(Gen.

Only
xlix.

Num.

incline towards the

it

Targums by

in a few,

and those

xxiv.

Haggada by

Deut.

fanciful

In other places departures from the text have

been occasioned simply by a desire to avoid anthropomor-

phisms
'^

58.
^*
^''

and

modes

representation

that

See De Wette, Introduction to the Old Testament, Boston


Frankel, Zu dem Targum der Propheten, p. 4.
Nldeke, Die alttestamentl. Literatur, p. 257 f.

1843,

Zunz, Die

Volck,

art.

expressions

gottesdienstl.

"Thargumim"

livernick, Introduction

or

Vortrge, p. 62.

in

to the

of

Specimens of translation

in

Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie, xv. 366-369.


Old Testament, Edin. 1852, p. 332.

3.

seemed

to be

according

unworthy of God.'^
Geiger ^ and

to

Nldeke in

Babylonian.

somewhat

as " a

THE SOURCES.

The

Frankel,*"

his

155
Onkelos

dialect of

writings" described

earlier

is,

East Aramaic or

the

it

development of the Palestinian Aramaic

later

already represented in some of the books of the Old Testa-

ment

but latterly he has adopted the more definite view, that

"

Onkelos

a Palestinian production re-edited in Babylon, "in

is

general conformed in respect of language to the


tinian

dialect,

but

respect

in

Old Pales-

phrases

particular

of

*^

decidedly coloured by the dialect of Babylon."

The Baby-

early period Onkelos secured a great reputation.

Talmud and

lonian

from

Masora

the

in

in

later

devoted

to

itself"

the

in

e.fjf.

Midrashim frequently quote passages

the

And

it."**

Loudon

indeed,

times,

an

often

entire

printed,

Bomberg and Buxtorf, and


has

Berliner

Polyglott.

had

it

been

has

It

Bibles of

rabbinical

very

At a very

issued

critical

edition.*^
2.
is

Jonathan on the Prophets,

Jonathan ben Uzziel

said to have been a scholar of Hillel,

have lived during the

The Targum ascribed


'"'

first

to

decades

him embraces

and must therefore


the Christian
all

the

era.^**

Prophets,

Volck in Herzog, p. 369. Langen, Das Judeyithum in Palstina,


ff., 268
MayLaiini, Die AnthropomarpJiien und Anthropopathien

pp. 209

ft".

bei Onkelos, etc.

Breslau 1870.

Geiger, Jd.

^^

Geigei-'s Jdische Zeitschrift, 1871, p. 93.

^^

Zu dem Tarcjum der Fropheten, p. 5


Die aUtestameM. Literatur, p. 257.

*^

of

^2

JAt. Centralbl. 1877, p. 305.

*^

See the passages in Zunz, Die

**

Compare Bleek,

1869, vol.

Zeitsclir.

1871, pp. 96-102.

f.

(jotlisdiensll.

Voriratje, p.

G3

f.

Introduction to the Old Testament, 350, London


. p. 440 f.
Berliner, Die Massorah zum Tanjum Onkelos.

Leipzig 1877.

Targum Onkelos.

Herausgegeben und erlutert von A. Berliner,


Berlin 1884.
introduction, and index.
Specimens of the text with Babylonian system of points are given in
Merx, Chrestomathia targumica, 1888.
*'

vol.

*'"'

58.

i.

text

vol.

ii.

notes,

See the passages in


Volck, p. 3y.

De Wette,

Introduction

to

the

Old

Testament,

156

INTRODUCTION.

Nebiira,

that

properly

so

"

called.

Onkelos by

of

Even

historical

tlie

is,

It

is

more

acts the part of

an expositor

from

what was

of dialect,

and

also soon

quoted

very frequently

is

Like Onkelos,

rashim/^

the rabbinical Bibles of

London

is

said above of Onkelos

Jonathan

cable here.

it

often

uninterruptedly

is

*^

In respect

equally appli-

attained a high reputation,

the

in

Talmud and Mid-

has been often printed

in

e.g.

Bomberg and Buxtorf, and

Lagarde issued a small

Polyglott.

character.

of the prophetical

in the case

Haggadic work."

really a

it

Targum

the

books Jonathan

books again, such a style of exposition

pursued as makes

prophets

the

paraphrastic

the case of the historical

in

and

distinguished

decidedly

its

books

in the

critical edition

on

the basis of a codex Reuchlinianus^^

According to the traditional views which we have


reported, the

Targums

of Onkelos

somewhere about the middle

Zunz and many recent

down

to

that

and Jonathan were written

of the first century after Christ.

scholars

But

period.

still

are inclined to set

them

been

ably

opinion

this

by Geiger.

contested, especially

series

strongly supports the idea that both works

wrought up

in Babylon,

has
of

circumstances

must have been

where a rabbinical school had been

established during the third century after Christ.

first

therefore

assumes

thus

both Targums

that

were

Geiger

composed,

or

rather revised and edited, in Babylon not before the fourth

century.^

Frankel agrees with him in

only putting Onkelos a


*''

Zunz, pp.

62, 63.

On

little earlier, as

the

all

essential points,

belonging to the third

character of the translation and para-

phrase of Jonathan, see Bleek, Introduction, vol. ii. pp. 441, 442. Keil,
I iitroduction, vol. ii. p. 260.
Hvernick, Introduction to the Old Testament,
Edin. 1852, p. 333. Frankel,
*^ See the passages in Zunz,
*^

Prophetae Chaldaice.

edidit.

Lips. 1872.

Zu dem Targum

der Propheten, pp. 13-40.

p. 63.

Paulus de Lagarde e fide codicis Reuchliniani


text with Babylonian pointing in

Specimens of the

Merx, Chrestomathia targumica, 1888.


'^

Geiger, Urschrift

und

Uebersetzungen der Bibel, 1857, p.

164

THE SOURCES.

3.

157

This latter opinion might be supported by the fact

centuiy.'^

made

that Onkelos seems to have been

use of by Jonathan.''^

The idea that the Targum on the Prophets was edited in the
fourth century is also confirmed by tradition, for the Babylonian Talmud quotes it as the " Targum of R. Joseph," a
Babylonian

teacher

composed

he

that

fourth

the

of

the

But

century.^^

known
Targum that

Onkelos, nothing whatever

of his

is

named

is

as

to

existence save

him.

after

For the notice which the Babylonian Talmud {Megilla


gives

and

Onkelos

of

Pentateuch,

be found

to

is

his

Chaldaean

translation

the

passage in the

the parallel

in

2>a)

of

Jerusalem Talmud attached to the name of Aquila and his

Greek translation

Megilla

{Jer.

i.

And

9).

the

undoubtedly the original form of the statement.


too,

the names DibpJix and

Babylon

therefore

that

about

translation

in

h^\>v

are interchanged.'^*

the

and

old

It

is

seems

statement

correct

by

Pentateuch

the

of

latter

Elsewhere,

the

proselyte

Aquila was erroneously attached to the anonymous Chaldaean

Targum, and that the name Onkelos therefore


corruption

Targums

the

of

were

centuries,

Testament

Chaldee
is

ment passages
Eph.

in
*'
2

"

iv.

8),

for

if

in striking

its

the

and

third

two

fourth

based upon

of a process that

Even the Misbna

several centuries.

Bible.'^

The

New

rendering of Old Testa-

agreement with the Targums

{e.g.

a clear proof that the latter in respect of

Zib dem Tarr/um der Prophet en, pp. 8-11.


Zunz, p. 63. De Wette, 58.
Frankel, Zu dem Targum der Prophefen,

De Wette,

''''

Bleek, Introduction

p. 10.

Introduction to the Old Testament, 58.


to

Geschichte des Volkes Israel,

Yadayim

the

translations of the

sometimes found in

'*

*'

during

and only form the conclusion

had been going on


of

issued

first

merely a

is

But even

Aquila."^

cannot be doubted that they are

it

earlier works,

speaks

name

iv. 5.

the
iii.

Old Testament,
61-64.

vol.

Berliner,

ii.

p.

Targum

441.

Herzfi'ld,

Onkelos,

ii.

98.

158

INTRODUCTION.
materials reached back

their

express mention

made

is

the Apostolic

to

Targum on Job

of a

the

time

John

of

Hyrcanus

the period

in

Fragments even

preceding the overthrow of the temple.*^

from

Also

age.

preserved

are

in

onr

From all this it is evident that in our Targums


made use of which had been gradually amassed
during many generations, and that the works which we now
Targums.^

materials are

were

possess

by

preceded

correctly maintained, testifies

For in

spite

the

to

character

of

The

treatises.

has

quite

history of their origin.

and issued

of their being revised

Palestinian

the

written

earlier

the Targums, as Nldeke

character of

linguistic

their

in

Babylon,

is

unques-

language

tionable.

PsEUDO - Jonathan

3.

and

on

Jerusalmi

the

Penta-

Besides Onkelos, there are other two Targums on

teuch.

the Pentateuch, one of which contains the whole of the Penta-

while the other comprises

teuch,

only separate verses, and

The former

gives often only renderings of isolated words.

ascribed to Jonathan ben Uzziel

the editors "

been

liave

Prophets

the latter

That

is

tlie

designated by

former

by the author of the Targum

written

has

Targum Jerusalmi."

been generally admitted.

long

is

cannot

on

the

But Zunz

*^

has also shown that Pseudo-Jonathan and Jerusalmi are only

two

different recensions

one and the same Targum

of

that

both are quoted by older authorities {Aruch and Mia) under the

name

"

Targum Jerusalmi

"

and that even the recension now

existing only as a fragment had been before the older authors


in its

The

complete form.

beginning

probably

only

on
*'
'''

*"

"

the
Ziinz,

last

statement

the fragmentary

Geiger tliinks that


a

collection

Pseudo
Die

of

Jonathan

gottesdienstl.

may

be questioned.

Targum was from


detached
but

Vortrge, p. 61

on

glosses,"

the

f.

Nldeke, Die alttestamentl. Literatur, p. 256.


Zunz, Die gottesdienstl. Vortrge, pp. 66-72.

the

not

primary

According

recension.*

was

THE SOURCES.

3.

to

159

Seligsohn and Volck, the Jerusalmi

not a fragment of what had originally been a complete

"

paraphrase, but a Haggadic supplement and a collection

marginal

glosses

and

various

on

readings

Pseudo-Jonathan, on this basis and, upon

same

the

composed

tendency,

Jerusalmi."

^'

later

Onkelos

of

but

the whole, with

redaction

of

the

Bacher regards the fragmentary Targum

as

a collection of portions from the oldest Palestinian Targum.

On

the basis of the latter arose on the one side Onkelos, on

who

the other side Pseudo-Jonathan,

At any

Onkelos.*'^

most intimately related


designated

as

an erroneous

means

midrash

and

for the

is

Palestinian dialect of the

assumption
the

way

(Zunz,
in his

in

p.

is

its

the

p.

Aramaic

Onkelos

"His language

author's native country

As

to

is

and

this

'^f?')'-*"

H^

**
Di5"!ri "

the date, Pseudo-Jonathan, seeing that

work there occur the names


century.**

to

of a wife and
it

But besides those

daugliter of

before the seventh or


later

*"

Geiger, Ursrhrift vnd Uebersetzungeu der Bibel,

Herzog, Beal- Encydopaedie, xv. 372.

portions

it

con-

p. 4.55.

*^*

Zeitschrift der deutschen morgertlaiid. Ges( lisch. 1874, p. CO.

*''

Zunz,
Zunz,

only

confirmed by the oldest examples we have of

is

hence we must pitch upon

which the work was referred

73).

to

wliieh

'n,

Jerusalemite

72).

Mohammed, cannot have composed


eighth

abbreviation

simple explanation of words.

sometimes a translator" (Zunz,

Syria or Palestine as

attributing

probably due to

is

jemsalem Targum transmitted


related to the Targum of Onkelos

only sometimes an expositor

is

the

of

The

II.

issue

rpj^-^

D^nri.^^

in its twofold recension


as " a

I.

more complete

interpretation

"PJ'y'l"''

of

one another, and might best be

to

Jerusalmi

Jonathan of the

made use

already

Pseudo-Jonathan and Jerusalmi are

rate,

p. 71.

Geiger, Urschrift, p. 166.

p. 66.

Zunz, pp.

75-77.

Literatur, p. 259.

Geiger, p. 1C5.

Noldeke, Die alttestamentliche

160

":

INTRODUCTION.
other Targums, and perhaps even to a greater

tains, like the

extent than these, fragments from a very early period, so that


it

may

justly be styled " a thesaurus of views from various


^^

centuries."
e.g.,

Both

London

in the

recensions have often been

printed, as,

Polyglott.

For the literature on the Targums and their editions, see


Wolf, Bibliotheca Hehraea, ii. 1189 sqq. Le Long, Bibliothcca
sacra, ed. Masch, Part ii. vol. L 1781, pp. 23-49.
Frst, BiblioSteinschneider, Catalogue
theca J'lidaica, ii. 105-107, iii. 48.
lihr. hebr. in Bibliothcc. Bodlei. col. 165-174.
Berliner, Targvm
OnMos, 1884, ii. 175-200. Volck in Herzog, Real -Encyclopaedic, XV. 1885, pp. 375-377.

On the Targums
IlVERNiCK,
ment,

generally.

General Historico-Critical Introduction to the Old Testa-

translated

by

Dr.

Lindsay

Alexander,

Edin.

1852,

pp.

328-330.

Etheridge, The Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan ben Uzziel on the


Pentateuch

with the fragments of the Jerusalem Targum

the Chaldee.

Deutsch,

2 vols.

article

" Ancient Versions " in

American

Bible,

article "

Davidson,

from

Smith's Dictionary of

the

edition, vol. iv. pp. 3395-3424.

Targum

Ginsburg

ture.

London 1862-1865.

"

in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Litera-

same Cyclopaedia on " Onkelos

Articles in the

and "Jonathan."

De Wette,

Introduction to the Old Testament, 58, and corresponding

parts of the Introductions of Keil

Targums on Ruth and Jonah,


York

and Bleek.

literally translated

by O.

T. Crane.

New-

1888.

ZuNZ, Die Gottesdienstlichen Vortrge der Juden, 1832, pp. 61-83.

Weber, System der altsynagogalen

Palstinischen Theologie, 1880, pp.

xi.-xix.

Helvicus, De chaldaicis bibliorum paraphrasibus.

Carpzov, Critica sacra

Grammatik

des

V.

bihl.

T. 1728, pp. 430-481.

und

targum,.

works give about the Targums


of Helvicus
'6

is

Giessen 1612.

According

Ghaldaismus,

to

Winer,

what more recent

largely taken from these treatises

and Carpzov.

Nldeke, Die alttestamentliche Literatur,

p. 259.

THE SOUKCES.

3.

16 L

Wolf, Bibliotheca Ilebraea, vol. ii. 1135-1191, iv. 730-734.


Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Bd. ii. (4 Aufl. 1823)

pp.

1-123.

Gfroerer,

JDas Jahrhundert des Heils (1838),

Frst, Literaturhlatt des

i.

3G-59.

Orients, 1840, Nos. 44-47.

Frankel, Einiges zu den Targumim

(Zeitschrift fr die religisen Inter-

essen des Judenthums, 1846, pp. 110-120).

Herzfeld,

Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael, Bd.

iii.

(1857) pp. 61

ff.,

551 S.

Geiger, Urschrift und Uehersetzungen der Bibel (1857), pp. 162-167.


VoLCK, art. " Thargumini " in Herzog's Real-En cyclop. 1 Aufl. xv. (1862)
pp. 672-683

2 Aufl. xv. (1885) pp. 365-377.

Langen, Das Judentimms in Palstina


418

(1866), pp. 70-72, 209-218,

268

ff.,

ff.

NLDEKE, Bie

alttestamentliche Literatur (1868), pp. 255-262.

Bohl, Forschungen nach

einer Volksbibel zur Zeit Jesu (1873), pp. 140-168.

Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria (1875),

p.

281

ff.

Hamburger, Jieal-Encyclopaediefr Bibel und Talmud.


Merx, Bemerkungen ber die Vocalisation der Targume (Abhandlungen
und Vortrge des fnften internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses zu
Berlin 1881,

ii.

Abhandlungen und Vortrge der semitischen und

afrikanischen Section, Berlin 1882, pp. 142-225).

Buxtorfs des Vaters Targumcommentar

280-299, 462-471

schaftl. Theologie, 1887, pp.

Also

Johannes

wissen-

L'a7;?//onia (Zeitschrift fr

1888, pp. 41-48).

On Onkelos.
Winer, De Onkeloso ej usque paraphrasi chaldaica. Lips. 1820.
Maybam, Die Anthropomorphien und Anthropopathien bei Onkcloa
und den sptem Targumim mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der
Ausdrcke Memra, Jekara und Schechintha. Breslau 1870.
Singer, Onkelos und das Verhltniss seines Targums zur Halacha.
Berlin 1881.

Berliner, Targum Onkelos, herausgegeben und


Introduction,

LuzzATTO,

"13

etc.

3ms

Philoxenus

versions (written in

Rdiger,

art.

Section

iii.

de

sive

Hebrew).

iii.

(1832) p. 468

Levy, Ueber Onkelos und

seine

Otilelosi

und Gruber's

VOL.

I.

Allgeni. Encyklop.

f.

v.

1841, pp. 175-198

Frst's Literaturblatt des Orients, 1845, pp. 337


I.

Notes,

chaldaica PentcUetichi

Uebcisctzuvg des Pentateuch (in

Wissen. Zeitschr. fr jd. Theol.

DIV.

ii.,

Vienna 1830.

" Onkelos " in Ersch

Bd.

erlutert, vol.

Berlin 1884.

ff.,

354

Geiger'-s

continiied in
ff.).

162

INTEODCriON.

AxGER, De

OnlceJo

Chaldaico quem ferunt Pentateuchi paraphraste

ei Talionis intercedat

2 Partt.

Pressel,
p.

quid

et

Graeco Veteris Testamenti interprete.

Lips. 1846.

" Onkelos " in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 1 Aufl. x. (1858)

art.

613

cum Akila

f.

ScHRNFELDER,

Und

Onkelos

Studien ber das Alter des

Peschittho.

Mnchen

Onkelos'sclien Targums.

1869.

Geiger, Das nach Onkelos benannte babylonische Thargnm zum Pentateuch


(Jdische Zeitschr. fr Wissensch. und Leben 1871, pp. 85-104),

Neubrger,

Onkelos

und

die Stoa (Monatsschr. 1875, pp.

566-568

1874,

p. 48).

Bacher,

2)as

gegenseitige

(Zeitschr. der

DMG.

Verhltniss

der

Targumim

pentateuchischen

1874, pp. 59-71).

On Jonathan on the Prophets,


Klostermann, Anzeige von

und

Lagarde's Ausgabe, in den Stud,

Krit.

1873, pp. 731-767.

Frankel, Zu dem Targum


Bacher,

Kritische

der Propheten,

Untersuchungen

zum

Breslau 1872.
Prophetentarg U7n, in Zeitschrift

der deutschen morgenlnd. Gesellsch. xxviii. 1874, pp. 1-72.

CoRNiLL, Das Targum zu den Propheten, in Zeitschrift fr die

alttesta-

mentl. Wissenschaft, 1887, pp. 177-202.


Klein, Bemerkungen zu Bacher's " Kritischen Untersuchungen " (Zeitschr.

der

DMG.

xxix. 1875, pp. 157-161).

(in same, p. 319

Bacher, Gegenbemerkungen

f.).

On Jonathan and Jerusalmi on the Pentateuch.


Winer, De Jonathanis

in Pentateuchum parapJaabi chaldaica.

Erlangen

1823.

Petermann, De duabus Pentateuchi paraphrasibus


indole paraphraseos quae Jonathanis esse dicitur.

Br,

Geist des

des Jud.

I.

De

f. G. u.

W.

P.

chaldaicis.

Berol. 1829.

Jeruschalmi {Pseudo- Jonathan), in Monatsschr.

1851-1852, pp. 235-242.

Seligsohn, De duabus Ilierosolymitanis Pentateuchi paraphrasibus. Breslau


l.58.

Seligsohn und Traue, Ueber den


Usiel

zum

Pentateuch

und

Uebersetzunq beigedruckten

96-114, 138-149).

Geist der Ueberseizung des

Jonathan ben

die Abfassung des in den Editionen dieser

Targum Jeruschalmi

{Monatsschr. 1857, pp.

THE

3.

G3

etc.,

jp.

souucp:s.

Geiger, Das jerusalemische ITianium zum Pentateuch, in Urschrift,


451-480.

Gronemann,
nisse zur

2)ze JonatJian'sche Pentateuclt-Uehersetzung in

Lagarde, Eine

ihrem Verhlt-

Leipzig 1879.

Halacha.

vergessene Handschrift des sogenannten Fragmententarg ums

(Nachriebt, von der kn. Gesells.

Wissensch. zu Gott. 1888,

d.

\)[>.

1-3).

IV, Historical

Works.

Besides the Talmud, Midrashini, and Targums, there are


also the following treatises,

which ought

to be

classed

among

the works belonging to the circle of rabbinical works, inas-

much

as they stand related

Only the

history.

of

any particular

named, however, can be regarded as

first

historical value.

Megillath Taanith, properly the "

1.

Book

of the Fasts," a

days on which, owing to some association or

of those

list

one way or another to our

in

another, any joyous event (especially during the period of

The observance

Maccabees) could not be celebrated.


days

is

already presupposed in Judith

quoted even in the Mishna, Taanith

been compiled in the

first

Aramaic; the much

later

little

tract,

which

in

viii.

times

earlier

is

was

in

list is

to

have

The text

century after Christ.

commentary

of such

Our

and seems

8,

ii.

G/''

tlie

Hebrew.

not

is

Tlie

very highly

esteemed, has been found of great historical importance, and

much

use has been

made

of

it,

especially by

Derenbourg and

Griitz.

Edition with Latin translation: Meyer, Tractatns de tcmporibus sacris et fcsiis didms Hcbracorwm, etc.
Acccdit D^JO
rT'JVn rolumcn de jcjunio, Amstelaedami 1724.
Derenbourg in
his Ilistoire de la Palestine (1867), i>p. 489-446, gives the
Aramaic text with a French translation. Compare generally
Wolf, BiUiotheca TIebraea, i. 68 f., 384 f., ii. 1325 ff., iii. 1195 If.,

*"

Judith

npoooi.itrcjv

viii.
x,a.i

IvYianviv

c,3TC.<v

Xp(A0iivi/2>v ciinc/u

tkox;

Kui

lapuijA.

t<: ii/xioeci

Trpovov/.iriViuv

ku'i

rii;

^''ipfvaiuf uvrij; x'^P''

vovfir,viiI)t

xoit

lopTU'j

koc'i

164

INTRODUCTION.

BiUiotheca Judaica, i. 9, under Abraham


Catalogus libr. Hehr. in Bihlioth.
Bodlei. col.
Catalogue of the British Museum,
Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrge der Juden, ^'^. 127,
p. 517.
128.
'EiWdld, History of Israel, yo\. v. p. 381, vol. viii. p. 280 sq.
Grtz, Gesch. der Juden, iii. pp. 597-615 (n. 1), and 685 ff.
Wellhausen, Fhar. u. Saduc. pp. 56-63. Schmilg,
(n. 1).
lieber Entstehung und historischen Wcrth des Siegeskalenders
" Megillath Taanitli," Leipz. 1874.
Joel Mller, Der Text der
Fasienrolle (Monatsschr. 1875, pp. 43-48, 139-144). Brann,
Entstehung und Werth der Megillat Taanit {Monatsschr. 1876,
Cassel, Kritisches Sendschreiben
pp. 375 ff., 410 ffl, 445 ff.).
ber die Probebibel; II. Mcssianisehe Stellen des Alten Testaments.
Angehngt sind Anmerkungen ber Megillath Taanith, Berlin
1885.
Hamburger, Rcal-EncyclojMedie fr Bibel und Talmud,
Supplementalband, pp. 104-107, art. " Megillath Taanith."

iv.

1024.

ha - Lewi.

Frst,

Steinschneider,
582. Zedner,

Seder olam, also called Seder olam rabba, an exposition

2.

Adam down

of the biblical history from

to the

time of Alex-

ander the Great, with some notices also of later times.

quoted

in

the

Chalephta,

who

Talmud,

and

ascribed

is

lived about the years

to

130-160

It is

Jose

E.

This supposition, however, rests simply on the fact that

Jose

is

11.

quoted nine times as an authority.

Much more
century,

is

modern, composed at the

unbroken

earliest in the eighth

the Seder olam sutta, a genealogical work, which

treats first of all of biblical times,

An

ben

after Christ.

list of

and then seeks

to give

the princes during the Babylonian

edition of both, with

an

exile.

Chronicon
a Latin translation
minus, latine vertit et commentar. perpet.
Aceedit ejusdcm dissertat. 3, Amstelaedami
illustravit J. Meyer.
1699.
Compare generally Wolf, BiUiotheca Hebraea, i. 492SteinFrst, BiUiotheca Judaica, ii. 107 sq.
499, iv. 1029 sq.
Zedner, Catalogue
schneider, Catalogus Bodlei. cob 1433-1437.
Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen
of the British Museum, p. 689 sq.
Ewald, History of Israel,
Vortrge der Juden, pp. 85, 135-139.
Frst, LiteraturUatt des
vol. i. pp. 200, 209, vol. viii. p. 49.
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, iv.
Orients, 1846, pp. 547-552.
200. Hamburger, Eeal-Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud,
Supplement, p. 132 f.

Hebraeorum majus

et

3.

165

THE SOURCES.

legendary history of the

Megillath Antiochus, a short

3.

persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes and the conquests of the

Asmoneans.

belongs

It

The

historically worthless.

the present

printed in
give a
still

Hebrew

to

the

post-Talmudic age, and

original

translation,

which

Aramaic text was

Numerous

century.

in

its

older

is

first

editions

manuscript form

is

extant.

On

the manuscripts of the Aramaic and Hebrew texts, see


Name Maccahee, Leipzig 1876, p. 36 sqq.
Merx, Chrestomathia targumica 1888,
which calls attention to two manuscripts of the
p. xvi.,
British Museum {Oriental Mamcscripts, 2377, 2212) as giving
l^artolocci in
the Aramaic text with the Babylonian pointing.
his BiUiotheca rahhinica, i. 388 sqq., gives the Hebrew text with
The Latin translation alone is copied by
a Latin translation.
Fabricius in his Codex pseudepigr. Vet. Test. i. 1165 sqq.
modern edition of the Hebrew text Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrasch,
The Aramaic text was first edited by
i. (1853) pp. 142-146.
to vhich is
The Choice of Pearls
Filipowski in 1851
added the Book of Antiochus, published for the first time in
Aramaic, Hebrew, and English, by H. Lilipowski, London 1851.
Also more recently by Jellinek in Bet ha-Midrash, vi. (1877)
pp. 4-8.
Compare generally Wolf, BiUiotheca Hebraca, i. 204 sq.,
130.
Steinschneider,
iii.
Frst, BiUiotheca Judaica, ii. 317.
Zediier, Catalogue of
Catalogues libr. hcbr. Bodlei. col. 206 sq.
Zunz, p. 134. Ewald, History of Israel,
British Museum, p. 51.
especially: Curtiss, The
In addition, consult
:

vol. V. p.

4.

287

sq.

Under

Josippon or Joseph ben Gorion.

exists, written in

Adam down

this

name

there

Hebrew, a history of the Jewish people from

to the destruction of the

temple by Titus.

The

author wishes to pass himself off for the ancient Josephus,

but

calls

himself erroneously Joseph son of Gorion, and not

infrequently departs so widely from the role which he had

assumed as even expressly


(Zunz,
of,

p.

150).

The

latter

to quote
is.,

from the true Josephus

but in a very free and eclectic manner, while

legendary material

is

made use
much purely

indeed, abundantly

introduced

from

other

sources.

It

166

INTRODUCTION.

would seem that


text,

this

author had before him, not the Greek

but a Latin translation of Josephus, and

for the

Bellum

Judaicum, indeed, only the paraphrastic and loose rendering


According to Zunz, pp 150
152, the work originated in Italy during the first half of the

of the so-called Hegesippus.

tenth century after Christ.

Among the numerous editions, the following deserve to be


mentioned Josephus Gorionides s. Josephus Hehraicus juxta
venetam edit, latine versus et cum exemplari Constantinop. collatus
atque notis illustratus a J. F. Brcithaupto, Gothae 1707, in
Hebrew and Latin. The same with a new title, Gothae et
A Hebrew-Latin edition had been already issued
Lips. 1710.
at a much earlier date by Sebastian Mnster, Josephus
Hehraicus diu desideratisshnus opera Sei). Ifnsteri, Basil 1541
A
but it was disfigured by many arbitrary abbreviations.
Latin translation of the whole text was given by Gagnier,
Josippon sive Josephi ben Gorionis historiae Judaicac libri sex, ex
hebraeo latine vertit, etc., Oxon. 1706.
Compare generally on the work and its editions Oudin, De
Wolf, BiUiotheca Hehraea, i.
script, eccles. ii. col. 1032-1062.
508-523, iii. 387-389. Meusel, BiUiotheca histor. i. 2 (1784),
Fabricius, BiUiotheca grace, ed. Harles, v. 56-59.
pp. 236-239.
Steinschneider,
Frst, BiUiotheca Jiidaica, ii. 111-114.
Zedner,
Catalogus lihr. heir. BiUioth. Bodlei. col. 1547-1552.
Zunz, Die gottcsCatalogue of the British Museum, p. 344 sq.
Delitzsch, Zar
dicnstlichen Vortrage der Juden, pp. 146-154.
:

der jdischen Poesie, Leipsic 1836, pp. 37-40.


Josephus Gorionides" in Ersch und Gruber's Allgem.
Encyelop. See. ii. Ld. 23 (1844), p. 184.
Geschichte

Klb,

art. "

FIRST DIVISION.

POLITICAL HISTORY OF PALESTINE

FEOM

B.C.

175 TO A.D. 135.

FIRST PERIOD.
FEOM ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES DOWN TO THE
CONQUEST OF JERUSALEM BY POMPEY.

THE EISE OF THE MACCABEES AND THE PERIOD OF


FREEDOM, B.C. 175-63.
Inasmuch

as the history of Israel during

much mixed up with


first

tliis

the history of Syria,

period

we propose

is

very

to give

of all

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF SYRIA DURING THE LAST


CENTURY OF THE SELEUCID DYNASTY, B.C. 17-G3.
Sources.
Eusebii Clironicorum

1875

lihri duo,

ed. Sclioeno, vol.

ii.

Berol.

1866, vol.

especially an extract given there from Porphyry.

Also

i.

the

ChTonicle of Sulpicius Severus, ed. Halm, 1866, contains some state-

ments of importance.

See Bernays,

Severus, 1861, pp. 61-63.

Scattered

Polybius, Diodorus, Livy,

and Justin.

sketch.

The Book of Daniel,

by Jerome (0pp.
for

the

Josephus, in books

first.

upon the

Seleucidae,
writers.

The

come

into consideration only

two books of
xii.

and

I\Iaccabees, especially

xiii.

of his Antiquities,

for the history of the

historical statements derived

finally, of the

For the

Apjnan gives a good summary


and the commentary on it

and adds, especially

many important

And,

dated coins.

story,

Chronik des Sulp.

xi.,

Vallarsi, v. 701-724),

Antiochus Epiplianes.

enlarges

chap,

Ueher die

notices will also be found in

from other

utmost importance arc the numerous

literature of this subject, see above,

2.

Special attention should be called to Eckhel, Jlionnet, de Saulcy,

the Catalogue of the British

Museum by

Gardner.

D.

and

TUE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

170

Literature.
Clutton, Fasti
Borne, vol.

from

Ewald, History

the death of

to

vol.

of Israel,

edition.

Supremacy

v.

of the Seleucidae

History of the Jewish Church.

the

London

NiEBUHR, Vortrge

iihcr

1877.

Geschichte,

alte

in Klein, Sehr.

fidem numismatutn accommodata.


Geschichte Macedoniens
beherrscht

modern history

wurden.

und

series.

Also

(1851).

iii.

Historischer

des Uusehius

sive

Historia regum

Syriae

ad

der Reiche, welche von macedonischen

Bd.

of the Hellenistic

Viennae 1744,

Stark, Gaza unci

Third

Paris 1681.

(1834).

ii.

The most complete

Kingdoms.

Froelich, Annates compendiarii regum


illustrati.

tlie

179-304.

i.

Foy-Vaillant, Seleucidarum imperium

Knigen

Lect. xlviii.-xlix. pp. 285-396.

Gewinn aus der armenischen Uebersetzung der Chronik

Flathe,

Augustus.

the sons of John Hyrcanus, pp. 286-394.

Stanley, Lectures on

2ud

CXXIV^'^ Olyminad

the

2ncl edition, 1851, pp. 310-350.

Oxford 1830.
Maccabees

The Civil and Literary Chronology of Greece and

Hellenici.
iii.,

rerum Syriae numis

et

veteribus

editio altera 1750.

1852.

die philistische Kste.

good summary of the sources

given by Clinton.

is

For

the determining of the general chronological framework the


are

chief sources

Book

of Maccabees.

The Extract from Porphyry

1.

Chronicle of Eusebius

2.

in

the

Separate statements in the First

The Seleucid

according

era,

to

which

the dates in this book are reckoned, begins probably, not in

autumn, but rather in spring of


3.

The

coins,

B.c.

312

(see above, 3. A.).

whose dates have been lucidly collected and

arranged by de Saulcy, Mdmoire sur

les

monnaies daUcs des

Seucides, Paris 1871.

Porphyry, the well-known Neo-Platonic philosopher of the


third century after Christ, wrote a chronological work in which
he made careful use of the best sources. From it Eusebius in
his Chronicle makes extracts with reference to the history of
the Ptolemies (Eusebii Chron., ed. Schoene, i. 159 sq.), and with
reference to the Macedonian kings (Eusebii Chron., ed. Schoene,
i.

229

sq.).

P)ut

undoubtedly from

this

same

source, although

A SKETCH OF THE HISTOKY OF

SYRIA.

171

Porphyry is not there named, is derived the whole similar


paragraph on the history of the Seleucidae (Eiisebii Chron., ed.
The text of the Chronicle of Eusebius
Schoene, i. 247-264).
with this passage complete is now extant only in an Armenian
translation, first edited by Aucher, Eusebii Chron.xol. i. (1818),
translated anew for Schoene's edition into Latin by Petermann.
Fragments of the Greek text are met with in a Parisian manuscript, from which they were published even by Scaliger in the
Appendix to his Thesaurus tcmporum, 1G06, and more recently
by Cramer, Anccdota Gracca c codd. manuscriptis BiUiothccae
regiae Farisiensis, vol. ii. (1839) p. 115 sqq.
Mller in his
Eragmenta historicorum Graecorum, iii. 706-717, gives among
the fragments of Porphyry, the Armenian and Greek text,
together with a historical commentary.
In this passage Porphyry fixes the chronology of the Seleucidae according to the Olympiad era, and indeed in such a
way that he takes into account only whole years hence the
year in which a change of kings occurs is reckoned to the one
who preceded a full year, while the reign of his successor is
made to begin with the following year. Thus, for example,
although he makes tlie reign of Antioclms Epiphancs begin
with Olympiad 151. 3, it actually began in Olympiad 151. 2.
It is further to be remarked that, in dealing with the frequent
appearances of pretenders to the throne, he dates the reign of
the successful pretender from the year in which his opponent
was overthrown.
Erom what sources Porphyry has derived his information
may be learned from the following statement of Jerome,
although its immediate reference is not to Porphyry's Chronicle,
but to his book on Daniel Ad intelligendas autcm extremas
;

Graecorum historia necessaria est:


Sutorii videlicet Callinici, Diodori, Hieronymi, Polyhii, Posidonii, Claudii Thconis et Andronici cognoniento Alipii, quos et
Por2Jliyrius esse scquutum se dicit ; Joscphi quoque et eorum
quos p)onit Joscphus, i^Taccifueq^ie nostri Zivii et Pompeii Trogi

'partes

Danielis vndtiplex

atque Justini, qui

omnem

(Hieronymus, Praefatio
621 sq.).

But valuable

as the

cxtracviae msionis narrant historiavi

in Danielem,

work

of

0pp.

Porphyry

is,

ed.

Vallarsi,

v.

so carefully culled

from the best original documents, we ought also to guard


against any over-estimation of its worth.
His statements
about Olympiads are evidently "deductions from calculations
of the years of the several reigns " (Gutschmid, Geschichte
Iran's

und

seiner

Nachbarlnder, 1888,

p.

77,

Aiim.),

and

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

172
thus do not
testimony.

possess

the weight

of

Antiochds IV. Epiphanes,

He was
of

imraediate

b.c.

traditional

175-164.

the son of Antiochus III. the Great, and brother

Seleucus

IV.

Philopator,

During the reign


hostage at Eome.
to his native land

son Demetrius

of his

who

brother

reigned

B.c.

187-175.

Seleucus he lived

as

Seleucus procured for him liberty to return

by sending

hostage to

as

Eome

his

own

but before Antiochus reached home Seleucus

had been murdered by Heliodorus.


the throne to which by right his

have succeeded (Appian.


reign of eleven years, in

Sijr.

B.c.

Antiochus then usurped

nephew Demetrius ought

45).

Antiochus

to

died after a

164, while engaged in a campaign

against the Parthians.

That his reign lasted for eleven years is stated by Porphyry


(Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, i. 253, 263 sq.), Jerome {ad Baniclem,
11. 21 sq.), and Sulpicius Severus {Chron. ii. 22).
The date of
the beginning of his reign is set down by Porphyry as Olympiad 151. 3, and so actually Olym. 151. 2, which is equivalent
This statement is borne out by the fact that
to B.c. 175-174.
the coins also begin with the year 138 of the Seleucid era,
which corresponds to 175-174 before Christ. The Eirst Book
of IVIaccabees, on the other hand (chap. i. 10), places the beginning of the reign in the Seleucid year 137, that is, in b.c.
176-175, wliich can be reconciled with the statement of
Porphyry only by supposing that the Seleucid year was reckoned
from autumn to autumn, so that Olympiad 151. 2 would begin
But if we assume that the First
in the summer of B.C. 175.
Book of ]\Iaccabees counts the year from spring to spring, we
The
shall have to admit the existence of a slight discrepancy.
death of Antiochus occurred, according to Porphyry, in Olympiad 154. l,that is, in b.c. 164-163 according to the Eirst Book
of Maccabees (vi. 16), in the Seleucid year 149, which also

answers to B.c. 164-163.


The chronology of the Egyptian campaigns of Antiochus,
which is of importance also in Jewish history, is still matter
of controversy.
But according to non- Jewish sources, it is

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF

173

SYRIA.

highly probable that they belonged to the period between


This is further supported by the fact
B.c. 170 and B.c. 168.
that the First Book of Maccabees (i. 20) makes mention for
the first time of an Egyptian campaign in the Seleucid year
143, corresponding to B.c. 170-169, and indeed states precisely that autumn of B.c. 170 was the date of the return
from it. Only the Second Book of Maccabees (v. 1) disagrees
with this by reckoning that campaign the second.
But tlie
unreliableness of tliis document would make the assumption
of an earlier campaign in B.c. 171 unjustifiable apart from
Compare generally on this question Droysen,
other evidence.
De Lagidaricm regno, 1831, pp. 56-69, which I have not been
able to consult
Jo. Christ. Conr. Hof mann, De hellis ab
Antiocho Upiphane adversus Ptolemaeos gestis, Erlangae 1835
:

Das

Bitch Daniel, pp. 202-208 Stark, Gaza und die


philistische Kste, pp. 430-434
Grimm. Das erste Buch der
Maccaher, p. 15 f. ; Joh. Friedr. Hoffmann, AntiocJms IV.
Bpiphanes, 1873, pp. 36-58 Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, ii. 2
Hitzig,

(1876), pp. 436-443.


On Antiochus generally, besides the works mentioned above,
compare: Ewald, History of Israel, v. 293-306; Stanley,
History of the Jewish Church, third series, 1877, pp. 288-302.
See also the article in Pauly's Real-Encyclop. der class. Altertlmmswissenschaft, and the articles by Wieseler in Herzog,
vol. i. pp. 458^63, and by Eeuss in Schenkel, Bibellexikon.
For further notice, see 4.

Antiochus V. Eupator,
This monarch was the son of

Porphyry he began
to Appian. Syr.

From
been

164-162.

Epiphanes.

to reign in his twelfth year,

According to
but according

46 and 66, when he was only nine years

the statement of Porphyry


for a year

b.c.

it

would seem

and a half co-regent with

as if he

his father

text is probably corrupt (Euseb. Citron., ed. Schoene,

During

was

his short reign of only one

simply

tool

in

the

old.

had

but the
i.

253).

and a half or two years he

hand of

his

field-marshal

and

guardian Lysias, and was along with him, by the order of his
cousin Demetrius, assassinated in

b.c.

162.

174

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

The statements as to the length of this reign vacillate between


a year and a half and two years the former period is given by
Porphyry in the Summarium (Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, i.
263 sq.), and the latter by Josephus in the Antiquities, xii.
10. 1 (Euseb. Chron. ii. 126 sq., ad ann. Abrah. 1852).
The
beginning and end are determined by the chronology of his
predecessor and his successor.
Compare generally Keuss in
Schenkel and Wiesel er in Herzog. Also Smith's Dictionary of
;

Greek and Eoraan Biography.

Demetrius

I.

Soter,

b.c.

162-150.

Demetrius was the son of Seleucus Philopator.


been sent by him as hostage to Eome, but

and assumed the reins of government in

B.c.

fled

He had

from thence,

16 2,

after

having

had his cousin Antiochus Eupator assassinated.


In
a

B.c.

153, Alexander Balas took up arras against him as

pretender to the throne.

He

claimed to be a son of

Antiochus Epiphanes, and therefore the legitimate heir of


the Syrian throne.
B.c.

Demetrius

fell

in

battle against

him

in

150.

The flight of Demetrius from Rome and the consequences


resulting from it are very vividly sketched by Polybius, who,
as a friend of Demetrius, was personally engaged in the
incidents which he narrates (Polybius, xxxi. 12, 19-22).
Both
Polybius (iii. 5) and Porphyry (Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, i. 255,
263 sq.) ascribe to Demetrius a reign of twelve years, while
Josephus (Antiq. xiii. 2. 4) allows him only eleven years.
Porphyry sets down the commencement of the reign at Olympiad 154. 4, that is really Olym. 154. 3, corresponding to B.c.
162-161 and the First Book of Maccabees (vii. 1) makes it
151 of the Seleucid era, which also answers to B.c. 162-161.
The dated coins extend from 150 to 162 of the Seleucid era, or
from B.c. 163-162 to B.c. 151-150. If the number of the year
be rightly read as 150, the beginning of the reign must be set
down before autumn of b.c. 162, which is reconcilable with the
statement in First Maccabees on the supposition that its years
are to be understood as spring years.
On the date of the
insurrection of Alexander Balas, see below.
The common
text of Porphyry gives Olympiad 157. 4 as the date of the
;

A SKETCH OF THE

175

OF SYRIA.

IIISTOIIY

Since this would give him a reign of


death of Demetrius.
thirteen years, it is most probably to be read Olympiad 157. 3,

150-149. According to 1 Mace. x. 50


Demetrius occurred not later than 1G2 of
the Seleucid era, or B.c. 151-150.
Compare on Demetrius
generally, the articles in Herzog and Schenkel.
corresponding to

B.C.

and 57, the death

of

Alexander Balas,

When

had

Alexander

b.c.

wrenched

of

Demetrius,

rose

up

alliance.

king,

tian

the

of

fled
B.c.

head

(Josephus, Antiq.

Arabia,

to

145.
of
xiii.

On

and

was

from

himself bore the

him.

With

Egypt

entered

Alexander was besieged in Antioch by

nmrdered in
deed,

also

against

Demetrius IL, Ptolemy Philometor

government

the

who

Demetrius, the son of Demetrius,

name

150-145.

there

tlie

this

into

Egyp-

treacherously

the fifth day after that bloody

Alexander

was

brought

to

Ptolemy

4. 8).

The coins of Alexander bear dates from 160 to 16S of the


Seleucid era, that is, from B.c. 153-152 to B.c. 145-144.
The
Eirst Book of Maccabees (x. 1) describes his revolt against
Demetrius as having taken place in the Seleucid year IGO, or
]!.c. 153-152; and indeed B.c. 153 must be fixed upon, since it
occurred before the Eeast of Tabernacles of the year referred
to (1 Mace. x. 21).
His reign proper is reckoned by Porphyry and Josephus (Antiq. xiii. 4. 8) at five years.
The
common text of Porphyry puts down the beginning of it in
Olympiad 157. 3, and the end in Olympiad 158. 4. Since
this, according to Porphyry's style of reckoning, would give
six years, probably we should read instead of 157. 3, 157. 4,
that is really 157. 3, corresponding to B.c. 150-149.
Tlie
death of Alexander is placed by the Eirst Book of Maccabees
(xi. 19) in the Seleucid year 167, or B.c. 146-145.
Porphyry's
date is Olympiad 158. 4, wliich corresponds to B.c. 145144.
Compare on Alexander, the articles in Pauly, Winer,
Herzog, and Schenkel.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

176

One

Demetrius

II.

Antiochus

VI., B.c. 145-(?).

Nicator,

b.c.

145-138.
Trypho, (?)-138.

of the generals of Alexander, Diodotus,

succession with Demetrius

disputed the

named Trypho,
the

favour of

in

youthful son of Alexander, Antiochus VI.

Meanwhile Trypho himself aspired


ward Antiochus murdered, and made
after

this,

according

to

other

to the throne,

himself king.

even

accounts

had

his

Soon

previously,

Demetrius undertook a campaign against the Parthians, in


the course of which he was taken prisoner by the Parthians
in

B.c.

But Trypho was defeated by Antiochus VII.

138.

Sidetes, the brother of Demetrius, at Dora, then shut up in

Apamea, and compelled


(Strabo, p.

to

668; Josephus,

end his
nti(i.

life

xiii.

by
7.

his

own hand

2; Appian. Syr.

68).

The

Demetrius against Alexander Balas took


Mace. x. 67, in the Seleucid year 165, or
B.c. 148-147, while his reign began in 167 of the Seleucid
The dates of the coins
era, B.c. 146-145 (1 Mace. xi. 19).
extend from 167 to 174 Seleucid era, or from B.c. 146-145 to
There are coins of Antiochus VI. from 167 to
B.c. 139-138.
170 of the Seleucid era, or from B.c. 146-145 to B.c. 143142.
Coins of Trypho bear the number of the years III. (de
Saulcy, p. 42, Melanges de Numismatique, t. ii. 1877, p. 82 sq.)
and IV. (Gardner, Catalogue of Gi^ech Coins, p. 69). Josephus
assigns to the reign of Antiochus VI. a period of four years,
and to Trypho a period of three years (Antiq. xiii. 7. 1-2).
According to this estimate, the reign of Antiochus would date
This is in agreethat of Trypho, B.c. 141-138.
B.c. 145-141
ment with the statement of Porphyry, who gives to Demetrius,
revolt

of

place, according to 1

before his imprisonment, only a three years' reign (Euseb.


Chron., ed. Schoene, i. 257, 263 sq.), from Olympiad 160. 1,
which is really Olym. 159. 4, or B.c. 141-140, to Olympiad
Porphyry evidently reckons the reign
160. 3, or B.c. 138-137.
of Demetrius as beginning with the displacement by conquest
In thorough accord with this,
or murder of Antiochus VI.
too, is the chronology of the First Book of Maccabees, xiii. 31,
41, which unhesitatingly assigns the murder of Antiochus by

A SKETCH OF TUE HISTORY OF

177

SYRIA.

Trypho to the Selcucid year 170, or b.c. 143-142. Finally, it


no serious discrepancy when, in 1 Mace. xiv. 1, the Parthian
campaign of Demetrius is dated from the Seleucid year 172, or
wliile Porphyry, on the other hand, assigns it to
B.c. 141-140
In direct contradiction,
Olympiad lO. 2, or B.c. 139-138.
however, to the foregoing, stands the statement made by many

is

writers (Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 5, 11, 7. 1 Appian. Syr. 67, 68


Justin, xxxvi. 1), that Antiochus was not murdered by Trypho
before the time of the Parthian campaign of Demetrius, and
indeed not till after Demetrius had been taken prisoner. This,
;

however,
First

in opposition not only to the

is

Book of Maccabees, but

chronology of the

also to the circumstance that then

there is not left a three or four years' reign for Trypho, which
yet, according to Josephus and the coins, must be admitted.
Then Trypho's death occurs almost contemporaneously with
the seizure of Demetrius by the Parthians in B.c. 138.
See in
next paragraph under Antiochus Sidetes. It therefore seems
to me hazardous to assume, with many modern critics, that the
last-named authorities should have the precedence over 1 Alacc.
Compare on this question, and on Antiochus VI. and Trypho
generally Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, 1793,
Clinton, Fasti HeMenici, iii. 331.
Mller, Fraypp. 269-274.
menta hist. Graec. t. ii. p. xx. Mendelssohn in Pitschl's Ada

wcietatis philol. Lipsiensis,

t.

v.

Gutschmid,
1875, pp. 43-49.
Also the articles in Pauly,

Geschichte Iran's, 1888, pp. 51-53.

Winer, Herzog, and Schenkel.

Antiochus VII. Sidetes,

b.c.

138-128.

So long as Demetrius was the prisoner of the Parthians,


Antiochus VII. held undisturbed

129 he undertook a campaign


he

it

met

his

death

in

b.c.

sway

in

Syria.

In

B.c.

against the Parthians, and in

128.

During the war the

Parthian king released Demetrius from his imprisonment, in


order

that

Syria,

and

he
so

might

seize

for himself the

compel Antiochus

to return

government

of

home.

On

the surname Sidetes, compare Porphyry (Euseh. Chron.,


Schoene, i. 255) in Sida urhe educatus, quaproptcr Sidetes
iitique vocahatur.
The city Side lies in Pamphylia. The
icvolt of Antiochus VII. against Trypho occurred, according
to 1 Mace. XV. 10, in the year 174 Seleucid, or B.c. 139-138.
ed.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.


178

THE MACCABEAN PERI

>T>.

Porphyry reckons his reign from Olympiad 160. 4, that is


Olympiad 160. 3, or b.c. 138-137. The coins begin with
the Seleucid year 174, or b.c. 139-138, and reach down to
Seleucid year 184, or b.c. 129-128 (de 8aulcy, pp. 44-46).
The beginning of the Parthian campaign cannot, according

really

to Livy, Bpit. 59, be placed earlier than b.c. 129,


after the consul M. Peperna, whose consulship

immediately

was in B.c.
130, and immediately before the consul C. Sempronius, whose
consulship was in B.c. 129.
Porphyry assigns the death of
Antiochus, after a nine years' reign, to Olympiad 162. 4, or
According to Justin, xxxviii. 10, it occurred
B.c. 129-128.
in the winter; according to Diodorus, xxxiv. 15 sq., in spring,
In fact, the coins of
therefore in the beginning of B.c. 128.
Alexander

Zahinas (see next paragraph) begin with the


Seleucid year 184, or B.c. 129-128.
With these matters of
fact in view, some coins of Antiochus, purporting to belong
to the Seleucid year 185 and 186, the latter corresponding
to B.C. 127-126, have occasioue! great difficulties to the
historians.
Some have disputed the authenticity of their date
(so Tochon dAnnecy, Dissertation sur I'epogue de la viort
d'AntiocMis VII. Evergetes Sidefes, roi de Syrie, sur deux
mddailles antiques de ce prince, et sur un passage du II' livre
des MacchaMes, Paris 1815, pp. 61-65); others have assumed
that even after the death of Antiochus, coins were issued with
his name (so Niebulir, Kleine Schriften, i. 251 f.).
The most
probable explanation is that the date has only heen falsely
read (see Nussbaum, Ohf<ercationes, p. 51).
Compare generally

Mendelssolm in Ritschl's Acta societatis philol. Lipsiensis, t. v.


Nussbaum, Ohservationes in Flavii Josephi
1875, pp. 265-280.
Antiquitates, 1875, pp. 49-54.
Gutschmid, Geschichte Iran's,
Tub. 1888, pp. 75-77, who places the death of Antiochus in B.c.
129.
Also the articles in Pauly, Winer, Herzog, and Schenkel

Demetkius

II.

NiCATOR, a second time,

Alexander Zabinas,

b.c.

After a ten years' imprisonment

Porphyry

in

relates

became king of
him, through

king in the

Syria.

the

Eusebius,

b.c. 128-125
128-122 (?).

among the

Demetrius

II.

or 124(?).

Parthians, as

once

again

There was soon raised up against

intrigues

of

Ptolemy Physkon, an

anti-

person of Alexander Zabinas, Avho claimed to

A SKETCH OF THE HISTOUY OK SYRIA.


a son

be

him

in

of

Alexander Balas.

Damascus,

attempted

to

obliged

to

l79

Demetrius was besieged by


fly,

and

murdered

as

he

land at Tyre.

Coins of Denuitrius are in existence which pretend to belong


]eriod from 180 to 187 of the Seleucid era, or from

to the

133-132 to B.c. 126-125 (de Saulcy, pp. 51, 52). If the


reading is in every case correct, it might be snp[)osed that
even during the Parthian imprisonment of Demetrius, coins
were issued with his name printed on them (so de Saulcy, p.
But the reading is not by any means cei tain in every
55).
instance (Xussbaum, Observationes, p. 52 sq.).
Tliere are some
which certainly are marked 183-187 of the Seleucid era
((Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, p. 76 sq.
Bunbury, Nuvt.
Chronich\ 1883, p. 100 sq.).
Porphyry assigns to Demetrius
after his:; imprisoinnent a reiun of four years.
The common
text gives as its beginning Olympiad 162. 2, for which we
ought certainly to read Olympiad 163. 2, that is really
Olympiail 163. 1, or B.c. 128-127
and as the year of his
death, Olympiad 164. 1, corresponding to B.c. 124-123.
AVith
this it is impossible to reconcile tlie fact that there exists coins
of Autiochus VIII. Grypos, and of Cleopatra, ]>rufessing to
belong to the Seleucid year 187, or B.c. 126-125. Yet here
again it may be questioned whether this is the correct reading.
Compare on Demetrius also the articles in Pauly, Winer,
Herzog, and Schenkel.
For Alexander Zabinas, Porphyry gives
no direct dates. His coins range over the period liom 184 to
190 of the Seleucid era, or from r..c. 129-128 to B.c. 123-122
(tie Saulcy, p. 57
(Jardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, pp. 81-84
Bunbury, Num. Ckronide, 1883, \\. 103 sq.).
B.C.

Seleucus

v., bc.

125

or 124(?).

Seleucus V. succeeded his father Demetrius on the throne

but soon after beginning his reign he was murdered at the


instillation of his

own mother.

Antiochus VIII. Grypos,

b.c.

125

or

124-113.

Antiochus VIII. was the brother of Seleucus.


still

to

He had

do battle with the anti-king Alexander Zabinas, but

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD,

180

conquered liim in the third year of his reign


Porphyry, in
be

122-121.

b.c.

executed,

Justin

as

Diodorus, xxxiv.

28).

put an end to his

own

He

reports,

xxxix.

according to

(compare

also

to

Porphyry, Alexander

b.c.

113, Antiochus VIII.

According
life

then caused Alexander to

by poison.

After a reign of eleven years, in

Grypos was driven from the throne by Antiochus IX. Kyrikenos,

who was

on the mother's

his

cousin on the father's side, his brother

side.

Antiochus Grypos then withdrew to

Aspendos.

The relationship between the two is as follows


Cleopatra,
the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt, who had been
already the wife of Alexander Balas (1 Mace. x. 58), had
separated herself from him and married Demetrius II. Nicator
From this marriage sprang Seleucus V. and
(1 Mace. xi. 12).
Antiochus VIII. Grypos. But while Demetrius was detained
among the Parthians, Cleopatra married his brother, Antiochus
VII. Sidetes (Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 7. 1). From this marriage
sprang Antiochus IX. Kyrikenos (Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 10.
Appian. Syr. 68). Porphyry in Euseb. Chron. ed. Schoene,
1
rQ fjbo/xrjrpiw ddzXfiZ h.\ri(i-ynj xa,i an'^til) ra. ex.
i.
260, says
irarpog.
Compare generally on the genealogy of the Seleucidae
the table at the end of vol. ii. of this work.
The period of the reign of Antiochus VIII., down to his
expulsion by Antiochus IX., is reckoned by Porphyry at eleven
years, from Olympiad 164. 2, that is really Olympiad 164. 1,
down to Olympiad 166. 4, or from B.c. 124-123 down to B.C.
113-112.
On the coins Antiochus VIII. appears sometimes
as co-regent with his mother Cleopatra, sometimes alone.
The
coins of the former kind profess to belong to the peiiod
between 187 and 192 of the Seleucid era, or between B.c. 126125 and B.c. 121-120 (de Saulcy, p. 61 sq.). For an account
of the discrepancy between this date and that of Porphyry, see
above under Demetrius IT. and Alexander Zabinas.
The
proper coins of Antiochus VIII. begin with the Seleucid year
190, corresponding to B.c. 123-122 (de Saulcy, p. 65 sq.).
:

A SKETCH OF TilE HISTOKY OF SYRIA.

Antiochus IX. Cyzicexos,


Antiochus VIII. Grypos,

113-95.

B.c.

e.g.

111-96.

For two years Cyzicenos now ruled as


in B.c.

181

But

monarch.

sole

Ill, Grypos returned and wrested the greater part of

Syria from his cousin.

Only Coele-Syria remained in the

possession of Cyzicenos.

Porphyry in Eusebius, Chron.,

Schoene,
K7}vo<;

i.

Trj<i

Kparel jxev avTo<i

260, says

KoL\rj<i.

Thus was the kingdom broken up

Svpia<;, 6 Be

rr]<;

ed.

Kv^l;

and

the two cousins and brotliers engaged in a conflict with one


another.

Antiochus Grypos died

fifteen years after his return, in B.c.

96, according to Josephus, Antiq.


of

an assassin.

His

He

Seleucus VI.

riglits

13. 4, by the

xiii.

took up arms forthwith against Antiochus

Cyzicenos, and laid siege to

him

in Antioch.

avoid imprisonment during the battle in

put an end

to

hand

and claims were heired by his son

his

own

life

B.c.

In order to
95, Antiochus

(Porphyry in Eusebius, Chron.

L 260).

To Antiochus IX. Cyzicenos, Porphyry assigns a reign of


eighteen years, extending from Olympiad 167. 1, tliat is really
4, down to Olympiad 171. 1, or from B.c. 113112 down to B.c. 96-95. The coins, indeed, begin as early as
196 of the Seleucid era, or B.c. 117-116 (de Saulcy, p. 72 sq.).
If both are correct, it must be assumed that Porphyry, with his
date B.c. 113, does not mean the time of the revolt of Cyzicenos,
but the time uf liis decided victory over Grypos. The return
of Antiochus VIII. Grypos is set down by Porphyry in Olympiad 167. 2, or B.c. 111-110, and a reign of fifteen years is
given him, extending down to Olympiad 170. 4, or B.c. 97-96.
Josephus ascribes to Antiochus Grypos altogether a reign of
twenty-five years, from B.c. 125-124 down to B.c. 96 (Josephus,

Olympiad 166.

Antiq.

xiii.

13. 4).

During the next twelve years, from

B.C.

now

followed an almost unbroken series

the

five

sons of Antiochus

95

of

to b.c. 83, there

conflicts

between

Grypos, namely, Seleucus VI,,

TUE MACCABEAN PKUIOD.

182

Antiochus XL, Philip, Demetrius

XI I. on

III.

Eucrus, and Antioehns

the one hand, and the son of Antiochus Cyzicenos,

Antiochus X. Eusebes, on the other (Josephus, Antiq.


13. 4, 14. 3, 15.
i.

259-262

1;

Porphyry in Eusebius,

CJiron., ed.

Schoene,

and Clinton, pp. 340-342).


The result of these contendings was that Tigranes, king of
;

Appian. Syr. 69

xiii.

Armenia, took possession

for himself of the

His reign over Syria lasted


B.C.

kingdom

for fourteen years,

from

of Syria.
B.C.

83

to

69.

The details, according to Josephus, who is here the. most


Antiochus X.
complete in his descriptions, are as follows
Eusebes, in order to revenge his father, made war against
Seleucus VI., conquered him, and drove him into Cilicia, where
he was put to death by the citizens of Mopsuestia on account
of his oppressions.
Then his brother, Antiochus XL, next took
up the conflict against Antiochus Eusebes, but was defeated,
:

and

lost his life in the battle.

The

third brother, Philip,

now

appeared upon the scene, and entered the lists against Antiochu
Eusebes, according to Porphyry, in Olympiad 171. 3, or B.c.
94-93, and succeeded in making himself master of at least a
part of Syria, while the fourth brother, Demetrius Eucarus, had
seized upon another portion, with Damascus as its capital.
Then Antiochus Eusebes, according to Josephus, lost his life
The two brothers, Philip and
in a battle with the I'arthians.
T)emetrius, now reigned for a long time, each over his own part
of Syria.
But by and by Demetrius declared war against
Philip, besieged him in Bera, east of Antioch, but was himself
taken prisoner, and died in conhnement. There were now left
only Philip and the youngest brother, Antiochus XII., who
continued to fight with one another. But Antiochus fell in a
battle against the Arab chief Aretas, who thereupon took ]iosAt last the whole of Syria fell into the
session of Coele-Syria.
hands of Tigi'anes. According to Appian. Syr. 48, 69, Antiochus
X. Eusebes was still alive and reigning when Tigianes seized
upon Syria and indeed, according to Justin, xl. 2, and Porphyry in Eusebius, Chron. i. 262, he was still living when
Pompey made an end of the Syrian empire. The latter statement, however, has evidently resulted from a confusion between
Antioch\is X. Eusebes and Antiochus XIII. Asiaticus, wlio are
both clearly enough distinguished by Appian. But the former
is in every resjject more probable, since Appian seems here to
;

A SKETCU OF THE HISTRY OF

183

SYRIA.

have used reliable sources. Tt may then be assumed that


Antioclius EuseV)es had possession of the f,Teater, Philip and
Aretas of the smaller part of Syria, when Tigranes made himself
master of the kingdom.
For the chronology of the years b.c. 95-83, the coins afford
some important clues (Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, p.
95 sqq.).
Yet we have not materials for determining all the
details.
There are dated coins of Philip from the .Seleucid year
'111 down to 229, or from B.c. 92-91 down to b.c. 84-83 (de
Saulcy, p. 78) of Demetrius there are some from the Seleucid
year 217 down to 224, or from B.c. 96-95 down to B.c. 89-88
(Gardner, Catalogue, p. 101; Eckhel, iiL 245); of Antiochus
XII. there is one belonging to the Seleucid year 227, or b.c.
;

86-85 (Imhoof- Blumer, Monnaies grecques, 1883, p. 437). Very


puzzling aie the coins of Philip which were printed in Antioch,
and bear the figures 19, 20, 21, 22, 24,30, purporting to indicate the numbers of the years (de Saulcy, p. 79).
If the dates
are correctly read, and refer to the years of Philip's reign, it
must be assumed that Philip had been able to maintain his
position in Antioch even during the domination of Tigranes.
In fact, Porphyry also assumes that Philip lived down to the
time of Pompey (Euseb. C/iron. i. 262). But according to
Diodorus, Fragm. 34 (in Mller, Fragm. hist, graec. t. ii. p.
24 sq.), this Philip, who made his appearance at the time of
Pompey as a claimant, was a son of our Philip, and so grandson
of Antiochus Grypos (see also Mller).
seem therefnre to
have no alternative but to assume that those numbers signify,
not the years of Philip's reign, but the years of an era that
began somewhere about B.c. 113.
This much is known regarding the period of Tigranes that
according to Appian. Syr. 48,70, and Justin, xl. 1-2 (according
to the correct reading), he reigned over Syria fourteen years.
The end of his reign, however, that is, his defeat by Lucullus,
occurred, as is well known from the Ponian history, in B.c. 69.

We

After the defeat of Tigranes by Lucullus, Syria did not

once

at

assigned
B.C.

It

69

fall
it

into

the possession

65 under the

was Pompey who, on

first

made a complete end

(Appian.

S>/r.

4, 70

all

Lucullus

Antiochus Eusebes, who reigned from

to a son of

to B.c.

the Romans.

of

title

of Antiochus

his victorious

XI II.

Asiaticus.

march through Asia,

of the Seleucid dynasty, in B.c.

Justin,

.xl.

Clinton, pp.

65

344-348).

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

184
Syria

now became a Eoman province

(Plutarch, Pompeius,

39).

Pompey

from Armenia
64 he went himself but the definite
arrangements of Syrian affairs were first settled in B.c. 63-62
(Clinton, Fasti HelUnici, iii. 345 sq. Fischer, Rmische Zeittafeln,
In B.C. 65 or 64, probably the disturbances broke
p. 215 ff".).
out of which Diodorus, Frarjm. 34 (in Mller, Fragm.. hist, graec.
t. ii. p. 24 sq.), gives an account.
Antiochus XIII. Asiaticus
sought to maintain his possession of the throne by the aid of
Sampsigeram of Emesa. At the same time a struggle was made
for a like purpose by Philip, son of King Philip, and grandson
of Antiochus Grypos, who sought to support his claims by the
assistance of the Arab prince Azizus.
But Antiochus was
taken prisoner by Sampsigeram, and afterwards put to death,
and Philip was able to escape the snares of Azizus only bv
to Syria,

first

of

and in

all,

in B.c. 65, sent his legates

B.c.

flight.

By means of this report of Diodorus of the end


we see how utterly groundless was the

Asiaticus,

of Antiochus

statement of

older scholars, that Antiochus Asiaticus obtained possession of


the small kingdom of Commagene, and became the founder of
the dynasty of Commagene (see in opposition, Clinton, pp. 346But it is quite true that the dynasty of Commagene had
348).

Consult upon
a connection by affinity with the Seleucidae.
this matter the inscriptions, Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 362
Corji.
Corp. Inscr. Atticarum, t. iii. 1, n. 557
Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 552
;

and especially Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii.


136c?, from Ephesus.
The latter tells of a aaiAsa 'Avrio^o

2, n.
&s'ov

Aixaiov 'ETTKpavrj ^r/.opu,aa?ov xal O/XeXXj)', rhv ly ai'/Ju; Mi6pa-

Qiuc ^iXasXfiou rrjc ly


This same
Antiochus, with the same genealogy, appears also in an inscription communicated by Puchstein (Puchstein, Bericht ber eine
Reise in Kurdistan, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1883,
drou

Ka.'/.'Kivi'/.ov

ucnXsic

Avri^ov

xai

aa/Alacrig

F,7ri<pavo\Ji;

Auohix.7ig

f!?i'ko/M7iTopog

KaXX/c/xou.

49 ff.). The Antiochus to whom both inscriptions refer was


undoubtedly a king of Commagene the other Antiochus, the
p.

father of Laodice, was evidently a Seleucid, according to Waddington, Antiochus XIII. Asiaticus according to Mommsen,
Antiochus VIII. Grypos. The latter conjecture is certainly
correct, for Antiochus VIII. Grypos is designated on coins
;

called by Porphyry and Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 12. 2,


and the cognomen KaXXioc, which Mommsen was
not then able to authenticate, has also been since confirmed
'E'm(pa.yT,g, is
0rAo,u.r,T'jjp,

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF SYRIA.

by an

185

from

Delos {Bulletin de correspondance


105 sq.). His daugliter Laodice is
clearly identical with the Laodice mentioned by Josephus,
Antiq. xiii. 13. 4 (Gutschmid, Geschichte Iran's, 1888, p. 80,
Anm.).
Mommsen, Die Dynastie von
Compare generally
inpcription

hellenique,

t.

viii.

1884,

p.

Commagene {Mittheilungen

des deutschen archologisclien Insti-

tvies in Athen, Bd. i. 1876, pp. 27-39).


Marquardt, Hmisclce
Staatsverwaltung, Bd. i., 2 And. 1881, p. 398 '.

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL

4.

(B.C. 175-165).

SouRCEa.
1

Mace,

i.-iv.

'2

Josephus, Antiq.

The Book

Mace, iv.-xi.
xii.

Epitome of

5-7.

it

iu Zonaras, Annal.

iv. 19-f20.

of Daniel, chap. xi. 21-45, and Jerome's Cooimentary {0pp.,

ed. Vallarsi, v. 711-724).

Some

facts collected

from Mcgilkuh Taanith in Derenbourg, HistoLre de

la

Palestine^ pp. 59-63.

Literature.

The works already mentioned

in p. 170 on Syrian history by Foy-VaiUant,

Frolich, Clinton, Flathe, Stark, etc.

Treatises

and Commentaries on the Books of the Maccabees, by Wace,

Birrell (Apoeiypha, with introd. notes,


dorff, Michaelis,

Ewald, History of

Grimm,

etc.,

Israel, vol. v.

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes Israel,

Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, Bd.

Geschichte der

heil.

Pauly's Real-Encyclop. der

1880),

Werna-

286-306.

Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel (3 Aufl.),

lleuss,

New York

Keil, etc.

ii.

ii.

2,

iv.

219-261.

367-395.

pp. 268-352.

Schriften Alten Te^;taments,


class.

Alterthumswissensch.

i.

451-460.
1 (2 Aufl.),

art

" Antiochus IV."

Rossmann, Die makkabische Erhebung.

Vortag.

Jena 1860.

Hoft'mann (John Fried.), Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, Knig von Syrien.


Leipzig 1873.

Wiederholt, Antiochus IV. Epiphanes nach der Weissagung, Dan.


xii.

3,

und der Geschichte

{Tb.

Tlieol.

Qaartalschr.

xi. 21,

1874,

pp.

567-631).

Menke's Bibelatlas,

Bl.

IV. Specialkartcu ber " Juda und Phnicien

zur Zeit des Antiochus Epiphanes,"

Since the conquests of the Assyrians and Chaldeans, the

Jewish people had

lost

their

political

independence.

The

UELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

187

northern kingdom of the ten tribes had been overtlirown by


the Assyrians, the southern
deans.

Tlie

kingdom

of

Judah by the Chal-

sovereignty had passed from the Chaldeans to

the Persians, and from the Persians, after a supremacy of two


centuries, to

Alexander the Great.^

In the wild commotions

main object of

of the Diadochean period, Palestine formed a

between Ptolemy Lagus and his opponents, and was

strife

sometimes

therefore

With

master.

short

under

third century under the

sometimes

one,

intervals

sway

of

it

under

another

continued throughout the

But in the

the Ptolemies.

beginning of the second century, Antiochus the Great succeeded in permanently securing possession of Phoenicia and
Palestine.

In place of the Ptolemies, the Seleucidae now

became the suzerains of the Jewish


*

According to Josepluis, Antiq.

made a

sacrifice in

xi.

The

Jerusalem.

8.

people.*

4-5, Alexander

story in

its details

is

said to

perhaps

is

have

unhis-

The thing

is not, however, in itself impossible.


Compare
Hathe, Geschichte Macedonicus, i. 310 ff. Henrichsen, Das
Verhltnis der Juden zu Alexander dem Grossen {Studiejt, und Kritiken, I87I,

torical.

generally:

pp.

458-480).

Bluuner, Alexnndt^ der Grosse in Jerv^alem, Festschr.

Bdingen 1872. Renss, Geschichte der heil. Schriften A. T.'s, 426. Also
the later Jewish legends have much to say about Alexander.
See Vogelstein, Beitriuje zur Alcmndersage (Monatsschr. fr Geschichte und IFissenschaft des

Judenthums, Bd. xv. 1866, pp. 121-134, 161-178).

Donath, Die

Alexandersage in Talmud und Midrasch mit Rcksicht auf Josephus Flaviu.%


Pseudo-dallisthenes
(Rostocker Dissert.).

Abth.
le

ii.

art.

und die mohammedanische Alexandcrscuje, Fulda 1873


Hamburger, Real-Encyclop. fr Bibel und Talmud,

"Alexander der

Talmud {Revue

Grosse."

des etudes jvives,

t.

Levi,
ii.

La

legende dJ Alexandre dans

1881, pp. 203-300).

Levi, Les

traductions hebraiques de rhidoire legendaire d'AlexMndre {Revue des ^udes


juives,

t.

iii.

1881, pp. 238-275).

Levi,

La

legende d'Alexamlre dmis

le

Talmud et le Midrasch {Revue des e'tudcs juives, t. vii. 1883, pp. 78-93).
Levi, Le voyage d' Alexandre au Puradis {Revue des etudes juives, t. xii.
1886, p. 117 sq.).
m^D^bs nn^lD 'd, Hebrew Text with Introduction
by Levi, Paris, Durlacher, 1887 (see Revue des dudes juives, t. xiv. 1887,
299 sq.).
See further particulars in the above-named works on Syrian history.
Stark has clearly proved {Gaza, pp. 403 ff., 423 ff.) that after the battle of
Panias, in d.c. 198, Phoenicia and Palestine continued permanently under

p!

the dominion of the Seleucidae.

188

THE MACCABEAls' PERIOD.

Even

in the beginning of the Persian domination the

Jews

had resolved to organize themselves anew as a religious and

But the form

community.

political

commonwealth was

which the Jewish

in

restored after the

exile

priests.

essentially

was from

this

As they were

pre-

from that which prevailed before.

different

time forward a government of

was

It

eminently religious interests that had given the impulse to

new commonwealth

the reconstruction, so also the form of the

was more that


priests

had in

of a religious than of a political association.


it

time of Ezra.

a predominating influence, at least from the

Indeed, a priest stood

by any means simply the supreme


same time

at the

also the

so far as civil authority

and his

officers.

See the

list

down

director of worship, but

supreme head

of the State, in

was not exercised by the great king

The rank of high

and was hereditary.'

the head of the

at

For the so-called high priest was not

political organization.

was

The

priest

was held

for

life,

Alongside of him, probably even during

of high priests from Joshua, the contemporary of Zerub-

xii. 10, 11.


Jaddua was a contemporary of Alexander the Great. (Josephus, Antiq. xi. 7. 2, 8. 7). The
successors of Jaddua, according to Josephus, were
Onias I., son of Jaddua {Antiq. xi. 8. 7), or, according to 1 Mace. xii.
7, viii. 20, a contemporary of King Areus of Sparta, B.c. 309-265.
Simon I. the Just, son of the preceding {Antiq. xii. 2. 4. Compare

babel,

to Jaddua, in Neh.

Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

355).

Eleasar, brother of the preceding {Antiq. xii. 2. 4), according to the

book of Aristeas, a contemporary of Ptolemy


B.c.

Manasseh, uncle of the preceding {Antiq. xii. 4.


Onias II., son of Simon the Just {Antiq. xii.
Ptolemy III. Euergetes, B.c. 247-222.

Simon

II.

Philadelphus,

283-247.

II.,

son of the preceding {Antiq.

1).

1-2), of the age of

Compare Sirach

xii. 4. 10).

3 Mace. ii. 1.
Onias III., eon of thepreceding(yln<i<;.xii. 4. 10), of the timeof Seleucus
IV. and Antiochus Epiphanes, B.c. 175, and hence referred to in
the early history of the Maccabean struggle 2 Mace. iii.-iv.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 5. 1.
The high priest Hezekiah, spoken of by the Pseudo-Hecataeus (quoted
in Josephus, contra Apion. i. 22) as the contemporary of Ptolemy Lagus, ia
1.

ff.

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL,

4.

189

the Persian period, and in any case from the beginning of the

Greek domination, stood a council of


with the high priest at
far administration

native board, and

how

head as

its

and

in

the

now be determined with any


but probably

less,

had been before (compare generally,

greater, than it

extent

of

Jewish

the

this

suzerains the political independ-

ence of the Jewish people could not be

The

hands of

were exercised by the Persian

far these

Under the Greek

certainty.

How

executive organ.

legislation lay

suzerains, cannot

and Greek

its

the yepovaia,

elders,

commonwealth,

23.

3).

which

still

possessed a relatively considerable measure of independence,

was probably limited

to

Judea proper, that

lying south of Samaria, which in

with
cities

tlie

kingdom

Judah

of

were excluded from

it,

is,

the province

range corresponded nearly

its

of earlier days.
for these

All the coast

were mainly occupied

by a heathen population, and formed independent communities


by themselves (see

23.

may

extended inland

1).

How

be seen from

Gazara did not belong to Judea.

far those Gentile districts

this,

that even

Ekron was

first

Ekron and
united with

not reckoned by Josophus in the list given in his history. The Christian
chroniclers (Eusebius, Demonstr. evang., ed. Gaisford, via. 2. 62-72
Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 114-124 Chronicon Faschale^ ed. Dindoif,
;

i.

302-339, 356

sq.,

390

ypxCpilo)/ ovvTOfiov in

sq.

Syncellus, ed. Dindorf,

others) have devoted special attention to

have thus, in so

far as their clironistic

the period of each.

But

it

now

i.

484, 512, 525

Xpovo-

Append, col. 95 and


these Jewish high priests, and

Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoene,

i.

requirements went, fixed precisely

appears from their stateuients that they

had at their command no other autliority than Josephus. Tlieir conclusions are therefore purely arbitrary, and every attempt to determine the
chronology accurately with their aid is necessarily doomed to failure. This
applies specially to tlie endeavour of Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israels,
ii. 368 ff., who makes use even of the Pseudo-Philouic " Breviarium tempoTum," on which compare Fabricius, Bihliotheca graec, ed. Harles, iv.
743, and the article on Annius of Viterbo, by Fabricius, Biblioth. graec.
1 Augs. xiv. 211-219, and Wachler in Ersch and Gruber's Allgem. Encyclop.
Section I. Bd. iv. pp. 183-185.
A thoroughgoing examination of the lists
of high priests in the Byzantine Chroniclers ia made by Gelzer, Julius

Africanus, Bd.

ii.

1885, pp. 170-176,

190

THE MACCABEAN
domain and Judaized

the Jewish

Mace.

(1

Mace.

(1

88,

X.
xiii.

below under

Gazara

89),

On

43-48).
6 and

PF.KIOD.

time of Simon

the

in

first

time of Jonathan

the

in

the situation of these towns, see

Also the whole of the land east

7.

We find

the Jordan was excluded from the Jewish territory.


there

partly

independent

communities (see

Hellenistic
tribes,

under native

2o.

of

1),

partly

In the country west

rulers.*

towards the end of the third and the beginning

of the Jordan,

of the second century, "

Judea

"

"

and

Samaria

"

formed each

"
a separately administered province alongside of " Coele-Syria

" Phoenicia."

and

province, and so

'

Galilee was not reckoned as a distinct

it

belonged to one of the four above named,

but scarcely to Judea, toward which

Now

Pseudo-Hecataeus,

the

Alexander the Great gave


from

tribute.*

than

it is, it

But even

it

did not conveniently

indeed,

Jews Samaria

to the
if this

statement were more credible

II.,

that he took three

united them with Judea, and


the

ol

Jews

Maccabean high

related as a proof of the special favour of

it is

Demetrius

as a district free

could not by any means apply to the peiiod of

the Seleucid rule, since even under the

Jonathan

lie.

afhrms that

expressly

free of tribute/

One such who may be

vo/j,oi

made over

priest

King

from Samaria and

this

whole

district to

Ordinarily, therefore, the territory

cited as an

example was that Timotliy,

iyov,i/Of

the Ammonites, against wliom Judas Maccabees fought (1 Mace. v.

6,

extremely improbable, from what we ai-e told in


1 Mace. ix. 35-42 of the independence of the tribes living there, that he wat^
Also Aretas, the
a general set over the Ammorites by the King of Syria.
Tvpctvyo; ol' the Nabateans (2 Mace. v. 8), belonged to that same class.
* This is made quite evident from the two thoroughly harmonizing

For

11, 34, 37, 40).

it is

accounts given in Josephus, Antiq. xii. 4. 1 and xii. 4. 4.


Pseudo-Hecataeus in Josephus, contra Apionem, ii. 4
)(fi)ftu,v

'ffooaidyix.tv

i^nv

Mace.

34

xi.

etiiToii;

'ttFriiix,ctfm

ovv ui/rol; r, ri

Tpii; vofiov: ^Apui'pifioe. Koti At^S xcel


TT); 1a,u.a,piiTtho:.

not be.'itowed
(1

Mace.

(1

xi. 57).

Compare
^lacc. x.

-rvju

lufcctptlm-

^opoXoywTov.
lovoetictc x.xi TOi/f

^lovdxt

0,7:6

This present was promised before, but


38); it was confirmed by Antiochus VI.

xi. 28.
3(t,

optat. riji

Pct,icotif<,' -Trpoasrifl/it^xv rvi

5 4.

embraced only

of the Jewish high priest


too,

Judea

in

191

RKLiniOUS DESTITUTION AXT) REVIVAL.

And

Jiidea.

that,

the narrower sense, without Galilee, for this

is

evidently the meaning of the passages quoted from the First

Book

of Maccabees.'

The spread

the Jewish

of

population was by no means

limited to the bounds of Judea in the political sense.

Even

tlie

circumstance that during the Maccabean age stress was

laid

upon the union with Judea

of Samaria (1 Mace.

leads

the

to

districts

xi.

34

conjecture

of the three

southern districts

Ephraim, Lydda, and llamathaim),

that

was mainly Jewish,

the

population

within

in other words, tliat they

not with the schismatical Samaritans offered sacrifices on

Gerizim,

but in Jerusalem, and

tliat

with the Jews

religious fellowship

those

had

Mount

they had maintained

there.'

But

the

also in

' "Judea" when mentioned alon},'side of "Samaria" can only moan


Judea in the narrower sense, that is, the southern province. This also

in accordance with the linguistic usage of the First Book of Maccabees, in


which, so far as I see, always Jude<i proper is meant by y^ ''lovix or
^lovoa./ (so e.tj. 1 Mace. xii. 46-52).
The linguistic usage prevailing in
Josejihus, in the New Testament, and in the Mishna, wliich distinguishes
"Judea," "Samaria," and "Galilee "as thiee separate districts (see 22. 1),
is

was thus already firmly maintained in the Maccabean


admit that in the quoted passages (1 Mace. x. 30, 38, xi.
the nai'ruwer sense

is

age.

But

28, 34)

if

Judea

we
in

meant, then this result follows, that not only befuie

the beginning of the Maccabean rising, but also even under the Maccabean

Jonathan and Simon, the province of Galilee did not belong


Jewish high priest. For it is always only Judea
that is spoken of in the three vofiot of Samaria attached thereto.
It is
only in 1 lacc. x. 30 that thiee i/o^o/ of " Samaria and Galilee "are said
to have been united with Judea.
But, on the one hand, that scheme was
never fully cariied out and so even here, in accordance with the exact
jiarallels in other pas-^ages, only the tluee i/o/^o/ in the south of Samaria
tan be meant.
There has therefore been either an interpretaticm of
TaA/a/aj, or "Samaria and Galilee" are taken together to mean the
province of Samaria.
Most probably it was first through the conquests of
John Hyrcanus and his sueces-sors that Samaria and Scythopolis, as also
Galilee, were united j)olitically with the Jewish domain.
* Ob.serve how in
1
Mace. xi. 34, "doing sacrifice at Jerusalem" i.s
brought forwanl as a characteristic of the position uf those who are free
from tribute.
liigh prie.sts

to the territory of the

192

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

province of Galilee, and even in Gilead, in the country east


of the

Jordan, at the beginning

number

considerable

of

of the

Jews must have

tained religious intercourse with Jerusalem

the

Maccabee

acts of the

first

second

century,

resided,

who main-

for it

was one of

brothers, after the restoration

of the Jewish worship, to bring help to their brethren in the


faith in Galilee

heathen

and Gilead who had been oppressed by the

Simon went

to Galilee,

The manner

9-54).

in

Judas

to Gilead (1

which they afforded

this

Mace.

v.

help shows

however, on the other hand, that then the general mass of

us,

the population of those districts was no longer Jewish.

Simon nor Judas took the provinces

neither

Jewish protection.
in

Galilee,

But

after

all

the

he led

as

For

such under

Simon had defeated the heathen


Jews away out

of

Galilee and

Arbatta (properly nuny, the lower districts of the Jordan),


together with their wives and children and all their possessions,
into Judea, in order that there he

(1 Mace. V. 23).^*

In

might keep them in safety

precisely the

same way Judas

dealt

with those Jews that lived in Gilead, after he had overthrown


the heathen there (1

Mace.

Jews

quite evident that the

then a " dispersion "


bees

made no

among

sort of

v.

45-54).

in

seems

It therefore

Galilee and Gilead formed

the heathen

and the

first

Macca-

attempt to Judaize those provinces, but,

on the contrary, withdrew from them their Jewish population.


It

was John Hyrcanus, or one of

before Aristobulus
^*

On

the meaning of

" In Tov;

it)

Tax.

who

first

Mace.

v. 23,

I.),

x. kv 'Ao/3.

it is

his successors (probably not

introduced that policy.


Keil remarks in his

Commentary

not implied that he transferred

all

the

Judea, for he does not use ^Tf.


has therefore applied the words only to the
Jews kept prisoners by the heathens but for this he has no authority in
Probably only those are meant who through fear
the phrase employed.
of new attacks from the heathen wished to settle in Judea, and had made
faithful

Jews of those

Josephus, in Antiq.

districts to

xii. 8. 2,

wish known to Simon." This may be so far correct, but no one


would be compelled to settle there. But undoubtedly all are meant who
were really zealous adherents of the Jewish faith. This is proved by the
this

The

and revival.

i;eligious destitution

4.

193

development of Judaism from the time of

internal

Ezra to that of the Maccabees, or even down to the compilation


of the Talmud, can be sketched only in very general outlines.

The

starting-point, indeed, is

known

to us in fuller detail

the priestly law introduced by Ezra in the


Christ

and then, again, the culmination

fifth

century before

the codification of

the Jewish law in the Mishna in the second century after

Between these

Christ.

centuries.

What

at the outbreak of the


say,

two

before us in the

of

six

We

to those results

can only

which are

set

Mishna and the Maccabean age was simply the


;

during that whole


the foundations

people

period

had Judaism reached

period of the greatest crisis through which

Jewish

lies

Maccabean revolution

was already on the way

it

points

stage of development

of its
to

it

was

called to pass

The attempt was made

era.

development, to convert the

earlier

heatlienism.

Tlie

foundations laid before by Ezra were


the theoretical elaboration of

overthrow

to

result

now

law and

tlie

was that the

strengthened, and

its

practical appli-

cations were prosecuted with glowing enthusiasm.

The law

which Ezra had introduced was essentially a ceremonial law.

The

religion

of Israel

forms, in order that

it

is

tliere

may

be

influences of heathenism.

God Himself,

the

legalized

In the form of a law given by

Jew was

told

what he had

to

do as a

proceedings of Jiulas in Cilead (1 Mace. v.


1 Mace. v. 23 naturally makes

fnll parallel report of the


;

strictly

secure against the

servant of Jehovali, what festivals he should cele-

faithful

45-54)

reduced to

made more

the omission of the word r^ocvrus in

no dilference. Compare J. D. Michaelis, Deutsche Uebersetzumj des ersten


Buchs der Maccaher, p. 108 "As I understand the verse, its meaning is
Simon took all the .Tews dwelling in Galilee with him into Judea
because after his withdrawal they would have been exposed to new
dangers and persecutions iVom the heathen. So also did the Syrian inter(Jrimm, Exajdisches Handbuch, p. 83 "The verse
preter understand it."
makes no other impression than this, that Judas took with him into Judea
the Jews true to the law whom he found in Galilee and round the Jordan,
in order that they might not be exposed to new troubles on Lis departure."
:

DIV.

I.

VOL.

T.

194

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

brate,

pay

what

what

offer,

who conduct

tribute he should

services,

and generally

religious ceremonies he should perform.

Precision in

to

what

he should

sacrifices

the priests

the

the observance of all these prescribed rites was to be

And

henceforth the gauge and measure of piety.

make

this precision as exact as possible,

an authentic

interpretation

under the name of


of

"

be

it

made

in order to

was necessary that

supplied.

special

order

Scribes " devoted themselves to the study

the law as a profession, and engaged upon a subtle and

refining exposition of

it.

But the pious considered

their chief business to fulfil with zeal

law as thus expounded.


this

is

by the history

of the

Macca-

There was a religious party which inter-

Sabbath command so

that

strictly,

they would

rather surrender without a struggle than infringe

upon the

observance of the Sabbath by wielding the sword (1 Mace.

32-38).

be

That very considerable progress in

distinctly proved

bean revolution.
preted the

to

had been made even in the second century

direction

before Christ,

it

and conscientiousness the

It also

ii.

belonged to the ideal of piety, which even

the author of the book of Daniel had already set before the

eyes of his comrades in the faith as an essential condition,


that they should not defile themselves with the eating of the

Ibod of the heathen (Dan.

But alongside of

this

i.).

tendency there were ope-

legalistic

rating in Palestine, from the time

of

Alexander the Great,

influences of an altogether different kind, which proved the

more decidedly and dangerously


the law and

its

hostile

to

the interests of

promoters the longer they existed.

were the Hellenizing tendencies.

It

These

had been the fond dream

of Alexander to found a universal empire,

which would be held

together not merely by the unity of the government, but also by


the unity of language, customs, and civilisation. All the Oriental
races were to be saturated with Hellenic culture,

bound together

into one great whole

by means

and

to

be

of this intellectual

He

force.

IlELIGIOUS DESTITUTION

4.

therefore

AND

195

BEVIVAL.

took care that always Greek colonists

New

should directly follow in the steps of his array.

cities

were founded, inhabited only by Greeks, and also in the old


cities

Greek

colonists

a network of

were

Thus over one half

settled.

Greek culture was

stretched,

of Asia

which had

as

its

object the reducing under its influence of the wliole surrounding

The successors

regions.
it is

of

Alexander continued

his

work

and

a striking testimony to the power of Greek culture, that

it fulfilled

which Alexander had

in large measure the mission

among the wide


masses of tlie population, yet certainly among the liigher
Even in
ranks of society, became thoroughly Hellenized.
assigned

All Western Asia, in

it.

Palestine

about the

movement was

century this

beginning of the second

It cannot indeed be

in full progress.

that all those cities, which

Eoman

not

fact, if

we have come

period as Hellenistic cities (see

to

22. 2 and

had been already Hellenized in the beginning


cabean period.

But

this

the majority of them.

may

safely be

Many had

proved

reckon during the

23.

assumed

1),

Mac-

of the

in regard to

Hellenic institutions intro-

duced by Alexander the Great himself, others by his successors,

and everywhere Greek influence and Greek ideas were

Even

promoted.^*^

prove,

had

the time of

lively
its

in the pre-Hellenic age, Gaza, as its coins

commercial intercourse with Greece

conquest by Alexander

it

arsenal and residence for troops; and Josephus describes


TToXt?

Greek

origin.

its

Ashdod on

See the proofs given in

22. 2

its

very

name

and

coins, wliich
23. 1.

A.lexander the Great and his successors, see


ismus, 2 Aufl. Thl.

from

it

betrays

as a
its

In Ashkelon coins of Alexander the Great

were stamped.^^
^

Anthedon by

'EX\T]vi<;}^

was a Macedonian

iii.

2,

pp. 202

ff.,

302

ff.

On

date from the

the cities foun<led by

Droysen, Geschichte des Hellen-

Stark, Gaza

und

die philistische

Kste, 447-459.

" Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 6. 3. For the rest, see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 66 ff.
'* The proof for this and many of the following statements is given in
23. 1.

196

THE MA.CCABEAN PERIOD.

age of the Diadochae or even earlier, makes use indeed of the

Hebrew

language, but writes the letters in Greek characters

AXAn A AXINA).

(IP

Joppa

is

the old site of the

and Andromeda, aud was

of Perseus

in

dochae a Macedonian garrison town.


foundation of the Greek times.

myth

the age of the Dia-

Apollonia

Straton's

is

manifestly a

Tower has indeed

a Greek name, but was really founded at an earlier date by the

On

Sidonians.
fifth

the other hand, Dora was possibly even in the

century before Christ put under tribute by the Athenians.

In Acre, afterwards Ptolemais, as early as the times

of Isaeus

and Demosthenes, there was a Greek trading colony.

The coins

impressed there with the name of Alexander were already very

numerous, and in the age of the Diadochae

The

garrison town.

real Hellenizing

it

was an important

and refounding

Ptolemais was probably the work of Ptolemy

Along
number
it

with these coast towns

We

of inland cities.

know

was colonized by Alexander,

bearing this Greek

name

II,

we must

of it as

Philadelphus.

also

include

certainly of Samaria that

Scythopolis

is

met with

as early as the third century

and

even earlier we have Paneion, the grotto at the source of the


sanctuary of Pan,

Jordan, as the

Polybius

Along with Scythopolis,

70) makes mention of an important city not

(v,

otherwise known, Philoteria on the Lake of Gennesaret, in the

time

Antiochus

of

similarly

from a

named

sister of

the

city in

Great,

B,c.

Ptolemy

which,

218,

Upper Egypt, had

its

II. Philadelphus.^^

like

the

name probably
Of the cities of

the countries east of the Jordan, Hippus and Gadara were


distinctly reckoned TroXet? 'EWT]vlBe<;}*

denominated Macedonian
^^

Our

later date,

are

is so

written), see Strabo,

had this name conferred upon it at a


identical with some town known formerly under another

Philoteria in Palestine

and

designation.

Dium

and were founded perhaps by

On the Philotera of Upper Egypt (that name

p. 769.

is

A trace

Alexander Jannus.
^*

cities,

Pella and

of its existence is still to be found in the days of


See 10 towards the conclusion.

Josephus, JVars of the Jews,

ii. 6.

3.

EELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

Alexander the Great, and at

The derivation

of the

latest during the

name Gerasa from

veterans of Alexander the Great,

an etymological fancy.

is

197

Diadochean

age.

the 'yepovre^, the

probably nothing more than

This, however,

is certain,

that the old

Ammonites was Hellenized by Ptolemy II.


Philadelphus under the name of Philadelphia.
And finally,
the Second Book of Maccabees speaks generally of TroXetv
capital

the

of

'EWrjvihe'i within the boundaries of

Within the encircling network


small province of Judea kept

Greek customs and ways.

more and more.


obliged the

make

to

observable.
of

of

the influence of

There, too, Hellenism encroached


of daily life

use of the universal language of the

been possible

But with the language

In the beginning of the second century the

progress of Hellenism in Palestine

section

Hellenistic cities the

manners and customs, and indeed the whole

also the

culture of Greece.

quite

vi. 8).

otherwise would commercial intercourse with

foreign lands have

came

of

itself clear

The indispensable requirements

Jews

How

Greeks.

Judea (2 Mace.

must have already become

For only thus can we explain how a

people, including the upper classes and the

the

educated, readily gave their consent to the Hellenizing projects of

carrying
'*

bees,

On

Antiochus Epiphanes, and even went beyond him in

them

out.'^

Had

this process

been allowed

to go

on

the spread of Greek culture in Palestine in the times of the Macca-

and that even

amoni:^

men

well disposed towards Judaism, compare

Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor (1875), pp. 127-129. Frcudenthal calls


attention particularly to the following points.
1. Tlie Book of Aristea.s
tliat the Palestinian scholars, who had been summoned
Alexandria for the translation of the Pentateuch, were skilled in Greek.
2. The grandson of Jesus Sirach, who translated his proverbs into Greek,
was a native of Palestine. The Greek translator of the book of Esther
was also a Palestinian, according to the representation of the book in the
Septuagint.
But further, it seems quite certain that the Jewisli Hellenist
Eupolemus, of whose works fragments are still extant (see Div. ii. vol. iii.
pp. 203-20G), is to be identified with that Eupolemus of Palestine whom
Judas Maccabeus sent as leader of a Jewisli embassy to Rome (1 Mace,
viii. 17; 2 Mace. iv. 11).

takes for granted


to

198

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.


and peaceful

in its natural

tine
it

course, then the

Judaism of Pales-

would probably have in time assumed a form

would be scarcely recognisable,


than that of Philo.

tistic

of Hellenism that

would

it

We

find

it

belonged to the very essence

at

least

them

clothe

to take

perfect that legalistic

Grecian

in

Nor

so in Syria as well as in Egypt.

it

have happened otherwise in Judea,

had been permitted

which

in

more syncre-

a form even

should dominate and colour the modes

worship, and

of religious

garments.

it

For

matters there

if

But the more

a smooth course.

Judaism had become on the one hand,

and the more thoroughly developed the central principle

of

Hellenism had grown upon the other, the more decided and
irreconcilable

Within the

did

two antagonistic
and the party
ii.

42,

scribes.

vii.

opposition

the

circle of the

13),

parties

of

makes

it

pious "

in

the

majority.

if

nothing else was

form themselves into a

sect.

reaction set in, brought about


ligent

despot,

Mace.

Maccabean

of the

Everything

seemed

Hellenism an open door.

conspiring to present before

to

(Q"'T?n, 'Aa-iSatoi,

evident that already the adherents of the

former party were

appeared as

arose

held stoutly by the strict ideal of the

But the whole preliminary history

revolution

now

there

itself

the party friendly to the Greeks

" the

who

between the two appear.

Jewish people

now

left for "

But

the pious

"

just then a powerful

by the attempt

of

an unintel-

Antiochus Epiphanes, prematurely and with

rude violence to force upon them Hellenic institutions.

Jewish worship was


rites

It

but

to be completely abolished, purely

were to be introduced,

once to be forbidden.

It

all

Jewish ceremonies were

The
Greek
all at

was just the extreme and radical

character of this attempt that saved Judaism.

For now not

only the strict party of Chasidim, but the whole mass of the
people,

was roused

to

do battle for the old

faith.

And

the

further development of events led to the complete expulsion


of

Hellenism from Jewish

soil,

at least in matters of religion.

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

So far as our information reaches,

the only example

is

tliis

199

of an Oriental religion completely emancipating itself from the

influence of Hellenism.

Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the Great, had


succeeded his

brother

and held possession

Ileliodorus,

He was by

164.-^'^

till B.c.

IV. in

Seleucus

the government of

king had been murdered by his minister

that

Syria, after

of the throne

and undependable, sometimes extravagantly


nizing with the

common

from

175

B.C.

nature a genuine despot, eccentric


liberal,

and

frater-

manner

people in an affected

at

other times cruel and tyrannical, as he showed himself in his

The picture drawn

treatment of Judea.

him under the more

describes

sketch he gives
"

him by Polybius

of

This

pleasing aspect.

Sometimes he would

the

away from the palace and would

slip

appear at one time here, at another time there,in the

company with one

ing along in

is

^^
:

city, saunter-

Very often he was

or two.

to

be found in the workshops of the silversmiths and goldsmiths,

where he would chat away with the moulders and other workmen, and seek
With

'*

them with

to impress

reference to the particular circumstances under which Antiochus

IV. came to the throne, see Appiun. Syr. 45

Frmjm.

cv TV)^oi TYi;

"TiT^-iu;

Johannes Antioch. in Mller,

558.

hist, graec. iv.

Polyb. xxvi. 10:

^'

'rij Too/o^airxwi/

Ix,

Oivnpo;

olKvu'j i^a.i'jfxo

r^;

Kctl

oc.v7^yi:

tov; oi'hhovi

a\jyy.a,r ci^cci'jwj u[/,i'hit

Ot

iVTt'hiura.TUU.

i'/]7roTi,

oiils/icioty

TIoy^XctKi; Se Kcti

KXTci

Tijy

yiuriTXi,

roii;

Si

Kx\

lhi(pCC.!lTt<jOV it'^pOV

yty!i0f4.iuuv

<sv)/

Of tu'V

run

f^irx.

"ttoXKov;

([ipiiu

Tfeepiiii

okx.

to

kxi

xiiT^

djf (iYif/.xpY/>;.

KXTX TO

x.oc,i

"77 ccptir

viyi

(piXoTix'-'^" "^orti tov;

dvdpcjTrotv

^zvov avvtvivi

{orii^oiivtwj

i'TrtKUf/.ce.^av

-71*00.60^,0

"TTXpot.

'

rov;

TY.v

Tv/jiiv

fiiu

\}/-?,^ov,

Of T'^;

fttroi

UTOTi

TCJII

f*i>

kx'i

Kxdiax; tiA tv

KXTX

a-TTOVdii;

0/

701)5

ug oiyopxv6f/.o;

fiiu

dpx^ii Kxl

VuCixiot; i^O;, i^XOfS

kcci

ifivyiiv.

dvx'hxuv vspiYjn

Zi^ioO/^ifvo;,

ruv xvdpuizuv touj tTiUKUf'

xipuTiov

duwrxfiiuovs

T'/isi/vxu

x'K'Kxy ^xrciv kx'i ^:sx.ptv fiSTX ttoXAjjj

cjv ti; xTTopixi/

^s 7rp6; toi;

viuripuu uiaSoiTO nvoc; avuivuy^o'jui'jov; iVof

TTOtTjax;

xp-)(,xioiaicc^e,)u,

"TTXpiKocMt

"TTOTi

'''^'

dtpa.'TrovToc.;

Md'Aiar

/m-ci Oyif-coTuu

xoci

Tr,u xai'AiKVj'j ccTirozfiivo; la^'^rx

xyopxv

"TTipfT^Tvaait

Tvyh

eju,(pci<Tiv

uaTi

avft^uutxc,

oj

RTrHTot

n^^i/iTiit;.

Ivion rov;

rpirog.

ccpyvpox-OTTit'ois iiipi'ax.iio actl xpvd'jfcoiioii, tvpriJt'hO'yuu

TopiVToii; Koti

Tuu

Then

his love of art.

kxI

yxp

TYjV

XyODXV

'zoo6vi/,ix:.

xfi'Aij

to

200

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

he would condescend to familiar intercourse with any sort of


he chanced

people

when he

come

to

across,

and would carouse with

who might happen

the meanest strangers

But

to be present.

learned that young folks anywhere were to have a

among them unexpectedly

drinking bout, he would appear

with horn and bagpipe, so that most, through sudden

would rush precipitately away.

friglit,

Often, too, be laid aside his

royal robes, and, dressed in a toga, would go to the forum as

a suppliant for an

He would

office.

then seize some by the

hand, others he would embrace, and entreat them to give him

sometimes

their vote,

that of tribune of the people.

the

chair of

he would

state,

much

decisions with

to

take

Roman custom

in the

into consideration

upon

cases that were to be adjudicated


his

he succeeded in obtaining

If

and was seated according

office,

ivory

of aedile, sometimes for

for the office

the

and give

in the forum,

earnestness and conscientiousness.

Rational people, therefore, were at a loss what to think about

Some regarded him


upon him as

him.

others looked

manner in the bestowal of his


should meet any one

He

whom

But

gold.

vTriKcii^cfJOv,

/3a6X0ff, aXKoi; OS
'iooot,x.si -TTOTS,

x.l roti; z-po;


,'j

iv

yxp

itiaov

'Totpcit.Tr'Kxalo;'

YiptoTuu

j(;pt/<r/ov.

ru.

rw

li.u'hota.'jruv.

vtpl rxg

yoip

Kfltf

before,

dnpKccdstov;, ro7;

Ej/ oi Tctl;

Zeopixg
oi

'EXcit/ro

rol;

Koiv

os

ijy

Cpoi'JiKO-

svrvy^uuv, ovg

/n'^

too; ret; to'As/j dvoictt;

Ad-^vaiotg ^O^VfiTiriituv Kctl roju

"Trap

he

in the sacrifices

dTTctv-v^fjsu; os rtaiv

si,

"Or

Kcti rtuo; siTToi/ro;,

x.puyivoi x,ui ouoirs;

'/^ov,

kuI

"hrifiovioi;

Mukccoioi sart
y-Yioi"

iislvo; rri s^yi; 4>.ot/ro, s~si(js'K&uv iTzoiriasv

yAyiarov Kspocfuov

Tovro

-irspi

rov

ct7.ett/sloi;,

ots

ysAuroc

vy-ii; oi xcri'hsi; Keel

rov Lvdpwzov

ctiirov

-Trpoasi-Try,

Kct,rei.)(,vdviueit

rr,;

ToTi.v-s'Ksarot.rov fii/oov, rvj; arctKrii; xct'hovy.ivyi;,

oiuoc,ara,uroc; Kv'knadoci

roi/rei;

perchance he

akavtici vs7r>tY,pufiSvu, mpccf^iuy sla(^ipoyAvuv etvrZ fcvpuv run

TzohvrO^sarocrau.
oi rotoCroi;

K(

similar

rov; sov; rif^ou; "Rctvra,; VTVipijlctKi rov; sxaiT^svKorcc;,

uf<,6u
71

(AUtvuiuou.

OS

if

But

rot; /aev a.iTpa.ya.'krjvg

solocv ouoscc; ciTrpoaOox.7;rv;.

ri; riKf4.y;peitro sk rs

A'<5>i4)

oi

in a

he had never seen

would give him unexpected presents.


ctvTov iluxt

acted

To some he gave bone

gifts.

others dates, to others

dice, to

and homely man,

a simple

as

crazed.

"Kovyi'JOv;

ru

Trstpix^iv, Ktn.da.'zip

yiipw,

y.ctl

S( r^v y'KiaxpTAToe,

kxI uinov rov

/3asff(Asof.

u;

oVoy

KS<PecKvi;
"Tz-vret;

x,a,Tct,-7:'nz-

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

which he had

up

and in the honours which


the gods, he went beyond all other kings.
As a

he gave to

offered

we may

proof of this

in cities,

point to the

and the images around the

habitual visitors,

their

Temple

him

'
:

Happy

He was wont

when they were

where vessels of

art

the

also

quite full of

most

costly

When somebody

perfumes would be brought to him.


said to

of Zeus at Athens,

altar at Delos.

bathe in the public baths,

to

201

once

king, since thou hast such

thou,

perfumes and givest forth such fragrance

he went on the

'

following day, without having said anything to the man, to

the place where he bathed, and showered upon his head the

contents of a large vase of that most precious ointment called


Stade

whereupon
with

themselves

laughter, the

king

They give

But on account of the


fell,
amid shouts of

himself joining in

and

the

Livy give

Brilliant

spectacles,

mirth."
similar

prominence to his love

special

munificence.

a rush forward in order to wash

ointment.

Diodorus

Polybius.

far

made

pavement many

the

of

slipperiness

all

the

of

Thus

accounts.

pomp and

magnificent

his

buildings,

kingly presents, these were the sort of things in which he

But

delighted.-^^

in

everything he was inclined to rush to

extravagant extremes, so that Polybius already styled him


cTTifMav^f;

rather than ein^avri'i}^

Such being the character

of the

man, we need not trouble

ourselves seeking to discover any very deep motives for his

proceedings against Judea.

given a fair estimate of them


to

Tacitus

when he

upon the whole,

has,

said

Antiochus strove

overthrow the superstition of the Jews and to introduce

^^ Compare generally, Polybius, xxviii. 18.


3, xxix. 9. 13, xxxi. 3 f.
Diodorus, xxix. 32, xxxi. 16 (ed. Mller). Livy, xli. 30. Ptolemy VII.
in Mller, Frarjm. hist, grace, iii. 18G.
Heliodorus in Mller, Frarjm. hist,

f/raec. iv.

^^

425.

Athenaeus,

Uo'hviOi

tri

E.~i(pxuij Old

lib.

x. p.

ix-Tyi y-etl

439 (in the editions of

KOarri rvv

Tx; vpik^n;.

'

Polybiii.s,

xxvi.

10)

loropiv Ka'Ku ecvrov 'E;r<,^ Keci ovx

202

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

among them Greek customs, but was prevented by

the war

with the Parthians "from improving the condition of this

most detestable

race."

everywhere the lustre


the

of

^^

Greek

of

people declared

endeavour was

His

In Judea a section

culture.

favour of

in

advance

to

his

He was

plans.

naturally prepared to give that party his support, and to

over to

the government of Judea.

it

13 ut

when

make

the Jewish

people organized an opposition to these schemes, this roused


the capricious

humour

of the despot.

He

of all chastised

first

the refractory people by plundering the rich treasures of their


temple, which must have been very enticing to the king,

now

sorely in need of

con-

money.

Then, as the opposition

tinued, he proceeded to radical

forbidden,

strictly

The

and sweeping measures.

Jewish worship was completely suspended,


monies were

still

all

Jewish

cere-

and with rude violence a

thoroughgoing Hellenizing process was attempted.

At the head

of the party in

Judea attached

to the old faith

when Antiochus Epiphanes ascended the throne,


The leader of
the party friendly to the Greeks was his own brother Jesus,
or, as he is better known under his Greek name, Jason.^^
In
Jerusalem the inclination in favour of Greek customs was
the time

at

stood the high priest of that day, Onias III.

already so strong that the friends of the Greeks could venture

upon the attempt

to seize the

by

to carry out their plans

great
all,

sum

money,

of

whether

or as a regular tribute,

transfer to

him the

government

force.

is

as a gift bestowed once

not very clear,

high-priesthood, permit

gymnasium and an ephebeion, and


ants of Jerusalem to
2^

Tacitus, Historia, v. 8

if

him

and

for

he would
to erect a

finally allow " the inhabit-

be enrolled as Antiocheans,"
:

and

for themselves,

Jason promised the king a

rex Antiochus demere superstitionem

tov<;
et

iu

mores

Graecorum dare adnisus, quominus taeterrimam gentem in melius mutaret,


Parthorum hello prohibitus est.
^^ That Jason was originally called Jesus, is mentioned by Joseplius,
Antiq. xii.

5. 1.

avaypdylrai,, that

*l6po(Tokv[ioi<i ^AvTio'^l<;

and privileges of

title

Antiochus was

Onias was driven out, and

high

M'as installed as

The Hellenizing process

priest."^

was now carried on with energy.

There

is

indeed no mention of

any attack having been made upon the Jewish

down

every other direction he put

"

castle

(2 Mace.
;

iv. 11).

men

the young

new customs

gymnasium was

The contempt

sought

With

cision.'^*

The very

On
ii.

vol.

i.

2 Mace.

-^

p.

iv.

far that

traces of their circum-

iv.

so offensive

90

9.

festival of

celebrated every fourth year at Tyre.


to

the

Jews entrusted with

the meaning of this formula, see commentaries

Keil on 2 Mace.
(Div.

Jewish customs went so

remove the

a contribution to the sacrificial

was

This, however,

priests forsook

a latitudinarianism of a genuinely Hellenistic

sent

Hercules at the games

22

for

artificially to

type, Jason

against the

erected below the

the altar and took part in the games of the

their service at

many

in

of Jerusalem exercised themselves in

the gymnastic arts of the Greeks.

palaestra.

But

religion.

the institutions that were

according to the law, and brought up

law"

grant them the

is,

citizens of Antioch.^^

quite ready to concede all this.

Jason

203

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND KEYIVAL.

S 4.

Compare

by Grimm and

also the history of Ptolemais, 23

f.).

7-10.

Josephus

For while,

story differently.

tells tlie

according to 2 Maccabees, Onias had been deposed and subsequently, even


after Jason had himself lost the high-priesthood, murdered (2 Mace. iv.
3.3, 34), Josephus simply says that after the death of Onias his brother
Jesus obtained the rank of high priest {Antiq.
TOii

oip)(,tipia;

ru

StXtJ^J

ctvTov

''Imov

ty,v

xii. 5. 1

p^i'-puivi/ni'

/i'7roce.v6uTo;''viov

''Aurioxo; ^ilwjtv).

But the narrative of Joseplius is evidently given in a summary manner


and inexactly and the representation of 2 Maccabees is confirmed by
;

Dan.
2*

ix. 26, xi. 22,

since these passages probably refer to Onias III.

See generally, 2 Mace.

'fTTdtyjixv

iv.

11-17

Mace.

i.

11-15

Josephiis,

Removing

the traces of circumcision (1 Mace. i. 1.'),


exvTol; a,KpovaTiu.i) was done with a view to escape the reproach

Antiq. xii.

5.

1.

It seems,
and in the exercise grounds.
still more common in later
times.
.See especially, Paulus on 1 Cor. vii. 18. Epiphanius, Dc wensuiis
et ponderihis, 16.
Jerome (adv. Jovinian. i. 21, 0pp. ed. Vallarsi, ii. 270
comm. in Jes. lii. 1 = 0pp. ed. Vallarsi, iv. 601 sq.) is wrong in declaring
Compare generally, Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. col.
the operation impossible.

of the heathen in the baths

according to various reports, to have become

204

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

the carrying of

that they entreated that the

it,

be applied to building

money should

ships.''^*

For three years, from

174

B.c.

Ill, Jason admini-

to b.c.

Then he fell, through the


who continued his work in a manner
Menelaus, by promising still larger

stered his office after this fashion.

machinations of a

more contemptible.

still

money, was able

gifts of

and

rival,

to secure

He

office.^^

to bring about

Jason's overthrow,

the transference to himself of the high priest's

roused against himself the bitter animosity of

the people by appropriating the treasures of the temple.

was the

also

instigator of

priest Onias III.,

who had sought

Daphne, from

at

murder

the

which,

He

of the former high

the asylum of the sanctuary

however,

was

he

decoyed

and

treacherously murdered.^^

Meanwhile Jason had not abandoned


high-priesthood.

upon

In

B.C.

his claims

to

the

170, when Antiochus was engaged

his expedition against Egypt, he succeeded

by a sudden

stroke in makinEj himself master of Jerusalem, and forciufr his


rival

betake himself for protection

to

to

the castle.

This

success of Jason was, according to the representation of the

Second Book
direct

1274

of Maccabees, the occasion that led to the king's

interference

sqq.,

against

under the word "qVCO-

Antiochus

Jerusalem.
Lossius,

De

looked

epispasmo Judaico (also in

Ugolini Thes. t. xxii.). Groddek, De Judaeis praeputium attrahentihus (in


Schoettgen, Home hehr. i. 1159-1177, and in Ugolini Thes. xxii.). Liglitfoot, Horae hebr. on 1 Cor. vii. 18 {0pp. ii. 899).
Wolf, Curae phil. in
Nov. Test, on 1 Cor. vii. 18.
AVetstein, N'ov. Test, on 1 Cor. vii. 18.
Fabriciiis, Biblioth. graec, ed. Harles,

Der jdische

svi^TraayJ;

{Studien

iii.

und

695, on Symmaclins.
Kritiken,

1835,

pp.

Lbkert,

657-664).

Winer, Reahcrterhuch, art. Beschneidung at the end.


Grimm. Commentary on 1 Mace. i. 15. Steiner in ScLenkel's Bihellexicon, i. 410.
^

"
^^

.\[acc. iv.

18-20.

According to Josephus, Antiq. xii. 5. 1, consult


Menelaus was Jason's brother. But this is in
the Second Book of Maccabees, which seems generally at

2 Mace. iv. 23-27.

also XV. 3.

1,

xix. 6. 2,

contradiction to

this point to be pretty accurately informed.


^''

See generally, 2 Mace.

iv.

27-50.

KELIGIOS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

upon the proceeding

205

and resolved

as a slight to his majesty,

to chastise the rebellious city.^^

When, toward

the end of

B.c.

170, he had returned from

marched against Jerusalem

Egypt,^^ he

in

person with his

army, and there gave direction for a terrible massacre, and


plundered the enormous treasures of the Jewish temple, in

which he

is

himself.

All the valuable

said to

great golden

have received assistance from Menelaus


articles,

furniture in

pieces of

among them
the

the three

inner court of the

temple, the altar of incense, the seven-branched candlestick,

and the table of shewbread (on these see Div.

281

f.),

The

ii.

vol.

cup

Israelites,

of

and

sorrow

humiliation for

p.

the

believing

however, had not yet been completely drained, and

the worst was yet to come.

Two

years later, in

168,

b.c.

Antiochus undertook another expedition against Egypt.


this

i.

he carried away with him to Antioch.^"

Komans took

time the

the

The

him.

against

field

But

lioman general, Popilius Laenas, had sent him a decree of


senate, in

which he was required,

regarded as an

enemy

of

schemes against Egypt

Eome,

if

to

he were to avoid being

abandon once

for all

his

and when Antiochus answered that

he wished time to consider the matter, Popilius gave him that

well-known brief vlthnatum, describing a

circle

round about him

with his staff and addressing him with a determined


ovKevov."

"

ivravOa

Antiochus was thus compelled, whether he would

or not, to yield to the

demands

of

the Eomans."*

of this blasting of his plans with regard

to

The

result

Egypt was that

2 Mace. V. 1-11.
According to 1 facc. i. 20, supported by Joseplius, Antiq. xii. 5. 3,
til is expedition was made in the Seleucid year 143, or b.c. 170-169.
3" 1 Mace. i. 20-24
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 5. 3
2 Mace. v. 11-21. For
the fact of the plundering of the teni])le, Jo.'sephus in Contra Apio7iem,
ii. 7, refers to the statements of Polybius, Strabo, Nicolaus Damascenus,
Timagenes, Castor, Apollodoru.s.
^^

^^

Polybius, xxix. 11.

Appian,

Sijriaca,

e.

66.

Diodorus, xxxi. 2 (ed. Mller).


Justin, xxxiv.

3.

Livy, xlv. 12

Compare Dan. xL 29

f.

2U6

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Antiocliiis directed his energies

mination against the Jewish

immediately to a war of exterSince nothing more

religion.^^

could be done in Egypt, he would carry out

He

determinedly his schemes in Judea.


of the tribute to
i.

29, but

orders

Mace.

in 2

Hellenize

to

population
barbarity

Judea

(his

v.

name

24 he

Jerusalem

all

the more

sent a chief collector

not given in

is

Mace.

called Apollonius), with

is

The Jewish

thoroughly.'^

which would not yield was treated with great


the

men were killed, and the women and


Whoever was able escaped from

sold into slavery.

children
the city.

In place of the Jewish population thus destroyed, strangers

were brought in as
a Greek

city.^*

enduring
tlie

old

effect,

city of

colonists.

Jerusalem was

be henceforth

to

In order that such measures might have


the walls of the city were thrown

David was

fortified

down

anew and made

but

into a

powerful stronghold, in which a Syrian garrison was placed.


This garrison remained in possession of the citadel during

all

the subsequent struggles of the Maccabees, and maintained

the supremacy of the Syrian kings amid

was the
gain

first,

twenty-six years after

possession

of

the

citadel,

all

changes.

this, in B.c.

and

so

to

Simon

142141,

vindicate

to

the

independence of the Jews.^^


This connection between the failure of the Egyptian campaign and
is pointed out in Dan. xi. 30 f.
^* The sending of this Apollonius, if we compare 1 Mace. i. 20 and i.
54 with 1 Mace. i. 29, occurred in the Seleucid year 145, or B.c. 168-167.
3^ 1 Mace. i. 29-40
2 Mace. v. 23-26
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 5. 4. It
is evident from 1 Mace. i. 38 compared with 1 Mace. i. 30-32 and 2 Mace.
V. 24, that what was chiefly aimed at was the exterminating of the Jewish
jjopulation and the repeopling of the city with Greek or Greeianized
inhabitants.
It was therefore quite the same procedure which the Jews
themselves carried out at a later period in Joppa and Gazara (1 Mace,
On the consequences of these measures, see 1 Mace.
xiii. 11 and 43-48).
'2

the persecutions in Palestine

ii.

18,

iii.

35, 45.

had been already frequently referred to


during the previous years (2 Mace. iv. 12, 27, v. 5). But it was now
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 5. 4, while
newly strengthened, 1 Mace. i. 33-36
the walls of the city were thrown down, 1 Mace. i. 31. On the taking
^^

The

JtpoVoX/j of Jerusalem

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

The destruction
Antiochus was

the Jewish

of

was only a means

towards

The observance

In

all

all

land

the

the Jewish

of

all

mode

of

of

Jewish
for-

worship

the cities of Judea sacrifices were to

heathen

be offered to the

which

after

and circumcision, was

especially of the Sabbath

bidden on the pain of death

was abolished.

end

chief

be rooted out, and the worship

to

the Greek gods introduced.


rites,

population of Jerusalem

Throughout the whole

striving.

Jewish religion was

the

207

Officers

deities.

were sent into

the districts, charged with the duty of seeing that the

commands

showed

any one

king

the

of

were

of this citadel

obeyed.

reluctance, obedience

Once a month a

violence.

strictly

by Simon,

enforced

with

search was instituted

rigorous

see 1 Mace. xiii.

was

Wherever

49-52

durin;^

the period

Mace. ii. 31, iii. 45, iv. 2, 41,


vi. 18-21, 26, 32, ix. 52, 53, x. 6-9, 32, xi. 20 f., 41, xii. 36, xiii. 21).
The situation of this citadel is one of the most debateable questions in the
topography of Jerusalem. But it seems to me an incontestable result of
modern investigations, that it lay on the southern slope of the eastern hill,
intervening

it

is

often referred

to

(1

therefore to the south of the temple rock.

Then

the supposition that

it

had been built in place of the city of David would be out of the question
But the city of David, according
(1 Mace. i. 33, ii. 31, vii. 32, xiv. 36).
to Neh. iii. 15, lay evidently in the neighbourhood of Siloah, therefore
south of the temple, and indeed not on the great western hill on which
at this day the main part of the city lies, but on a separate eminence
For Zion,
(;f the rising ground to the east, that is, on the temple rock.
1 Kings viii. 1), is not, as
on which the city of David lay (2 Sam. v. 7
later Christian tradition represents it, the west hill, but that same rising
ground on which the temple lay, therefore the east hill. This is confirmed
by the usual phraseology of 1 Maccabees, where "Zion" and "the temple
;

used as identical terms (1 Mace, iv. 37-60, v. 54, vi. 48-62,


afforded by these statements would long ago have
been recognised, were it not that this was contrary to the geographical
For at present there is no rising ground
distribution of those days.
visible to the south of the temple site which could have been suitable for
rock

" are

vii. 33).

The evidence

But that in earlier times it was otherwise has been demonby the excavations of Guthe, according to which "a tolerably deep
but not completely traced depression, which runs from north-west to
south-east, turns round the southern spur of the temple rock, so that a
fortress on the ridge of this spur would have a natural protection on all
sides" (see Furrer's Review of Guthe's Excavations at Jerusalem, in the
a

citadel.

strated

208

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

a copy of the book of the law were found iu the posses-

if

sion of any one, or

if

any one had had his child circumcised,

he was put to death.

In Jerusalem, on the 15th Chisleu of

the Seleucid year 145, that

in

is,

December

B.c.

168, at the

great altar of burnt-offering a pagan altar

was

built,

25th Chisleu,

was

ofiered

(1 Mace.

it

iprj/jLcoa-eci)'?,

This

Olympic Zeus,

LXX.

festival,

t?}?

speaks, Dan.

Maccabees, was

of

whom

to

Se\vy/xa

xi.

according to the account given

rendered

to

the

the temple of Jerusalem has been

The Jews were

dedicated.

Dionysiac

sacrifice,

Book

Second

the

in

ppC',

which the book of Daniel

of

11).

xii.

Dtr

or

upon

"the abomination that maketh

this is

YW

Dpb'O

desolate,"

ol,

for the first time, a sacrifice

54, 59

i.

and on

compelled

also

crowned with

ivy,

to

keep

the

marching in procession

as devotees of Bacchus.^

The Second Book

of

Maccabees

relates wonderful stories

The theory here set forth in


opposed by Olshausen, Zur Topographie des alten Jerusalem, Kiel 1833, p. 6 ff. Caspari, Zion und die
Akra der Syrer, in Theol. Stud, und Krit., and " Chrono! and Geograph.
Introduction to Life of Christ," Edin. 1876, p. 271. Menke, Bibelatlas
(1868), Blatt V. Riess, Tb. Theolog. Quartalschr. 1870, pp. 181-215, and
Biblische Geographie, 1872, pp. 95-97.
Klaiber, Zeitschr. des deutschen
Palstina- Vereins, Bd. iii. 1880, pp. 189-213
iv. 1881, pp. 18-56 ; xi.
Literaturzeitung, 1884, p.

Theolog.

278).

regard to the situation of the citadel

is

Spiess, Das Jerusalem des Josephus, 1881, pp. 32-42.


1888, pp. 1-37.
Miihlau, art.
Guthe, Zeitschrift des DPV. Bd. v. 1882, pp. 313-332.
" Zion " in Riehm's Wrterbuch.
Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, i.

267

f.

Then

Birch, Palestine Exploration

Fund

directly opposed to this theory

Quarterly Statements, 1877

ff.

Gatt, Tb. Theolog. Quartalschr.

For other literature see above, p. 19, and Arnold, art.


1884, pp. 34-84.
"Zion" in 1st ed. of Herzog, xviii. 620-622 ; and Jerusalem, by Schultz
in the
ii.

1,

2nd

274.

Khler, Lehrbuch der biblische Geschichte,


Ewald, History
ff.

edition, vi. 575.

Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, 1881, p. 177

of Israel, vol. v.

318

p.

Milman, History of Christianity,

ff.

vol.

i.

p. 318.
^^

xii.

See generally
5.

Dan.

vii.

Mace.

i.

41-64

25, viii. 11

f.,

ix.

2 Mace. vi. 1-11.

Josephus, Antiq.

27, xi. 31

11. The month

ff.,

xii.

Chisleu of the Seleucid year 145 (1 Mace. i. 64) is not, as has been usually
assumed, December B.c. 167, but December b.c. 168.

RraiGIOUS DKSTITUTJON AND REVIVAL.

4.

of the bright martyr courage with

which a certain section uf

the people firmly adhered to the ancient faith.


able rhetorical extravagance

tells

it

brothers, one after another, suffered

mother,

who

at

fact

notwithstanding

remained true

and customs

unknown

overthrow of the

ff.).

The

The passive
revolt,

the

of

of their fathers.

author, under the

faith represents

and

the

people of

God

rule,

of
in

and

for

the speedy

downfall of
(Div.

ii.

vol.

tlie
iii.

great.

resistance thus

name

consolatory treatise,

shown was soon succeeded by

viewed from a human point

hardy enterprise

For

such a work we can easily conceive

effect of

must have been very


open

left

the people,

fellow-believers, for stimulus

his

heatlien

worldly oppressors

44

death.^^

must be

culled from the history of earlier times,

stories

and with confident assurance of

p.

ninetv

also seven

met a martyr's

large circle of

hortatory and

before

set

man

the violent measures of the persecutors,

all

to the faith

Daniel, published

incitement,

that

is

their encouragement an

which Le

old

and then

of the accuracy of these details

The

undecided.

consider-

before the eyes of their

herself likewise

last

With

how an

years of age, called Eleasar, was tortured

The question

200

how

of view, a fool-

could the small nation of the Jews

secure any permanent advantage over the forces of the king

But

religious

success.

of

the

enthusiasm waits not to ask about

The excitement broke

town of Modein,

at

forth into revolution in

the call of a priest of the order of

named Mattathias, and

Joarib,

possibilities

Judas, Eleasar, and Jonathan.^

his five

When

sons,

John, Simon,

the king's oicer had

This story forms the theme of the Fourth


ii. vol. iii. pp. 244-248, and ha.i also lieen
treated in the later Jewi.sh literature ; see Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichea
Vortrge der Juden, p. 124.
On the use made of it in Christian ascetical
*^

2 Ma.cc. vi. 18-vii. 42.

Book

of Maccabees, see Div.

literature, see Div.


3s
is

ii.

vol.

iii.

p. 214.

Tlie name of the j)lace


Mace. ii. 1-5.
Jose})hus, Antiq. xii. 6. 1.
given in the First Book of Maccabees, according to the best reading,
1

lUV.

1.

VOL. L

210

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

entered that place, in order to insist upon the presentation of


the heathen
"

mand.
the

sacrifice,

Though

king's

all

Mattathias refused to obey the comthe nations," said he, " that are under

dominion obey

from the religion

of

commandments, yet

hira,

and

their fathers,

will I

my

and

in the covenant of our fathers.

19, Muhs'i'fc)] in Josephus, ed.

Wars

is Mtuleit;

in

chim

and Chagiga

ix. 2

of the Jews,

ii.

1,

God

i.

my

1. 3, it is

to his

brothers walk

we should
When he saw a Jew

forbid that

15, 23, 70, xiii. 25,

Bekker, Antiq.

in. 5, the

away every one

and give consent

sons and

forsake the law and the ordinances."

as Muot't (so Fritzsche, 1 Mace.

fall

30

only in

ix.

xii. 6. 1, 11. 2, xiii. 6. 5, it

MuZssiv.

In the Mishna, Fesa-

reading vacillates between

D^j;'>TlO

and

while indeed the latter form has in both cases a preponderating


authority.
It may, however, have arisen out of a misunderstanding
occasioned by an emendation.
In both passages D^y^lIDH jD is rendered
"from Modiim," a distance from Jerusalem is represented as giving
n'j;'*TlD,

It was therefore
release from the discharge of certain legal obligations.
assumed that D"'J?niD was to be taken as an adjective, and the form was
A man from Modiim is called in Ahoth iii. 11,
changed accordingly.
Eusebius writes MuSss/^ Jerome, Modeim. In regard to its
yniion.
variations of form, it may be compared with Sepphoris (piiSV, DH^SV,
see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 136).
The plural is formed sometimes in
''~i''QVi
the Aramaic, sometimes in the Hebrew manner, sometimes in a quite
independent and peculiar style.
For determining its situation the
following are decisive
(1) The fact that the beautiful mausoleum built
there for his parents and four brothers could be seen from the sea
(1 Mace. xiii. 27-30)
(2) The statement of Eusebius, to whose time the
MjjOss/^, k^ij
place was still known, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 281
;

TrTi.Yiaiov

A/oo"7rdXei)s, odi ijaav

vh iUvvrott.

0(

Wx^Kot-ctioi,

tli en
Modeim,

cov Keti tcc fAvyi/mtrci

So, too, Jerome, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 140:

Maccabaei, quorum liodieque ibidem


must therefore have been situated in the neighbourhood of Lydda (Diospolis), and on a higher site, therefore up toward
the mountains.
The conjecture, therefore, that it was to be identified
with the Soba of the present day, two and a half hours' journey west of
Jerusalem, according to the monkish tradition, cannot be entertained for

vicus juxta Diospolim, unde fuerunt

sepulcra monstrantar.

It

moment (Tobler, Topographie von Jerusalem, ii. 896


now be regarded as certain that the modern village
a

It

fi".).

may

rather

el-Medtjeh, east of

Lydda, at the entrance into the mountain region, marks the spot of the
This was suggested first of all l>y the Franciscan,
Emmanuel Forner (in le Monde, 1866, quoted by Gueiin) then by Neubaui^r, Geographie du Talmud, 1868, p. 99.
Fritzsche in Schenkel's Bibelancient Modein.

preparing to offer

upon the

211

RELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

i.

sacrifice,

He

altar.

he rushed forward and slew him

and

king's commissioner,

also killed the

levelled the altar to the ground.'^

He

then

fled

But soon a

along with his sons into

terrible disaster

meant nothing

than utter destruction.

less

the

mountains.

proved to him that mere

flight

Multitudes of

like-minded

men had now withdrawn

the desert.

There they were sought after by a detachment

of the Syrian garrison of Jerusalem,

upon them on a Sabbath day


any

offer

remorselessly

and

wives

because

resistance

hewn down
children.^"

to

To

into hiding-places in

and an attack was made

and since they declined

of

the

Sabbath,

to

were

they

the last man, along with their

the

vigorous,

strong

minded

such a martyrdom seemed a poor way of con-

Mattatliias

the cause of God.

tributing to

He and

him

those about

resolved to proceed to action, and, in case of necessity, not

even to scruple engaging in battle upon the Sabbath day.

And now
to

him

the " Pious," ^Aa-iSaioi,

that

is,

who had

of the law,

endurance.*^

in

men

fit

passed

those

who proved
hitherto

attached themselves

C"]"'?!!!,

faithful in their observance

showed

their resolution simply

Mattathias then gathered together

turned the

altars,

lexicon, iv. 233.

Mhlau

Mace.

ii.

over-

Sandreczki in Ausland, 1871, Nr. 36. Gu(irin, DescripGalilee, i.


ii. 55-64, 395, 404-413, 415-426
;

in Riehni's Handwrterbuch des

hihi.

Altertums,

p.

The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener,


341-352; and the great English Map, Sheet xiv.
*" 1 Mace. ii. 15-26.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 0. 2.
*"

the

faith,

slew the apostate Jews, circumcised un-

tion de la Palestine, Sarnarie,

46-57.

all

who were ready to fight for their


with them up and down through the country,
battle,

for

27-38.

Josephus, Antiq.

1009 f.
ii.

297,

xii. 6. 2.

The reading Gwayuyii ''A.rjihcttuv, 1 Mace. ii. 42, has been rightly
received by Fritzsche into the text.
That the Asidaeans were not idenlical with the circle of Mattathias has been specially empha-sized by Wellliausen in his Phariser und Sadducer, pp. 78-8G.
They did indeed
make common cause with the Maccabees, but afterwards tliey again
separated from them (1 Mace. vlL 13).
Compare also Luciiis, Der Esserv*^

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

212
circumcised

encouragement

and gave

children,

to

to

all

engage in open hostility to the heathen persecutors/^

The work thus begun he was not


Soon

carry on.

167-166,

in

Mattathias

died,

to be permitted long to

after the beginning of the

the

146

year

Seleucid

to

70),

and

of counsel,

as leader in

act

b.c.

ii.

continue the

to

man

work, and recommending Simon as a

Judas as best qualified

(1

sons

exhorting his

after

in

revolt,

Mace.

Amid

battle.

great lamentations he was buried at Modein.**

And

now Judas came

thus

His surname,

movement.

the front as head of

to

tlie

M.aKKaalo<i, from which

the

whole party has received the name of Maccabees, was probably

intended

designate

to

liim

najpo, "

beating warrior, from

the

as

the hammer."

vigorous, sharp""

In his acts

"

and Div. ii. of this work, vol. ii. p. 26 ff. The


correct view of Wellhausen is adopted by Montet in his Essai sur les

ismus, 1881, p. 91

origines

f.

saduceen

des partis

especially 177-188.

The

Testament (e.g. Ps. xxx.


"pious;" but it is used

5,

pharisien,

et

1883,

pp.

139-142,

word DH^Dn frequently occurs


xxxi. 24, xxxvii. 28),

in

in the Mishna, Berachoih v.

Sukka

v.

ft'.,

Old

and means simply the

to designate specially those

who

are peculiarly

piety or rigid observance of the law.

distinguished for their

161
the

Chagiya

ii.

So

Sota

also

iii.

4,

same circle which subsequently


Of the literature we may here
received the party name of Pharisees.
mention Drusius, De Hasidaeis, quorum mentio in libris Machabaeorum,
15.

ix.

It is therefore

essentially the

libellus,

1603.

Serarii,

1605

Serarius, Trihaeresion, 1604.


(all

three together in

Scaliger, Elenchus Trihaeresii

Triglandius,

Trium scriptorum

illus-

trium de trihus Judaeoricm seeds syntagma, 2 Bde., Delphis 1703. Compare


the account of the controversy about Daniel in his article "Phariser"
Carpzov,
in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclop. sec. iii. Bd. xxii. p. 18).
Apparatus historico-criticus, pp. 165-172. Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes
Hamburger, lieal-Encyclop. fiir Bibel
Israel, Bd. iii. pp. 357 ff., 384, 395 f.
und Talmud, Abth. ii. p. 132 ff., art. " Chassid."
^2 1 Mace. ii. 39-48.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 6. 2.
*^ 1 Mace. ii. 49-70.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 6. 3-4.
^^

On

De
Bremae 1744, pp. 170"Judas;" Grimm, Exeget. Handbuch zu

the various interpretations of the name, see Conrad Iken,

Juda Maccabaeo
194); Winer,

(in Symbohie literariae,

RWB.

i.

631

f.,

art.

t.

i.

pars

1,

Makk. p. ix. f. The derivation which prevailed in earlier times, especially


duringthe seventeenth century, from the initial letters of the words n^bD ""D
1

EELIGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

1.

he was like a

and

lion,

Thus the

prey."

him a hero

terizes

a lion's

like

Book

First

whelp roaring

of Maccabees

chivalry,

of

213

and

bold

his

for

4) charac-

(iii.

powerful,

not

waiting to ask about the possibility of success, but enthusiashis goods

tically sacrificing

and his blood in a noble cause.^

The triumphs which he achieved could


such a terrible array of

hostile

indeed, in presence of

The cause which he represented must


lost

if it

In

had

its

brilliant victories,

D^X3 (Ex.

word had
jjiji/f

first

movement had

the

stage

Syrian battalion, under Apol-

would have deserved serious exainination

xv. 11),

(o

if

the

watchword of the party, as


But it was in the first instance

tion Curtiss in his work, TJie


Theolog. Literaturzeitung, 1876,

writes

In

MctKKxocios).

usually explained as meaning n^pO,

He

of

which resulted in the restoring of the

was among the early Christians.

f.).

course

of all been used as the secret

the surname of Judas

505

In one battle after another Judas

Jewish worship on Zion.

TiStt}

certainly have been

depend only on the sword.

to

earliest

singularly good fortune.

won

only be temporary.

forces,

Name
436

f.

modem

times it has been


Against this deriva-

"hammer."

Machabee, Leipzig 1876 (compare

Herzog, Real-Encydop. 2nd

*23C and explains

it,

after Isa.

xliii.

17, as

ed.

i.

"the

is, the exterminator of his enemies.


Tliis is, to say
extremely problematical.
The conclusions drawn by

extinguisher," that

the least of

it,

Curtiss from the orthography are doubtful, since

Hebrew

All the more

modern

we no longer know the

which
sometimes ""QDO, sometimes 'DpD, ^^ well as the Latin texts, are
derived from the Greek text of the First Book of Maccabees, which gives
MotKKetBthii.
Also Jerome's form of the word Machabaeus, does not
prove that he had known a Hebrew form ^33D, since he undoubtedly
adopted the Latin orthography then prevalent. But the Greek Ma.Kx.ctxto; corresponds to the Hebrew ^3pc rather than to '3D0, although even
the latter is not impos.sible.
On the other hand, the conjecture of Curtiss
ia worthy of consideration, that n2pO in the Old Testament (1 Kings vi.
original

form.

texts, the rabbinical,

Avrite

Isa.

xliv. 12

Jer. x. 4

battle-axe or smith's

or

C/"'t3S,

but the small workman's hammer.

tion be regarded as decisive


*"'

also Judg. iv. 21) does not

hammer, which elsewhere

Compare generally

mean

the great

called J'so or

is

But should

the characteristics given in

pQD

this considera-

Mace.

iii.

1-9.

214

TUE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

same

lonius, probably the

made

of

whom mention

The sword which he took from him

himself was slain.

was the one which Judas from

spoil

has already been

206, was cut down by Judas, and Apollonius

at page

as

time forth always

this

himself used in battle.^^

Also a second Syrian army, which

Seron, " the prince of the

army

of Syria,"

whom

Judas went

was completely routed by him at Beth-horon,

forth to meet,

north-west of Jerusalem.*^

The king found

it

necessary to take vigorous measures in

order to suppress the revolt in Judea.


B.c.

166-165

(1 Mace.

While he

himself, in

37 gives the Seleucid year 147),

iii.

went forth upon an expedition against the

Parthians,* he

sent Lysias back to Syria as imperial chancellor and guardian

minor Antiochus

of the

army

large

against

V.,

Judea

and gave him orders


to

quell

Lysias sent 'three generals, Ptolemy,

the

Nicanor, and

with a large body of troops against Judea.

Jews seemed

the

so

to

fit

rebellion

The

out a

there,**

Gorgias,

defeat of

merchants accom-

certain, that foreign

panied the Syrians in order to purchase as slaves the expected

Jewish

captives.*"

Meantime, however, Judas, and those adhering to him, had

Now

not been inactive.

from

the

heathens,

collected

his

Mizpah, the ancient stronghold of Israel


*^

"
pin

had been wrested

that Jerusalem

Judas

in

fighting

men

in

the times of the

Mace.

Bxidupuu, in the Old Testament


Mace. iii. 13-26. Josephus, I.e.
according to Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 233, sixteen

10-12.

iii.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 7. 1.

JT'B;

miles west-north-west of Jerusalem, and so identical with the present


Beit-ur.

See Robinson, Researches in Palestine, vol. iii. 59-63. Raumer,


Guerin, Description de la Palestine, Jud^e, i. 338-344.

Palstina, p. 180.

Henderson, Palestine,

p. 137.

*^

Mace.

iii.

31.

<*

Mace.

iii.

27-37.

*o

Tacitus, Historia, v.

Josephus, Antiq.

8.
xii. 7. 2.

xii. 7. 3.
2 Mace. viii. 8-11.
According to the Second Book of Maccabees, Ptolemy was the governor

Mace.

iii.

of Coele-Syria
to

38-41.

Josephus, Antiq.

and Phoenicia, who

Nicanor and Gorgias,

transferred

the military operations

EEUGIOUS DESTITUTION AND REVIVAL.

4.

not

Judges,

merely

from Jerusalem."

far

no longer consisted

group of enthusiasts, but

a small

of

It

215

was a regular

Jewish army, which he had there organized according to


military ruies

"

he

ordained captains over the people, even

captains over thousands, and over hundreds, and over

and over
for the

By

tens."

fifties,

prayer and fasting he prepared himself

Emmaus, west

In the province of

unequal struggle.

of Jerusalem, at the entrance into the hill country, the armies

encountered one

another.*"'^

While the main body

camp

at

ment

to

Syrian army remained in

the

Emmaus, Gorgias endeavoured with

a strong detach-

When

Judas heard of

engage the Jewish army.

he circumvented

this

of

main body lying

him, and

at Eminaus.

got between liim and

the

His brave words of encourage-

ment aroused such entlmsiasm among the Jews, that the


Syrian

were

troops

When

overpowered.

completely

detachment under Gorgias returned, they found


already in flames, and the

them

in

Jews

at once fled into the Philistine territory.

Jews, in
**

B.c.

1G6-165, was

Moaori^oi, 1 Mace.

iii.

tlie

camp

quite prepared to join with

Without venturing on such

battle.

tlie

a contlict, they

Tljis victory of

the

complete.*^

4G, is the ancient HE^TD,

which

in the times of

Hie Judges was the relii^nous and political capital of Israel (Judg. xx. xxi.;
vii. 5 ff., x. -17 IF.).
1 Sam.
Accoiding to 1 Mace. iii. 46, it lay vavT/
Ispovax'A'/ift, therefore not far from Jerusalem.
Its situation cannot with
any certainty be more exactly determined.
See geneially, Robinson,
Rese/irches in Palestine, vol. ii. 143, 144.
Rumer, Palstina, p. 213.

Smr-nd in Rielim's Handwrterbuch


Gu( rin, Jud^e, i. 395-402.
**

Mace.

des

AUcrthnms,

hibl.

p.

1003

f.

42-60.

Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7. :i.''F.uuctovfc (1 .^facc,


times the cajntal of a toparchy. exists down t<i
the ])resent day under the name of Amwas.
The New Testament
Emmaus is probably a diflerent place lying near Jerusalem. Compare
iii.

iii.

40, 57), in the

generally, Div.

ii.

Roman

vol.

i.

p. 159,

and the

literature quoted in the note

ou that page.

"

Jilacc. iv.

Tlie cluoiiology

1-25.
is

Josephus, Antiq.

made out by means

xii.

7.

2 Mace.

of a combination of

viii.

Marc,

12 ff.
iii.

37,

216

THE MACCABEAN

In

the

year,

followin^

new and
not make

did

of B.C.

He
came

He must

29).

about Judea

way

393, on the

east,

zur, south

tending

exceeded in numbers,
a

victory

Lysias

that

Antioch in order
After

these

Judas

what

is

new

The

won

greatly

so complete

the same,
iv.

iv

rZ

52,

to

forces.*^

and decisive

brilliant

following year," and chap.

army

Syrian

time again

wliich gives the Seleucid year 147, with


syixvrS, or,

Hebron,*^ the con-

to

the

found himself obliged to return

to collect

two

this

is

At Beth-

hilly region.

on the road

Although

met.

p.

what

or,

had marched along the

west, since he

of Jerusalem,

(1 Mace,

Hitzig conjectures,

begun, as

and round about the

forces

Idumea

round about the Dead Sea,

more probable, on the


Philistine coast

of

fetched a compass round

therefore have

may have

it

as

attack directly from the north, but

against Judea from the south by the


iv.

indeed,

165, Lysias himself

more powerful army against Judea.

still

his

165-164, and

B.C.

autumn

further details show, in


led a

PEltlOD.

Mace.

ipy^of/.tvu)

successes,

Judas

t^

ixo,uiv^;>

28, ev

iv.

meaning "in the

ivtctvr,

which gives the Seleucid year

148.

incidents in question therefore occurred in the year of the Seleucid

ora 147, or B.c. 1G6-165

determined.

but whether in

B.c.

166 or in

b.c.

165 cannot be

As the enemy's general, the First Book of Maccabees

names

only Gorgias, the Second Book of Maccabees names only Nicanor. Both
are probably correct, inasmuch as the former led the army in the field,
and the latter was commander-in-chief of the whole army.
5* Bi^7oypst
( and t), 1 Mace. iv. 29, 61, vi. 7, 26, 31, 49, 50, ix. 52,
X. 14, xi. 65, xiv. 7, 33; in the "i^i^f n''3 frequently referred to in the Old

Testament

according to Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde,

miles south of Jerusalem in the direction of


Jividjapcj x.u'hUTOi.i

Hebron

ky^vruv ccTro AlXict; iig 'S.ipav sv

ii'icfiat

(necl

p.

235

in

(TYiuiioii),

sq.,

vu

20

xu/hyi

which

is

confirmed by the situation of the Beit-Sur of the present day, in the


neighbourhood of Hulhul (the distance is really somewhat less). See
Raumer,
Robinson, Later Biblical Researches in Palestine, 430-462.
Tlie Survey of Western
Guerin, Jud(^e, iii. 288-295
Palstina, p. 181 f.
;

Palestine,

Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener,

iii.

311

sq.,

324

sq.

also

Sheet xxi. of the great English Chart.


***
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7. 5. 2 Mace. xi. 1-15. On
1 Mace. iv. 26-35.
the agreement of the statement in First and Second Maccabees, see Grimm

ou both passages.

UKLIGIOUS DESTITUTION" AND REVIVAL.

4.

217

again took possession of Jerusalem, and directed his attention


the

to

services of divine worship.

restoration of the

citadel of

Jerusalem was indeed

The

held by Syrian troops,

still

but Judas kept them continually in check by his people, so


that the works of the temple could not be destroyed by them.

Thus

protected, the

work was proceeded with.

The

impure was carried out from the temple.


ofiering,

which had been polluted by heathen

wholly taken

down and

sacred garments ajid

new one

furniture

built in its

Everything

altar of burntsacrifices,
place.''^

was

The

were replaced by new ones

and when everything was ready, the temple was consecrated

anew by

This took place,

the celebration of a great feast.

according to 1 Mace.

52, on 25th Chisleu, in the Seleucid

iv.

year 148, or December

b.c.

165, or precisely the same day

on which three years before, for the

first

time, the altar had

been desecrated by the offering up of heathen


festivities

lasted

every year the

eight

for

memory

days, and

of those

it

sacrilices.-'^

The

was resolved that

events should be revived by

the repetition of the festival observance.^

**

The

stones of the heat.lien altar of sacrifice, or rather of several such


were carried out to "an unclean place," tlierefore completely outThe .stones of the earlier
side of the temple precincts (1 Mace. iv. 43).
Jewish altar of burnt-offerings, on the other hand, were laid on the temple
mount, on a suitable place, " until there should come a prophet to show
what should be done with them " (1 Mace. iv. 46). According to Mishna,
Middoth i. 6, the stones of the Jewish altar were laid down in a chamber
within the bounds of the inner court, but no hmger on "holy" ground.
With 1 Mace. iv. 43 and 46, Derenbourg, pp. 60, 61, combined two obscure
passages in Mcgillath Taauith ( 17 and 20), according to which the stones
of the Jewish altar were removed on 23rd Marcheschwan, that is,
November, those of the heathen altar somewhat later, on the 3rd Chisleu,
or December.
The exposition of the two passages, however, is still very
altars,

uncertain.

The date 25th Chisleu as the day of the consecration of the temple
Compare Derenbourg, p. 62.
obtained from Merjillath Taanith, 23.
'* Compare generally
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7.
1 Mace. iv. 36-59.
6-7.
2 Maco. x. 1-8.
To this date belongs the Feast of the Dedication
''''

is

of the

Temple,

rci

fy/.x'.vtu of

John

x. 22.

Conijiare J.':ephus, Antiq. xii.

218

THE MACCABEAN PEKIOD.

The reconsecration
history of the

temple forms the

of the

Maccahean

heroes of the faith had been

the

era in the

invariably crowned with

Judas had led his followers on from one victory

success.

The future must now prove whether

another.

was

first

Hitherto the struggles of

revolt.

elastic

to

power

their

enough, and their entlnisiasm enduring enough, to

keep permanent possession of what had thus in so rapid a


course been won.
7.

Koil

iKtivov

ii,

f-Ux."'

SrD/30

iocr'/;v

T'/jp

-youiv Kot.'Kovurii

otvrriv

was the custom to burn lights (compare Baha karnma vi. 6, and Maimonides). According to 2 Mace. x. 6, it
was celebrated after the manner of the Feast of Tabernacles, and is there(puTBc,

because during this festival

fore actually called in 2 Mace.

month

i.

it

9,

"

The Feast

of Tabernacles of the

Egyptian Jews were invited to take part in its


celebration by two letters preserved in the beginning of the Second Book
For the literature with reference to this see Div. ii.
of Maccabees.
vol. iii. p. 215.
It was called in Hebrew n^jn, Megillath Taanith, 23,
Chisleu."

Tlie

Rosh
Bilclcurim i. 6
and was observed for a period of eight days
Megilla iii. 4, 6
Moed Jcatan iii. 9
Taanith ii. 10
Hashana i. 3
Baba Jcamma vi. 6. A complete description of the festival in post-Talmudic times is given by Maimonides, Hilchoth Megilla loa-Ghanukha, c.
iii.-iv., in the third volume of his great work, Jad-ha-chasaka or Misdnu
also in SchulchanTora, St. Petersburg 1850-1852, Bd. ii. pp. 532-542
Arukh, 670-685. Bodenschatz, Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen
Juden, ii. 248-251. Schrder, Satzungen und Gebruche des talmudischrabbinischeu Judenthums, 1851, pp. 159-163. At the synagogue services
the
at the Chanuka festival. Num. vii. was read {Megilla iii. 6)
Mller, Masechet
festival psalm was Ps. xxx. (Tract Soferim xviii. 2
Hence the superscription of Ps. xxx. is n"'3n n3:n""l^{^'Soferim 251).
Compare generally the article " Kirchweihfest " in Winer, RWB. Schenalso Oehler,
Riehm's Handworterbueh
kel's Bibellex. by Dillmann
article " Feste der Juden " in Herzog's Encyclopaedie, and the commentaries on 1 Mace. iv. 59 (Michaelis, Grimm, Keil, Bissei, Wace) and on
;

John

X.

22 (Lightfoot, Horae Eehr.

fhil. etc.).

Wetstein, Nov.

Test. ;

Wolf, Gurae

5.

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCABAEUS,

B.C. 165-161.

Sources.
]

Mace, v.-ix. 22

Josephus, Antiq.

Annal.

iv.

2 Mace, xii.-xv.

A smnmarT

8-11.

xii.

of this

is

given

in

ZonaraR,

20-22.

Megillath Taanith, 30, in Derenboiirg, Histoire, p. 63.

The coins

a.scribed to

Judas by de Saulcy,
Aristobulus

i-ather in all probability to

RecJierches, p.
I.

84

sq.,

belong

see 9.

Literature.
Tlie

works on Syrian history by Foy-Vaillant, Frlich, Clinton, Flathe,


Stark, etc.

The

treatises

and commentaries on the Books of Maccabees by WernsdorfiF,

Michaelis,

Grimm,

Ewald, History
Hbrzfeld,

of

Keil, Bissei,

Isi-ael, vol. v.

Geschichte des Volkes Israel,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

Grtz,

Wace,

Israel,

Geschichte des Juden, Bd.

CoNDER, Judas Maccabaeus and

etc.

306-323.

ii.

ii.

272-296.

ii.

395-421.

2,

pp. 352-376.

the Jeioish

War

of Independence.

London

1879.

Stanley, Jewish Church, 1877,


Articles, of

vol.

iii.

pp. 285-343.

Judas Maccabaeus, in Winer,

RWB., and

in

Schenkel"?

Bibellexicon.

DurinjT the next year and a half after the reconsecration of


the temple

down

master of Judea.

to the

The

summer
central

of B.c. 163,

concern in the movements there, for

taken up elsewhere.

Judas remained

government of Syria took no


its

Hence Judas was

able unhindered to

arrange for the strengthening of his position.

mount was furnished with stony

was wholly

attention

The temple

fortifications.

On

the

southern frontier of Judea, Beth-zur, which constituted the key

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD,

2*^0

Judea, was strongly fortified and garrisoned with Jewish

to

And

troops.^

throughout

also

all

were made, partly in order

raids

the border districts military-

partly for the establishment

there,

The Edomites, the Bajanites


and the Ammonites,
hostile,

of

all

Jews dwelling

to protect the

(a

whom

own dominion.

of their

otherwise unknown),

tribe

had

shown themselves

were sharply chastised one after another.'

Complaints soon came from Gilead, east of the Jordan, and


from Galilee, of persecutions which the Jews dwelling there

had been subjected

to

on the part of the heathens.

It

was

Simon went

resolved that help should be sent to both.

to

Galilee with three thousand men, Judas to Gilead with eight

thousand

men.^

In

neither

case

making a permanent conquest


But

after

Simon had won many

Galilee, he

in

their

women,

was

of the

there

any idea

territory in

of

question.

against the heathen

battles

gathered together the Jewish residents, with


children,

rejoicing to Judea,

acted in a similar

and goods, and led them amid great

where they would be kept secure.*

manner

in Gilead.

In a

Judas

series of successful

engagements, especially in the north of the country east of


the Jordan, he subdued

the

native

Gilead, great and small,


possessions,

women and

and led them

pelled to fight a passage

the Israelites in

all

children, with all their

carefully, after
for

whose leader was

tribes,

one Timotheus, then gathered together

he had been com-

himself by Ephron, a town of

^ 1 Mace. iv. 60, 61.


Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7. 7. Betli-zur is in the
subsequent history often referred to as an important post. See the passages quoted in note 54 under the previous section.
^ 1 Mace. V. 1-8.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 8. 1. The Edomite district
Akrabattine, 1 Mace. v. 3, has its name from the high ridge Akrabbiin,
Num. xxxiv. 4, Josh. xv. 3, Judg.- i. 36, and is not to be confounded
with this well-known toparchy of Akrabattene, lying in the north of

See Div. ii. vol. i. p. 158.


Mace. v. 9-20. Josephus, Antiq. xii. 8. 1-2.
* 1 Maee. v. 21-23.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 8. 2. For an explanation of
Mace. v. 23, compare above, page 192.

Judea.
'

THE TIMES OF JODAS MACCABAEUS,

5.

the east Jordan country otherwise

B.C. 165-161.

221

unknown, through Eeth-

sean or Scythopolis to Judea/

During the period when Simon and Judas were absent


from Judea, the direction of affairs there had been assigned to
certain

men

called Joseph and Asariah.

These two,

in direct

opposition to the orders of Judas, undertook a military expedition against Jamnia, but were driven back witli

considerable

by Gorgias, who since his defeat had remained at

loss

The

First

Book

in recording this incident, to

call

in Philistine territory.
fail,

that

was by the hand

it

was

salvation

to be

He went

out

destroyed Hebron
are to read

in

rich

the

against

Edomites,

The

besieged

and

then passed through Marissa (for thus we

])lace

and the

spoil.^

tliat

for Israel.

Samaria

of

in

Mace.

v.

land of the Philistines, overthrew Ashdod,


altars there

the fact

to

Maccabees

military expedition farther a-field.

his

again

attention

of the family of the

wrought

But Judas carried

Emmaus

of Maccabees does not

idols,

object

down

cast

and returned back

now

66) into the

to

the

Judea with

quite evidently was no longer

the protection of the Jewish faith, but the strengthening and

extending of the Jewish power.

Meanwhile a change had taken place


'

Mace.

2,

24-54.

V.

Joseplius, Antiq. xii.

For the geography, compare

10-31.

pp. 453-459.

with the

Ephron

8.

3-5.

the

affairs

Compare

of

2 Mace. xii.

Griitz, Geschichte der

Juden,

ii.

as Gitz rightly remarks, certainly identical

is,

Tiippov; or Ttippovv

alt^o

in

conquered by Antiochus the Great (I'olybius,

V. 70. 12).
*

Div.

Mace.

ii.

vol.

V. 18, 19,
i.

p.

78

55-G2.

Josei)hus, Antiq. xii.

8. 6.

On

Janinia, see

f.

1 Mace. V. 63-G8.
Instead of 2a,aapt/aj/, 1 Mace. v. 60, wc have in
JosephuR, Antiq. xii. 8. 6, 'Mxotaaocy, as also in the Latin tc.xt of the codez
Sanyermanensis.
Compare also 2 lacc. xii. 35.
Mari.s.^, in the Old
''

Testament

nB^'lC, is a

very well

under Edomitc rule (Antiq.

known town

in the south of Judea, then

and lying, according to Eusehiiis,


Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 279, in the neighbourhood of Eleutheropolis,
that is, just between Hebron and Ashdod.
The reading given by Josejihus is thus undoubtedly the coriect ono, and it Wtt.s early adopted, as c.(/.
xiii. 9. 1),

2 22

THE MA.CCABEAN PERIOD.


Antiochus

Syria.

Epiphanes,

in

undertakings

his

the

in

eastern parts of the empire, had been no less unfortunate than

had

generals

his

been

He had advanced

Judea.

in

into

making an unsuccessful

the province of Elymais, but after

attempt to appropriate the rich treasures of the temple of

Artemis there, he had been compelled to

retire

Babylon, and on the way, in the

town

died in

164,

B.c.

or,

Seleucid year 149, that

he

appointed

chancellor,

one

of

and tutor

liis

minority.

of

the

of

Mace.

of Tab, he

16, in the

vi.

164163.*

generals,

his

to his

the

b.c.

is,

But instead

person

Persian

according to

back upon

Before his end

Philip, to

be imperial

son Antiochus V. Eupator during


of

him Lysias secured

young

king,

and

possession

obtained absolute

sovereign power in the empire.^

The revolted Jews might not perhaps have been

interfered

with for a long time had not pressing appeals been made

Judas now

Antioch directly from Judea.

163-162,

the

Seleucid year

150

laid siege

(1 Mace.

vi.

20),

to

in B.c.
to

the

Some of the
siege, escaped, and in company
Greek party among the Jews,

Syrian garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem,


garrison, notwithstanding the

with representatives of the

Grimm, indeed, thinks that no


by Grotius, Reland and Michaelis.
motive can be found for mentioning a mere march through by Marissa.
But, as Keil has correctly remarked, the march through is recorded for
the reason that there a number of priests in a rash and ill-considered
On Ashdod, see Div. ii. vol. L
battle met their death (v. 67).
p.

76
*

f.

Mace.

vi.

1-16.

Josephus, Antiq.

Porphyry in Jerome on Dan.


722).

xii.

9.

1.

Polybius, xxxi.

11.

(Hieronym. 0pp. ed. Vallarsi, v.


Instead of Artemis, as given by Polybius, Appian. Syriaca, c. 66,
xi.

44, 45

names Aphrodite. Compare in regard to the chronology, above, p. 172.


The stories of the Second Book of Maccabees are purely legendary
Grtz in the Monatsschr. fr Gesch. und Wissensch. des
(i. 13-16 and ix.).
Judenthums, 1883, pp. 241-254, makes a venturous attempt to drag in
the statements of Dan. xi. 45 in order to determine the place where
Antiochus died.
^

Mace.

vi.

14-17.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 9. 2.

THE

5.

JUDAS MACCABAEUS,

TIME.5 OF

B.C. 165-lGl.

223

betook themselves to the king in order to urge upon him the


necessity

of

his

Greek party, in

representatives

of

the

complained of how much they had

from their hostile fellow-countrymen, so that many

to suffer

them had been


It

The

interfering.

particular,

was

slain

this

and

that

liad their possessions

first

take active measures.

taken from

again roused those in Antioch

Lysias himself, in

of

them.^''

company with

to

the

youthful king, went forth at the head of a powerful army and

He

marched against Judea.

once more made his attack from

the south, and began with the siege of Beth-zur.

Judas was

obliged to raise the siege of the citadel of Jerusalem, and to

meet the

go forth to

At Beth-Zachariah, between

king.

Jerusalem and Beth-zur, the armies met.^^

It soon

appeared

that over against the vigorous onslaught of the Syrian troops

the

Jews with

all their

Judas's
the

own

forth

thought that he had discovered

on which the young king was seated


tlie

boldly to

the

conflict.

brother Eleasar distinguished himself above

He

rest.

valour could not secure any decisive

They went

or lasting victory.

the

all

elephant

he crept forward, stabbed

elephant from below, and was crushed under the weight

His self-immolation and

of the falling animal.


of the Jews, however,

beaten,

and that

so

were in vain.

all

the effoits

The Jewish army was

completely, that the king's army soon

appeared before the walls of Jerusalem, and laid siege to


Zion, the temple mount.'^

Mane.

'0

'^

iiettd^ot)cpict (1

vi.

18-27.

Joseph us,

Aiitiq. xii. 9. 3.

Mace. vi. 32), aecording to Josephus, Antit]. xii. 9. 4,


peventy stadia north of Beth-zur, is in the present day called BeitSakaria.
See Robinson, Later Biblical Researclies in Palestine, pp.
276-277. Rautner, Palstina, p. 181
Guerin, Judee, iii. 316-319.
Tlie
;

Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii.


35 pq., 108
and the great English Map, Sheet xvii.
Ritter, in hi.s
Geography of Palestine and Sinai, wrongly identifies Beth-Zachariah
with edh-Dhoheriyeli, in which case it would have lain to the south
west of Hebron.
;

"

Mace.

vi.

28-48.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 9.

3-5

Jf'ars of the Jeux,

224

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Beth-zur also was obliged to yield and to receive a Syrian

Those besieged in Zion, however, soon began to

garrison.

from Avant of the means of

sufifer

Sabbatical

The

year no

provision

utter discomfiture of the

when suddenly

since

life,

owing

the

Jews now seemed imminent,

Lysias, on account of events occurring in Syria,

found himself compelled to treat with the Jews

under

to

had been made beforehand. ^^

favourable

conditions.

That

same

peace

for

whom

Philip

Antiochus Epiphanes had nominated as imperial chancellor

and tutor of his son Antiochus V. during his minority, had

marched against Antioch


to himself.

granted

to

In order

Jews

the

in the

hope of securing the power

have a free hand against him,

to

which

tliat

had

hitherto

Ly.sias

been the

occasion of the war, the liberty freely to celebrate their


religious ceremonies.
to " observe their

It

own

was henceforth

to be permitted

On

institutions as formerly."

dition those besieged in Zion capitulated

its

this con-

strongholds were

reduced, contrary to the promise sworn to by the king.

subjugation of the

Jews was accomplished, but only

that had been granted to

them on account

of

government had declared war against them


The

own
them

The
after

which the Syrian

five years before.^*

is only very shyly hinted at in


while in the Second Book of MaccaSee with reference to this,
bees it is actually transformed into a victory
Grimm, Exeget. Handbuch zu 1 Makh. p. 103, zu 2 Makk. p. 191 f.
'2 1 Mace. vi. 49-54.
Josephus, Antiq. xii. 9. 5. 2 Mace. xiii. 18-22.

2 ilacc.

1.5.

xiii.

1-17.

the First Book of Maccabees

vi.

defeat

47

on aa.-ov
shows ns that the events
occurred in B.c. 163. For the Seleucid year 150 (in which they are placed
by 1 Mace. vi. 20 compared with vii. 1) runs, according to the mode of
reckoning followed in the First Book of Maccabees, from spring of B.c.
163 to spring of B.c. 162. The Salibatical year, however, always begins
Since, then, they were already
in autumn (Mishna, Rosk hashana i. 1).
in want of victuals, they must have been in the second half of the
Sabbatical year, after the fields during winter and spring had been left

The mentioning
ijv

rfi

yr.

un.sown.
^*

23-26.

vi.

of the Sabbatical year (1 Mace. vi. 49

53

"hi

This, therefore, brings us to the

Mace.

vi.

55-62.

to /33o^o to? uvoli)

summer

Josephus, Antiq.

xii.

9.

of B.c. 163.
6-7.

2 Mace.

xiii.

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCABAES,

5.

The understanding with the Jews

own

Antiochus V. in their

Epiphanes forcibly

to introduce

Jews.

the

restored

had arrived, was not

interests

attempt

them resorted again to the foolish

among

which Lysias and

at

None

with by any of the following kings.

interfered

225

B.C. 1G5-161.

of

Antiochus

of

pagan culture and ceremonies

The Jewish worship, which had been

by Judas Maccabaeus amid

all

the changeful circum-

stances of the age, continued to be observed in essentially the

same way.
a

correct

followed.

This deserves to be specially noted in order that


estimate

may

be formed

The end aimed

from that previously before them.


with the preservation of

the

of

at in the struggle
It

had

of

the

to

which

different

do no longer

we have

already

Maccabean

revolt,

religion, but, just as

seen in the preliminary history

conflicts

was now

with the question whether the friends of the Greeks or the


national party within the Jewish nation itself

the supremacy.
in

It

was

essentially a

should have

Jewish internecine war,

which the Syrian superiors took part only in

so far as they

supported and put at the head of the provincial government

sometimes the one, sometimes the other, of these two Jewish


parties.

come
to

To a

certain extent, indeed, religious interests

into consideration.

go farther in the

did

For the Greek party were inclined

way

of

favouring Greek institutions,

while their nationalist opponents seemed more attached to


the religion of Israel.

But the fundamental points were no

longer in dispute.'*^

In consequence of the events of the previous year, the


party in Judea friendly to the Greeks were driven out of the

government, and were indeed for the most part persecuted.

Judas stood practically at the head of the Jewish

people.^*

'* Compare Wellliausen, Phariser und Sadcbuer,


" Tlie year
p. 84
162 marks the proper end of the relit^ious war of the Jews.
Thereafter the occasion of the conflict was not relif^ion, but fijovernment."
'^ "We get no information from tlie First Book of Maccabees
as to the
:

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

226
It

may be

readily supposed that the opposition party did not

quietly submit to this arrangement, but

on their part

to obtain again the

made vigorous

efforts

But they

governing power.

succeeded in their efforts only after a change had occurred in

Antiochus V. and Lysias had,

the occupancy of the throne,

who

indeed, after a short struggle overcome that Philip

But they them-

contended with them for the supremacy.^'^

were soon driven out by a new pretender

selves

Demetrius
the

I.,

had:

to the crown,

afterwards distinguished by the cognomen Soter,

son of Seleucus

IV, Philopator,

therefore

nephew

of

Antiochus Epiphanes and cousin of Antiochus Eupator, who

had previously lived as a hostage at Eome, and had vainly

Koman

entreated from the

succeeded
Tripolis

in

Phoenician

on the

gather around

senate permission to return home,

making

secretly

him a

his

escape,

He was

coast.^^

considerable

and landed

number

of

at

able soon to
followers

^^
;

indeed the very bodyguard of King Antiochus deserted him

By

and his guardian Lysias, and joined Demetrius.


of

the orders

Demetrius both were murdered, and he himself proclaimed

king in
person

B.C.

who

The Pioman senate was

162.^**

administered the

office of

at first in

con-

the high priest after the restoration

Nominally Menelaus was still high priest. He


is said to have been put to death by Antiochus V. Eupator when he made
definite concessions to the Jews, and the reason assigned for that was
that Menelaus by his evil counsels was indirectly responsible for the
compare 2 Mace. xiii.
rebellion of the Jews (Josephus, Antiq. xii. 9. 7
But Menelaus was naturally unable in presence of Judas, who was
3-8).
of the Jewish worship.

in possession of the actual power, to exercise the functions of the high


Perhaps, indeed, Onias IV., son of Onias III., may have

priest's office.

xii. 5. 1, he was not of age


and went inmiediately down into Egypt,
and so after the execution of Menelaus the office was given, not to him,
but to Alcimus (Antiq. xii. 9. 7).

officiated.

But, according to Josephus, Antiq.

at the time of his father's death,

^'^

^3

Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene,

550

Mace.

sq.).

vi. 63.

Josephus, Antiq.

2 Mace. xiv.

^^

Justin, xxxiv. 3

20

Mace,

vii.

1-4.

xii. 9. 7.
i.

254

= Syncell.

ed. Dindorf,

i.

1.

Delatus in Syriam secundo favore

Josephus, Antiq.

xii.

10.

1.

omnium

excijntur.

2 Mace. xiv. 1-2,

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCABAES,

5.

sternation over the flight of Demetrius, but by and by

managed on

trius

him

his part to induce the

227

B.C. 100-161.

Deme-

Eoraans to recognise

as king.-^

Soon

Demetrius had entered upon the government,

after

the leaders of the Hellenistic party, with a certain Alciraus


at their head, or as his

Hebrew name

made

to

representations

properly reads, Jakim,"

king with reference to their

the

oppression under the party of Judas.

had meanwhile

slain

them from the country.

Demetrius was naturally readily

impressed by such a statement.

high

command

of

Alcimus by

Alcimus was appointed

same time a Syrian army under the


Bacchides was sent to Judea, in order to instate

and

priest,

Judas and his brothers

the adherents of the king, or expelled

at the

need

force, if

be, in his office.^^

The further development

of affairs is highly characteristic

The opposition

of the struggles of the Maccabees.

on the side of the

strict

engaged in by

adherents.

all its

to

Alcimus

Jewish party was by no means


In consequence of quieting

assurances which he gave, he was immediately acknowledged

by the representatives of the


and the "pious" (AaiSalot,

mate high

priest of

section of the scribes

strictest

1 Mace.

vii.

13), as the legiti-

Only Judas and

family of Aaron.

the

his adherents persevered in their opposition.


trust

the promises

of

Alcinms,

Appian, Syriaca,

Livy, Epit. xlvi.

c.

and

47.

They did not

considered

that

their

In regard to the clirouology,

see above, p. 174.


21

Polybius, xxxi. 23, xxxii.

^2 Joseplius,

sketch given

Antiq.

by

xii. 9.

4.
:

" h.'KKif^o;

6 kccI 'lKsi/ico: x.'KnkU.

Joseplius in Antiq. xx. 10, he

names

liiin

simply

In the
'ixKifioi.

Also in the text of the First Book of Maccabees, vii. 5, 12, 20, 21, 23, 25,
and ix. 54-57, as well as 2 Mace. xiv. 3, various manuscrijits have the
addition
23

kxi

Mace.

^\.>ii/no;.

vii.

5-9.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 10.

1-2.

2 Mace. xiv. 3-10.

According to Josephus, Antiq. xii. 9. 7, Alcinuis had been ah-eady nominated as high priest by Antiochus V. Eupator. According to 2 Mace. xiv.
3 fif., he had once even earlier than this filled the office of high priest.

228

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

religious

interests

government into

could

their

only be

own

secured

if

they got

the

One

the

hands.^^

Eesults showed that they were not wrong.

Alcimus was

of

acts

men

belonging to the party of the Asidaeans.

fear

to

and trembling into the hearts

This struck

of the people, but

the effect of arousing more determined opposition.

now thought

that

presence

his

of

order the execution of sixty

first

had

also

Bacchides

Judea was no longer

in

Leaving behind a military force in Judea for the

necessary.

Then

protection of Alcimus, he himself returned to Syria.

Alcimus and Judas had practically an opportunity of measuring their strength and testing their

began seemed
bees, so that

and

own

resources against one

The open war between the two

another.

to tend

more and more

Alcimus found

to entreat of

him

it

parties

which now

Macca-

in favour of the

necessary to go to the king

further support.^^

Demetrius sent now against Judea another general, Nicanor,


with a great army.

Nicanor sought

of all

first

through

But

stratagem to obtain possession of the person of Judas.

Judas got information of


carried.
2*

An

Mace.

vii.

79

plot,

and so the scheme mis-

engagement thus took place at Capharsalama,^^


10-15.

of Maccabees, xiv.

6,

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 10.

The Second Book

2.

with the party of


Wellhausen, Phariser und Sadducer, p.

falsely identifies the Asidaeans

See regarding

Judas.

this

this,

ff.

-*

^^

Mace.

The

vii.

16-25.

Josephus, Antiq.

position of this place

of MaccaLees (Michaelis,

is

Grimm,

unknown.
Keil,

etc.,

xii. 10.

2-3.

Expositors of the First

on

Mace.

vii.

31) set

it

Book
south

of Jerusalem, "since Nicanor after losing the battle withdrew to Jerusalem and then to Beth-Horon" (Keil). But this argument is not convincing. Nicanor did not sustain an actual defeat at Capharsalama, since his
loss consisted only of 500 men (so 1 Mace. vii. 32 is to be X'ead, instead of
We may therefore represent the state of matters thus to ourselves,
5000).
that Nicanor, after he had failed to gain any decisive advantage over

Judas at Capharsalama, wished to make himself sure of the protection of


Jerusalem, where he had the garrison of the citadel to back up his efforts.
Under these circumstances nothing stands in the way of our setting
Capharsalama to the north-west of Jerusalem, and identifying it with the

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCABAEUS,

5.

which resulted

He

in the defeat of Nicanor.

229

B.C. 165-161.

then advanced

upon Jerusalem, and wreaked his vengeance on the innocent

While they greeted him

priests.

them with scorn and


not deliver up to

ridicule,

respectfully,

and threatened that

him Judas and

his army, he

victorious return set their temple on

he treated
if

they did

would on

his

fire.^^

Therefore he returned to the district of Beth-Horon, north-

west of Jerusalem, where he waited for reinforcements from

Judas lay encamped over against him in

Syria.

On loth

Adar,

which resulted
himself

fell

B.c.

Adasa.'^^

161, a decisive conflict was engaged in

Nicanor

in the utter defeat of the Syrians.

When

in the tumult.

his people

saw

they

this,

threw their weapons away, and betook themselves to hasty

The Jews pursued them, surrounded them, and cut

flight.

them down

to the last

Maccabees

affirms.

man

The

so, at

victory

least,

must

the First

Book

certainly have

Carvasalira near Eamleh, not far from Lydda, of which mention


in the eleventh century (so
vol.

iii.

46-59

of

been
made

is

Robinson, Biblical Eesearches in Palestine,

Ewald, History of

Israel, v. 321).

Talmud

^^^ nSD

is

spoken

(Reland, Palest, p. 690 Neubauer, G'e'or/raphie du Talmud, p. 173), and by the Arabic geographer Mukaddasi, translated by
of in the

Gildenieister, Zeitschrift des


2^ 1

28

'

Mace.

26-38.

vii.

DPV.

vii.

170.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii. 10.

4-5.

Aoxaa., 1 Mace. vii. 40, 45, according to Josephu-s, Antiq. xii. 10. 5,

thirty Stades from Beth-Horon, is identical with the Aoaax in the neighbourhood of Gophna which was known to Eusebius (Onomasticon, ed.
Lagarde, p. 220 kxI hzi vvv x.uy.t\ iyyv; Tov:pv!/). It lay therefore northeast of Beth-Horon.
Quite distinct from it is the similarly named nii'in
'

belonging to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 37 Mishna, Eriihin v. 6), which,
since it was in the district of Judah, cannot have been in the neighbourhood of Gophna, as Eusebius erroneously assumes (see on the contrary,
;

Jerome, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde,

p. 93).

Compare the

articles

"Adasa"

and Riehm. Many


are now inclined to identify our Adasa with the ruins of Khirbet Adasa
The
on the great road north of Jeru.salcm (Guerin, Jude'e, iii. 5-6
Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii.
The identification
also the great English Map, Sheet xvii.).
30, 105 f.
seems to me doubtful, since Khirbet Adasa is about sixty Stades froui
Beth-Horon, and not toward Gophna, but in a southerly direction.

and

"

Hadasa" in the

dictionaries of Winer, Schenkel,

230

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

overpowering and complete.

For from

observed as a festival

under the name

this

time the loth

March, was

corresponding roughly to our

Adar,

annually
"^

of " Nicanor's Da}-."

Judas was thus once more master of the

situation.

Josephus

assigns to this period the death of Alcimus, and

from this

time reckons the priesthood of Judas.

But the death

of

Alcimus, according to the First Book of Maccabees, occurred


considerably later

and that Judas exercised generally the

functions of the high priest,

There

is,

extremely improbable.^*'

is

however, this element of truth in the statement

of Josephus, that

Judas now actually stood at the head

And

Jewish commonwealth.

it

of the

was his determined plan

maintain himself, or at least his party, in that position.


the events which had
possible only after they

the Syrian yoke.

29 1

Mace.

vii.

occurred

taught him that this was

had completely freed themselves from

The king

39-50.

to

But

had indeed showed

of Syria

Josephus, Antiq.

xii.

10. 5.

his

2 Mace. xv. 1-36.

The year in winch


Megillath Taanith, 30 (in Derenbourg, p. 63).
Nicanoi-'s defeat occurred is not directly stated in the First Book of
Maccabees, but by a comparison of 1 Mace. vii. 1 with ix. 3, it must be
But the month Adar
set down as the Seleucid year 151, or B.c. 162-161.
of the Seleucid year 151
tion

which in the

this date, that

it

first

made

is

March B.c. 161.


work was regarded

The

equivalent to

edition of this

considera-

as telling against

the time since the accession of Demetrius too short

for the occurrence of such events, I can

no longer regard

as offering

any

serious difficulty.
**

hood

On

the death of Alcimus, see 1 Mace. ix. 54-56.

of Judas, Josephus, Antiq. xii. 10. 6, 11.

2.

In

On

the high-priest-

itself it

would not be

inconceivable that Judas should also have usurped the functions of the high
But the First Book of Maccabees says nothing about such a propriest.

There was also a legitimate claimant present in the person of


Onias IV., who would certainly be respected as such by Judas. Josephus
himself in another place expressly says that after the death of Alcimus
the office of the high priest remained unoccupied for seven years {Antiq.
ceeding.

i] voKi; hiavrovi erce x.'^pl'


supported by the investigations of
Wieseler (Studien und Kritiken, 1877, pp. 293-298) and Grtz (Geschichte der
Juden, ii. 2, p. 365 if. ; Monatsschr. fr Gesch. und Wissensch. des Juden-

XX. 10

B/sSs^aTO

apycupiug oicx).

oii'^ilg ccvtov, oiXh<x. "hii-vihiaiv

This statement

thums, 1883, pp. 1-6).

is

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCABAEUS,

5.

supremacy in Judea

inclination to secure the

The resolve was

party by force of arms.

shake

once and for

off

to the opposition

made

therefore

to

every sort of subordination to the

all

In order to accomplish this purpose, Judas applied

Syrians.
to the

231

B.C. 165-lCl.

Eomans

The

for help.

Western empire,

rulers of the

ever since their conflicts with Antiochus the Great, between

192 and

B.c.

189, had taken the

b.c.

everything that occurred

into

liveliest

interest

in

empire, and looked closely

Syrian

matters that affected the

They

with watchful eyes.

repeatedly interposed their authority to decide upon the affairs

All centrifugal movements in that quarter might

of Syria.^^

upon

therefore count

make

that Judas should

Eomans

to secure

temporarily

their support.

was thus very natural

the attempt with the help of the

permanently that freedom which had been

wrung from

style the First

It

Book

of

their

enemy.

In grand pictorial

Maccabees describes how Judas had

how

this

Even the

in-

heard of the deeds and might of the Eomans, and

him

led

to

endeavour

accuracies which

are

to

obtain

mixed up

their aid.

story serve to set

this

in

before us very strikingly the measure of the knowledge of the

Eomans, which was then current


sent two

men

of his party as

Judas therefore

in Judea.

ambassadors to Eome, Eupolemus

son of John, and Jason son of Eleasar, the former perhaps


identical with

that

Eupolemus who

Hellenistic writer, see Div.

ii.

vol.

is

iii.

known
pp.

us as a

to

203-206.

The

end which he had in view in so doing was avowedly the


throwing
apat

Tov

off

of

the

^vyov dir

Syrian yoke
avrwv).

Mace.

(1

The

Eoman

viii.

18

senate

rod

readily

granted an audience to the Jewish embassy, and a treaty of


friendship
31

was made

of

which the principal provisions were

Thus Antioclms Epiphanos was obliged

to

abandon Egypt by

After the death of Antiochus Epipliane.^ the Roman


eenate forced from Antioclms Eupator and his regent-jjuardian Lysias a
considerable reduction of the standing army of Syria (Polybius, xxxi. 12
Popiliiis Laenas.

Appian. Syriaca,

c.

46).

232

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Jews should give help

the

that

Romans

to the

Jews

war

in times of

Eomans and

the

to

the

but not on

(av/nfia^la),

precisely equal terms, and in every case just as circumstances

Mace.

required (1
therefore

It

25,

viii.

au 6 KaLpo'i

o)<i

vTroypacf)'^).

depended on the pleasure

practically

Eomans how

27:

far they should consider themselves

of

the

bound by

the agreement.^^

About the same time

Eomans
him to

as

this

was concluded the

treaty

issued a missive to Demetrius, wherein they ordered


desist

from every

who were

the Jews,

proceeding against

the allies of the Eomans.^^

came

Their inter-

too late.

Demetrius proceeded so

energetically, that the

overthrow of Judea had

position of authority

rashly and

sort of hostile

been already completed before there was any possibility


interference on the part of the Eomans.^*

had received news

of the

to Judea,

of the Seleucid year 152, that


3),

^- 1

sliip

is,

in April b.c.

only about two months after the

Mace.

between

viii.

Josephus, Antiq.

Eome and

xii. 10. 6.

Astypalaea, of date

fall

B.c. 105, is

Historical Inscriptions, Oxford 1882, pp. 347-349).


viii.,

first

161

month

(1 Mace,

of Nicanor.^*

A similar treaty of friend-

inscription, Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 2485 (also in Hicks,

criticism of 1 Mace,

of

he

which appeared in

the neighbourhood of Jerusalem as early as the

is.

after

death and defeat of Nicanor, he sent

army under Bacchides

a great

Immediately

known from an
Manual of Greek

For an explanation and

besides the commentaries of Michaelis,

Grimm,

Wace, compare Grimm, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftl. Thenl.


1874, pp. 231-238, with communications from Mommsen and Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Acta societatis philologae Lipsiensis, t. v. 1875, pp. 91-100.
Keil, Bissei,

33 1

Mace.

viii. 31, 32.

Book of Maccabees, it may be


arranged the embassy after the victory over
Nicanor. On this supposition he cannot have lived to see the return of
his ambassadors, for his death occurred only two months after Nicanor's
"''*

From

the general drift of the First

assumed that Judas had

first

Handbuch zu 1 Malik, p. 131.


compare above, page 39. Since
Nicanor fell on the 13th Adar, the last month of the Jewish year (1 Mace,
vii. 43, 49), while Bacchides appeared before Jerusalem "in the first
month" of the Seleucid year 152 [\ Mace. ix. 3), a period of one and a
defeat.
^^

As

Compare Grimm,

Exeget.

to the reckoning of the date,

THE TIMES OF JUDAS MACCBAEUS,

5.

233

B.C. 165-161.

Bacchides encamped beside Berea, Judas beside Elasa (written

and

also Eleasa

The

Alasa).^^

superiority of

With

a few faithful
despair on

with the wild courage of

The

was just what had been

result

troops of Judas were

To

battle.

ventured

clearly

foreseen

himself

fell

the

in the

Jonathan and Simon were granted

the sad privilege of burying


at

men Judas

the hopeless conflict.

hewn down, and he

his brothers

Syrians was

His followers deserted in

remained any hope of victory.


large numbers.

tlie

Judas there no longer

so evident, that even in the ranks of

him

in

the grave of his father

Modein."
"With the overthrow of Judas

proved that

it

it

was

finally

and

definitely

was a vain endeavour on the part of the

Jewish nationalists to measure swords with the mighty


Brilliant as the earlier achievements of

of Syria.

was largely indebted

been, he

confidence of his opponents.

not to be thought of

if

forces

Judas had

the recklessness and

to

self-

Continuous military success was

only the Syrian authorities seriously

The following age cannot

roused themselves to the conflict.

show even one conspicuous victory of the kind by which


Judas had won renown.
reached,

it

won through

"What the Maccabean party

finally

voluntary concessions of claimants of

the Syrian throne contending with one another, and generally


in consequence of internal dissensions in the Syrian empire.

is quite enough, is allowed for the equipment of the


" But yet even should forty-five days seem to any one too
little, I could even then come to his help with other thirty or thirty-one
days.
The year must liave been an intercalary year, that is, it must have

lialf

months, which

Syrian army.

had the month Veadar intercalated" (Michaelis, Anm. zu 1 Makk. ix. 3).
^^ Both places are unknown.
Also the remark in 1 Mace. ix. 15 foi;
'A^wTov opov;, scarcely gives sufficient ground for determining its locality,
Bince the statement is very suspicious, and is owing perha])s to a transla:

tor's

"

mistake.

down

at

(Michaelis guesses that in

the foot of the mountain

"

Hebrew

opov;.')
^''

Mace.

ix.

1-21.

Josephus, Aniiq.

it

stood -\nn niTJ'N*,

Josephus reads

xii. 11. 1-2.

i^ixpi=

'-^3*

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

6.

B.C. 161-143.

Sources.
1

Mace.

ix.

23-x. 30.

A summary of the history in

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii. 1-6.


iv.

The

coins ascribed to Jonathan


to

Zonaras, Annal.

22-24.

Alexander Jannus, see

by de Saulcy,

Eecherchcs, pp. 85-93, belong

10.

Literature.

The works on Syrian

history

by Foy-Vaillant, Frlich, Clinton, Flathc,

Stark, etc.

The

Treatises and

Commentaries on the Books of Maccabees by Werns-

Grimm, Keil, Bisse!, Wace, etc.


Ewald, History of Israel, v, 324-333.
Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. 296-320.
dorff, Michaelis,

Grtz,

Geschichte der Juden, Bd.

iii.

4 Aufl., under

Juder von dem Tode Juda Makkabi's,


Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

Israel,

Articles " Jonathan " in Winer's

The power
hilated

of

ii.

and Schenkel's

was able now unhindered


offered, it

of

of Judas.

Geschichte der

Bibellexicon.

The party

Alcimus

at

friendly

their

head,

carry on the government com-

Wherever any opposition was

at once vigorously

suppressed.

Judas were sought out and brought

" took
"

to

by the king.

was

the Jewish national party was quite anni-

to the Greeks, with the high priest

it

title

1888, pp. 1-23.

421-450.

E WB.,

by the defeat and death

mitted to

etc.,

vengeance on thera."

The

to

The

friends

Bacchides,

" unrighteous "

who

and the

ungodly," as the opponents of the Maccabees are designated

Book

in the First
'

of Maccabees,

Mace.

ix.

23-27.

had now the rule

Josephus, Antiq.
231

in Judea.^

xiii. 1. 1.

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

6.

friends of Judas were

But the
abandon

all

by no means disposed

They

of resistance.

sort

235

B.C. lGl-143.

to

elected Jonathan, the

brother of Judas, as their leader, "in order that he might

indeed were at
all

first

No

the conflict."

direct

regular

to be thought

undertakings

serious

or

They required

of.

of

first

gradually to gather together their forces and wait a favour-

The

opportunity.

able

incidents

earliest

which we have, represent the doings


light of the raiding of a freebooter

When

party.

While

ISTabathaeans.

into the

country east

in the

Jonathan more in the

of

was no longer secure


country of the friendly

so engaged, John, along with his bag-

was attacked by a robber

Medeba,

tribe of the sons of


of

the

fell

upon the sons

engaged in great

mountains.
at the

in

In

slain.

Simon crossed the

Ambri when

these were

connection with a wedding

Many were slain, and the rest


On their return Jonathan and his

celebration.

met

festivities

of

Ambri, near

Jordan, and

order to avenge his death, Jonathan and

Jordan and

period

under the guardianship of John, a

of Jonathan, over

brother

gage,

it

this

than the acts of a religious

their personal property

in Judea, they sent

of

into the

fled

followers w-ere

Jordan by Bacchides and a Syrian army, and were

in great jeopardy,

but saved themselves by swimming across

the Jordan.^

Bacchides

now

took measures to secure that the subjection

Judea under the Syrian rule should be more decided than

of

3 1

Mace.
Mace.

ix.
ix.

28-31.
32-49.

Josepliiis,

I.e.

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii.

1.

2-4. The

fight willi

Bacchides took place on the eastern bank of the Jordan. For the account
in 1 Mace. ix. 43-49 goes back again, after the intercalated story of 1 Mace,
yi'>^6eii
ix. 35-42, upon the statement of 1 Mace. ix. 34 (Baxx'S/if
TTipav rnv \(ifht,vw). If, then, Jonathan and his adlicrents saved themselves
by swimming over the river, they must have reached the western bank,

'

and so remained in the wihlerness of Judea (compare

ix.

Hitzig

33).

is

422 f.), who represents the case as if Jonathan had


been driven by Bacchides into the country beyond the Jordan comjiaro
Keil, Commentar, p. IGO.
therefore in error

(ii.

236

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

He

hitherto.

the cities of Jericho,

fortified

Emmaus, Beth-

Horon, Bethel, Thamnatha, Pharathon, Tephon, and occupied

them with Syrian

garrisons.

the

of

fortifications

He

likewise gave orders that

Jews

of distinguished

and the

Gazara,

Beth-zur,

Jerusalem should be strengthened.

of

citadel

Finally, he took the sons

and put them in ward

as hostages,

in

the citadel of Jerusalem.^

About

month

this time, in the second

153, that

is,

in

May

b.c.

160

(1 Mace.

of the Seleucid year

54), the high priest

ix.

Alcimus by his ungodly conduct caused great offence

to those

who adhered strictly to the observance of the law. He threw


down the walls of the inner court, and "so destroyed the works
In his death, which speedily followed, they

of the prophets."

beheld God's righteous judgment on such wickedness.'^


*

here

Mace.

159

p.

ix.

named
;

50-53.

Joseplms, Antiq.

on Beth-Horon,

xiii. 1. 3.

The most of the towns

On Emmaus,

unknown.

are otherwise

see above, page 214.

The

Bethel

see Div.
is

ii.

vol.

i.

the well-known

ancient centre of Israelitish worship, according to Eusebius, Onomasticon,


ed. Lagarde, p. 209,
is

in

twelve

Hebrew nn^on

Palestine, see Div.

ii.

Roman

miles north of Jerusalem.

or rijOn, the
vol.

i.

p.

name

The

158.

Thamnatha

of these places in Southern

best

known

is

mDTlJJ^n,

where the tomb of Joshua was. According to the received text of 1 Mace.
ix. 50, Thamnatha-Pharathon is to be taken as the name of one place. But
probably Josephus, the Syriac, and the Vet. Lat. are right when they read
Koii

between the two words.

Pharathon

is

Hebrew

in

pnj;"lB>

a town in

perhaps the modern Ferata, southwest of Nablous (Robinson, Later Bibl. Researches, p. 65 sq. Guerin, Samaria,
ii. 179 f.).
But this Pharathon, as well as Thimnath-Serach, belonged to
Samaria, according to 1 Mace. xi. 34. It is therefore questionable whether
other similarly named towns in Judea may not be meant.
TiCpv or
the tribe of Ephraim, Judg.

xii. 13, 15,

Ts?<y is usually identified with the

Hebrew

niari.

If this

were only

more certain than it is, it would still be doubtful which of the different
Old Testament towns of the name were meant (see Mhlau in Riehm's
Handwrterbuch, p. 1612, art. " Tappuah " and p. 185, art. " BethTappuah"). On Beth-zur, see above, p. 216 on Gazara, see 7 on the
;

history of Simon.
* 1

Mace.

ix.

54-56.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii.

10.

6 (Josephus places the

C.

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

237

B.C. 161- U3.

the high priest does not seem to have been again

office of
filled.'

death of Alcimus before the death of Judas, see ahove, p. 230). The levelling of the walls, according to 1 Mace. ix. 54, was only jiartially carried
out.
It is doubtful what we are to understand by the tuxo; rii; a.ii'h-fic, r

In the temple of the Herodian age the


T'/i; iiunipxi of 1 Macc. ix. 54.
inner court, that is, the inner court in the strict and proper sense, was
Then a narrow terrace ran
surrounded first of all by a strong wall.
round about this, the so-called Chel, from which the ascent was made by
Under the steps ran a low breastwork, the
steps into the outer court.
yiuv

so-called Song,

which marked the boundary beyond which no

jiio,

Gentile was allowed to penetrate. When the First Book of Maccabees


speaks of a rfix^i, it seems unquestionable that the actual wall of the

On the other hand, we find in the Mishna


inner court is intended.
the tradition, that the Soreg had been thrown down in thirteen places
(jV ""D^D) hy the Greek kings, and that these thirteen "breaches" (niV"iQ)
had been subsequently closed up, and that in memory of this thirteen obeismade before it {Middoth ii. 3). It was an easy step
in advance to combine this tradition with the fact mentioned above, in wliich
case ri~txo^ would be considered an inexact translation of ^lio (so, for
ances were ordered to be

example, Gratz, Geschichte der Juden, iii., 4 Aufl. p. 10 f. Monatsschr. fr


on the other hand
Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenthums, 1876, p. 395 ff.
Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. 348, Anm. iii. ; Derenbourg,
;

Histoire, p. 65, note 3). But it is very questionable whether in the simple
arrangements of the pre-Herodian temple, wall and Soreg were found
In any case the offence conalreaily existing alongside of one another.
sisted in the attempt made by Alcimus to destroy the lines of demarcation
between the "holy" space of the court and the unlioly outer space, and
thus to admit the Gentiles freely within the court. The interpretation
is certainly wrong which supposes that by the inner court only the so-caUed
court of the priests was to be understood, and so by the Ts^ji^of the boundary
which within the court proper marked off the space for the Israelites (so
e.g. Keil).
For this boundary was no rsixo;, but a dpv:poiKro; (Antiq. xiii.
compare, Antiq. viii. 3. 9), and
13. 5) or ysiaiou {JFars of the Jews, v. 5. 6
did not probably exist before the time of Alexander Janniius (the mode

of expression in Antiq.

harip

{Wars

is

xiii.

13.

undoubtedly the same as

of the Jews, v.

5.

6 fin.),

at least indistinct).

is
is

called

by Josephus

iv. 5, V. 3. I fin., vi. 1. 8),

hpov

{Wars

that

is,

of the Jews, vi.

to hlov lto6v
2. 7),

{Wars

uv>vi

to iauiv iipv

{Wars

no Gentiles were admitted compare ahso Div.


^ Josephus assumes this in Anti. xiii. 1. 5.

of the Jews,

of the Jews, vi. 4. 4), to ttou

{Wars

of the Jews, vi.

the court in the strict and proper sense, to which


;

The

^ tuloy ctv'hn

hlirtpos TrspioM; {JFars of the Jews, v.

ivTog -TTtpio'Ko; {Antiq. xv. 11. 5), to fi/SoTt'p itpi"

1. 2),

ii.

voL

i.

4. 1),

all Israelites

pp. 299-305.

but

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

238
Soon

death of Alcimus, Bacchicles returned to

after the

Judea was now com-

Syria, believing that the subjugation of

There follows a period of seven years,

plete/

B.c.

160-153,

about which the First Book of Maccabees says almost nothing.

But these seven years must have been of very great importFor at
ance for the reinvigorating of the Maccabean party.
it

stands forward as the one party

really capable of forming a

government and as actually having

the close of that period

Judea under

Syrian kings in their

so that the

control,

its

contentions with one another are found


secure

its

eagerly seeking to

Only by one episode

devoted adherence.

light

is

shed upon the darkness of this era in the record of the First

Book

of

Two

Maccabees.

Bacchides, that

is,

Jews favourable

in

B.C.

years

158, the dominant party

the Greek customs

to

retirement

the

after

of

made urgent

of

the

repre-

sentations to the king's government about the resuscitation

Maccabean

of the

The consequence

party.

Bacchides went again with a


utterly destroy Jonathan

and

his

of this

was that

army in order to
But his followadherents.

still

larger

ing had already become so strong that Bacchides could not

done with them.

so easily be

themselves under

portion of

them entrenched

Simon's leadership in the wilderness at

Bethbasi, a place not otherwise known, and was there laid


siege

to

by

Bacchides

in

With another

vain.

portion

Jonathan went forth on a plundering expedition into the

When

country.

assigned

to

how

Bacchides observed

him was, very much

difficult

against the will

the task
of

Graeco-Jewish party which had brought him into such


culties,

the
diffi-

he made peace with Jonathan and returned again

to

Syria.*

The Jewish
to

come

to

parties appear

now

to

terms with one another.

Mace.

ix. 57.

Mace.

ix.

have made an attempt

The

Josephus, Antiq.

57-72.

result of this

xiii. 1. 5.

Joseplius, Antig. xiii.

1.

5-6.

seems

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

6.

239

1G1-U3.

B.C.

have been that Jonathan more and more secured again to

to

"

himself the leadership.

and Jonathan dwelt

at

The sword was now

Michmash

and he began

and drove out the ungodly from

people,

Book

laconic notice the First

This can

following five years.^

while the

official

of

at rest in Israel,
to judge the

With

Israel."

this

Maccabees passes over the

mean

only

that Jonathan,

Sanhedrim of Jerusalem was

by

filled

still

Michmash a sort
government, which gradually won the position of

those friendly to the Greeks, established at


rival

of

main influence
drive out

The

party.

among

in the country, so

(acpavi^eiv)

Hellenistic or

The

the people.

that

was able even

it

the ungodly, that

is,

to

the Hellenizing

Greek favouring party had no root

great mass of the

even

distinct consciousness that Hellenism,

Jews had
if it

still

the

should tolerate

the religion of Israel, was irreconcilable with the ideal of the

So soon, then, as pressure from above was removed,

scribes.

the great majority of the people gave themselves heart and


soul

to

the

therefore,
is

national

The

Jewish movement.

had the people soon again

Maccabees,

at their back.

And

this

the explanation of the fact that during the struggles for the

Syrian throne

now

beginning, the claimants contended with

one another in endeavouriufr to secure to themselves the goodwill of the Maccabees.

position to force

but were obliged to do

win the favour

The Syrian kings were no longer

in a

upon the people a Hellenistic government,


all

in their

of the Jews.

But

power

to

conciliate

this they could

under the sway of the Maccabees.

and

have only

The concessions they

made, however, furthered at the same time those tendencies

Mace.

ix.

73.

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii.

1.

6.

Max,"-

is

the Old

Testament
nine

DD3D according to Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 280,


Roman miles north of Jerusalem, in the neighbourhood of Rama, the

modern Mukhinas. See Robinson, Bibl. lictKarchts in Palestine, vol. iii.


59-63. Raumer, Pal. p. 212.
The Survey of
Guerin, Jtidte, iii. 63-65.
JVestern Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 12 and liO.
Also the great English Majj, Sheet

xvii.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

240

whicli actually brought about the dissolution of the Syrian

empire.

In the Seleucid year 160, or


the sequel shows, as early as

B.c.
B.c.

153152, and
153 (1 Mace.

indeed, as
x.

1, 21),

Alexander Balas, a youth of mean extraction, and merely a

made

tool of the kings leagued against Demetrius,

ance as a claimant of the

throne.-'

The despotic Demetrius

was himself no favourite in the country, and so

was

the danger threatening

rate kings.

It

him from

his appear-

the greater

all

the forces of the confede-

was even feared that the Jews might go over

to his opponent if he should be inclined to promise to set

among them
to

meet

than.

army

this

He

a national government.

up

Demetrius now sought

danger by himself granting concessions to Jonagave him

full

authority to

summon

together an

in order to support the king, and for this purpose agreed

^^ The details are as follows


In Smyrna there lived a 'boj(/xsipxKwy.rj;
Diodorus) of the name of Balas (Justin.), who greatly resembled Antiochus
Eupator, and gave himself out as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes, but in
truth was of mean origin (sortis extremae juvenis, Justin). Attains II.,
:

king of Pergamum, had the youth brought to him, gave him the name
Alexander, and set him up in rivalry to Demetrius as a claimant to the
Syrian throne (Diodorus in Mller, Frarjm. Hist. Oraec. ii. praef. p. 12, n.
14

Justin, xxxv. 1).

Under

the direction of Heraclides, formerly finance

whom Demetrius had dismissed (Appian.


Rome, and endeavoured to obtain recognition from the Roman senate. Although the falsity of his pretensions
was quite plain, the senate took him up and promised him its support
(Polybius, xxxiii. 14, 16).
Besides, Alexander was aided not only by
Attains II. of Pergamum, but also by Ptolemy VI. Philometor of Egypt
and Ariarathes V. of Cap^jadocia (Justin, xxxv. 1 Strabo, xiii. 4. 2, p.
C24 Appian. Sijr. 67 Eusebius, Chronicoji, ed. Schoene, i. 255) and the
people of Syria themselves, on account of the overbearing and tyrannical
minister of Antiochus Epiphanes,

Syr. 45, 47), Alexander

went

to

new claimant
(Diodorus and Justin. ; compare also Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 2. 1). Thus
Alexander began the war against Demetrius, " totius ferme orientis virihiLS
subcindus^' (Justin.).
From this statement of the facts, for which see
especially Justin., it is evident that it is incorrect, with Josephus (Antiq.
xiii. 4. 8
'Ay^s^xulpos 6 BciXx: /syo'^si/oj), to represent " Balas " as the
cognomen of Alexander. Rather Balas was his own proper name, and so
Strabo correctly names him (xvi. 2. 8, p. 751) to B?.v AXi^ca/Opo.
character of Demetrius, were decidedly inclined to favour the

'

THE TIMES OF JONATHAX,

6.

in the citadel of Jerusalem.

set free,

and given back

still

Jonathan then went

The

power.

full

241

161-143.

Jewish hostages who were

to the liberation of the

salem invested with

B.C.

detained

Jeru-

to

hostac^es were, in fact,

But Jonathan now

to their parents.

formally seized 2:)ossession of Jerusalem, and fortified the city

and the temple mount.


the
in

by Bacchides were sent away.

built

fortresses

and

Beth-zur

Also the Syrian garrisons of most of

the

in

of

citadel

Jerusalem

Only

did

these

garrisons remain.^^

Bat Demetrius was not

He was

to Jonathan.

He

Balas.

sufficiently liberal in his concessions

immediately

far

outbidden by Alexander

appointed Jonathan high priest of the Jews, and

sent him, as a badge of princely rank, the purple and the

Jonathan was not slow to grasp these new

diadem.

offers.

At the Feast of Tabernacles of the Seleucid year 160, in the


autumn of B.c. 153, he put on the sacred vestments.^^ He
had thus

all at

Jewish people.

government in

once, even formally,

become the head

of

the

The Greek party was driven out of the


Judea, and never again regained power, for

Jonathan succeeded in maintaining his position amid


changes of the following year.

he was able to attain to that which Judas, with

had never been able

When Demetrius

all

the

Favoured by circumstances,
all his

bravery,

to reach.

heard that Jonathan had gone over to the

party of Alexander Balas, he endeavoured by yet more liberal

win him back

])romises to

now made

which he

good to be credited

to his

The gracious

side.

the

Jewish leader were

the

tribute

was

to

be remitted, the

citadel of Jerusalem given over to the Jews, the

tory to

be enlarged by the addition

oflers

indeed too

Jewish

of three

terri-

districts

of

Samaria, the temple to be endowed with rich presents and

DIV.

I.

^'

^*

VOL.

Mace.
Mace.
I.

X.

1-14.

X.

15-21.

Josephus,

Auticj. xiii. 2. 1.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 2.

2-3.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

242

expense of building the walls of Jerusalem was

privileges, the

to be defrayed out of the royal treasury.^^

Jonathan was prudent enough not


offers.

to yield to these

tempting

It was quite foreseen that Demetrius would

succumb

he go forth conqueror,

it

was not

be expected that he would

to

Jonathan therefore

such extravagantly liberal promises.

fulfil

But even should

of his opponent.

to the superior strength

remained on the side of Alexander Balas, and never had occasion to regret his doing

Alexander and his confederates


life

in b.c.

150, and

Alexander was crowned

in the battle.

In the same

Demetrius was conquered by

so.

however,

year,

B.c.

own

lost his

king.^^

150

(1

Mace.

x.

57,

Seleucid year 162), an opportunity was afforded Alexander


of

showing marked respect

to Jonathan,

and loading him with

Alexander had treated with King Ptolemy Philo-

honours.

metor of Egypt

hand

the

for

of

his

daughter

Cleopatra.

I'tolemy had promised her to him, and the two kings

met together

in Ptolemais,

now

where Ptolemy himself gave away

his daughter to Alexander,

and the marriage was celebrated

with great magnificence.

Alexander

to be present,

and received him with marked

deputies of the Hellenistic party in Judea,

Jonathan

The

respect.

who made

accusa-

But the

Jonathan, were indeed also there.

against

tions

invited

also

king gave them no audience, but only showed his favour

Jonathan the

toward

He had him

more conspicuously.

clothed in the purple and seated beside him, and appointed

him

o-TpaT77709

of Judea,

cised
^* 1
^* 1

XXXV.

and

fiepLhdpj(7]<i,

and thus the

were now formally


Mace.
Mace.
1

45-60.

Appiaxi. Syr.

Josephus,
c.

for the

province

confirrned.^^

Josephus, Antiq.

22-45.

X.

X.

presumably

political privileges already actually exer-

67.

xiii. 2. 3.

^^litg. xiii. 2. 4.

The account

Polybius,

iii. 5.

Justin.

of the death of Demetrius

is

given in fullest detail by Josephus, whose story is confirmed by Justin


invido animo inter confertissimos fortisdme dimicans cecidit.
^^

Mace.

X.

46-50.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii.

4.

1-2.

"^Tpxrrr/ci

and

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

C.

243

B.C. 161-143.

During the next year Jonathan was exposed

to

no danger

from any side in maintaining the position which

The Greek party had been

reached.

Alexander Balas was an incapable

ruler,

had

lie

tlioroughly silenced.

who abandoned him-

sensual gratifications, and never thought of restricting

self to

the concessions that had been

made

to the

The Syrian suzerainty continued indeed


Jonathan and

his

party ruled

striven after by the

in

Jewish high

to exist.

priest.^^

But

since

Judea' the aims hitherto

Maccabees were reached.

Soon, however,

the revolutions about the Syrian throne brought

new

dangers,

but at the same time a new opportunity for the extension of


political power.

We

see

Jonathan now as a

political partisan,

sometimes of one, sometimes of another claimant of the Syrian


throne, and using in a

clever

manner the weakness

of the

Syrian empire for the purpose of obtaining advantages to the

Jewish

])eople.

But the aims

pointed higher than

this.

It

of the

Maccabean movement

no longer seemed enough

the party of Jonathan ruled unopposed

The troubles

of the Syrian

in

internal

empire were made use of

tliat

affairs.

for

the

purpose of widening the boundaries of the Jewish territory

by donation, partly by conquest

partly

plete

at their

own hand, and

with a dogged determination to accomplish the com-

finally

emancipation of the Jewish

nation

from the Syrian

empire.

In

147

B.c.

fitpiQtpx'^;

iJiay

For further

(1 Mace. x. 67, Seleucid year 165), Demetrius


be taken as equivalent to military and

civil

governor.

Grimm

on 1 IVIacc. x. 65. It specially deserves


notice, that, in spite of Jonathan's appointment as trrpuTriyo;, a Syrian
governor still continued to occupy the citadel of Jerusalem.
^*'
On Alexander's character, see Diodorus in Midler, Fragm. Hist.
Grace, ii. praef. p. xvi. n. 19 (he speaks of a vavTsXr;? ccOwetfii rii; ipuxv;
uvTov).
Livy, Epit. 50 In Syria, quae eo tempore stirpc pcneris parent regi
particulars, see

Macedonum,
ganea

inertia socordiaque siinilcrn

et histris,

ratae opes

et

Ammonius

regnahat.

Primae regem

Justin, xxxv. 2

habebat, jaccnte eo in
:

Alexandrum

insj^c-

alienae felicitatis ornamcnta velut captuin inter scorforum gregcs

de.^idem in regia tenebant.

244

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.


son of Demetrius

II.,

opposition

the

to

I.,

himself up

set

as

rival

weakling Alexander Balas.

contemptible

ApoUonius, the governor of Coele-Syria, took his

Jonathan

continued

faithful

which Jonathan was

of Apollonius'

command
stroyed

while

He

victorious.

drove out a garrison

from Joppa, then defeated an army under the

of Apollonius in the neiglibourhood of Ashdod, de-

Ashdod and the temple

returned to Jerusalem with rich


of this support,

Ekron and

of

side,

Consequently

Alexander.

to

were commenced between Apollonius and Jonathan,

hostilities

in

king in

of

Dagon

in that city,

Alexander Balas bestowed upon him the

its territory

and

In acknowledgment

spoils.^'^

city

.^^

But Jonathan was the only one who stood by Alexander


opposition to Demetrius.

of Antioch,

inhabitants

Tlie

own soldiers, declared in favour


own father-in-law, Ptolemy, ranged

in

and

Alexander's

of Demetrius.^'

Even

himself on the

his

side of Alexander's opponent, took Cleopatra

ander, and gave her to the

Ptolemy

his wife.""

new

back from Alex-

candidate for the throne as

also led a strong

army

against Alexander,

with which he attacked him at the river Oenoparas, on the


plains of Antioch.
^"

Mace.

X.

67-87.

Alexander

tied

Joseplius, Antiq.

the affair so erroneously as to

to Arabia,

xiii. 4.

make Apollonius

On Joppa and Ashdod, see Div.

3-4.

where

his life

Josepluis describes

take the side of Alexander

pp. 79 ff., 76 ff.


Josephus assigns as motive
for the donation, that Alexander Balas wished to make it appear that
Apollonius, as his general, had attacked Jonathan against the king's will.
Balas.

^^ 1

Mace.

'Ax.Kcipi/ is

ii.

vol.

88-89. J ose-pYius, Antiq. xiii. 4.

X.

i.

4.

the old Philistine jilpy, according to Eusebius, Onomasticon,

between Ashdod and Jamnia, toward the east, theremodern Akir, east of Jamnia.
See
Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, vol. iii. 189, 234. Raumer,
Palstina, p. 185.
Guerin, Jude'e, ii. 36-44.
The Survey of Western
Palestine, ^Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 408.
Also the large
English Map, Sheet xvi.
ed.

Lagarde,

p. 218,

fore probably identical with the

^^

Justin. XXXV. 2.

-" 1

Mace.

xi.

1-13.

Fraijm. Hist. Graec.

ii.

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii. 4. 5-7.


p. xvi. n. 19.

Livy, Epit. 52.

Diodorus in Mller,

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

C.

was put an end

to

by the hand

an assassin.

of

245

B.C. 161-143.

Immediately

afterward Ptolemy also died of wounds received in the

Thus Demetrius became king


Comp, on

Seleucid year 167.

As

confederate

the

occupied

now

felt

145

B.C.

toward

19,

xi.

page 175).

Jonathan had

Balas,

Demetrius.

would

It

himself strong enough to

attempt to secure by force

battle."^

(1 Mace.

this subject, above,

Alexander

of

attitude

hostile

appear that he

in

make

the

emancipation from the Syrian

In a regular manner he laid siege to the citadel of

empire.

Jerusalem, in which a Syrian garrison


as so often

happened in similar

party in his

own

nation, the

they are called in

Mace.

auBpa

xi.

who

and

avofioi, as

called the attention

In con-

of the Syrian king to these revolutionary measures.

sequence of these reports, Demetrius


Ptolemais to answer

his

for

again,

was the opposition

it

irapdvofioL

21, 25,

Here

lay.

still

cases,

summoned Jonathan

to

But Jonathan was

conduct.

daring enough boldly to claim concessions from Demetrius.

He

allowed the siege

still to

presents to Ptolemais, and


to

Judea

proceed, betook himself with

demanded

to

and immunity from

These were some

of the

points in the concessions which Demetrius

essential

Demetrius did not venture

Jonathan.

demands.

He

ricli

Demetrius the cession

of three provinces of Samaria,

tribute for this whole district.

made

of

most

I.

had

to refuse these

agreed to add to Judea the three Samaritan

provinces of Ephraim, Lydda, and Ramathaim,

made over

this

enlarged Judea to Jonathan free from tribute, and confirmed

him

in all dignities

which he had previously enjoyed.

Of

the citadel of Jerusalem no mention wliatever was then made.

P^idently these concessions were the price on account of which

Jonathan agreed
"'

Mace.

xi.

14-19.

Frarjvn. Hist. Grace,

battle is given

to raise the siege.*'

by

ii.

Josepliu., Aiiq. xiii. 4. 8.

p. xvi. n. 20.

Strabo, xvi.

2* 1 Mace. xi. 20-37.


former dignities, 1 Mace.

Livy, Epit.

2. 8, p.

The

Diodoms

in

Mller,

Tlu^ locality of

the

751.

Josephus, Antiq.
xi. 27.

r>2.

xiii.

4.

9. Confirmation

three provinces,

xi.

34 (compare

(f

x.

246

THE MAGCABEAN PERIOD.

Such a receding on the part of the Syrian king before the


Jewish demands ten years previously would not have been

But now the power

thought of for a moment.


cidae was broken.

None

sure of his throne.

and

this weakness,

of the kings of Syria

was henceforth

And Jonathan knew how

make use of
own advantage.

skilfully to turn

it

to his

The next years gave him abundant opportunities

to

for carrying out

Demetrius had scarcely made these

his policy of annexation.

when he found himself

concessions,

of the Seleu-

obliged to

make new

pro-

mises in order to secure the support of Jonathan in circumstances of serious difficulty.


30, 38, xi. 28, 57)

probability that

Passover (.John

certain Diodotus,

freedom from tribute,

Ephraim

xi. 34,

surnamed

35.'A$/o;,

is

in all

which Christ withdrew shortly before the

to

according to Josephus, IFars of the Jews, iv. 9. 9,


according to Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed.

xi. 54),

in the neighbourhood of Betliel

miles north of Jerusalem (kxI hn -jv


opn AiT^icc: ii; cctto ariuet&iy x'), and five
Roman miles east of Bethel (Jerome, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 94, et
est hodie vicus Efrem in quinto miliario Bethelis ad orientem respiciens ; the
Also 'IQX of
parallel Greek text of Eusebius, p. 222, is defective).
2 Sam. xiii. 23, and pisy of 2 Chron. xiii. 19, designate probably the same
place.
For conjectures about its situation, see Robinson, Researches in
Palestine, vol. iii. 67-72.
Guerin, Judjk, iii. 45-51. On Lydda, the
modern Ludd, see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 159.
V a,y.oc&iu. is certainly the wellknown city of Samuel, 1 Sam. i. 1, D'Qiv D^nO"), elsewhere more shortly

Lagarde,
x.iAn

p.

254, twenty

Roman

V^i^pxiifi f/^sytarti Tspi rot

'

named n^nn

but

its

position

still

According

continues very doubtful.

Sam. i. 1, it lay on Mount Ephraim. Eusebius places it in the


neighbourhood of Diospolis - Lydda (Ouomasticoyi, ed. Lagarde, p.
'ET^Koi.yoc
Kcti
la.f/.ovlj'K' ksitxi Se
etiirti
225 sq.
Ap/it-ctSifn, 2=<^" nrohig
In
Aioott'Aiu;, '66iv ^v \oi(j'/j(p, tv ivoiy/s\ioi; tx.7r6 ApifixdietcTry^Yiaiov
Jerome, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 96, the passage runs Armathem
Sophim civitas Helcanae et Samuhelis in regione Thamnitica juxta Diospolim,
unde flat Joseph, qui in evangeliis, de Arimathia scrihitur). One passage,
1 Mace. xi. 34, vouches for the correctness of this statement, for it say.s
It is
that down to the time of Jonathan the city belonged to Samaria.
probably to be identified with the modern Beit Rima, north-east of Lydda,
in the neighbourhood of Thamna (see Furrer in Schenkel's Bihellexicon,
Distinct from this one is anotlier Ramah, in the tribe of
art. "Rama'").
Benjamin, which lay much nearer Jerusalem (against Graf, Stiiditn und
Kritiken, 1854, p. 858 ff., and Mfihlau in Riehra's Handwrterbuch, art.
" Rama," who identify the two places).
Compare Gesenius, Thesaurm,
to 1

'

'

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

6.

H.C.

247

lGl-143.

Trypho, of Apamea/' a former general of Alexander Balas,

managed

to get hold of the person of the youthful

who had been brought up by an

Alexander, called Antiochus,

Arab Imalkue, and

The

Demetrius.'*

him up

set

own

Demetrius, since his

as

he promised to surrender

In face of these dangers.

Jonathan the citadel of Jerusalem

to

fortresses of Judea,

auxiliary

disposal

his

peril to

troops deserted, and the inhabitants of

Antioch assumed a hostile attitude.

and the other

king in opposition to

rival

was fraught with extreme

situation

son of

if

Jonathan would place


soon

Joiiatlian

troops.

sent

at

three

thousand men, who just arrived at the right moment in order


to afford powerful aid to

now broken

that had

the king in suppressing the revolt

out in Antioch.

was admittedly by

It

was crushed.

their assistance that the rising in the city

With

the thanks of the king, and with rich booty, the Jewish troops

returned to Jerusalem.^^
Theiiius, Die Bcher Samrceh,

p. 1275.

"Rama."

art.

Htorxj of Israel,
''*

XVI. 2. 10, p. 752

l,vp6)v,

Ttul

zu

i'T^tx.T^yjSi'jro;

Ayrxfiitav

TTi;

Tctvrri; sax^

oi

t?

'

tyi'j

ATrxy-iVi to
'aiivccu.fj

rpccitili

;,

etrou,

raiu

The

"Winer,

Kce.1

exactly, Strabo,
'

ATrctusloi.:) ^ Tt

s~idsai;

'

-r>)

a.iri'hiioe,

A-TrocfAiicc xoci
pf^tiiiu,

Axpiain;

-iriotoiKi^uv,
.'K'kuv

BWB.
Ewald,

ruy

yoip iv Kocai ccvoi ;, (poovoii)

f4,iu
o'

More

rocvrfiv (seil, ri;;

<3sj vsarepi^nv
kxl

A7To'h7\.uviot;

ix.

p. 111.

-/iyo^.

7rpi/|/i(7/j

'Eysytyjjro

el<Popfix; xett
x,*t

Sam.

x.i

avoTotSzi;

Ik t^; To'Kiu;

tuu Kxaiotvuv

1 avviri'Aovv

toiovtuv,

si;

rriu

Apamea, famous on account of its


lay on the Orontes, south of Antioch.
Comjiare Strabo, xvL 2.

'\Treiuiixu

strength,

A^oOoVof

yij

Kxi rol; inpl

Miyetpav

urrotcxi.

8-10, pp. 751-753.


-* 1

5. 1

ivrvJdiu cpy,Yidivro;.

v.ai'Kii

Kotl

6/i'Koi

on

Palestine (1881), pp. 224, 225.

Henderson, Palestine,

421.

ii.

.Josephus, Antiq. xiii.

rou 'Tpv(puvo;

and

Stanley, Si7iai

Mace.

fortress of

Ritter, Erdkunde, xviL 2. 1070, 1076-1086.

xi. 39, 40, 54.

Mller, Frwjin. Hist. Graec.

Josephus, Antiq.
t.

ii.

xiii. 5. 1

p. xvii. n. 21.

and

2.

Diodorus in
Appian.

Livy, Epit. 52.

young king Alexander. The name of the


Arab, FJuafiKovxi or 'lux>^Kovi (1 Mace. xi. 3!)), in Hebrew 1370, which is
met with on Palmyrian inscriptions see Noldeke in Euting, Nabatische
Josephus, the Syriac, and the Latin text of the
Inschriften (1885), p. 74
cod. Sagerm. read here Malchus
Diodorus gives Jamblichus, which also
Syr.

c.

68, erroneously calls the

nothing
Brambach,
is

^*

else

than

o^D%

Latin Jamblichu.s, Corp. Inscr. Rhenan., ed.

n. 1233.

Mucc.

xi. 33,

41-52.

Josephus, Antiq. xiiL

5.

2-3.

248

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD,

But Demetrius did not


made.

It also

new claimant

fulfil

the promise which he had

soon appeared that he must yield before the


to

With

the throne.

the help of the troops

deserted from Demetrius, Trypho

that had

made themselves masters


way secured the sway in

and Antiochus
and

of the capital Antioch,

in this

Without

the centre of the empire.

delay they sought also to win over Jonathan to their

Antiochus confirmed him in possession of

appointed military

down

In view

to the borders of Egypt."

the faithlessness and weakness of Demetrius,

of

Jonathan regarded
over to
party,
to

the

as justifiable as well as

it

He

of Antiochus.

side

useful to pass

therefore

and undertook, in connection with

joined his

his brother Simon,

reduce the provinces of the empire lying next to Judea

under the rule of the new claimant.


in

that Demetrius

all

At the .same time his brother Simon was


commander for the king, from the ladder

had granted him.


of Tyre

side.

those

over

districts

military commander.

and Syrian

troops,

The

Gaza.

Antiochus
recourse

to

went out against the


readily

latter

Mace.

xi.

53-59.

cities of

declared

yielded

measures.

forcible

give hostages, and took


-* 1

beginning was made

So Jonathan, at the head

former
the

Simon had been appointed

which

only

He

after

Jewish

Ascalon and

submission

Jonathan

compelled the

them with him

Josephus, Antiq.

its

of

5.

3-4.

had

city

to Jerusalem.^^

xiii.

to

The

to

Then
xXiy..^

according to Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 10. 2, a


By the appointment as
liigh hill, a hundred Stades north of Ptolemais.
trroxryiyog over the district named, Simon became an officer of the king of
The position must fir.st
the highest rank, and that also outside of Judea.
Ti/pov or Tvptav

is,

have been given him in opposition


pare Stark, Gaza, p. 491
^''
1 Mace. xi. 60-62.

to the arpccrriyo; of Demetrius.

Com-

f.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii.

5.

5.

On

Askalon and

It is deserving of notice that


pp. 74 ff., 68 ff.
here regarded as a partisan of Trypho and Antiochus. It

Gaza, see Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

Jonathan is
was not therefore intended to unite these cities with the Jewish
territory, but only to compel them to attach themselves to the party to
Mhich Jonathan belonged.

THE TIMES OF JONATFIAX,

6.

Jonathan proceeded
in the valley of

Hazor

northern Galilee, and offered battle

to the general of Demetrius,

went against him, but

first

At

to

249

161-113.

B.C.

at

last

which at

resulted in a victory.*^

the same time Simon laid siege to the fortress of Beth-

south

zur in the
ing

to

them

of

Demetrius

where

Judea,

still

a garrison adher-

After a long siege he compelled

lay.

surrender the citadel, and placed

to

in

a Jewish

it

garrison.

While taking those


power, Jonathan

steps toward the establishment of his

not forget to strengthen his position

further by diplomatic negotiations with foreign nations.

still

He

did

Numenius and

sent two ambassadors,

renew the covenant with the Eomans that had

in order to

been concluded in the time of

were

Antipater, to Rome,

also bearers of letters

These ambassadors

Judas.^*'

from the high priest and Jewish

people to Sparta and other places, in order to open up and


^^1 Mace.
xi. 67,

is

xi.

G3-T4.

Josephus,

the li^'n of Josli. xi.

1,

Jjiiig.

10-13,

xiii.

xii.

5.

6-7.

19, xix.

'

36

hn'p,
;

Judg.

Mace.
iv.

2,

Kinf,'s ix. 15
According to
2 Kings xv. 29.
(compare Josh. xi. 5), it lay in the neighbourhood of the Lake Semechonitis or Meroni {vTripKinai -zv,; '2zi/.i-/,u'jhtoo:
the extreme north of Palestine. The name is
'hifAvvi<;\ therefore in
probahly .still retained in the modern Merj Hadireh (valley of Hadireli),
and Jeljel Hadireli (Mount Hadireh), west of the Merom lake, in
the great wady running down to the Merom lake.
See Sheet iv. of
Robinson describes "the ruins" lying in the
the large English Map.
neighbourhood of el-Khureibeh as marking the jjosition of the city of
Hazor. See generally, Kobinson, Later Biblical Researches in Palestine,
Guerin, Galilee, ii. 363-368. TTie Survey of IFestern Palestine,
p. 36.').
Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 204. Also Raumer, Palstina, ji.
127 f., and the article Hazor or Hasor in the dictionaries of Winer,
Schenkel, and Rielim. Ritter is mistaken when in his Erdkunde, xv. 1.
260-265 (Eng. transl. ii. 221-225), he places Hazor to the north-ea.'?t of the

17 ; 1 Sam. xii. 9
Josephus, Antiq. v.

Merom

lake.

proved by
-''

it

Mace.

xi. 65, 66.

Mace.

xii.

xiii.

5.

1-4
8.

lay on. the western side, a

little

south of Kadish,

is

xi. 63, 67, 73.

^^ 1

Antiq.

5. 1

That
Mace.

Josephus, Antiq.

Compare,

philologae Lipsiensis,

t.

xiii. 5. 6.

the names of the ambassadors,


v.

Mendel-^sohn in

1875, pp. 101-104.

xii.

Ritschl's

16.

Josephus,

Acta Societatis

250

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

From

secure friendly relations with them."'^

we

also

learn

such relations between the

that

foreign peoples were

In

times.

the fact that

The

the

of

had addressed a friendly

between Jonathan and Demetrius meantime

was

conducted by him that he not only

so

interests

advanced his own.

of

Soon

Demetrius sustained

new army

sent a

of Sparta

refers to

to the high priest Onias.''^

conflict

served

the Spartans, Jonathan

to

King Areus

continued, and

Jews and

not wholly without example in earlier

the letter

communication

these documents

to

Trypho
after the
in

and

Antiochus, but

also

defeat which the troops

the valley of Hazor, Demetrius

But

attack Jonathan.

this

time the

"' I Mace.
xii. 2: 'srpo; "^'TZu.ona.Tct; Koe.1 r-Troi/g ertpov;.
The letter to
the Spartans in particular, 1 Mace. xii. 5-23 Joseph us, Antiq. xiii. 5. 8.
;

The answer
32 1

Mace.

name of
Book of

of the Spartans,
xii. 7, 8,

19-22.

Mace. xiv. 16-23.

Josephus, Antiq.

xii.

10, xiii. 5.

8. The

the Spartan king seldom occurs in the manuscripts of the First

In 1 Mace. xii. 7 it is given as Aapeio:, in xii. 20 as


but the codex Sinaiticus has the better reading ovixcton;-, that is,
^Ovlcf. "Apjjj, for the rare name Oniares is produced simply by combination
with the previously occurring name of Onias. In both places, as both
Josephus and the Vdus Lat. agree in showing, the original form was
The more correct form is 'Apei/g.
'Ao6;of.
It is thus given in Greek
authors and inscriptions. See Corpris Inscriptionum Atticarum, t. ii. 1, n.
352. Hicks, Manual of Greek Historical Inscriptions, Oxford 1882, p. 286 f.
Dittenberger, Sylloge inscript. graec. n. 163.
There were two Spartan
kings of this name Areus I., who, according to Diodorus, xx. 29, reigned
for forty years, from b.c. 309 to b.c. 265 ; and Areus IL, who reigned about
B.c. 255, but died while only a child of eight years.
See Pausanias, iii.
On the Spartan kings, see Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, ii. 255-271, and
6. 6.
While Onias II. could scarcely
article "Areus" in Pauly's Real-Encycl.
have been contemporary with Areus IL, it has been assumed that Areus I.
was the contemporary of Onias I. The combination of Josephus is
certainly erroneous in Antiq. xii. 4. 10, which brings down the latter to
The latter therefore belongs to the period of the
the time of Onias III.
Diadochae, when the Spartans, in their conflict with Antigonus and his
eon Demetrius Poliorcetes, might very naturally have been supposed to
entertain the idea of making the situation difl&cult for their opponent by
'Ovtxpm;

Maccabees.

exciting agitations in the

East.

Compare

between the Jews and the Spartans


critica de fide historica

generally on the relations

WernsdorfF, Commentatio historico-

librorum Maccabaicorum, 1747, pp. 140-171.

H.

J.

6.

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

Jewish leader withdrew farther

Hamath, north

of

of

to the

No

Lebanon.

north, into the district

turned

Zabadeans,

his

then

and

When

southwards.

his course

directed

Damascus,

against

Jonathan

recalled;*'

the Arabian tribe

against

forces

engagement had

decisive

taken place, when the Syrian army was


then

251

1G1-H3.

B.C.

then,

the city, and by the

tions of

Syrian

the

off

Even

city.^*

all

Jonathan's

in the " Sephela," that

is,

in

tlie

with

intercourse

the

Simon had placed

return

He now

a Jewish garrison in Joppa.

fortifica-

erection of a high wall cut

from

garrison

before

he

had returned

he

Jerusalem he saw to the strengthening of the

to

the

of

again,

also

fortified

Adida

lowlands in the west of

Judea.*'
E. Palmer,
dicuntur,

De

epistolarum, quas Spartani atqtce Judaei invicem sibi misisse

veritate, Darinst.

1828.

Grimm,

Exegetischen

Handbuch zum

Makkaberbuch, pp. 184 fF., 210 f. The articles "Sparta," "Spartaner,"


in the dictionaries of Winer, Schenkel, and Riehm.
The curious fancy
1

which led Hitzig to seek the Spartans in Asia Minor, scarcely deserves
mention.

See Zeitschrift der deutschen

morgenland.

Gessellschaft,

Bd.

Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. 345-349. Tlie


1855, pp. 731-737
tiction of a relationship between the Jews and the Spartans, wliich conix.

stituted the motive for the Spartans to write their letter (1 Mace. xii. 6,

compare 2 Mace.

7,

was not unheard of during the era of Helleni.^ni.


Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor, p. 29, Anm., refers in illustration and
for proof to Stephen of Byzantium under the word'Iot//.
; KXatt/O/o,21

v. 9),

'lofX/of

fltTTo,

Oi/dcciov

'S.'Tra.pruv

evo; tK

QTjri^ ftsTcc

Atovvaov larpxrsvKTOi.

In a decree of the Pergamenes (Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 18. 22) there is also
mention of a relation between the Jews and the Pergamenes. Compare
also J. G. Mller, Die Semiten in ihrem Verhltniss zu Chamiten und
JapJietiten (1872), p. 101.

'3 1 Mace. xii. 24-30. Josephus, ^Im^i^. xiii. 5. 10.


On the fact recorded
here and in what follows, Derenbourg in his Hisfnire de la Palestine, j)]>.

99, 100,

would

17th Adar,

refer to the statement in Mcgillath Taanith,

when

the Gentiles had risen against the

little

33 " On tlie
group of the
:

and Zabdea, there came salvation to tlie


house of Israel." This combination seems to me exceedingly venturous,
although even Wellhausen in his Phariser und Sadducer, p. 58, is
scribes in the districts of Chalcis

it.
On Hamath, see the dictionaries of Winer,
Schenkel, Riehm, and Ritter, Erdkunde, xvii. 2. 1031 ff.
^* 1 Mace. xii. 31-37.
Jo.sephus, Antiq. xiii. 5. 10-11.

inclined to agree to

3" 1

Mace.

xii.

33, 34, 38.

Josephu.^, Antiq. xiii.

5. 10.

2e<p;jA

ia

the

252

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

All these operations were avowedly carried on by Jonathan

and Simon

young king Antiochus and

in the interests of the

But the

tutor-regent Trypho.

his

latter

regarded with considerable misgivings the

And

Jewish power.

power

of the

have
the

of

For the more the

not without reason.

Jews themselves

seems to
increase

increased, the gi'eatcr

became

the danger of their shaking themselves free of the Syrian

dominion altogether.
stood

how Trypho,

It

so

may

therefore be quite easily under-

soon as Demetrius allowed him a free

According to the First Book


came about because Trypho wished himself

hand, turned against Jonathan.


of Maccabees, this
to

assume the crown, while Jonatlian would not allow

may

This

Hebrew

indeed have been

npsc, the lowland west

In the Mishna, Schebiith

ix.

(lowlands near Lydda) and

2,

so,

it.

only the motives by which

of the mountainous region of Judea.

a distinction

is

made between

ni^ n?DEJ'

m-nn

ri7Z^ (lowlands of the south). So, too,


Jerome in his conunentary on Obadiah ver. 19 (Opp. ed. Vallarsi, vi. 381)
qui autem habitabant in Sephela id est in campestribus, Liddam et Emmaus,
Diospolim scilicet Nicopolimque, svjnificans.
Alii vero putant earn Scphc.

lam id
296

campestrem recjionem, quae circa Eleutheropolim

Less definite

etc.

p.

est

Ss^yjA.

is
.

xcci

ug

'in 'juv

'S,i(p/}'Acc

x.oc'hi'nt.

uvr/i iPTiv

TYjy ^Y.'KtvdipoTroKiv -TrtOtv/i -jcvpoi ^rpoc, oppciv x.xl Zva/icoc;.

distiict of

Tinn

Lydda

of Ezra

ii.

est,

repromifti

the statement in Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde,

is

33

meant.
Xeh.
;

\\oilx,
vii.

Mace.

37, xi. 34.

xii.

7rSi7cc

ij

ttioi

In Our ^^assage the


38, xiii.

13,

to the

In the Mishna, Arachin

inn is referred to as one of the old cities which were surrounded


with walls as early as the days of Joshua. A Eabbi Jakim of Chadid is
met with in E'liijdih vii. 5. The common printed text has been indeed
nnn or -nn, but all the better copies have T'tU- The Greek forms "Aootox
JVars of the Jews,
oT"Aotl are given in Josej^hus, Antiq. xiii. 6. 4, 15. 2
According to the latter passage, it commanded the main road
iv. 9. 1.
which led from the west, therefore from Joppa to Jerusalem. The fact
that in Ezra ii. 34 and Neh. vii. 37 it is named together with Lydda
and Ono, is in agreement with this. The Aditlm juxta Diospolim quasi
ad orientalem plaqam respiciens, referred to by Eusebius and Jerome,
Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 93, is therefore probably to be identified with
the modern Haditheh, east of Lydda.
See the dictionaries of Winer,
Schenkel, and Riehm also Raumer, Palstina, j). 168 f. Guerin, Samarie,
ii.
64-67.
TJie Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and
Kitchener, ii. 297, 322.
See also large English Map, Sheet xiv.

ix. 6,

THE TIMES OF JONATHAN,

6.

Jonathan

was

were

actuated

253

B.C.

lCl-143.

not

so

much

army

to Palestine, in

moral

as

political.^^

Tryplio went therefore with an

At Beth-sean
view was at

met Jonathan.

or Scythopolis he

first

of a friendly nature, although

with him as large an army as


sought to remove the

upon him tokens


a great

of

army was

they did

toward one another a warlike attitude.


follow

him with

should give
fortresses

a small

over to

select

him

Trypho

him

represented to

since

superfluous,

If

company

that city

inter-

Jonathan by heaping

of

He

respect.

The

Jonathan had

Trypho.

of

that

suspicions

order

Jewish power.

to reduce within moderate limits the increasing

and

not

that

occupy

Jonathan should
Ptolemais, he

to

" the

rest

the

of

and troops," meaning those between the Ladder of

Tyre and the borders of Egypt, over which Simon had been
appointed military conmiander.^^

Jonathan actually allowed

himself to be deceived by those promises.

He

dismissed his

army, and followed Trypho to Ptolemais with only a thousand

But scarcely had he reached that place when he was

men.

put in prison, and his people murderously cut dovvn.^

The news

of this faithless proceeding of

excitement throughout Judea.

It

last survivor of the five brothers of the

himself at the head of

By

affairs.

Trypho caused great

was natural

tliat

Simon, the

Maccabees, should place


the decree of a popular

assembly he was formally chosen leader.

His

first

acts

were

the acceleration of the works on the fortifications of Jerusalem,

and taking

definite

possession of Joppa.

had never hitherto belonged


the

exercise

of his

mander over the

own

coast

to

The

latter place

the Jewish territory.

official

districts,

But

in

authority as military comSimon had placed there a

3" 1 ]\r;icc. xii. 39, 40.


*''

On

see Div.
2* 1

Joscphus, Antiq. xiii. G. 1.


Beth-sean or Scythopolis, see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 110.
ii.

vol.

Mace.

i.

xii.

p. 90.

41-53.

Joscphus, Antiq.

xiii. G.

1-3.

On

Ptolemais,

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

254

The Gentile inhabitants were now expelled

Jewish garrison.
from Joppa, the

Jewish territory

now

Trypho,

was Judaized

city

and united with the

.^^

carrying Jonathan as prisoner with him, went

At Adida, Simon obstructed


his march into the interior by opposing him with his troops.
Thereupon Trypho sent ambassadors to Simon and let him
know that he kept Jonathan prisoner only for this reason,
that he had failed to pay the money due for the offices that
If the money should be paid,
had been conferred upon him.
against Judea with a great array.

and

a guarantee of future fidelity, the sons of Jonathan

as

up

delivered

as hostages, he

now

although Simon

was not

would then

sent all that

set

him

But

free.

was demanded, Jonathan

Trypho sought rather by going round

liberated.

about the mountains, to push on to Jerusalem over Adora in

When

Idumaea from the

south.

accomplishing

by a heavy

this

troops on to Gilead, that

is,

he

was prevented from


he marched

snowfall,

his

through the country east of the

Jordan, caused Jonathan to be murdered at Bascama, and

returned back to

Simon now

Syria.^*^

actually

entered into his

He had

high priest of the Jews.

from

carried

sepulchre,

39 1

l)iv.
***

ii.

xiii.

vol.

p. 79.

i.

Mace.

xiii. 9. 1

see

at

native
a

period,

xiii.

6.

3.

On

Mace.
at

sea.^^

Joppa, see

the Jordan.
*^ 1

their

erected

Adora is an
Joseplius, Antiq, xiii. 6. 4-5.
12-24.
which was afterwards conquered by John Hyreanus (Antiq.
Bascama is otherwise unknown. According
below, 8).

to the connection of the story, it is to be looked for in the

monument

Over

Modein.

later

xiii.

city,
;

their

Josephus, Antiq.

1-11.

Mace.

Idumean

at

Simon,

monument, which could be seen from the

mafrnificent

as

Bascama, and buried him beside his parents

and three brothers,

common

brother's place

the remains of Jonathan

xiii.

25-30.

Modein was

Josephus, Antiq.
still

xiii.

6.

5.

country east of

The

sepulchral

existing in the time of Eusebius.

SIMON,

7.

B.C. 142-135.

Sources.
1

Mace.

31-xvi. 22.

xiii.

Joseplms, Antiq.

xiii.

A summary

6-7.

of

it

in Zonara?, Annal.

iv.

24,

V. 1.

Some

On

datea from Megillath Taanith

see

Derenbourg, pp. 67-69.

the Shekel coins which have been ascribed by

many

to

Simon, see

Appendix IV.
Literature.

The works on
Stark,

The

S^'rian history

and commentaries on the books

treatises

Michaelis,

Grimm,

Ewald's History
Herzfeld,
Grtz,

by Clinton, Foy-Vaillant,

Keil, Bissei,

der Juden, Bd.

con dem Tode Juda Makkahi's,

"Simon"

in Winer's

Stanley, Jewish Church,

]>Y tlie heroic deeds

The

jias-sed

date

Simon's rule

Israel,

by WernsdorlF,

iii.

1888, pp. 50-63.

450-459.
Schenkel's Bibellexicon.

(1877) 361-368.

and successes of Jonathan, the Maccabean

out far beyond

But

320-334.

4 Aufl., or Geschichte der Judcr

etc.,
ii.

of Jonathan'.s death

is

ii.

iii.,

RWB., and

vol.

Maccabees, which between


j)articular year.

of Maccabees

etc.

of Israel, v. 333-342.

Geschichte

party had

Wace,

Geschichte des Volkes Israel,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes


Art.

Frlich, Flathe,

etc.

xi.

is

19 and

its

original

aims.

It

had

not given in the First Book of


xiii.

41

makes no mention

of

any

according to xiii. 41 and xiv. 27, the year of


to be connected from Seleucid year 170, or B.c. 143-142,
since,

Jonathan's death must be placed at the end of b.c. 143 or the beginning
of b.c. 142.
It is given in 1 Mace. xiii. 22 as occurring in winter.
Witli
this also agrees the atatement of Josephus, that Simon reigned for eight
years {Antiq. xii. 7. 4), from b.c. 142 to b.c. 135 while the statement in
;

Antiq.

xiii.

6.

5,

that Jonathan had been high

erroneous.
ibb

piit'.<t

for four years, is

256

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

not at

intended to strive for anything more than the

first

restoration

Jewish worship, and the securing of the

the

of

free exercise of the

he had attained

He

Jewish

and his party then wished also

home

the control of

But even Judas, when

religion.

end, did not rest satisfied therewith.

this

to gain the

supremacy

In the time of Jonathan

aairs.

By

end was completely won.

Jonathan's

in

this

appointment as

high priest the ruling power was placed in the hands of the

Maccabean

party,

But even

this

circumstances

them

no

seemed

longer

this

The

last acts of

The

direction.

consists in this, that

made

sufficient.

the weakness of the Syrian empire

to strive after thorough

suzerainty.
in

and the Hellenistic party was driven

it

out.

Favourable

tempted

emancipation from the Syrian

Jonathan were important steps

significance

of the reign

Simon

of

completed the work of Jonathan, and

the Jewish people wholly independent of the Syrian

empire.

In Syria, Demetrius and Trypho, as tutor-regent for the

young king Antiochus,

still

Trypho,

to one another.

occupied a position of antagonism

who had

hitherto appeared only as

representative of his youthful prott^gd, about this time or not

much

later, let

fall

the mask, secured the assassination of

Antiochus VI., and had himself crowned king.^


After the last hostile proceeding on the part of Trypho,

was

clear that

Mace.

* 1

xiii. 31, 32.

Fragm. Hist.

Graec.

Justin, xxxvi.

Livy

Simon would unhesitatingly attach himself

1.-

t. ii.

The

it

to

Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 7. 1. Diodorus in Mller,


Livy, Epit. 55. Appian, Syr. c. 68

p. xix. n. 25.

murder was committed by surgeons.

Alexandri filius, rex Syriae, decern annos

Compare

admodum habens, a

qui Tryphon cognominabatur, tutore suo, per fraudem occisus

est

Diodoto,
corruptis

ad populum mentiti, dum secant,


and the non-Jewish sources place the murder of
Antiochus VI. somewhat later, after Demetrius II. had been taken
prisoner by the Parthians. The First Book of Maccabees records it in
the above connection, even before Demetrius had entered upon his
Parthian campaign. Compare on this discrepancy, above, page 176.

medicis, qui ilium calculi dolore consuyni


occiderunt.

Josephus

SIMON,

7.

But he did

Demetrius.

257

B.C. 142-135.

he had exacted the

this only after

promise that Demetrius would recognise the freedom of the

While he continued eagerly

Jews.

proceed

to

with

the

building of the fortresses of Judea, he sent an embassy to

Demetrius "

exemption from tribute."

to secure for his country

Since Demetrius had actually no longer any power

south of the empire,

it

was

in his interest to

the munificent, and to guarantee to the


desired.

He

Jews

standing taxes, but also perfect exemption from

Thus was the

of

"

Judea recognised.

Book

First

political

The yoke of the

of Maccabees expresses

it,

"

they

that

all

all

out-

paying of

all

independence

Gentiles," as

the

was taken away from

In order to give expression to this

Israel."

the

act the part of

therefore not only granted remission of

tribute in the future.'

in

fact,

they

now

adopted a mode of reckoning of their own, beginning with


the Seleucid year
treatises

priest

170, or

143-142.

b.c.

Documents and

were dated according to the year of Simon as high

and prince of the Jews.*

With

this statement

of the First

Book

of

Maccabees we

ought to combine a fact derived from a study of numismatics.

There are Jewish shekel and half-shekel coins which, in the


opinion of most numismatists, were stamped in the time of

They bore on the one

Simon.
or

n'^ip

ncnpn

D''i?*L^'ns

' Giiitz, Geschichte der

side the

on the other

Juden, Bd.

iii.,

side,

4 Aufl.

inscription

dV^ii^

according to their

p. 566,

and Derenbourg,

Megillath Taanith, 6. According to this authority, the


27th Ijjar, or May, was the day when the tribute was remitted.

p. 69, refer to

* 1 Mace. xiii. 33-42


compare xiv. 27. Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 6. 6.^
In Justin's extract from Trogus Pompeius the freedom of the Jews is
made to date from the time of Demetrius I. He says of Antiochus VII.
;

Sidetes (Justin, xxxvi.

1.

sub Demetrio patre armis


patre,

se

descivissent,

II. is

amicitia

I.

VOL.

I.

fr Num. v. 310, to read fratre,


Also Justin, xxxvi. 3. 9 .4 Demetrio

Zeitschrift

meant).

Romanorum

libertatem acceperunt, facile tunc

DIV.

Judaeos quoque, qui in Macedonico impcrio

in libertatem vindicaverant, subegit (instead of

Merzbacher proposes, in

because Demetrius

cum

10)

petita pi-imi

Romanis de

omnium

ex orientalibua

alieno largientibus.

258

THE MACCABEAN PElOn.

weight,

either

On

shekel.

number

bx-isj^

shekel,

Israel's

bpti',

the whole shekel and on

of the year

or

Spt^'n ^i'n,

numbers

s, 3,

J>

T (1, 2, 3, 4), and

one specimen of a whole shekel with the date n or

the First

the

was impressed, and there are specimens

of both coins with the year

era here used

half-

the half-shekel

The

5.^

held to be the era of Simon referred to in

is

Book

Now

of Maccabees.

these coins,

if

indeed

they were stamped in the time of Simon, are not to be considered properly as coins of Simon, but as coins of the civic

commune of Jerusalem, for after the


communes Jerusalem is regarded as
over

Judea (compare

all

the year on

of

the

23,

I.

does

coins

Simon's reign, but the year of a

fashion of the Hellenistic


in a position of authority

Also the number

and IL).

not designate the year of


era of Jerusalem

civil

as

also other cities of Phoenicia, such as Tyre, Sidon, Ascalon,

had begun toward the end of the second


Christ, in token of the

century before

freedom which they had obtained, to

But even were

adopt a cycle of their own.

it

the era used upon the coins was identical with

Simon

"

just the

is

But

freedom.^

same

a difficulty

is

as the first year of

shekel coins only one piece


;

is

The

number

of specimens of

found bearing the mark of the

and that no higher numbers are found, whereas the

era of Simon, according to 1 Mace.

began in

first

Jewish

presented by the fact that up

to the present time out of the great

the years of

spoken of in the First Book of Maccabees, the

year of Simon

year 5

possible that
"

the

Seleucid year

literature about these shekel coins

Tyre has an era beginning

41,

xiii.

42 and

xiv. 27,

170, and Simon did not die


is

given in the Appendix IV.

Sidon one beginning b.c. Ill,


Ascalon one beginning b.c. 104. See on this subject the works enumeOn
rated in Div. ii. vol. i. p. 57, especially those of Noris and EckheL
^

Ascalon, also Div.


"

xiii.

The
42)

ii.

vol.

i.

b.c. 126,

p. 75.

striking statement of the First


:

i^p^ccro

x,xl

avvx'KK.yu.uaiv'
(rrpxTiiyov kxI

"Erov;

'/iyovf4.ei/ov

7^x6;

^lapxvfK

"Trpurov iTrl
lovOxiuv.

Book

of Maccabees runs (1 Mace,

ypuCpnv

iu

'S.i/xuvoi

t7j

avy/puipxJs

xotl

y.iy.'Kdv

x,xl

pxtifioii

SIMON,

7.

before the Selencid year

and

two years too

to begin

least with the years

Merzbacher has therefore assumed that the era

7.

Simon had been made

of

(1 Mace. xvi. 14), so that coins

might have been expected at

of his time

177

259

B.C. 142-135.

the third year

141140,

of

in

Book

the First

early.

Its

of

Llaccabees

actual starting-point

Simon, the Seleucid year

172, or

the

for

first

Book

of the

First

official

" first "

forth

first

Then,

time did Demetrius confer the privileges

upon the Jews.

that have been mentioned

actual

b.c.

which Simon was pronounced by a popular

in

decree hereditary high priest (1 Mace. xiv. 25-49).


too,

was

of

But the author

Maccabees has erroneously used the

year of Simon as interchangeable with his

year.*

The reasons

for

this

by Merzbacher with acuteness and

hypothesis are set

skill of

combination,

but on closer examination they do not prove convincing.'


Merzbacher in

Sallet's Zeitschrift fr Numismatik, Bd. v. 1878, pp.


fullowed by Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 65-67.
^ Merzbacber refers specially to the following
1. In the popular decree
of the Seleucid year 172 it was determined among other things that all
8

292-319.

He

is

State documents should be written in Simon's


ypct.(puvTeti

iTzl

tu ovoftxri

eti/Tou

'izSLaott

name

ovy/pxtpxi

(1

Mace. xiv. 43

iv rti x^'Pf)-

V^jj

If this

was then resolved upon for the first time, they could not have begun two
years earlier to date documents and treaties according to the years of
Simon, as is affirmed in 1 Mace. xiii. 42 ypx<Piii/ iv rxi; avyypu.<pixl; y.ul
'Etol^j vpliTov 'tTrl "llf^avo;, etc.
avvetK'h.y^a.niv'
But even if we should
grant that ypi,<Piiv i-zi tu lvou.ot.Tt precisely means to date according to the
years of Simon, the contents of that popular decree are by this argumenWhen tliis has been done nothing new is
tation adjudged to be false.
introduced, but only tliat which we already had is firmly established and
confirmed. 2. Merzbacher lays special stress upon the fact that as motive
:

for the popular decree of the Seleucid year 172, among other things, it can
be shown that King Demetrius confirmed Simon in his position as higli
priest,

and assigned to him distinguished honours, because he had heard


Romans had respectfully received the ambassadors of Simon

that the

The charter of Deuietrius thus belongs to a


(1 Mace. xiv. 38-40).
period later than that of Simon's embassy to Rome, which was sent in the
Seleucid year 172 (1 Mace. xiv. 24 compared with xiv. 1).
Hence that
charter, for the issuing of which a beginning was made in the dating of
the years of Simon, would not have been sent out in the Seleucid year
170, but in 172, immediately before the popular decree.

But

this argu-

260
The

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.


plain and distinct statement of the First

bees, that a beginning

was made

number the years

of

Simon

cannot be thus set

aside.

Also Merzbacher 's theory


difficulty

which the year numbers on the shekel


are

still

against the supposition


Simon.-^"

Macca-

170

to

is set

the

up

above referred to

occasion.

But

besides

other considerations which

that

It cannot therefore

certain, tliough indeed

of

41, 42; compare xiv. 27),

(xiii.

simply in order to overcome the

this difficulty there

Book

in the Seleucid year

shekel was issued

tell

under

be regarded as by any means

most numismatists are in favour of the

idea.^^

mentation proves too much.


embassy was still on its way

At
to

the time of the popular assembly Simon's

Rome

perhaps

it

had not yet even

started,

for it did not return before the Seleucid year 174 (1 Mace. xv. 15

com-

pared with XV. 10). If, then, it had been in consequence of its success
that Demetrius granted the charter, then it must have been issued after
the popular gathering that gave forth the decree, which naturally Merzbacher does not assume. The statement that the charter of Demetrius
was occasioned by the success of Simon's Roman embassy must therefore
be jDronounced untenable. It is an inexact expression of the fact that
Demetrius's treatment of the Jews was determined by their friendly
relations with the Romans, which had already existed for a long time
(compare Keil, Commentar, p. 233, Anm.). But with this admission the

whole argument falls to pieces.


^^ According to 1 Mace. xv. 6,

it

was Antiochus VII.

who

Sidetes, in the

gave Simon the right of


issuing coins.
On this point, however, no special weight should be laid,
since it may quite fairly be regarded as simply the confirmation of a
privilege that had been previously usurped.
Of more importance is the
fact that the coins of Simon's immediate successor, John Hyrcanus, are
of quite a different style. Hence a very thorough change in the art of
Seleucid year 174, or B.c. 139-138,

first

minting must have taken place.


^^ See details about the minting of the shekel and its date in Appendix
IV. Besides the shekel, copper coins with the inscription on the obverse
and on the reverse y^lX 031^ the deliverance of Zion, year 4,
P''^ n^Sib,
The support
are assigned by many numismatists to the age of Simon.
for this supposition is even less certain than that for the shekel coining.
Decidedly false, and now generally abandoned, is the conjecture of the
earlier numismatists, that the coins which bore the name of Simon belong
to Simon the Maccabee.
See on these two classes of coins the details in

Appendix IV.

7.

The

charter

SIMON,

Demetrius

of

indeed, Demetrius had

in face of the

to

emphasize and give

effect to these

to
all

him

chief value to

two of the

that

fortresses

would be of

the city of Gazara and the citadel of

and in both cases he had the good fortune

to be

Emmaus-

Gazara, the old Geshur, not far from

successful.

It

Simon sought above

to confirm his position,

to get possession of

Jerusalem

which,

privileges

power of Trypho, which was more perilous

In order

him.

conferred

not in his power to give away.

it

was Simon's policy rather

261

B.C. 142-135.

Nicopolis in a westerly direction, at the base of the mountains,

had been up

was

that time a Gentile city.

to

of importance

places which

the Jews, because

to

commanded

the holding of

it

Possession of

it

the passes of the mountains, and

was thus absolutely necessary

maintain connection between

Jerusalem

and

in

the

Joppa, which had been already annexed by the Jews.

opened against the city a skilfully directed


expelled

it,

"

with

all

men who

Gentile

12

Mace.

xiii.

Strabo, p. 759

inhabitants

observed the law,"

was appointed governor


43-48

sv 3i

it

was one of the

from

^"^

siege,
it,

order to
port

of

Simon

conquered

and settled

it

Simon's son Jonathan

of Gazara."

compare

tw f^irx^u kxI

xiv. 34.
ij

Josepluis, Antiq. xiii.

TocZupl;

'iartv, ijy

x.\

6.

6.

vtijj/ it,ihix-

The Gadaris here

referred to by Strabo is identical


manuscripts of the First Book of Maccabees
have in our passage (1 Mace. xiii. 43) Vx^xv.
Tliat instead of this
Ta'C^upcc should be read, is proved, not only by the parallel text of Josepluis,
but also by the text of the First Book of Maccabees, in another passage
referring to our incident (1 Mace. xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 34, xv. 28, 35, xvi. 1,
xix. 21).
It is the Old Testament nfj, an important Canaanitish town.
'lovoulot.

cctvTQ

01

Avilh

our Gazara.

On

its

The

situation Eusebius,

Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde,

Kxl UVV Koc'Xu-oei Tcd^cipa y.iyxn

'i^iKOTro'Asu; oLTTix'jVGU

p.

244,

remarks

iv opuoii,.

a>j,M(o/f

This statement of Eusebius has been confirmed by recent researches. Tlie


TcU-Jezer discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in a.D. 1873, in the immedi-

neighbourhood of Abu Shusheh, lies in fact four Roman miles from


Emmaus-Nicopolis, though rather in a westerly than a northerly direction.
Clermont-Ganneau found in several places in the neighbourhood, at equal
distances from Tell-Jezer, the similarly expressed inscription 1T3 Dnn,
"the borders of Gezer," by which it is higlily probable the limits of a

ate

262

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Soon

conquest of Gazara, Simon compelled the

after the

Syrian garrison of the citadel of Jerusalem

The national

through famine.

had long been directed


so long as the citadel

the

capitulate

Maccabees

the attainment of this object, for

to

was

struggles of

to

in the

hands of the Syrian kings

the Jews were really their subjects.

Now

at

Simon

last

On

succeeded in making himself master of this stronghold.

the 23rd day of the second month of the Seleucid year 171,
that

in

is,

May

142, he entered with great

b.c.

ceremony into the

pomp and

citadel.^*

Sabbath day's journey from the town were indicated. The statements of
Book of Maccabees agree with the
assigning of this locality to the town, 1 Mace. iv. 15 and also vii. 45,
which makes it a day's journey from Adasa, and 1 Muco. xiv. 34, z'/jv Tu^upx
for that the district of Gazara should border
rviv IttI tuv ipiuv 'A^wrot/
upon that of Ashdod is, in consequence of the wide extension of the
It may therefore be
district belonging to that city, extremely probable.
taken as certain that the situation of the ancient Gezer or Gazara is to be
Compare Clermont-Ganneau,
fixed in accordance with these statements.
Bulletin de la Societe de ge'ograjjhie, ser. vi. t. 5, Paris 1873, p. 123 sqq.,
which was not accessible to me. Clermont-Ganneau, Comptes rendus de
I'Acade'mie des inscriiotions et belles-lettres de I'annee, 1874, pp. 201, 213 sq.

the Old Testament and the First

Palestine Exploration

Fund

Quarterly Statements, 1873, p. 78 sq.

1874,

Mhlau in Riehm's Ilandicrlerpp. 56, 276 sqq. ; 1875, pp. 5, 74 sqq.


Tlie Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder
buch, art. " Geser."
417, 428-440,

and Kitchener,

ii.

(right above at

Abu

Shusheh).

and the large English Map, Sheet xvi.


Clermont-Ganneau, Revue critique, 1881,

and in Archives des missions scientifiques, troisieme serie,


Ebers and Guthe, Palstina, ii. 192 ff., 455. The
inscriptions are given in Chwolson, Corpus Inscr. Hebraicarum (1882),
Older literature on Gezer Winer's
col. 58-60, 225, tab. I. n. 2 and 2a.
RWB. and Schenkel's Bibellexicon. Grimm, Exegetisches Handbuch on
Raumer, Palstina, p. 191. Gu^rin, Jitde'e, i. 26-29.
1 Mace. iv. 15.
No. 50,

t.

xi.

p.

476

1885, p. 243 sq.

Henderson, Pcdestine, 79.


13 1 Mace. xiii. 53, xvi. 1, 19, 21.
1* 1 Mace. xiii. 49-52
compare xiv. 7, 36, 37. Josephus, Antiq. xiii.
The date 23rd Ijjar, that is, the second month, is given not only in
6. 6.
Compare Grtz,
1 Mace. xiii. 51, but also in 3Iegillath Taanith, 5.
Derenbourg, p. 67. If the
Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iii., 4 Aufl. p. 565.
conjecture is correct that the Seleucid era of the First Book of Maccabees
;

begins in spring, inNisan, then Ijjar of the Seleucid year 171 corresponds
With the story of the conquest of the citadel Josephus
to May B.c. 142.

7.

SIMON,

263

B.C. 142-135.

Since the Syrian kings were not in a position to be able


to give

any attention

to proceedings

in Judea, several years

passed of undisturbed prosperity and peace for the Jews.

As such

a period the reign of

in the First

Book

of

Simon

Maccabees.

is

generally characterized

The securing

of

Joppa

as a

harbour, and the conquest of Gazara, Beth-zur, and the citadel


of

Jerusalem, are

rendered by him.^^
for the
strict

spiritual

there

represented as

Also express mention

the
is

chief

made

services

of his care

and material wellbeing of the country,

for

administration of justice and the re-establishment of

the Jewish law.

" Tlieu

and the earth gave her


their fruit.

did they

increase,

The ancient men

till

their

and the

sat all in the

ground in peace,

trees

the

of

field

commun-

streets,

xiii. 6. 6 and JFars of the Jews, v. 4. 1, the remarkable


Btatcment that not only was the citadel destroyed, but also the whole hill
on which it was built was levelled by the uninterrupted labour of the
people during three years, so that the site of the temple should be higher

connects, in Antiq.

than that of the citadel. Since the First Book of Maccabees says nothing
about this, but, on the contrary, says that Simon strengthened the citadel
and placed in it a Jewish garrison (1 Mace. xiv. 36, 37, compare also
XV. 28), the historical reliability of the statement is very questionable.
It seems to me that the thing is not in itself improbable, since the place
where the citadel stood is now in fact almost level, whereas it must previously have had another form more suitable as a position for a citadel.
The Jews had, indeed, a strong inducement to level it in the fact that
from that point, so soon as it fell into the hands of a hostile power, the
temple mount would immediately be placed in extremest peril. This
only in the narrative is unhistorical, that Josephus makes the levelling
to have taken place in the time of Simon.
This, according to 1 Mace,
xiv. 3G, 37 and xv. 28, is quite impossible.
Compare on the whole question the above cited literature; also Crome, art. "Jerusalem" in Ersch
and Gruber's .^//f/em.. EncyJdop. section ii. Bd. 15 (whereas pp. 291-295,
the history of the fortress, is given in detail, and the reasons against the
Btory of JosejDhus are wrought out fully, but in part on the basis of
false premises)
Grimm, Exegetisches Handkich on 1 Maccabees, pp.
22 f., 205.
^^ 1 Mace. xiv. 4-7.
Compare also the motive for the popular decree
in 1 Mace. xiv. 33-37.
In these two passages are gathered together what
had already previously been told in connection with the story of the First
Book of Maccabees. Compare on Beth-zur, 1 Mace. xi. G5 ff. on Jojipa,
xii. 33 f., xiii. 11
on Gazara and the citadel, xiii. 43-52.
;

264

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

ing together of good things, and


glorious

and

cities,

set in

them

all

young men put on

the

He

and warlike apparel.

provided victuals for the

manner

munition, so that his

of

honourable name was renowned unto the end of the world.

He made

peace in the land, and Israel rejoiced with great

joy

every

for

man

under his vine and his

sat

there was none to fray

them

the land to fight against

and every contemner

person he took

away.

He

left

in

Moreover he strengthened

those of his people that were brought low

searched out

and

yea, the kings themselves

were overthrown in those days.


all

was there any

neither

them

fig-tree,

the law he

sanctuary, and

beautified the

multiplied the vessels of the temple."

law and wicked

of the

^^

In these words of the First Book of Maccabees expression


is

given to the feeling of satisfaction which the majority of

The ultimate aims of the

the people had in Simon's reign.

The government was

Maccabean struggles had been secured.


in the hands of the national party

the country was emanci-

pated from the suzerainty of the Syrians.

reaped the full fruit of the


bees

common

Thus Simon now

labours of the Macca-

the formal legitimizing on the part of the people of


It had, indeed,

their family as the ruling sacerdotal family.

been an act of usurpation by which the son of Mattathias

Up

attained unto the supremacy.

Maccabean

to

the outbreak of the

revolt the office of high priest

tary in another family.

had been driven out

of its place.

had undertaken the leadership

The Maccabean brothers

of the national party,

Syrian king had transferred to them

For the maintenance

had been heredi-

In the course of events that family

of Simon's

and the

the high-priestly rank.

government

it

was

of

supreme

importance that the legitimacy of his rule should be expressly


^'^

68

sq.,

Mace. xiv. 8-15. On the severe proceedings of Simon against tlio


Bd. iii., 4 Aufl. p. 565, and Derenbourg, Histoire, p.
refer to the statement in Megillath Taanith, 15.

apostates, Grtz,

265

SnrON", B.c. 142-135.

7.

own person

recognised by a popular decree as affecting his

and that

Such an act was successfully

his descendants.

of

On

carried out in the third year of Simon's reign.

Elul of the Seleucid year 172, that

was resolved

it

land," that

Simon should be high

mander and

civil

By

41).-^^

xiv.

141,

and the
of the

(dp'x^iepev^, arpaTriyc<i

" for ever until there

prophet" (1 Mace.

was meant that

should arise a
the last phrase

remain in force

this popular decree should

an authentic communication from God should make

until

Henceforth therefore Simon's

some other enactment.


rank was regarded as

" for

ever,"

that

that

and pronounced

legitimized

it

he already had.

M'hich

dignities

The

much

in the

conveyed to him any new dignity, but rather in

fact that it
this,

official

hereditary.

is,

significance of this popular resolution lies not so

b.c.

and military com-

priest

governor of the Jews

and that

e6vp-^r]<i),

faithful
it

September

in

" of the priests,

and the princes of the people, and the elders

people,

and

is,

assembly

in a great

18th

the

^^ See generally,
Mace. xiv. 41-46,

^lacc.

1
is

those

In this way a new highThe content

25-49.

xiv.

matle deiaendent

hereditary

by a

ti,

xiv. 41,

of the decree,

on the preceding

That this or< must be erased, has long been admitted


i^y.ovah, xiv. 40.
by expositors. The official title of Simon was a threefold one, as is shown
by the three following passages which in all essential points agree

Mace.

xiii.

42

fcivou 'IcivOxi'uy

dpxupii^

eioxisparsvsiu

7ri

'lif/.uvo;

dpy^npiu; ^lycthov

Macc. xiv. 41, 42 rw uuui uv-Zv


uvxt stt" ctiiTcju (TTpa,-:riyv

is

<npu,-r,yoi

Macc. xv.

iipii fisy.'Ku /.a.l id-j.px,vi.

cipxnpiu;

2/'jt4&)voj

ku.\
:

^x Dy

po

stood here

li^,

47

l-.p'iuv.

'lovoxiuv,

toiu
1

kxi

and

Macc. xiv. 27

word

vjaapctciix

or

been conjectured that


and so equivalent to thxpxyi;- The su remains

aupxftix

for.

'lovdoclcvj

hoii kui iv-oxyi

swixpcifiix, the enigmatical

belongs certainly to his

unaccounted

tcj-j

Macc. xiv.

',

Also in the jiassage

Ivxtjupot/K.i'h

is

fdvixpx,y}~

'/jyov-

liy.uvct Tiyov/asvov y.ui

uuxi

xecl

arpctT/i'/ov y.xt

K!ci

*^ TOW

Less complete
XV. 2

'

title.

It has

I venture to guess that originally asyiv for the


for that corresponds to the

Greek arpxTnyi;.

Hebrew
Compare

Other attempts at explanation are


Div. ii. vol. i. p. 258, note 131.
given in AViner's li WB. art. " Saramel," and Schenkel's ibellcxicon,
and by Michaelis, Grimm, and Keil in their commentaries on
v. 179
1 Macc. xiv. 27, and in Derenbourg, Histoire, pp. 67, 450 sq.
;

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

266
priestly

and princely dignity was

The terms

Asmoneans.^^

of

'

founded,

the popular

that

decree

the

of

were en-

graved on brazen tablets, and these were set up in the court


of the temple.-'^

The

on

legitimizing

the

part

of

people was soon

the

followed by recognition on the part of the Komans,

when

Just

issued,

Simon

sent an embassy, under the leadership of Numenius, to

Eome,

about the time

which

present

as

carried

that popular decree

a golden

was

weighing

shield

thousand minas, and treated about the renewal of the cove-

The embassy was courteously received by the

nant.

and obtained a decree

of senate,

unrestricted possession of their


reGfardino:

of

to

own

senate,

to the

Jews

Information

territory.

the contents of the decree of senate was sent to

the kings of Egypt, Syria,

and

which guaranteed

many

Pergamum, Cappadocia, and

of the smaller

Greece and Asia Minor

Parthia,

independent states and communes


while, at the

same

time, they were

charged to deliver up to the Jewish high priest any evil-doers

who might have


the decree
IS

fled to

of senate

them from

Palestine.^"

The terms

of

given us probably in the Senatus

is

Compare on the significance of the popular decree, Lucius, Esscnisvuis


The family name of the dynasty is oi 'Aijot/^uvalov

(1881), pp. 86-88.


TTceloic

(Josephus, Life,

{7itiq. XV. 11. 4),

oj

i.

Antiq. xx. 8. 11, xx. 10), to ^Airxf/^uuxiau yeyog

'Aix/aavuioi {JVars of the Jews,

ii.

16. 3, v. 4. 1), after

the ancestor of the race 'Aaxuojvxhi; {Antiq. xii. 6. 1, xiv. 16. 4, xvi. 7. 1),
not mentioned in the First Book of Maccabees. In the Mishna, Middoth
6, they are called "XilDD'n ''^2 or 'JinKTI ""Jn, the latter form in the
Cambridge manuscript edited by Lowe. In the Targum of Jonathan on
For other rabbinical passages, see
1 Sam. ii. 4 they are iXJIDtJTI nULevy, Chald. Wrterbuch und Neuhehr. Wrterbuch, under the word
Wellhausen, Phariser und Sadducer, p. 94, Anra., had ven^t^31Dti*ntured the guess tliat Hasmon may have been the grandfather of Mattathias,
and that in 1 Mace. ii. 1 ben chashmon may have .stood in place of tov

i.

1"

^vtA.iivj.

2"

Compare

Maccabees speaks as

if

the

Mace. xiv. 27, 48, 49.

Eomans had even

accord, addressed a letter to the


(1

generally, 1 Mace. xiv. 24, xv. 15-24.

Mace. xiv. 16

ff.).

This

is

The

First

Book

previously, of their

of

own

Jews about the renewal of the covenant

scarcely historical.

According

to 1 Mace.

SIMON,

7.

consultus

267

B.C. 142-135.

communicated by Joseplius, Antiq.

xiv.

8.

5,

Josephus, however, assigns to the time of Ilyrcanus

II.

relations presupposed in this

document are

which

The

precisely the

same

24 and xv. 15-24: Jewish ambasnamed Numenius, carried as a present

as those of 1 Mace. xiv.


sadors, of

whom

one

is

a golden shield, with a request for the renewal of the cove-

nant

and the senate concluded in consequence

upon the autonomous


of the

Jewish

territory.

The

of senate referred to

session

took place, according to Josephus, eZSot?

AKe/jLpiat<;, that

on the loth December, under the presidency


Lucius Valerius.
as

This president

may

"Consul Lucius," who, according

by

term

this

Piso, one of the consuls for b.c.

correct reading of Valerius

Max.

of

is,

the praetor

possibly be the

to

same

Mace. xv. IG, sent

out the circular letter to the kings and


ever, also possible that

of this to insist

and kings respecting the integrity

cities

cities."^

It

is,

Iiow-

intended L. Calpurnius

is

139, who, according to the


i.

3. 2,

has the praenomen,

In any case, the arrival of the

not of Cneius, but of Lucius.^^

xiv. 24 compared with xiv. 25 ff., it must be assumed tliat tlie eiiil)a?sy
had already gone away before the popular decree of 18th Elul of the
This is hardly conceivable,
Seleucid year 172, or September b.c. 141.
since it did not return before the Seleucid year 174, or B.c. 139-138
Perhaps the author had by anticipation inserted
(1 Mace. XV. 10. 15).
the account of the starting of the embassy before tliat of the popular

decree, because in consequence of the incorrect version of the popular

decree (1 Mace. xiv. 40) he was led to regard it as the result of that
embassy. It is also to be observed that the list of states to whicli the

Roman

circular letter

was addressed

(1

Mace. xv.

exactly to the state of matters at that time.

16, 22, 23)

For

all

the

corresponds

little

separate

and communes which are named alongside of the kings of Egypt,


Syria, Pcrgamum, Cappadocia, and Parthia, were at tliat time, in fact, subject neither to the Romans nor to any of these kings. See the proof of this
states

in Marquardt, Rmische Staatsvenualtung, Bd.

i.,

2 Aufl. 1881, p. 333

ff.,

and elsewhere also Mommsen, Emisches Staaisi-(cht, iii. 1 (1887), p. 670.


-' So Mendelssohn (in the work referred to in the next note), although
he assumes that in consequence of translation into Hebrew, and from
Hebrew again into Greek, the word "praetor" was erroneously changed
;

into "consul."
2^

So Ritschl and

others.

The

identity

of the

Scnatus cojisultus in

268

THE MACCA.BEAN PERIOD.

Jev^ish ambassadors at

Eome must

be assigned to

139,

B.c.

for

they returned to Palestine in the Seleucid year 174, that

is,

B.c.

139-138

(1

Mace. xv.

statement of

the

therefore,

10,

Without doubt,

15).

Valerius

Maximus

about

the

Eome

in B.c.

139

establishment of a Jewish propaganda at

has reference to the proceedings of these ambassadors.^^

Meanwhile the government

of

Simon seems not


had

been going on so smoothly as

it

once more involved in Syrian

affairs.

Demetrius
scene

of

II.

have

to

He became

hitherto.

Just about this time

had been temporarily withdrawn from

Syrian

politics.

He had

allowed

himself

to

the

be

entangled in a tedious war with the Parthian king Mithridates

I.,

which ended by Demetrius being taken prisoner by

Joseplms, Antiq. xiv. 8. 5, with that occasioned by Simon's embassy, was


admitted by Ewald, History of Israel, iv. 336, and Grimm, Uxegetisches
Handbuch on 1 Alacc. p. 226 f., and independently of them also by Mendelssohn and in this opinion most moderns, with the exception of Momm;

In consequence of Mendelssohn's researches on this question,


thereto, a whole literature has sprung up in the
years 1873-1877.
See Mendelssohn, De senati consulti Romanorum ab
sen, agree.

and on matters related


Josephe Antiq. xiv.

8.

5 relati temporibus,

Kitschl's Acta societatis philologae Lipsiensis,

Lips.
t.

v.

1873, incorporated in
Lips. 1875.

Ritschl,

Eine Berichtigung der repiMicanischen Consularfasten, a contribution to the


history of the Roman -Jewish international relations, in the Rhein.
Museum, Bd. xxviii. of 1883, pp. 586-614. Ritschl, Nachtrag (appendix to
preceding) in Rhein. Museum, Bd. xxix. of 1874, p. 337 ff.
Grimm on
1 Mace. viii. and xv. 16-21, according to the researches of Mommsen and
Ritschl in Zeitschrift fr wissenschaff. Theologie, 1874, pp. 231-238.
Lange

in Bursian's Jahresbericht ber die Fortschritte der

classic.

Altcrthumswissen-

872-876. Mommsen, Der Senatsbeschluss bei


Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 8. 5, in Hermes, Bd. ix. 1875, pp. 281-291.
Mendelssohn and Ritschl, Nochmals der rmische Senatsbeschluss bei Josephus,
Antiq. xiv. 8. 5, in Rhein. Museum, Bd. xxx. of 1875, pp. 419-435.
Keil,

schaft,

Bd.

i.

for 1873, pp.

Coiiim. ber die

Bcher der Makkaber, 1875, p. 239 ff. Wieseler, Theol.


524 ff. Grimm, Die neuesten Verhandlungen ber

tSiud. u. Krit. 1875, p.

den "Consul Lucius," 1 Makk. xv. 16, in Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftl.


Theol, 1876, pp. 121-132.Wieseler, Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1877, pp. 281-290.
-2 Valerius Maximus, i. 3. 2
" Idem (viz. the praetor Hispalus) Judaeos,
qui Sabazi Jovis cultu Romanos inficere mores conati erant, repetere
domos suas coegit." Compare in addition, Div. ii. vol. . p. 233 f.
:

the Partliians in

7.

SIMON,

138.^*

b.c.

2G9

B.C. 142-135.

In place of Demetrius,

father

liis

Antiochus VII. Sidetes now took up the struggle against


Like

Trypho.

win

all

who had

Syrian pretenders,

of all

first

throne by conquest, Antiochus hasted to

their

the aid of the Jews by flattering promises.

He had

Rhodes of the imprisonment

Even

of Demetrius.

to

secure

heard in

before his

landing on the Syro-Phoenician coasts, " from the islands of


the sea " he wrote a letter to Simon, in which he confirmed

him

to

the

all

him the

expressly gave

the

in

thereafter,

by

granted

privileges

right

former

of coining

Seleucid year

money.^^

174, or

and

kings,

b.c.

Soon

139 138

Mace. XV. 10), Antiochus landed in Syria, and quickly

(1

gained the victory over Trypho.


to Dora, the strong fortress

there besieged

by

The

Antiochus.^*^

and Orthosias

^'^

besieged,

2* 1

^^

to

and in the siege

Mace. xiv. 1-3. Joseplius,

coast,

to fly

and was

Trypho, indeed, succeeded

He

in effecting his escape from that place.

mais

was obliged

latter

on the Phoenician

fled

by Ptole-

But there he was again

Apamea.

lost his life.^^

Appian, S^?-. c. 67. Justin,


i. 255 sq.
Syncellus,
ed. Dindorf, i. 554.
On the clironology, see above, page 17G. Almost all
the sources give the name of the Parthian king as Arsaces, which, according to Strabo, xv. 1. 36, p. 702, and Justin, xli. 5, was a name common to
all tlie Parthian kings.
But according to Justin, xxxviii. 9, Demetrius
was taken prisoner by the predecessor of that Phraates who afterwards
xxxvi.

1,

.4?ifi2. xiii. 5. 11.

Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Sclioene,

xxxviii. 9.

him

Bet

2* 1

of

But the predecessor

free again.

Justin, xli. 6,

xlii. 1,

Mace. XV. 1-9.

Mace. xv.

is

Mithridates

An

of Phraates was, according to

I.

explanation of the tto run

supplied by Appian, Syr.

c.

68

v/iauv rysg du^dcaa-/!;

wiasuo;

'Pilu

Trspl

1-2. On Dora,

see

iu

rijs cki/.f^u.'Kujicig.

26 1

Div.
2^

ii.

Mace. XV. 10-14.


vol.

i.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii.

7.

p. 87.

Charax, in Stephen of Byzantium under the word Aupo;.

Bee Mlle)',

Fragmenta

hist, fjraec. iii.

On

thi.s

644, n. 40.

Mace. XV. 37. Orthosias lies north of Tripoli, on the Phoenician


See Ritter, Erdhumle, xvii. 1. 805 ff. Winer, IIWB. under word
" Orthosias"
Kneucker in Schenkel's Bihellezicon, iv. 370 f.
28 1

coast.

^'^

Josephus, Aniiq.

xiii.

7.

2. Compare

also

Appian, Syr. 68, and

270

THE MACCA.BEAN PERIOD.

No

had Antiochus gained some advantage over

sooner

Trypho than he assumed another attitude toward the Jews.

Even during

the siege of Dora,

Simon sent him two thousand

auxiliary troops, and besides, silver and gold and weapons for

But Antiochus declined

their equipment.
offered, repudiated

all

to accept

his former promises,

what was

and sent one of

his confidants, Athenobius, to Jerusalem in order to obtain

from Simon the surrender of the conquered

Joppa and

cities of

Gazara and the citadel of Jerusalem, as well as of


outside of Judea that

Jews.

If

Simon should be unwilling

places

all

had been taken possession

by the

of

to restore them, then

he was to pay for them altogether the sum of a thousand


talents, to be, as it

of acquittance.

was made

The demands were

for their conquests the


legal

justified

by the plea that

Jews had not been able

But Simon refused

title.

to

show any

to yield to these terms, and

With

declared that he would pay only one hundred talents.


this

sum

to appear, once for all the

answer Athenobius returned

to the king.^*^

Antiochus had resolved to enforce his claims by violent

While he himself was

measures.

still

engaged in

conflict

with Trypho, he appointed his general Kendebus to conduct

Kendebus made Jamnia

the campaign against Simon.


headquarters, fortified Kedron,

probably in the neighbourhood of Jamnia,

upon

Judea.^^

Simon was prevented by

sonally taking the

He

field.

and

AuTixo;

5.

2,

p.

668.

The

AyjU'/jrpiov x.ocjxx.'hiiaui

made

his age

sent, therefore, his

and John with an army against Kendebus.


Strabo, xiv.

latter saj's of
it's

his

a place not otherwise known,

ti x,up!oii

"" 1

from per-

sons Judas

Both

Trypho
'/iu,yKot,ai

raids

justified

tovto

/u,eu

o5v

ispyfjinacn ro

Mace. XV. 25-36. Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 7. 2-3.


Mace. XV. 38-41. Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 7. 3.
Kiulixio; as well as
Kavouiv; is from the town Ki/lvct in Lycia Stephen of Byzantium on
the word
Pliny, Ilist. nat. v. 101. Benndorf and Niemann, Reisen in
3^ 1

Lykien und Karien, 1884,

p. 133.

SIMON,

7.

them by

the confidence placed in

271

B.C. 142-135.

In a decisive

their father.

When

engagement I^endebaus was utterly defeated.

was wounded, John undertook the

enemy

He

Kedron and down

to

pursuit,

Judas

and chased

tlie

the territory of Ashdod.

into

returned as conqueror to Jerusalem.^^

So long as Simon

was not repeated on

lived, the attack

the part of Antiochus.

seemed as

It thus

days in peace.

if

But

Simon were
was not

it

so

to

who was

military

Like

be.

commander over

the

Jericho, entertained bold and ambitious schemes.


to secure to himself the

When,

is,

in

February

B.c.

135

made
sons

Ptolemy

of

wished

in the fortress of

Dok

of the Seleucid

(1 Mace. xvi. 14),

Simon, on a tour of inspection through the


visited

He

his sons out of the

month Shebat

therefore, in the

year 177, that

plain

supreme power, and so plotted by

what stratagem he could put Simon and


way.

his

all

His own son-in-law

brothers, he too died a violent death.

Ptolemy,

end his

to be allowed to

cities of

the laud,

near Jericho, Ptolemy

Simon and

a great feast, during which he had

who were with him, Mattathias and

his

two

Judas, treacherously

murdered.^

Thus was the

last of the sons of

Mattathias gathered unto

his fathers.

^2 1
2^ 1

Mace. xvi. 1-10.


Joseplius, I.e.
Mace. xvi. 11-17 Josej^hus, Antiq.
;

15, is in

Wars

any

of the

Axyuu
The name is

case identical with the

Jews,

i.

2.

3.

xiii. 7.

4.

Aik, 1

of Josephus, Antiq.
still

Maec. xvi.
xiii. 8.

retained in that of the

fountain Ain ed-Duk, north of Jericho, on the border of

tlie

mountain

land, in a position very suitable as the site of a fortress.


Bibl. Researches in Palestine, vol.

ii.

309.

See Robinson,
Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1. 4G0
;

English translation, vol. iii. 18, 35. Raunier, Palstina, p. 184. Mhlau
in Riehm's IFrterbuch, art. "Doch." Guerin, Samarie, i. 218-222. llie
Survoj of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 173,
190, 209,

and the large English Map, Sheet

xviii.

8.

JOHN HYRCANUS

I.,

B.C. 135-105.1

Sources.

The

History of John Hyrcaiius, referred to in

Mace. xvi. 23, 24,

is

not

extant.

Josephus, Antiq.

1-2 (a

8-10

xiii.

summary from

TVars of the Jews,

i.

2.

Zonaras, Annal.

v.

Joseplius).

Mislina, Maaser sclieni v. 15

Sota

ix.

Other rabbinical traditions in

10.

Derenbourg, pp. 70-82.

The most complete account

of the coins

is

given by Madden, Coins of

the

Jews (1881), pp. 74-81.

Literature.

Ewald, History
Gratz,

of Israel, v. 342-384.

Geschichte der Juden,

Werner, Johann Hyrkan,

4 Aufl. 1888, pp. 64-117.

iii.,

Hitzig, Geschichte der Volkes

Israel,

ii.

459-472.

ein Beitrag zur

Geschichte

Judas im

zweiten,

Wernigerode 1877.

vorchristlichen Jahrhundert.

Real-Encijclop. fr Bibel und Talmud, Abth. ii. pp. 421-426.


"Wellhausen, Die Phariser und die Sadducer (1874), pp. 89-95.

Hamburger,

Asmoneans the following statement may be


Josephus gives as the period of the reigns of the
princes from John Hyrcanus I. to Alexandra inclusive the following
1

On

the chronology of the

made once
dates

for alb

John Hyrcanus,

.31

Aristobulus,

Alexander Jannus,

Alexandra,

27
9

years (Antiq.

xiii. 10. 7).

(Antiq. xiii. 11. 3).

(Antiq. xiii. 16. 6).

(Antiq. xiii. 15. 5).

These dates are also given by Josephus in two other places

Antiq. xx.

and Wars of the Jews, i. 2-5. Only in regard to Hyrcanus do these


accounts vary.
In Antiq. xx. 10 he is assigned thirty years, and in J^Vars
10,

of the Jeu-s,

i.

2.

8, it is

erroneous, and like

given as thirty-three.

much

else in the

the later production of the Antiquities.

The

latter is

probably

IFars of the Jews is corrected in


The discrepancy in the Antiquities

JOHN HYRCANS

8.

I.,

B.C.

Seeing that the high-priestly and princely


declared
still

offices

had been

Simon, his third son

hereditary in the family of

surviving,

273

135-105.

John Hyrcaniis, who had held the post

governor of Gazara, was nominated his


him, therefore, were

first

of

Against

successor.^

directed the attacks of the pretender

Ptolemy, who had murdered his father and his two brothers.

Immediately

the

after

bloody deed

the

away

also

sent to Gazara in order to do

assassin

Ptolemy

with John.

prince, however, had meanwhile been warned by

That

friendly

messengers, and so he had the murderers apprehended im-

Then he hasted

mediately upon their arrival.


itself,

however,

and thirty-one

is

to Jerusalem,

only apparent, for Hyrcanus reigned between thirty

years.

The following points are well established 1. The death of Simon in


month Shebat of the Seleucid year 177, or in February b.c. 135
Mace. xvi. 14)
and 2. The beginning of the war between the
:

the
(1

brothers Aristobulns

II.

and Hyrcanus

II.,

immediately

Alexandra, according to Josephus, Antiq. xiv.


177th Olympiad, that

is,

sulate of Q. Hortensius
in B.c. 69.

in the

and

The beginning

summer

B.C.

1. 2,

70-69, and during the con-

Q. Metellus Creticus.

of that

war

after the death of

in the third year of the

These were consuls

of the brothers,

and consequently

also the death of Alexandra, occurred therefore in the first half of B.c. 69.

This is confirmed by Antiq. xiii. 16. 4, IFars of the Jews i. 5. 3, according to which Alexandra survived the attack of Lucullus on the Armenian
empire, which took place in B.c. 69. From the death of Simon to the
death of Alexandra, B.c. 135-B.c. 69, is thus a period of sixty-six years,
while by adding the numbers given by Josephus we obtain sixty-eight.
Josephus has therefore also reckoned the current year as if it weie
If we take this into consideration, the two statements will be
found thoroughly to agree, and we obtain the following dates

complete.

John Hyrcanus,
Aristobulus,

B.c.

......

Alexander Jannuus,
Alexandra,

135-105.

105-104.
104-78.
78-69.

an error on the part of Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 8. 2, to fix the first


year of John Hyrcanus in the 162nd Olympiad, that is, in a sunmier
during the period B.c. 132-128.
2 Eusebius and others explain the surname Hyrcanus by saying that
John had conquered the Hyrcanians (Eusebius, Chron., ed. Schoeue, ii.
1 30 sq.
in Greek, in Syncellus, i. 548
TpKccvoii; vix.i^aet; Tpy.xvo; vofAocodn
in Latin, in Jerome
adversum Hyrcanos bellum geren.'i Ilyrcani nonien
It is

'

'

DIV.

I.

VOb.

I.

THE MACCABEAN TERIOD.

274

which he was fortunate

enough

reach

to

Ptolemy.

before

When

the latter arrived, he found that the city was already

in the

power

of Hyrcanus.^

Ptolemy then

Dagon, identical

retired to the fortress of

There

probably with that of Dok, near Jericho.


besieged by Hyrcanus

and undoubtedly the

city

have been conquered, and the murderer given over

he

was

would soon
to his well-

deserved doom, had not Hyrcanus been restrained by affection


for his mother.

And

so often as

She had

into the

fallen

Hyrcanus threatened

Ptolemy had her led out upon the

to

walls,

power

of Ptolemy.

storm the

fortress,

and threatened

down unless Hyrcanus would abandon his


And
This caused him to hesitate in his proceedings.
hurl her

was protracted,

siege

year necessitated

so the

until at length the retiirn of the Sabbatical

abandonment.

its

to

project.

Ptolemy was thus

set free

but nevertheless he had the mother of Hyrcanus murdered,

and then

fled.*

Thus through Ptolemy had Hyrcanus

both his parents

lost

and his two brothers, without having been able

to

take

vengeance upon him.

An

evil fate,

however, overtook the murderer.

Antiochus

26 qui cum adversum Hyrcaiws,


Hyrcani cognomen accepit). In favour
of liis explanation the fact may be adduced tliat John actually did take
part in the campaign of Antiochus VII. Sidetes against the Parthians.
But it falls to pieces over the fact that the name Hyrcanus had been in use
in Jewish circles long before the time of John Hyrcanus (Josephus, Anfiq.
It may conceivably be explained according
xii. 4. 6-11
2 Mace. iii. 11).
to the analogy of ^333n y'nS Baba viezia vii. 7
'isn Din:, Schahbath ii. 1
accepit

and

also Sulpicius Severus,

ii.

(fentem validissimam, egregie pugnasset,

Nasir

Ochus

v.

to

Bala hathra

Hyrcania

The Jews were transported by Artaxerxes

v. 2.

(see Div.

ii.

vol.

ii.

p.

223).

Jew belonging

to

who had gone back

again to Palestine, would at


And thus
first be distinguished by the personal designation 6 'Tpicxvi;.
the name would come to be a distinctive designation of the family.

a family settled there,

^ 1
^

Mace. xvi. 19-22.

Josephus, Autiq.

Josephus,

xiii. 8. 1

Aiitiq. xiii. 7. 4.

Wars

of the Jeus,

the Sabbatical year, see above, pp. 41-43.

i.

2.

3-4.

In

regard to

JOHN IIYKCAXUS

8.

VII.

had

Sidetes

We

Judea.

because the

He

attention.

liitherto

know
home

made no

not the reason of


affairs

upon

attempt

further
this,

but

Syria were

of

was, however, by no

2T5

13-105.

C.C.

I.,

it

was perhaps

occupying

means disposed

all

his

to forget

made of Simon. In the


John Hyrcanus, B.c. 135134, he invaded

the demands which he previously

year

first

of

Judea, devastated the whole country, and finally laid siege

Hyrcanus

to

whole

city

in

with a rampart and a

besieged from

He

his capital, Jerusalem.^

all egress

from the

and cut

trench,

Hyrcanus on

city.

sought to harass the besiegers by

surrounded
off

tlie

the

his part

In order to make

sallies.

the victuals last longer, he sent the non-combatants out of the

But Antiochus would not

city.

them

them perished

of
'

of

and drove

the besiegers and the city, and

of

circle

pass,

were obliged to roam about

ba(^k again, so that they

between the

them

let

hunger.

It

was not

till

many

the Feast of

In regard to the date, the statements of the various sources do no-t


According to Josephus, Aidi'/. xiii. 8. 2, the invasion of Antiochus

agree.

occurred tTot4)

f^iu stsi rij; ccr/iiia; ccCtov, -^rpuru 0 t-^j

bhvi^-iahi iKccTomri

y,cct

i^/jKoijrr,

Oivrip.

Tb/.oi,'j'jV

The fourth year

oif>x,iii,

of Antiochus

and the first year of Hyrcanus are both B.c. 135-134, Mhereas llie lG2n(l
Olympiad corresponds to B.c. 132-128. In the latter period, in Olympiad
162, 3, or B.c. 130-129, Porphyry puts the attack u])on Jerusalem hy
Antiochus (Eusebius, L'hronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 255 Judaeosqneliic niihcyit,
]ier ohsidionem muros urbis evertebat, atque eledissimos ipsorum trucidahat
:

anno

tertio

CLXII.

olympiadis).

reconciliation of these statements

possible only on the assumption that the

At

war had

is

lasted for four years.

must have been occupied with it, since the


seems to have lasted over a year. Josephus
speaks of the setting of the Pleiades as occurring at its beginning (Antiq.
xiii. 8. 2), which took place in November (Pliny, Hist. JVat. ii. 47. 125
id id aequinodium diehus fere quattuor et quadrufjinta vcnjiliarum occasus
J)
Itiemem inchoat, quod tempus in III. iduus Novemhres in incidere consuevit).
And the siege had not been raised when the next Feast of Tabernacles
came round in October (compare Clinton, Fasti Ilelleinci, iii. 333).
least

more than one

j^ear

tiege of Jerusalem alone

Owing

to the discrepancy of the sources, it

would be exceedingly risky

to fix a particular year lor the siege (Clinton,

Sieges lasting for a year were

that time, as in the case of Samaria {Anfiq.


xiii.

13. 3),

and of Gadara,

I.e.,

gives B.c. 134-133).

by no means uncommon

la.'-ting

ten

xiii. 10. 3),

months

(Antiq.

in the hi.story of

and of Gaza
xiii. 13. 3).

{Antiq.

276

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Tabernacles

that

Hyrcarius

For the celebration

city.

them

received
of

this

feast

Antiochus an armistice for seven days.

again

into

the

he had begged

of

Autiochus granted

not only this, but sent also gifts for sacrifice into the city,

which they

Avere

timely capitulation,
therefore an

come

to.

Jews should
the

obtain

to

embassy

to

favourable

now

hoped, by

He

terms.

sent

Antiochus to treat for conditions of

After protracted negotiations an understanding was at

peace.
last

This generous

present in the temple.

to

the spirits of Hyrcanus, and he

act raised

other

The terms
deliver

up

the arrangement were that the

of

their arms,

towns lying

outside

of

pay tribute

conquered, give hostages, and besides pay


conditions were indeed

by no means

for

Joppa and

Judea which they had

500

talents.

The

Yet

in the

satisfactory.

circumstances Hyrcanus was indeed very glad even at this


price to obtain the raising of the siege

the Syrian army.

The walls

The remarkable
other reasons than

and the withdrawal of

of the city too were

moderation

of

thrown down.^
had

Antiochus

those assigned for

it

by the

perhaps

historians.

' Josoplius,
Antiq. xiii. 8. 2-3.
Diodorus, xxxiv. 1, ed. Mller.
Pipliyiy iu Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 255. Justin, xxxvi. 1
Judaeos quoque, qui in Macedonico imperio sub Demetrio patre armis se in
:

libertatcm viiidicavenud, suhegit.

fn^xuri

Anni.

riis

nrohiui,

The words of Josephus,

are understood

Grtz, Geschichte der Jude,

iii.,

by many
4 Aufl.

p.

x.a.hl'hi S

tion of the whole wall, but only that of the coping, in

description of Josephus

is

x( t^v

Winer, 11 \VB. i. 65,


76 f.), not of the destruc-

(f.r/.

which

case the

divergent from that of Diodorus and Porphyry.

But such an interpretation is not necessary. At least, according to


Diodorus and Porphyry, the wall itself was thrown down. Among the
later services performed by John Hyrcanus, 1 Mace. xvi. 23 gives
prominence to his rebuilding of the walls. Hyrcanus is said to have
obtained the sum demanded by Antiochus by extracting three thousand
talents from the sepulchre of David.
So says Josephus, Antiq. vii. 15. 3,
wliereas in Antiq. xiii. 8. 4 he merely says that Hyrcanus applied the
Compare on tlie
money thus taken to the payment of his soldiers.

sepulchre of David, Xeh.


29.

According to Neh.

from Siloah.

iii.

iii.

16

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

7.

Acts

ii.

15, 16, it lay in the south of the city, not far

JOHN HYRCANUS

8.

In

the

decree of

municates in Aniiq.

Eoman
xiii.

which Josephns

senate,

9.

2,

it

277

135-105.

B.C.

I.,

is

com-

assumed that a King

Antiochus had taken from the Jews in war, Joppa, Gazara,

and other towns

eXaev

{iroXeiioiv

which a Jewish embassy had gone

on account of

^AvTto'^o'i),

to

Eome

with the prayer

that the senate should order Antiochus to restore these towns.

This Antiochus can have been no other than Antiochus VII.

under no

Sidetes, for

earlier

was none able

later kings there

mentioning
indeed

in

over

the

most

itself

to

and Gazara, and of the


usurp any authority worth

Evidently

Jews.

probable,

advancing to the siege of the

the Jews in

Antiochus were

possession of the towns of Joppa

had

Antiochus,
war,

that

in

as

is

before

upon and taken

capital, seized

from the Jews Joppa, Gazara, and the other towns that had

been conquered by them.


of his

the

own

Jews

l>ut then

hardly credible that

it is

would have

accord, by a peaceful treaty, he

in possession of these cities,

on them a tribute

for the

ditions are to be accounted

the Itomans.

The senate

decree referred

to,

but rather put

left

and only have imposed

The mild con-

holding of them.
for rather

by the interference of

certainly did not at

first,

the

in

formally accede to the prayer of the Jews,

off"

any

iinal

decision.

appears, however,

It

that very soon afterwards a second Jewish embassy

Home, which did secure the

passage, Antiq. xiv. 10. 22, a decree of the

went

to

In a subsequent

result desired.

Roman

senate

is

given by Josephus, erroneously inserted in a decree of the

Pergamenes, which evidently refers to the matters now under


In consequence of an embassy sent

discussion.

command

restore

all

is

issued

to

the cities taken

King Antiochus

l)y

that

Hyrcanus,

he

must

by him from the Jews, and

particular

that he must withdraw the garrison from Joppa

kv

Ze <f>povpau eKXeiv).

^lirrj

called

"

Antiochus,

son

The king

of Antiochiis,"

is

instead

Demetrius," but he can scarcely be any other

in

(rr^y

there indeed
of " son

tiian

of

Antiochus

278

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.


For

Sidetes.

if

the Jews, since the conclusion of peace with

him, obtained possession again of Joppa by the payment of


tribute, it

can scarcely be supposed that any of the weak

successors of Sidetes could have again placed a garrison there.

In any

case, tlie

the help of the

Jews would have had no occasion

Eomans

to call in

against such an adversary.

may

It

therefore be conjectured that the decree of senate in question

preceded the conclusion of peace with Antiochus Sidetes, and

was pre-eminently the means

of securing for the

mild and favourable conditions.'


correct,

we must assume

that the

Jews such

If these combinations are

war continued

for

more

than a year.

The

conflicts

which took place during those

years of

first

Hyrcanus, gave new proofs that the small Jewish state could
maintain

its

freedom from Syrian suzerainty only so long as the

Syrian empire was internally weak.

Before the

first

vigorous

onslaught of Antiochus, the freedom that had previously been


'

In the above the results are related which Mendelssohn has reached

in his investigations (Ritschl's Acta societatis philologae Lipsieyisis,


1875, pp. 123-158.

sohn,

Be

It

seimti consultis

was previously published separately

t.

v.

Mendels-

Eomanorum ab Joscpho Antiq. xiii. 9. 2, xiv. 10.


Compare in addition the recension

22, relatis commentatio, Leipzig 1874).

by Gutschmid

in the Literatur Centralblatt, 1874, No. 38, and the criticism

Gutschmid understands by
1876, 392 f.
"Antiochus, son of Antiochus," Antiochus IX. Cyzicenos, son of Antiochus VII., although in other respects he agrees with Mendelssohn, that
the conquest of Joppa and Gazara was accomplished by Antiochus VII.
But this combination falls through for this, besides other reasons, that
in the second Senatsconsult it is distinctly presupposed that the conqueror and he who was to restore to them what he had taken {Antiq. xiv.
10. 22
x.i it t; aXXo (ps/^ii-ro oe.\jTuv\ was one and the same person.
Owing to the carelessness with which these document.s, and especially the
names in them, have been drawn up, the appearance of a clerical error,
such as 'Kvrtoycov for AniayiTpiov, would present very little difficulty,
indeed much less than others that have actually been found. Compare
For
against Gutschmid, Mendelssohn in Rhein. Museum, 1875, p. 118 f.
in the Theol. Literaturzeitung

proposed emendation of the names in Antiq.

Mommsen's Bevierkumjen zum


epigr. iv. 217.

Senatsconsult von,

compare also
Adramyttium, Ephemeiis
xiii.

9.

2,

JOHN HYRCANUS

8.

won by Simon was

again

279

B.C. 135-105.

I.,

Hyicanus' dependence on

lost.

Antiochus VII. also obliged him to take the

field

Syrian monarch against the Parthians in

129.

b.c.

with the

But he

was not involved

in the disaster that overtook Antiochus.*

The death

Antiochus in the Parthian campaign, in

of

b.c.

His place
128, was for Hyrcanns a favourable occurrence.^
upon the Syrian throne was taken by the weak Demetrius II.,

who had

previously been released from imprisonment by the

He

Parthians.^"

Hyrcanus

immediately involved in a

v/as

which obliged him

to seek to

war,

civil

win the favour of the Jews.

as soon as possible turned

to

account the altered

Without troubling himself about Demetrius,

circumstances.

he began to seize upon considerable districts in the neigh-

bourhood of Judea, to the

marched

First of all he

conquered Medaba

the north, and to the south.

east, to

after

months'

six

turned to the north, took Shechem and


*

Josephus, Antiq.

On

xiii. 8. 4,

Then he

siege.^^

Mount

Gerizim, sub-

with reference to Nicolaus Damascenus.

the campaign and death of Antiochus, compare Justin, xxxviii.

xxxix.

10,

and

into the land east of the Jordan,

Mller

Diodorus, xxxiv. 15-17, ed.

Appian, Syr. 68

Josephus, Antiq.

Ohronicon, ed. Schoene,

i.

xiii.

8.

Livy,

Porphyry in

Epit.

59

Eusebiu.s,

In regard to the chronology, see above,

255.

pp. 177-178.
^^

On

Demetrius

II.

compare Justin, xxxvi.

Demetrius,

et

ipse

rerum. successji corrwptus, vitiis adulescentiae in segnitiam labitur tantumque

contemptum apud ovuies


contraxit.

On

incrtiae,

qua7itum odium ex superbia pater hahuerat,

the other hand, Justin, xxxix.

1,

speaks also of a superbia

quae conversatione Parthicae crudelitatis intolerahilis facta erat. On


the doings and fortunes of Demetrius during his imprisonment, as well as
Appian, Syr. 67,
his final liberation, see Ju.stin, xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 9-10

regis,

Josephu.s, Antiq. xiii. 8. 4


Porphyry in Eusebius, Chronicon, ed.
68
Schoene, i. 255.
11 Medaba is a well-known town on the east side of the Jordan, south
It is the
of Heshbon, and its name and ruins are preserved to this day.
Isa. xv. 2
Old Testament S^DTip, Num. xxi. 30 Josh. xiii. 9, 16
;

Chron. xix.

xiii. 15. 4,

Compare

7.

p.

Mace.

ix.

1.

36; Josephus, ^Hfif?. xiii. 1. 2,


Stephen of Byzanvia. 20. 20

Ptolemy, v. 17. 6,
Mishna, Mihwaoth vii.
279. Relaud, Palestiiia, p. 893.

xiv.

tium on the name


Lagarde,

Eusebiu.s, (Jnomasticoii, ed.

Seetzen, Reisen durch Syrien,

280

THE MACCABEAN PEKID,

dued the Samaritans, and destroyed


he went south, took the Idumean

and compelled the Idumeans


to receive the

Jewish

to

Finally,

Adora and Marissa,

cities

submit

to circumcision,

The policy

law.^^

temple.

tlieir

of conquest,

and

which

had been already inaugurated by Jonathan and Simon, was


out vigorously by

carried

that

this,

first

among

The purely worldly

Hyrcanus.

character of his policy, however,

is

show^n conspicuously in

the Jewish princes he no longer con-

ducted the war by means of Jewish soldiers, but called in the


aid of foreign mercenaries."

This independent procedure on the part of Hyrcanus was


possible only on account of the internal weakness of the Syrian

Demetrius

empire.

was again guilty

II.,

after

of the

folly

VII. Physcon, king of Egypt.

his restoration to the throne,

war with Ptolemy

of waging

The Egyptian monarch

up over against Demetrius a pretender

fore set

in the person of a

whom

young Egyptian,

to the throne,

he gave out to

who

be an adopted son of Antiochus Sidetes,

was, however,

according to others, a son of Alexander Balas.^*

Syrians Zabinas,
407

73).
12

f.,

iv.

223.

Winer,

i.e.

7. 9.

" the

purchased."

Eitter, Erdkunde, xv. 2.

R WB.

xiii.

Adora

is

9.

the

Conquered by

1181-1185 (Engl,

transl.

iii.

p. 318.

iii.

2-5

Guerin,

Marissa, see above, page 221 (on 1 Mace. v. 66).

the Judaizing

the
this

Wars of the Jews, i. 2. 6 compare


1
modern Dura, west of Hebron, see Robin-

son, Bibl. Researches in Palestine, vol.

On

^^

Baedeker- Socin, Palstina,

sub voce.

Josephus, Antiq.

Antiq. xv.

This pre-

named Alexander, and was surnamed by

tender was

i.

there-

iii. 353 sqq.


consequence of

Jud(fe,

In

by John Hyrcanus, the Idumeans came by and by to regard

themselves as Jews (Wars of the Jews, iv. 4. 4). The Jewish aristocracy
Avould only have them treated as ijf/.itov'ixioi, and so considered even the
Idumean Herod as not equal to them in birth {Antiq. xiv. 15. 2 'Hpot]
:

iZtrt]

6'vrt x,ui

'iSof^at/ rovriaTiv ijfiitovoxiai).

1'

Josephus, Antiq.

^*

The former according

xiii. 8. 4.

to Justin, xxxix.

the latter according to

Porphyry in Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 257 sq.


1^ Porphyry in Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene,
explains the surname Zabinas (XV^T in Ezra x. 48) by

i.

258, correctly

dLyopxazoi.

The

JOHN HYECANUS

8.

281

B.C. 135-105.

I.,

Alexander at Damascus, Demetrius was obliged

to

retire

to

Ptolemais, and to take ship from thence to Tyre, where as

soon as he landed he was murdered, in

125

b.c.

or 124.'^

Alexander Zabinas, however, had on his part

contest

to

the sovereignty with the son of Demetrius, Antiochus VIII.

So he was not forced by necessity to

Grypos.

peace

live in

and friendship with Hyrcanus.^^


After .some years, somewhere about

Zabinas was
(

subdued

by

Jrypos conquered him, and had

ing to others,

lie

brought his

In

while, accord-

an end by poison.

For eight years

of quiet.

undisputed sway in

made no attempt

no longer the ambition

dimensions.

to

life

There now followed a long period

He had

Antiochus VIII.

him executed

own

Antiochus VIII. Grypos held


Nevertheless even he

122, Alexander

B.c.

opponent.

his

to Syria its ancient

to restore

113 he was driven out by

b.c.

Syria.'*

against Hyrcanus.

his

cousin

and step-brother, Antiochus IX. Cyziceuos, who ruled Syria


for

two

years,

and

when Antiochus Grypos

then,

secured possession of the greater part of Syria in

again

Ill,

B.c.

he took up his residence in Coele-Syria, the part adjoining


Palestine,

and made

it

orthography vacillates

his headquarters.^^

lietween

Ziivi;

(Josephns,

Zxtv.; (Diodorus, ed. Mller, xxxiv. 22

inscription in Letronne, Kecueil

inscriptions

des

Antiq.

xiii.

9.

Porphyry in Eusebius,
grecques

et

3),
I.e.

latines

de

Zabbinaeus in Justin, Prolog, xxxix.


61)
Josephns, Antiq. xiii. 9. 3 Justin, xxxix. 1
Porphyry in Eusebius,

FEgypte,
'

ii.

Chronicon, ed. Schoene,

Tymm

i.

257

sq.

On

his death especially, Justin

Cum,

navi egrediens praffecti jtissu


interficitur. According to Appian, Syr. 68, his wife Cleopatra was the
instigator of the murder.
Compare Livy, Epit. 60 Motu-f quoque Syriae
referuntur, in quibics Cleopatra Demetrium virum suum
interemit.
religione se templi defensurus petisset,

^^

Joseplius,

Antiq.

xxxiii.

9.

3:

(pt'h/xy

iroisheci

-zpo;

'TpKy> -iv

pxnpict.
^^

Justin, xxxix.

Parta igitur regni securitate Gryprts ocio annis


In accordance with this, the
description in Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 10. 1, is to be corrected.
^^ Porphyry in Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 260; Josephus,
Aritiq. xiii. 10. 1
Justin, xxxix. 2-3
Appian, Syr. 69.
quietem

et

2.

ipse hahuit

9:
et

regno praestitit.

282

THE MACCABEAN PEEIOD.

Of Antiochus IX. Cyzicenos, who ruled

Coele

in

Syria

113 to B.c. 95, Diodorus gives the following


^ "So soon as he attained the throne, Antiochus
Cyzicenos gave way to drunkenness and shameful sensuality,

from

B.c.

description

and

to habits

He

most unbecoming in a king.

took great

delight in theatrical displays and the performance of comedies,

and generally
their

in

He

art.

also

showmen, and

of

sorts

all

zealously

promoted

learn

tried to

the

exhibition of

marionettes, and sought to fabricate in silver and gold animals

long that would

live ells

On

arts.

move

and other such

of themselves,

the other hand, battering-rams and engines of war,

which would have brought him great advantage and renown,

He

did not make.

lie

turous expeditions

knowledge of

was passionately fond of adven-

also

and often through the night, without the

his friends,

accompanied only by two or three

he would go out into the country to hunt

servants,

panthers, and boars.

lions,

In such escapades he often engaged to

the extreme peril of his

in foolhardy encounters with wild

life

beasts."

We

an

see here traditions of

earlier

Antiochus IV. imitated

From such

again after a baser fashion.

who was

a ruler,

taken up with such pursuits, Hyrcanus had nought to

And

so

Sidetes,

-"

it

in

B.c.

128, Judea had

y.xroc.

t^v xai'Kiixv, li,itaiv

ai.ai'Aii'oi;

y.(x.6<jKov

'TTi.i

iX/'KOTifiSnO.

To/j SuvfyiCiTOTTOioi;,

y-XTXpyvpx Kx\

'^'kx'n

iJx^ 05

'i?iv67i.eii)v

fcidxi ki
yccp

'Exsc/oe

d'AT^OTptdiTUTCt.

^K'TTiT'/lOiVaS 06

il;

y.ai

tx,

fcifioi;

tovtuv

Xxl ViVOOU'TrXaTUV Kxi

X.X-: xy^px/a

icxi

inpx

Kvl^iKr.voi

Tpv((>v,v

dLyvjuit

x,xt

itself

ocpziui
^ri'Ku-

vpaoetKrctig xi

xcti

i'Trtri^Oivi/.xrx

S/'

fear.

of Antiochus

been able to keep

Diodorus, xxxiv. 34, ed. Mller: 'O 'At/oxo?

'Trapsi'KYt^ii);

(.)vx,

came about that from the death

fixvdxvuv

XVrOl/ Kil/UU ^c: ITiVrX-

ttasioux roixurx (^rixxuvif<.xrx.

ovOe 6pyxi>vv 'T^o'KtopKnrtKZv KXTxaxevoi;,

x kxI ^au

KXi xpn'^3 d^ioT^oyov; xu w^so';^sto. ^^uidovaix os x.xl vpog Kvuriysaix;


xKXipov;, XXI T^o'KKxx.i; vvKTap 'Kx6px ruv (fi'Kuu fisrcc ^voiv j rpiuv oiKirui/

f/.i-/ xhifi'j

i%tu\)

fj'Kuc

k'yrl

Sg

KtVO'JuCVS.

r^v ^iipxv, iKvvrjyii


<7VftT77iix6f^ivo;

"Ktoiirx;

xXiyoi;

kxI

Sr,!iloi:,

'Trxpox'Ksig

kxI v; xyptovg.

ro>.Ax<f

rl>,9iv

iig

Tlxpx-

rovi laxx'ov;

JOHN HYRCANS

8.

The taxes

absolutely independent of Syria.

by Antiochus Sidetes were not paid


"

kings.

283

B.C. 13.5-105.

I.,

laid

upon Judea

any of the following

to

Neither as their subject nor as their friend did he

longer pay

them any

In the

years of his reign Hyrcanus

last

expedition

for

'^

regard."

the

conquest of

undertook an

neighbouring

the

districts.

After having previously subdued the borders of Shechem and

Mount

Gerizim, he

of Samaria,

complain.

now

directed his attack against the city

given him

whose inhabitants had

He had them

occasion

and then transferred the conduct of the

siege to his sons

The Samaritans

Antigonus and Aristobulus.

in

their straits

who went indeed

called in the aid of Antiochus Cyzicenos,

very willingly, but was driven back by the Jews.


a

second

means

of

supplied,

time Antiochus

sought

and by

sustaining great

them help by

bring

Jewish

their help devastated the

loss,

any decided

territory,

advantage.

After

Antiochus withdrew from the scene of

leaving his generals, Callimander and Epicrates, to

carry on the campaign to

defeated

to

So then

Egyptian auxiliary troops, which Ptolemy Lathurus

without, however, securing

conflict,

to

enclosed by a wall and a trench,

its

by the Jews and

close.

lost

his

Of these the one was


life,

while

the

other,

Epicrates, also achieved nothing, but treacherously gave over

Thus Samaria,

Scythopolis to the Jews.

fell into the hands of the Jews,

ground.''"

The Jewish

after a year's siege,

and was utterly razed

to the

legends relate that on the day of the

decisive victory of Antigonus

-*

Joseplms, Antiq.

xiii. 10. 1

**

Joseplms, Antiq.

xiii. 10.

2-3

and Aristobulus over Antiochus

ov-n u; i/^y.Koo; oini ; (ftM;

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

2. 7.

uCrol; ovhi

Acconlinj;

was not surrendered


to the Jews by treachery, but wa.s conquered by them.
Compare on this
important city, Div. ii. vol. i. p. 110. The day of the conquest of Samaria
was, according to Megillath Taamth, the :i5th Marcheschwan, or November.
See Griitz, iii., 4 Aufl. p. 066 Doronboury, Histoirc, jj. 72 sq. The year
to the statemeut of the JfaTs of the Jews, Scythopolis


284

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

made known

Cyzicenos, the occurrence was

Hyrcanus by

to

a voice from heaven, while he was presenting a burnt-offering


in the temple.^^

What

now been

has

told

that

all

is

is

known

to us as to

the external events of what seems to have been the truly

But even

to

inscriptions

coins

regarding

us

Something may

government.

of

more fragmentary

still

down

come

The record

reign of Hyrcanus.

brilliant

on

first

coins. ^^

the

immediate

the

the

scanty enough.

is

the reports which have

is

internal

of

affairs

that

of all be gained from the

These,

successors

common with

in
of

the

Hyrcanus, bear the

inscription

DninTi

^nan p::n pmn"

-i3ni

ot: Dnin^n "inn rx")

The reading
to be read

means

word

of this last

cliebcr

hajjchudim

fellowship, association,

jepovata, but

rather

biir\

is

p:in pmn''

is

to

Probably

doubtful.

and by
be

cJieher,

which

understood, not

assembly of the whole

the

it

is

literally

body

the
of

may be approximately fixed from this, that, on the one hand, Antiochus
Cyzicenos was already in undisturbed possession of Coele-Syria, which
began with b.c. Ill; and, on the other hand, Ptolemy Lathurus was still
co-regent with his mother Cleopatra, which lasted

till

107.

B.c.

The

conquest of Samaria therefore falls between B.c. Ill and B.c. 107, probably
not long before B.c. 107, for Cleopatra was so enraged at Ptolemy for
affording assistance to Antiochus, that she had "almost already" driven

him out
-^

of the government.

Josephus, Antiq.

So Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 10. 3.

The

xiii. 10.

Voc o'r:j

rabbinical passages in Derenbourg,

p. 74.
~*

On

the coins:

De

Saulcy, Eecherches, 1854, pp. 95-102.

Cavedoni,

Numismatik, ii. 13-18. Levy, Geschichte der jd. Mnzen, pp. 46-53.
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, 1864, pp. 51-Gl. Reichardt in the
Wiener Nwmismai. Monatsheften, Bd. iii. 1867, pp. 103-108. De Saulcy,
De Saulcy, Revue arch/ologiquc,
Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 236 sq.
nouv. Serie, xxiii. 1872, pp. 8-13. Merzbacher, Zeitschrift fr Numismatik,
Bihl.

iii. 1876, pp. 190-195.


Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 74-81 (there
the material is most fully given).

":

the
"

The

people."'^

Jochanan

JOHN HYRCANUS

8.

high

the

and

285

B.C. 135-105.

would

inscription
priest

I.,

run

therefore

the

thus

congregation

of

the

Jews," or " Jochanan the high priest, head of the congregaThis

tion of the Jews."

Hyrcanus regarded himself

As

priest.

commonwealth was a government


standing at

its

head

The

were not only stamped

On

gregation.

the

of the

first

in his

name, but also in that of the conit is

2^

in

The

name engraven on

Jewish princes who did

made

conjectures whicli have heen

cases of the

p. 77, gives

most remarkable kind.

summary

Num.

Jleal-Encydop.

them.

One

increasing

the coins.

"

as to the

He

Then from

so.

the con^refiais

meaning

himself

of -i3n are

Madden

in Coins of the J&ios,


renders i^n, " doctor, scholar

"friend" (de Saulcy, Eecherches, p. 84;


subsequently abandoned by him)
otliers,
(Ewald, Gott. gel. Anz. 1855, p. 643). Arnold in Herzog's

1864, p.

" general "

oi'

makes

(Reichardt), another

"13h,

tlie

of princely prerogatives,

disappears altogether, and instead thereof he

some

Revue

a proof of

second order the name of

the coins of the


tion "

his

high

Jewish

coins, at least those of the first order,

the oilier hand,

John has had

that

still

of priests, and the chief priest

prominence given to the possession

is

sense

age, so also still the

an autocrat, but simply the chief

M'as not

of the congregation.

the full

in

as

pre-Maccabean

in the

shows us that John

title

official

Aufl.

it

382,

iv.

766, speaks of the

word

as

having

its signification

discovered by Ewald.
On the coins with i^n ti'Xl, Ewald read.s
l^ni CXI, and translates " commander-in-cliief " (Gott. gel. A7iz. 18G2, p.
The inscription D^IIHM "l^n C'X"1 shows that lan is necessarily a
844).
corporation, as Hyrcanus is described as its head.
It is therefore to be
iiitit

read (as Hos.

vi.

Prov. xxi. 9) lan, and

whether an assembly in the more exact

it is

extremely questionable

Jewish senate,
Levy, Jdische Mnzen, p. 50;
Histonj, pp. 54-G
Coins of the Jews, p. 78; Derenbourg,
Wellhausen, I'Jiariser, p. 28 f. De Saulcy, Melanges des
Histoire, p. 83
^umismatique, ii. 1877, p. 86), or the Jewish people as a whole (so
Cavedoni, Bibl. Numismatik, ii. 14
Hitzig, Geschichte, p. 473
Reuss,
Geschichte der heil. Sehr. A. T.'s, 503
Merzbacher, Zeitschri fr Numismatik, i. 1876, pp. 190, 196 f.).
The expression "congregation of the
Jews," and their usage of the language, are decidedly in favour of the
See Div. ii. vol. ii. p. .
latter meaning.

meant
Madden,

id

(so Geiger, Urschrift, p. 121

sense, therefore the

f.

;
:

286

T.iE

MACCABEAN PEPJOD.

designated under his twofold

and

as "

title of

"

rank as

High

Priest,"

Chief of the Congregation of the Jews."


of

Hyrcanus, during his

thirty years' reign, one fact at least

is

well established, and

that one of the greatest importance

his breaking

In reference to the internal policy

away from

the Pharisees, and attaching himself to the Sadducees.

two

now appear

parties

upon the arena

for the

These

time under those names

Their beginnings lay far back

of history.

their consolidation

first

under those names seems

have been a

to

The Pharisees

consequence of the Maccabean movement.^^

are nothing else but the party of strict zealots for the law

same

essentially the

of the

circles as

we meet with

Maccabean movement under the name


Diametrically opposed to

Chasidim.
the most

in the beginning
of the

Pious or

them were those who

in

extreme fashion favoured everything Greek, who

even went beyond the Hellenizing movement of Antiochus

Epiphanes by opening the door


the domain of social

life,

to Hellenism, not

only in

but also in that of religipus worship.

These extreme Grecianizers, who were found specially in the


ranks of the higher priesthood, had been swept away before
the blast of the

Maccabean

Ideas of this sort

revolution.

could no longer be allowed to find expression in the league


of the

Jewish commonwealth.

that type
exist

But the foundations on which

thought had grown up had

of

It

there.

continued to

still

was the essentially worldly

spirit

the

of

higher priesthood, opposed to any kind of religious enthusiasm.

They wished

to maintain

they rejected with a lofty assumption of superiority.

They had

far

heartier

interest

in

than in those of the time to come.


the
2*

on the basis of the

But whatever therein transcended the mere

Mosaic law.
letter,

their position

higher
Josephus

priests
tells

affairs

The

spirit

of this

5. 9.

first

life

which among

was represented pre-eminently by

the etory

of Jonathan, Antiq. xiii.

the

"

the

of all in connection with the times

JOHN IIYRCANUS

8.

now

sons of Zadoc," was

that

called

287

B.C. 135-105.

I.,

the

of

Zadocites

or

Sadducees."

The Maccabees belonged properly neither to the Pharasaic


The zeal for the law, which

nor to the Sadducean party.

had led them

take the sword in their hand, associated

to

them indeed with the Chasidim, who

also

went

their

and

several ways,

outset

time advanced they parted

as

The Chasidim had no

farther and farther from one anotlier.

supremacy and

interest in political

the

at

But soon the two

took part in the war of independence.

freedom.

political

With

the Maccabees this was the point of most vital importance.

They did not indeed

at a later period

abandon their original

But

aim, the preservation of the religion of their fathers.

wore on

as time

tliey

became more and more deeply involved


In this way they were brouglit

other political schemes.

in

into closer relations with


starts,
tial

the

As

Sadducees.

political

up-

the Maccabees could not venture to ignore the influen-

Sadducean

nobility.

in the jepovala of the

represented.

But

And

may

it

Maccabean

be taken for granted that

age, the

Sadducean party was

in spite of all this, in

religious sympathies

the Maccabees originally stood far nearer to the Pharisees than


to the

faith

They were the conservers

Sadducees.

and

their fathers' law.

even in regard
reign, in

to

tlie

traditions

of

the

interests

and

earlier years of his

observance of the law, he held

For

it

Pharisees

accusation brought against

The

of their fathers'

be unhesitatingly stated,

Hyrcanus, that in the

regard to

doctrines of the Pharisees.

the

may

It

him by

activities

was

his

which

abandonment

formed

of

chief

Jews.*^

tiie stricter

of tlie

the

tlie

Maccabees were thus

going forth in two different directions, the religious and the

" See furtlier details of the nature and origin of the Pharisees and
Sadducees in 26, Div. ii. vol. ii. pp. 1-4G.
2* Josephus says in regard thereto, Antiq. xiii. 10. 5
y.at.hTr,i S' a.l-Z>j
:

Keel

TpKoiuo; tyiyivit

kocI

aifcopx vt:"

uvtuv

iiyx-:rx7^

288

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

political,

and

explains to us the change of front which

this

The more

took place during the course of Hyrcanus' reign.

the political interests were brought into the foreground by

him, the more were the religious interests put in abeyance.

And

just

proportion

in

Hyrcanus was obliged

as

this

was carried

policy

out,

withdraw from the Pharisees and

to

Any

associate himself with the Sadducees.

and hearty

close

relationship with the Pharisees could not possibly continue

while

he wrought out the devices of his purely worldly

Hence

policy.

was just what might have been expected,

it

that he should openly break with the Pharisees and cast in


his lot with the

The

Sadducean party.

ostensible occasion of the breach

and the Pharisees

manner

in a similar

when many

request,
if

between Hyrcanus

Talmud

described by Josephus and the

is

as

follows.

Hyrcanus once made the

Pharisees were with

him

at dinner, that

they observed him doing anything not according to the law,

they should

call

But

right way.

one, Eleasar, rose

the truth,

if

attention to

it,

and point out

to

him the

present were full of his praise.

all

up and

said

" Since

Only

thou desirest to know

thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the

high-priesthood and content thyself with the civil government


of the

And when Hyrcanus wished

people."

what cause he should do


heard

it

so,

know

to

Eleasar answered

"

We

for

have

from old men that thy mother had been a captive


Antiochus Epiphanes."

under the reign

of

was

incorrect.

On

him

in the highest degree.

account of

it

But

this statement

Hyrcanus was incensed against

When

then Hyrcanus laid before

the Pharisees the question as to the punishment which Eleasar


deserved, they

made answer,

" stripes

and bonds."

Hyrcanus,

w'ho believed for such an offence nothing less than death


due,

became now

still

had given expression


his party.

was

more angry, and thought that Eleasar

to a sentiment that

was approved

of

by

Forthwith he separated himself entirely from the

JOHN HYRCANS

8.

289

B.C. 135-105.

I.,

Pharisees, forbade under penalties the observance of the laws

ordained by them, and attached himself to the Sadducees."**

The

story indeed, in

anecdotal

its

Josephus given only as a


Nevertheless

it

may

it

the

even by

is

derived from oral

tradition.

be accepted as a fact that Hyrcanus did

away decidedly

turn

tale

on

form, bears

imprint of a thoroughly legendary character, and

fi'om

the Pharisees and

the party of

For

abolished the Pharisaic ordinances.

it

was a conscious

reaction against the policy pursued from the time of Hyrcanus,

when Alexandra returned again

Two

Pharisaic institutions.''"

of the

of the particular ordinances set

by Hyrcanus are mentioned

aside

the observance

to

in

the Mishna.

But

in

view of the thoroughgoing opposition of Hyrcanus to every

Mishna

the

ordinance,

Pharisaic

of

sort

cases

referred

in the

to

are spoken of as being only unimportant matters of

detail.^^
29

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 10.

The

5-6.

rabbinical tradition

is

given in

(note 11)
Derenbourg, pp. 79, 80 Moutet, Le
premier conflit entre Pharisicns et Saduceens d'api-es trois documents
Gratz,

iii.,

4 Aufl. 684

ff.

Diientaux [Josephus, Talmud, and Samaritan Chronicler Abulfatli], in the


Journal asiatiqtie, Vlllme serie, t. ix. 1887, pp. 415-423. On the fact
Lt.'<elf, see Wellhausen, Die Phariser und Sadducer (1874), pp. 89-95.

^^ Jo.seplius,
2^

Maaser

Antiq.

scheni

xiii. 16. 2.

v.

15

Sota

ix.

10

" Jochanan the

He

abolished the confession for the time of tithing.

singing of the verse

'Awake' (Ps.
Also down

the sacrificial victim.

xliv. 23),

high priest

also abolished the

and the inflicting a wound on


on the days between the

to his time

was the hammer in use in Jerusalem. Finally, in his


not wont to ask about Demai, i.e. not to ask whether
tithes had been paid on bought com."
On the meaning of this passa.L;e,
which in part is very obscure, see the commentaries in Surenhusius'
Mishna, i. 287 f., iii. 295 ff.
Herzfeld, Geschichte, iii. 249 fF.
Deren-

festival seasons

days

men were

bourg, Histoire,

p. 71.

The

his edition of the Mishna,

Talmud but

translation here given follows that of Jost in

and agrees with the explanations given

in tlie

very questionable. See especially Herzfeld.


Josephus,
For the confession at the tithing, see Deut. xxvi. 12-15
Hottinger, De decimis
Antiq. iv. 8. 22
Mishna, Maaser scheni v. 6-15
Judaeorum (1713), pp. 204-227. It may also be mentioned that in Para
;

its

correctness

is

iii. 5,

heifer

Jochanan is named as one of those high priests in whose time a red


was burnt, according to the law of Num. xix.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

1.

290

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

On

a reN'iew of Hyrcanus' government Josephus passes a

favourable verdict
of

God worthy
the

nation,

Upon

upon him, saying that

of the three privileges

"

he was esteemed

the government of his

high-priesthood, and prophecy."

dignity of the

the whole, the reign of Hyrcanus seems to the Jewish

historian a pre-eminently
political

power

happy

one.^**

He

is

quite right,

if

regarded as the measure of prosperity and

is

After Hyrcanus' predecessors had already enlarged

success.

the Jewish territory to the sea-coast by the addition of Joppa

and Gazara and other conquests in the west, Hyrcanus, by

new

conquests in the

still

more secure

state such as

his

east, south,

and north, and by making

independence of Syria, built up a Jewish

had not been from the time of the overthrow

of

the ten tribes, perhaps not even since the partition of the

kingdom

after the death of

Among
hood

of Jerusalem,

referred to

Solomon.

monuments in the neighbourthe high priest John " is frequently


his Wars of the Jeivs.^^

the great sepulchral


that of "

by Josephus in

22

Josephus, Antiq.

"

Josephus, IFars of the Jews,

xiii. 10. 7.

v. 6. 2, 7. 3, 9. 2, 11.

vi. 2. 10.

9.

AEISTOBULUS

B.C. 105-104.

I.,

Sources.
Joseplms, Antiq.

11

xiii.

Wars

Josephus in Zonaras, Annal.

The

v.

of the Jews,

A summary

3.

i.

from

.3.

coins are most completely given

by Madden, Coins

of the Jars (1881),

pp. 81-83.

Literature.

Ewald, History

of Israel, v. 385, 386.

Stanley, Jewish Church,

Getz,

vol.

Geschichte der Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

John Hyrcanus

left

370.

iii.

iii.,

4 Aufl. pp. 118-123.

Israel,

ii.

473-475.

But according

five son?.^

to his will,

the government was to pass to his wife,^ while only the high-

priesthood was

young

go to his eldest son Aristobulus.

to

was not

prince, however,

He

ment.

The

with this arrange-

satisfied

put his mother in prison, where he allowed her to

die of hunger,

and assumed the government

himself.'

Also

all his brothers, with the exception of Antigonus, he cast into

prison.

Only

assigned to

But

this

the latter had he such confidence that he


in the

management

of the kingdom.

very pre-eminence proved the occasion of disaster to

Antigonns.

were

in

him a share

It aroused the jealousy of

at last successful in

his favourite brother.

many whose

making Aristobulus
was represented

It

intrigues

the murderer of

to liim

tliat

Anti-

gonus was endeavouring to secure the supreme power to


'

Josephus, Antiq.

Josephus, Antiq.

y.a.To.'KihdiTcii.
^

xiii. 10. 7.
xiii.

So, too,

11.

Wars

Joseijhus, Antiq. xiii. 11.

logy, see ahove, page 272.

tKuvriv

of the Jews,
1

Wars

i.

yxp 'TpKUv;

rZiv

y.uv

KVftixi

3. 1.

of the Jews,

i.

3, 1.

On

the chrono-

292

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.


Aristobulus in consequence became suspicious, and

liimself.

gave orders to his bodyguard, that


to

if

Antigonus should come

him armed, they should cut him down.

he commanded his brother

to

come

to

At

the same time

him unarmed.

But

the enemies of Antigonus bribed the messengers, so that they

should announce to him that Aristobulus desired him

that he should

come

clad in

armour

in order that

he might

new equipment. Antigonus acted accordingly, and


down by the bodyguard when he, suspecting nothing,

see his

was cut

After the deed was done, Aristobulus

entered the citadel.


said to

to

new weapons and new armour, and commanded him

obtain

is

have bitterly repented, and his sorrow seemed to have

accelerated his death.*

The whole domestic

tragedy,

if it

can be taken as historical,

presents the character of Aristobulus in a very dark light.

whole concern was with the


tions of piety

civil

government.

In other

were sacrificed to that one end.

tions also Aristobulus

was estranged

still

cal selfish spirit led

him

successors maintained

Greek

to

assume the

down

to

The monarchi-

title

first

of king, which his

the time of Pompey.*

culture, against the introduction of

bees had

direc-

more completely than

father from the traditions of the Maccabees.

liis

His

All considera-

The

which the Macca-

taken a stand, was directly favoured by him.

Whether he assumed the

title

of

^iXeWrjv

is

not with

absolute certainty to be concluded from the words of Josephus.^


*

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii. 11. 1-3

Joseplius, Antiq. xiii. 11. 1

2. 40, p.

762, tells

TFars of the Jews,

i.

3.

1-6.

IVars of the Jews, i. 3. 1.


Strabo, xvi.
this of Alexander Jannaiis, because he overlooked the
;

ehort reign of Aristobulus.


^ Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 11. 3:
x^YjuctTi^a.; y.lv (ptT^iT^J^nv.
From the
connection this ought probably not to be rendered "he called himself

<bi'ki'KhYiv"

title

but

O/Asxxn

"he conducted

is

himself as a friend of the Greek." The


by Arsaces VII. and other Parthian

borne, for example,

v. 650 sqq.), by one


page 184), a Nabatean king Aretas,

kings (Mionnet, Description de me'dailles antiques,

Antiochus of Commagene
see

Appendix

II.

(see above,

9.

Aa already

liis

ARISTBLUS

father

I.,

293

B.C. 105-104.

Hyrcanus had given

purely

his sons

Greek names (Aristobulus, Antigonus, Alexander),

may

it

be

taken for granted that he was inclined to those tendencies


afterwards openly avowed by Aristobulus.

On
title

the coins Aristobulus has

made use

nor of his Greek name.

belong, as Cavedoni

neither of his royal

calls

himself on them,

For the coins with the inscription

"Judas, high priest."

bulus,

He

was the

first

to point out, to one Aristo-

whose Hebrew name was Judas.'

How

Aristobulus, notwithstanding his Greek leanings,

the Jewish standpoint,

occurrence which

is

thoroughly

still

occupied

shown us by the most important

is

recorded of his short reign

the conquest

He

and Judaizing of the northern districts of Palestine.

undertook a military expedition against the Itureans, conquered a large portion of their land, united that

to

Judea, and

compelled the inhabitants to allow themselves to be circumcised

had
tliat

'

and

to live according to the

their residence in Lebanon.^


"

Aristobulus subdued

Josephus, Antiq. xx. 10

Jewish

The Itureans

law.^

As Josephus

does not say

the Itureans," but only that he

'lovox ru kui 'Apiarorjv'hu

On

x>,/idii/ri.

the

coins Avhich de Saulcy originally ascribed to Judas Maccabaeus, see de

Cavedoni, Bihl. Numismatik, ii. 18 f. Levy,


Madden, Historij, pp. 61 - 63.
Mnzen, pp. 53 - 55.
Reichardt, Wiener Numismat. Monatshefte, iii. 1867, p. 108 f.
De
Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 238.
Merzbacher, Zeitschrift fr
Numismatik, iii. 1876, p. 196. Madden, Coins of the .Jews, pp. 81-83. The
Greek coins ascribed by de Saulcy, Recherches, pp. 102-104, to Aristosee Cavedoni, Bibl.
bulu.<?, belong to Julia or Livia, widow of Augustus
Numismatik, ii. 19, 50 f. also in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 19 f.
Saulcy, Recherches, p. 84.
Oesch.

der jiid.

Josephus, Antiq.

T^j X)poes

xiii. 11.

Ti 'Icvoai'cf.

Tiniagenes, as reported

-ro'hifiyiax;

TrpoTKryiaocutvog

^Irovpxixv

js.t.a.

x.cti

Strabo,

xvtuv
name of

iro'K'Kr,!)

in

the

)ci>pxv -n yo uvtoi;
by Josephus, I.e., says
tuv ^Irovoxiuu tdvov; uxnuaxTO k.t.'K.
:

vpontKiv^iXTO Kul TO fiipog roll

Strabo, pp. 753, 755, 756.


Inscription of the time of Quirinius,
E'phemeris epigraphica, iv. 538 (Ituraeos in Libano Tnonte).
Compare also
'^

Appendix

I.

at the

end of the second volume.

294

THE MACCBEAN PERIOD.

conquered a large portion of their country and judaized

and as Galilee had not hitherto belonged

the territory of

to

the Jewish high priest, the conquests even of

extending northwards only as far

and

as,

John Hyrcanus

as Samaria and Scythopolis

yet again, the population of Galilee had

more Gentile than Jewish,

that time

to

it;

been up

the conjecture has

good grounds that the portion conquered by Aristobulus was

mainly Galilee, and that the actual judaizing of Galilee was


first

carried out

In any

by him/

power farther northward,

case,

he extended the Jewish

Hyrcanus had toward the south.

as

Aristobulus died of a painful disease after a reign of one


year."

Seeing that the judgment passed upon him by Gentile

historians

is

a favourable one,^^

we cannot

avoid entertaining

the suspicion that the cruelties which he, the Sadducee and
friend

of

the

relatives, are

Greeks,

is

said

to

have

inflicted

upon

his

calumnious inventions of the Pharisees.

^^ The fact that the districts north and east of Galilee were predominantly Gentile down to the time of the Herodians is in favour of this view.
They could not therefore have been previously judaized by Aristobulus.
But then the portion judaized by Aristobulus could scarcely have been
any other than Galilee itself. That Joseph us does not give it the usual
territorial designation of Galilee, is explained by his making use of nonJewish documents. A more serious difficulty is presented by the fact that
John Hyrcanus had his son, Alexander Jannus, brought up in Galilee
But perhaps it should be said in this case that
{Antiq. xiii. 12. 1).
Hyrcanus had his son, whom he wished to prevent from succeeding to the

It is also possible that


brought up outside of the country.
Hyrcanus had already taken possession of the southern parts of Galileo.
Then what is told above would refer only to the northern division. The
statement about Alexander's education in Galilee is, owing to the connection in which it occurs, open to considerable suspicion.

tlirone,

11

Josephus, Antiq.

12

Strabo in the

11.

xiii. 11.

name

IFars of the Jews,

i.

3. 6.

of Timagcnes, according to Josephus, Antiq. xiii.

i7mi>iyi;rs iyiDSTO oirog 6

d'jr.p x.x\

^dXTv to/j

'lot/0/o/; xp'koiy.os.

10.

ALEXANDEB JAXNUS,

B.C. 104-78.

Sources.
Josephu?, Antiq.

Annal.

12-15

xiii.

Wars oftheJeus,

i.

Summary

4.

in Zonaras,

v. 4.

Syncellus, ed. Dindorf,

558

i.

sq.,

goes back to a source independent of

Joseph us.
Eabbinical Traditions in Derenbourg, pp. 95-102.

The

coins are most completely collected in

Madden, Coins of

the

Jews

(1881), pp. 83-90.

Literature.

Ewald, History

of Israel, v. 38G-392.

Stanley, Jewish Church,

Grtz,

(1877) 370, 386-388.

iii.

Geschichte der Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

Hamburger,
art.

iii.,

4 Aufl. pp. 123-135.

Israel,

ii.

Eeal-Encyclop. fr Bibel

pp. 475-488.

und Talmud, Abth.

ii.

pp. 430-434,

" Janai, Alexander."

Menke's

Bibelatlas, Bl. iv., special

map

of Judea

and Phnicia in

the

Times

of Alexander Jannus.

When

Aristobulus was dead, his

widow Salome Alexandra

released from prison the three brothers of Aristobulus,

whom

he had placed in confinement, and raised the eldest of them


the throne and the

to

high-priesthood,^ while at the

same

time she gave him her hand in marriage.'

Alexander Jannus,
*

Josephus, Antiq.

lO-i-78,^ was, during his reign of

B.c.

xiii. 12. 1

Wars

of the Jeics,

i.

4. 1.

But when Josephus


names Salome Alexandra as the wife of Aristobulus {Aiitiq. xiii. 12. 1),
both which names are borne by the wife of Alexander Jannaus, the
identity is placed almost beyond doubt.
Compare Ewald, History of
2

This

last

Israel, v. 386.
'

On

statement

Hitzig,

is

ii.

nowhere expressly made.

476.

the chronology, see above, pp. 272, 273.


296

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

twenty-six or twenty-seven years, almost constantly involved


in foreign or in civil wars, which for the most part were pro-

voked by

his

own

and resulted by no means

wilfulness,

invariably in his favour.


of

First

all

he took the

field

the

against

citizens

Ptolemais,* besieged them, and surrounded the

of

The

city.

inhabitants applied for help to the Egyptian prince Ptolemy

Lathurus, who, driven from the throne by his mother Cleopatra,

was then exercising rule

in Cyprus.

Ptolemy arrived with an

army, and Alexander through fear of him raised the

He

siege.^

sought, however, by guile to get rid of Ptolemy, for he

openly concluded peace and a friendly treaty with him, but


secretly called his

was

mother

when he heard
mother to his
his

army

the

city

summoned

his

he broke the truce and went forth with

against Alexander.
of Asochis

in

had a standing army,

Ptolemy was not nearly

He

Galilee,

position against Alexander at


finder

But

a mutual agreement.

that Alexander liad secretly


aid,

Ptolemy

to his help against him.

at first disposed to enter into

conquered and plundered

and thus put himself in

Asophon on the Jordan.' Alexfairly well

That of

equipped.

so well armed, but his

soldiers

were

experienced, and had thorough confidence in the tactical skill


of their general Philostephanus.

on either side of the


*

On

The two armies now lay

The Egyptian troops began

river.

to

Ptolemais, the ancient Acco, one of the most important of the

Phoenician coast towns in the immediate neighbourhood of Galilee, see


Div.
^

ii.

vol.

i.

pp. 90-96.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 12.

2-4.

Asochis is often referred to by Josephus in his Life, 41, 45, 68. It


^oa Ss
lay near Sepphoris {Antiq. xiii. 12. 5 fnnpov -TraSiv
Life, 45
^

Aouxlv x.xrix.3xvTe;), and on the plain {Life, 41, 45), and so


undoubtedly in the modern valley el-Battof. For conjectures about its
also
situation, see Eobinson, Later Bibl. Researches in Palestine, p. Ill
Guerin, Galilee, i. 494-497. Compare
Biblical Researches, iii. 201-204.
"^.iTTipupiTuu it;

'

760 Eaumer, Pal. p. 121.


not otherwise known. Perhaps the same as

also Ritter, Erdkuiide, xvi.


''

''\(jc.i([v,

xiii. 27.

Compare

Grtz,

iii.

124

Hitzig,

ii.

478.

jia^*

of Josh,

ALEXANDER JANNUS,

10.

297

B.C. 104-78.

Alexander allowed them peacefully to accomplish

cross.

once they had

and

bravely,

advantage.

all

at

On

over.

army

the

both sides they fought

of Alexander gained

some

But then the Egyptian general managed by a

clever manoeuvre
retreat,

come

first

this,

when

because he hoped more completely to destroy them

cause

to

part

and when once a part

fled,

of the

Jewish army

The whole Jewish army took

hold their ground.

to

the rest could no longer


to flight

the Egyptians pursued them, continuing the massacre without


intermission, " and slew

them

so long that their

weapons

of iron

were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter."

The whole country now lay open before Ptolemy.

now

Cleopatra sent an

army

to

power

in time the increasing

But

Palestine, in order to check

While

of her son.

army

this

operated in Palestine, Ptolemy succeeded in pressing forward

But he was driven out

into Egypt.
to

of

it

again and obliged

return to Gaza, and Cleopatra took possession of the whole

When

of Palestine.

she had the power in her hands, some

Jews

of her counsellors advised her to unite the land of the

But the representations

again with Egypt.

of her

Jewish

general Ananias prevailed in getting their scheme set aside, and


in inducing her rather to

conclude a treaty with Alexander.

Ptolemy could no longer maintain


territory,

and so he returned

his position in

to Cyprus.

tlie

Jewish

Cleopatra also with-

drew her array from Palestine, and Alexander was again

ruler

of the country.*

He was now
conquests.
He

in a position to

took Gadara^" and the

Sy/trxv
"

'"

make

preparations for other

began these on the east of the Jordan,


strong fortress of

compare generally, Joscphus, Antiq.

xiii. 12.

for

Amathus on

he
the

4-5.

Josej^lnis, Antiq. xiii. 13. 1-3.

Gadara, which

is

well

known from

the Gospel history, lies south- east

of the lake of Gennesaieth, then an important Hellenistic city.


in Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

pp.

100-104

See details

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

298

The former he succeeded

Jordan.^^

two months'

Then he turned

siege.

in taking only after a


his attention to the land

of the Philistines, conquered Eaphia,

Anthedon, and

the city of Gaza, so celebrated in days of

year Alexander lay before that

For a whole

old.^^

and

city,

finally

at last

he obtained

the mastery only through treachery, whereupon he plundered


it

and

set

on

it

fire.^^

The conquest of Gaza must have taken place in


for it

b.c.

96,

was about the same time thnt Antiochus VI IL Grypos

died.^*

No

sooner was

peace secured with those outside of the

The incurable

nation than conflicts arose within.


of parties which
of

had already

cast its

Hyrcanus, became productive of

dissension

shadows over the reign

strife

and turmoil during

Alexander's reign, especially in matters of internal govern-

The rabbinical legends

ment.

of disputes between the

tell

king and the chiefs of the schools of the Pharisees which

were of a very harmless kind, childish wranglings rather than

But

serious contendings.

their tales are so utterly worthless

from a historical point of view, that they can find a place


here

only

as

evidence

of

the

The hero

to be a brother of Alexander's
^^ Josepliui?,

Antiq.

site of

Of his doings

wife Salome.

xiii. 13. 3: /^iyiaTou

afterwards the

tZv

'ipvixot.

one of the

five "

inrsp t6v

'

lophvnv x.xtu-

conventions

" established

IFars of the Jews, 1. 8. 5). According to


lay twenty-one Roman miles south of Pella (Eusebius, Onomas-

by Gabinius (Antiq.

xiv. 5. 4

Eusebius,

it

ticon, ed.

Lagarde, p. 219

TV)

of these

Simon ben Shetach, the celebrated Pharisee, reputed

tales is

x.Yif/.ivoiv,

and equally

peculiar lusts

peculiar morals of Talmudic Judaism.

Kd-ruzipx, risAXitf

y^iyirxi Bs x.xt vvv

'hiioTcict, afi^iUji; x.

dg

'

K^udovg KLy.fi iv rf: Uepcclcc


This description corre-

vzou).

sponds to the situation of the present ruins of Amatha in the neighbourhood of the Jordan, north of Jabbok. See generally Ritter, Erdkunde,
Kuhn, Die stdtische und
Raumer, Palstina, p. 242.
XV. 2. 1031 f.
hrgerl. Verfassung des rmischen Reichs, ii. 364 f.
^- On Raphia, Anthedon, and Gaza, see Div. ii. vol. i. pp. 66-74.
^3 Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 13. 3
Wars of the Jeus, i. 4. 2.
"

1*

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 13.

10.

at

ALEXANDEIl JANNUS,

299

B.C. 104-78.

300

There came once

court the following are tuld.^^

Nazarites to Jerusalem in order to present there the prescribed

Simon found ways and means

sacrifices.

he could not do

to

But with

one-half of their burden.

of the

them

relieve

tlie

other half

and therefore he petitioned the king that

so,

he should bear the

cost,

pretending that he himself would

The king agreed

bear the expense of the other half.

to this.

But when he discovered that Simon had deceived him he was


exceedingly angry, and Simon was obliged to go into hiding

Some time

in order to escape his wrath.

thereafter Parthian

ambassadors arrived at the king's court and wished

The king turned

distinguished rabbis.

knew Simon's

her brothers to bring him forth.


that no injury

who

Simon entered

The queen obtained from

would be done the high

No

and then urged him to come.


to than

to see the

the queen,

place of concealment, and urged her to induce

him a promise
come

to

in

priest,

sooner was the agreement

and seated himself between

the king and the queen, whereupon the following conversation

took place between him and the king.


fore didst thou flee

"

Simon

"

The king: "WhereThe king

and king was angry with me."

lord

didst thou deceive

Thou

"

Simon
and

didst give thy gold,

"But why
had told
king

me

"

didst thou not

thee, thou

" I

my

tell this

my

Because I heard that

to

"

And why

did not deceive thee.

wisdom."

me

?"

The king

Simon:

wouldest not have given

it

" If

The

me."

Wherefore hast thou taken thy place between the

king and the queen

"

Simon

"

Because

it

is

written in

among

the book of Sirach, Exalt wisdom, and

it

princes" (Sirach

the king ordered to set

xi.

wine before him, and


at table.

1).

called

upon him

to invoke the blessing

Simon began: "Thanks be unto God

ment which Jannai and


^'

Thereupon

will exalt thee

his

for the nourish-

companions have enjoyed." "Thou

See Derenbourg, pp. 96-98, especially upon Bereschith rabba,


also Grtz, iii., 4 Aufl. pp. 127, 703 f. (note 13).

Compare

c.

91.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

300

dost ever continue stiff-necked," said the king


before in any grace at
"

Could

I say," retorted

we have

eaten,

when

heard the

table

we thank Thee

"

Simon,

" I

name

have never

for that

have received nothing

I as yet

Jannai."

of

"

which

The

king then gave orders that they should set food before Simon

and when he had partaken of

God

for that

The

which we have

real conflicts

he said

it,

other,

were

who sympathized with

an entirely different and wholly

of

nation

the

since

Among

dynasty.

the

of this strife lay in

by the

the general course of development taken


of

Thanks be unto

between Alexander on the one hand, and

The deeper foundations

tragic character.

"

eaten."

the Pharisees and those of the people

them on the

establishment

internal affairs

the

of

Asmonean

the people the Pharisees gained power and

influence

more and more.

separated

them always

The policy

movements, and brought them


with the nationalist party.

of

the

Asmoneans

and farther from the popular

farther

into direct antagonism

at last

could

It

only be with deep-

Jews could look on and

seated resentment that pious

see

wild warrior like Alexander Jannus discharging the duties


of liigh priest in the

scientious

regarded

holy place, certainly not with the con-

and painstaking observance

by the Pharisees

it

carry

During the Feast of Taber-

when every one taking


a

KLTpiov)

palm branch
as

a festal

part

(27^7 (poivi,^)

emblem,

insulted
of war,

him by

Alexander
called

citrons.

of the

was not the man

in the

aid

of his

it

was required
fruit

to

(^iiJ^^?

Alexander was once, as he

calling out that he

and was unworthy

in

and a citron

stood beside the altar about to offer

assembled people with the

ordinances

said that for the first time

is

they broke out in open rebellion.


nacles,

the

Even while he was

as divine.

discharging his priestly office

of

to

sacrifice,

At

pelted by the

the same time they

was the son of a prisoner

office

bear

of sacrificing priest.
this

mercenaries, and

quietly.

He

600 Jews were

ALEXANDEE JANNUS,

10.

The

massacred,^

301

B.C. 104-78.

among

bitterness of feeling created thereby

people was so great, that only a favourable opportunity

the

was waited

By

for in order to

which dwelt

tribes

off the

He went

complications.

further

break

hated yoke.

war Alexander was soon again involved in

his love of

against

forth

and

east of the Jordan,

the

of these

Arab

he made

But Amathus, which

the Moabites and Gileadites tributary.

had once previously been conquered but never very securely


held,

He

was now utterly destroyed.


Arabian king Obedas

the

against

then began hostilities

but during the

conflict

with him in the neighbourhood of Gadara," Alexander


into an ambuscade, in

narrowly esca^jed with his bare

Pharisees
political

advantage

took

weakness

to

of

full

years

The

Alexander's

of

power and influence

his

to

No

people with mercenary troops.

fight
less

against

his

own

than 50,000 Jews

said to liave

perished during this period in these civil

When

Alexander's power had been established he

conflicts.

held out the hand of peace.

turn the state of


to

moment

the

down

break

Alexander had for six

are

as a fugitive

There was a general rebellion against him, and

home.

at

He went

life.

But there a poor reception awaited him.

to Jerusalem.

fell

which he was so sore pressed that he

affairs to

When

their party.

But the Pharisees wished

to

account so as to secure a victory

therefore Alexander inquired

what

they wanted from him, and under what conditions they would
^* Joseplius?,

Antiq.

Talmud {Sukka

486)

xiii.
it is

Wars of the Jevjs, i. 4. 3. In the


13. 5
related that once a Saddiicee poured out the
;

usual libation of water, not on the altar, but on the earth, on account of
which the people pelted him with citrons.
Alexander's name is not
mentioned. Possibly he is intended.
But " the narrative of Josephus
is not improved by inserting; its Talmudic re-echo as givinfr the motive
for the

action of the people" (Wellhausen, Phariser

p. 96).

So Grtz,

p.

1.

iii.,

4 Aufl. pp. 128

98 sq. note.
^^ So Josephus, ylnh'7. xiii. 13. 5.
4. 4, it was at Gaulaua, the ancient

f.,

704

f.

According
i^ij,

und Sadducer,

(note 13).

Derenbourg,

to the IVars of the

J ews,

east of the lake of Gennesareth.

302

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

agree to maintain the peace

and yield obedience,

At

that they wanted only his death.


called

their

to

Demetrius

aid

III.

the

tliey said

same time they

Eucrus,

son

of

Antiochus Grypos, and at that time governor of a portion

somewhere about

b.c. 88.-^^

of Syria/^

The Jewish national

Demetrius arrived with an army.

party united themselves with hiin at Shechem.

was completely beaten,

mercenary troops, and was

lost all his

But now

obliged to flee to the mountains.^"

among many

of the

Alexander

it

seemed as

Jews who now attached themselves

They

Demetrius, the national feeling had again wakened up.

would

a free Jewish state, be subject to an

rather, in

if

to

Asmo-

nean prince than be incorporated into the empire of a Seleucid


Six

ruler.

thousand Jews

went over

to

Alexander,

and

Demetrius was in consequence under the necessity of withdrawing again into his own land.
still

rest of the

Jews who

continued in revolt had no other object than to get rid

battles,

and many

rebellion

at

in

many

The leaders

of the

But they were by him defeated

Alexander.

of

The

last

them were

of

slain.

Bethome

to

fled

they were besieged by Alexander.

Besemelis,

or

where

^^

After the overthrow of

the city, Alexander carried

them

and there within the

at least according to the account

of Josephus, while

city,

he along with his mistresses gave himself

^*

Joseplius, Antig. xiii. 13. 5

^^

More than
but before

90,

became ruler

as prisoners to Jerusalem,

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

4.

3-4.

six years after the conquest of Gaza, B.c. 96,

i.e.

after B.c.

a coin of Antiochus XII., who first


after the overthrow of Demetrius III. Eucrus, with
B.c. 86, for

there

is

B.c. 86-85 (Imhoof- Blumer, Monnaies


compare generally on the chronology, above,

the date Seleucid year 227, or


grecques,

1883,

p.

437)

p. 183.

Wars of the Jews, i. 4. 4-5.


xiii. 14. 1-2
The former according to Antiq. xiii. 14. 2 the latter according to
Wars of the Jews, i. 4. 6. Neither of the two is capable of demonstration.
For all manner of conjectures, see Ewald, History of Israel, v. 390 Grtz,
2"

Josephus, Antiq.

2'

iii.

131

Hitzig,

ii.

482.

ALEXANDER JANKUS,

10.

up

to

prisoners

in

crucified

800

somewhere about

had

debauchery, he

own

his

303

B.C. 104-78.

presence,

and

the

of

while

they

were yet alive caused their wives and children to be slain

His opponents

before their eyes.

in

Jerusalem were by these

so paralysed with terror, that they fled during the

atrocities

number

night to the

away from the land

From

8000, and during

of

his lifetime kept

of Judea.^^

time forward Alexander, throughout his whole

this

reign, enjoyed peace at

home.

It

was not so in the matter

of his relations with those outside.

The empire
Its

throes.

of the Seleucidae then, indeed, lay in its death-

convulsions, however, were the' occasion of

last

again putting Judea into

youngest of the

five

time at war with

When

Arabians.

commotion.

Antiochus XII., the

sons of Antiochus Grypos, was at this

his brother

Philip and the king of the

once he resolved to take his way to Arabia

through Judea, Alexander Jannus endeavoured to prevent


that

by constructing a great wall and trench from Joppa

Capharsaba, and fortifying Joppa with a wooden tower.

Antiochus
through

laid

everything low with

fire,

and made

to

But

his

way

it all.^^

When

Antiochus met his death in battle against the king

and that monarch, whose name was Aretas,

of the Arabians,

extended his rule to Damascus, he became from this time


forth the

most powerful and the most dangerous neighbour

the Jews.

by

On

districts

the south and the east Palestine was bounded

which lay under the dominion

Very soon Alexander Jannus


of their power.

He was

retreat to Adida, within

22

Antiq.

(3D iDD), now


called Antipatris.

also

began

of

Arabs.

obliged by an attack of Aretas to

xiii. 15. 1

JVars of the Jcics, i.


IFars of the Jeirs,

4.

5-6.

i.

4.

called Kefr Saba, north-east of Jtippa,

See Div.

the

have experience

to

the boundaries of Judea, where he

Joseplius, A7iiiq. xiii. 14. 2

23 Joseplius,

of

ii.

vol.

i.

p. 130.

Capharsaba
was afterwards

7.

304

THE MACCABEAN PEUIOD.

suffered a rather

and could only by making

serious defeat,

concessions purchase the withdrawal of the Arabian king.^^

More

fortunate were the results of the campaigns which

Alexander Jannus during the next three years,

8481,

b.c.

carried

on in the country east of the Jordan, in order

extend

liis

power in that

He

direction.

to

conquered Pella,

Dium, Gerasa, then advanced again northward and took


Gaulana, Seleucia, and at last the strong fortress of Gamala.

When,

after these

he returned

exploits,

he was

to Jerusalem,

then received by the people in peace."*

Not long
became

after this, as the result of a

sick,

and

this sickness

three years of his

abandon

his

life,

military

He

8178.

B.C.

drunken debauch, he

continued throughout the last

expeditions

until

at

tumult of war, during the siege of the

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 15.

Wars

amid the

last,

Eagaba he

fortress

fcuccumbed to his sickness and exertions in


^*

of the Jeics,

however,

did not,

4. 8.

i.

His

78."^"

B.c.

On Adida, see

above, p. 252, and 1 Mace. xii. 38.


It lay east of Lydda, and commanded
the road from Joppa to Jerusalem.
On Aretas and the Arabian kings

Appendix

generally, see
2^

named

all lie

II. at close of

the second volume.

3 ; JFars of the Jews, i. 4. 8. The places


east of the Jordan.
On Pella, Dium, and Gerasa, see Div. ii.

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 15.

i. pp. 113-119;
Josephus in the JVars of the Jews names only Pella
and Gerasa, in the Antiquities only Dium and Essa, the latter certainly a

vol.

corruption of the text for Gerasa, since the facts given in reference to botli
places are clearly identical.
Gaulana is the ancient J^ij, east of the

Lake of Gennesareth, from which the province of Ganlanitis takes its name
(Deut. iv. 43 Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 27 1 Chron. vi. 56).
It was even in the
;

days of Eusebius a large village (Onomasticon,


YcxvAv

x.oe.'Kunx.i

ed.

Lagarde,

KUf^ri fiYiylaTri lu tyi Hdroiiiciict).

longer discoverable.

Seleucia

is

But

also often referred to

history of the Jewish war {IVars of the Jews,


According to the Wars of the Jews, iv. 1. 1,

ii.

it

p.

242

xkI vvv

situation

its

by Josephus

20. 6, iv.

i.

is

nc

in the

Life, 37).

lay on the Lake Seme-

Lake Merom, therefore in the extreme north of Palestine.Gamala, the conquest of which by Vespasian is related in detail by
Josephus in Wars of the Jeios, iv. 1, see 20.

chonitis, or

On

-^

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 15.

Wars

of the Jews,

according to Josephus, in the district of Gerasa,


therefore east of the Jordan.

It

i.

iv

4.

toi;

8.

Ragaba

Vipxanvuv

lay,
Spot;,

can be identified with 331 in Perea,


ALEXANDEK JANNUS,

to.

body was brought

305

B.C. 101-78.

Jerusalem, where he was buried witli

to

great pomp.'^'^

Of the coins issued by him, those are


which bear the inscription
Tj^nn

injin''

||

in

basiaehs aaesanapot.

They were known even

to

the earlier numismatists; but

now

de Saulcy stated the correct and

first

view regarding them, that the Hebrew

a contraction for Jonathan, not, as

But

Jannai

is

therefore

was formerly supposed,


Alexander's

undoubtedly

if

generally accepted

inscription supplies us

with the Hebrew name of Alexander.^^

Jochanan.'^'

of special interest

two languages

for

name was

Jonathan, then the coins of the high priest are to be ascribed

him which bear the

to

inscription

nnn^n i^m ^njn pan

in^in^

(or

in:').

These high-priestly coins are of the same type as the coins


mentioned in the ^li-slma, Menachoih via.
but can scarcely be the same as 'Epyx,

oil

3,

Gerasa (Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde,


{Palst. p.

for the latter

255),

Compare

Alexander Janniius.
'^^

to

Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 16. 1.

which produced valuable

fifteen

Roman

p. 216),

as

must have been long

miles west of

Raumer thinks
power

in the

generally, Ritter, Erdkunde, xv.

The monument

to

Alexander

2.

is

1041

ot
f.

referred

by Josephus in Wars of the Jcus, v. 7. 3.


See on the coins of Alexander Jannaus generally, Eckhel, Dodr.

^^

Num.
562

Vet.

sq.

iii.

477-480.

Siippl.

Mionnet, Description

via. 378.

De

des me'dailles antiqiies, v.

Saulcy, liecherchcs sur la Nuviismatique

judaique, pp. 85-93, 105 sq. (he ascribes the coins of the high priest
Jonathan to Jonathan the Maccabee). Cavedoni in Grote's Mn::studien,

Reichardt, Wiener
f.
umisvMt. Monatshefte, iii. 1867, pp. 109-111.
Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 238 sq.
Madden, Numismatic
Chronicle, 1874, 306-308.
RIerzbacher, Zeitschrift far Numismatik, iii.

v.

20

De

1876, pp.

197-201 and 201-206 (see below, note

the Jeivs, pp.

83-90.

30).

Madden, Coins of

Stickel, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palst. Ver. vii. 1884,

p. 212.
^^

Compare Ewald,

Levy,

p. 115.

Gtt. gel.

Derenbourg,

Anz. 1855,

p. 95, note.

p.

650; History of

Israel, v. 386.

Madden, Coins of the Jews,

note.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

p. 85,

306
of

THE MACCABEAX PERIOD.

John Hyrcanus and Aristobulus.


by

are a novelty introduced

By

conquests

the

Jewish

had now been extended

state

subdued

The

as

far

boundaries of

far

In

the

north,

Alexander's

Seleucia on the Lake Merora.

on which Joppa had been the

sea-coast,

the

beyond the limits

In the south, the Idumeans had

and judaized.

dominion reached as

bilingual royal coins

Alexander the

of

reached by John Hyrcanus.

been

The

Alexander/'"'

first

conquest

now completely under Jewish

of the

Maccabees, was

With

the single exception of Ascalon, which had been able

to maintain

its

all

independence,

all

rule.

the coast towns were con-

quered by Alexander, from the borders of Egypt as far as

But

Carmel.^^

Lake Merom

among them

also the country east of the Jordan,

to the

Dead

number

Sea,

of

from the

his

sway

more important towns, which

of the

had previously been centres

was wholly under

Greek

culture, such as Hippos,

Gadara, Fella, Dium, and others."^

"

Of the

many

high-priest coins with the

name

in its contracted form,

\r\y,

Merzbacher therefore
ascribes all with tlie designation \r\y to Alexander's successor Hyrcanus II.
But much as this hypothesis was favoured by an examination of the coins,
it nuist still be left undecided, since it cannot be proved that Hyrcanus II.
had the name of Jonathan.
^^ Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 15. 4, expressly mentions as then in the posession of the Jews: Rhinocornra, south of Raphia on the Egyptian coast,
Raphia, Gaza, Anthedon, Azotus, Jamnia, Joppa, Apollonia, Straton's
Tower see Div. ii. vol. i. pp. 66-87. But Dora also must have belonged
to the domain of Alexander for Straton's Tower and Dora had previously
belonged to a tyrant Zoilus, who had been subdued by Alexander (Antiq.
xiii. 12. 2 and 4).
On the other hand, it is not by accident that Ascalon
is wanting.
It was from b.c. 104 an independent city, as the era used by
see
it and the acknowledgment of its freedom by the Romans jirove
are copied in the royal coins of Alexander.

Div.
^2

ii.

vol.

i.

p. 74.

Josephus, in Antiq.

xiii.

15. 4, gives

summary

of the Jewish territory at the death of Alexander.

sketch of the extent

Compare in

addition,

Tuch, Quaestiones de Flavii Josephi libris historicis, Lijjs. 1859, pp. 12-19.
See also for further particulars the list of places taken by the Arabs in
Antiq. xiv.

1. A, fin.

pendent of Josephus,

is

similar sketch, according to a document inde


given by the Byzantine chronicler Syncellus, ed.

ALEXANDER JANNS,

10.

B.C.

307

104-78.

This work of conquest, however, proved at the same time


a work of destruction.
of

It did not lead, as once the conquests

Alexander the Great had done,

extinction of Greek

Jannus was

still

territories, as far

and manners.
this,

to the furtlierance,

For in

culture.

always a Jew,

who

as they went, to

this

subjected the conquered

Jewish modes

If the cities in question

of

thought

would not consent

Such was the

they were laid waste.^'

but to the

respect Alexander

fate

to

that befell

the great and hitlierto prosperous coast towns, and the Hellenistic cities

on the east of the Jordan.

and Gabinius, were the

first

The Romans, Pompey

to rebuild again those ruins,

and

reawaken in them a new prosperity.


Dindorf,

i.

5.08 sq.

Africanus, BJ.

On

the value of this report, see Gelzer, Julius

Syncellus refers first of all to


(1880) pp. 2.')0*-258.
Julius Afi icanus, but lie again to an older Jewish document, probably the

work

i.

of Justus of Tiberias (see above, p. 68).

which are omitted by Josephus,


tion of Philoteria

is

e.f/.

He names

several cities

The men-

Abila, Hippos, Philoteria.

specially important, because the place bearing that

is quite imknown in later times.


According to Polybius, v. 70, it
was in the time of Antiochus the Great one of the most important cities on
the lake of Gennesareth (^ oi ^i>.cTptoe. miTeet i^ctp vT'/ti/ t^v 7^if/.vnv, tig ^v
KuMvf^sifo; 'lopZcHun; 7roT,t4(jf iiaet,>^'Ku k.t.t^.).
Only once again do we
meet with the name in Stephen of Byzantium (sW; x.a.1 Ko/x; "^vptets
on Charax, see Mller, Franm.
<t>i?^aTiBU, ( Xo| eu oyoou xp'-i "<">'
Hist. Grace, iii. 636 sqq.).
Compare aL^o above, p. 196. An outline map
of the Jewish territory of the time of Alexander Jannus is given in
Menke's Bibelatlas, Sheet iv.
33 This is expres.sly stated in regard at least to Bella, Aniiq. xiii. 15. 4
relVTYIV OS KXTiOKU^l/XV, oil)i UVOtp^OuiyaU rOl-J fVOIXOVUTCJV ii: tx vctTpict tuv
The fact that such destruction was executed
'lovhxtuv id-n fiiTeci3iec7Ja6on.
is told in regard to many other cities, or it may be deduced from this,
that Potnpey and Gabinius had them built again (Antiq. xiv. 4. 4, v. 3

name

>

Wars

of the Jeu\%

i.

7. 7, 8. 4.

See especially, Antiq. xiv.

5.

r; xoAt/j

11.

ALEXANDRA,

B.C. 78-69.

Sources.
Josephus, Antiq.

Annul.

xiii.

16

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

Summary

5.

in Zonaras,

V. 5.

Rabbinical traditions in Derenbourg, pp. 102-112.

The

coins in

Madden, Coins

of the Jeius (1881), p. 91 sq.

Literature.
JoH.

Mller

(praeside G. G. Zeltner),

tanquam specimine sapientis ex hac


Ewald, History of Israel, v. 392-394.
Grtz,

Geschichte der Juden,

iii.,

De

ii.

488-490.

Wellhausen, Die Phariser und Sadducer


to

(1874), pp. 97-99.

the latest expression of Alexander's will, the

succession of the throne went to his

nominated

again

Alexandra,

was in
*

or,

all

Altdorfli 1711.

4 Aufl. pp. 136-150.

Hitzig, Geschichte der Volkes Israel,

AccoEDiNG

Aleocandra Judaeorum regina

gente foeminae.

her

as her

respects

Hebrew name
the direct

Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 1-2

widow Alexandra, who

Hyrcanus

son

eldest

high

runs, Salome,

antithesis

TVars of the Jews,

i.

of
5. 1.

priest.^

b.c.

78-69,

her husband.^

Only a

of coins of Alexandra's are known, bearing the inscription

couple

BA2IAI2.

AAESANA.

See de Saulcy, Recherches, p. 106. Cavedoni, Bibl. NumisLevy, Geschichte der jikl. Mnzen, p. 61. Madden, History of
Jevnsh Coinage, pp. 70-72. Reichardt, Wiener Numismat. Monatshefte, iii.
Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1874, 308-310. Merz1867, p. Ill f.
matik,

ii.

23.

baclier, Zeitschrift

fr Numismatik,

iii.

1876, 201.

Madden, Coins of

the

Hebrew name,

see

Jews, p. 91 sq.
^

On

the chronology, see above, p. 272.

On

the

In Eusebiu.%
Ghronicon ad annum Abr. 1941, she is called Alexrxndra quae et Salina. In
see
accordance with this see the Armenian translation and Jerome
Eusebius, Ghronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 134, 135. So, too, the imitators and
especially Derenbourg, p. 102, for the rabbinical tradition.

continuators of Eusebius, Ghronicon paschale, ed. Dindorf,

i.

351 ('AAs|-

ALEXANDRA,

11.

309

B.C. 78- 69.

While he hated the Pharisees, and was hated by them, she

them the hehn

befriended them, and committed to

While he was a despot of the

ment.

was a God-fearing

Her

Pharisees.

ruler, according

real

to

of govern-

Oriental type, she

the very ideal of the

measured by the Pharisaic standard, was

rule,

faultless.

Alexander, upon his deathbed,

make peace with

wife to

may

it

not

This

may

be true, or

that Alexandra, from the

this at least is a fact,

have advised his

said to

is

the Pharisees.'

beginning of her reign, took her stand unhesitatingly on the

demands and

side of the Pharisees, lent an ear to their

and

wishes,

in particular gave legal sanction again to all the Pharisaic

ordinances

During

sees

time

the

since

John

of

Hyrcanus.

years the Pharisees were the real rulers in the

She had indeed the name of regent, but the Phari-

"

land.

abolished

tliese

had the authority

for

it

was they who restored such

as

were banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and


they differed in nothing from lords."

to say all at once,

we may

this period of Pharisaic reaction


aulpx;

TJj;

SaX/v?).

Svncellus, ed. Dindorf,

also assign a series


i.

559 (SA/j/

'AX|y5pot).

Accordingly, in Eusel)ius, Chronicon, ed. Sclioene,

instead of the

Ixct.'hivoi.

with Gutschmid, but

of

tlie

common

text,

Compare

loChltict..

To

we should

also Jerome,

i]

Kxi

i.

130,

read, not lotwlv,

comment, on Daniel

Alexandra quae et Sali7ia vocabatur.


ix. 24 si^q. {O'pi^. ed. Vallarsi, v. 687)
Jerome there translates Eusebius, Demonstr. evangel, viii. 2 but just where
Josephus calls her only
these words occur our Greek text is defective.
:

Alexandra.

See further, above,

p. 295.

According

to the Talmud, Sola 226, in


have given this advice " Fear neither
the Pharisees nor their opponents, but fear the hypocrites who pretend to
be Pharisees, who.se deeds are those of Zimri, and who claim a reward like
3

Josophu.s, Aniiq. xiii. 15.

I)eronl)ourg, p. 101,

he

5.

is .said

to

that of Phinehas."
*

oi;

Josephus, Aniiq.
to

xeci

ttA^^oj

xiii. IG.

tKiMuai

JJavT

"jntdxpxv,

roi;

xctl

(Vxaiaxloi: i'ziToiTit

(i

KUTci

T/jv

TTxrpoiv

ovv ovofi T^f fixaiMiUi

(Pv/a.0;

ovTOi

on(fipov.

Compare

xotT'/jyoK

also

Zi

kxI tuv

Tronh,
fi

/x

o)

KXTiAvtTe UV i la V iy X. V Oi' fpupiaetioi


fietpeiioaiv, rovro v'hiv ocTox.aTiaTtfjac.
To

tpx.oi.voi 6 TTivipoi uvTYii

f/.sv

ti

x,otl

Y;

tiyc^v otvTfi, rriu 8e

Ota/xuToi;

]]'^ars

sAno,

of the Jews,

i.

Ct.

ii/vauiv oi 'Pxpiaxior kxI yece

xul
5. 2.

xxdccTfec.^

oi/oiv

isoTroruM

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

310

of triumplis of the Pharisees, of

which a report

is

given in

But the authentic accounts which

the rabbinical traditions.

are given of these in the Festival- Calendar {Mcgillath Taanith,


tlie list of

i.e.

the joyous days of thanksgiving on which fast-

ing was not to be practised) are so brief and enigmatical, that

And

they afford no satisfactory historical basis.

the quite

modern Hebrew commentary thereon gives purely worthless


Also the statement of the Mishna, that Simon ben

fancies."

Shetach had

women

once caused eighty

to

be hanged

in

Ascalon, cannot be used for this reason, that that celebrated


rabbi had no connection with Ascalon.*
tion

is

Historical informa-

therefore wholly to be derived from Josephus.

And

the

picture of this queen with which he presents us, in respect of

vividness leaves nothing to be desired.

went

scious of their power,

massacre the

800

Pharisees, con-

King Alexander who had advised him

the former counsellors of


to

The

so far as to cause the execution of

This despotic proceeding did

rebels.

An embassy

not involve in ruin the aristocracy of Jerusalem,


representing them, including Alexandra's

own son

Aristobulus,

approached the queen, and besought her to put a stop to the

scheme

of the Pharisees

she wished

In her

it

or not, to consent thereto.^

foreign

and energy.'
'

On

and the queen was obliged, whether

Alexandra showed circumspection

policy

There

are,

however, no very important political

Megillath Taanith, see above, p. 163.

The

passages in Megillath

Taanith that here claim attention are 1, 2, 10, 19, 24. In addition,
see Gratz, Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iii., 4 Aufl. pp. 567-572 (note 1).
Derenbourg, p. 102 sq. For criticism, consult Wellhausen, Die Phariser

und

die Sadducei; pp. 56-63.

Derenbourg, at p. 69, refers this to Simon the


vi. 4.
Maccabee but there is opposition thereto. On p. 106 he attributes it to
Simon ben Shetach. Compare also Jost, Geschichte des Judenthums, i. 242.
Ascalon did not indeed belong to
Gratz, Geschichte der Juden, iii. 146 f.
^

M. Sanhedrin
;

the Jewish territory.


''

See above,
Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 16. 2-3
Josephus, Antiq.

xiii. 16. 2

p. 306.
;

Wars

and 6

of the Jews, i. 5.
JVars of the Jews,

3.
i.

5. 2.

ALEXANDRA,

11.

The most important

events to be recorded during her reign.

was a military expedition

311

B.C. 78-G9.

her son Aristobulus against

of

result.^
The Syrian
Armenian
the
king Tigranes.

Damascus, which, however, ended without


empire was then in the hands of

He assumed

threatening attitude

toward the end

of

the

The danger, however, that thus liung


over Judea was arrested, partly by Alexandra purchasing

reign of Alexandra.

peace by bestowing rich presents, partly and mainly

Komans having

just then

made

by the

a descent under Lucullus upon

him

the empire of Tigranes, which obliged

abandon

to

his

plans in regard to Judea. ^^

Upon

the whole, Alexandra's reign was looked upon by the

There was peace abroad as well

people as one of prosperity.


as at home.

Tiie Pharisees

were

satisfied

and since they had

the people at their bidding, all expressed themselves in favour

In the Pharisaic tradition the

the God-feariug queen.

of

days of Alexandra are naturally represented as a golden age,


in

which even the

soil of the

land, as

if

blessed on account

of the piety of the queen, enjoyed a truly miraculous fruitful-

Under Simon ben Shetach and Queen Salome

"

ness.

on the eve of the Sabbath, so that the corns of wheat

fell

were as large as kidneys, the barley corns as large as

and the
corns,

lentils like

golden denarii

what

sin entails."

But the Pharisees were not yet

The

all

could depend upon

risk,

And

the discontent of this circle

the more considerable, from the fact that at

stood Alexandra's

'

own son

Josephus, Antiq.

Aristobulus.

xiii. 16.

JFars of

Joseph UP, Antiq. xiii. IG. 4


Wars of
Taanith 23t, in Derenbourg, p. 111.
;

^'

show

influence of the Sadducean nobles

was not altogether broken.

was

to

^^

so exclusively in possession

power that the queen, without

their support alone.

olives,

the scribes gathered such

and preserved specimens of them in order

future generations

of

rain

llie

its

head

The queen must


Jews,

the Jews,

i.
i.

5. 3.

5. 3.

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

312
herself

have

toward the close of her

felt,

third year, she

fell

had

life,

When,

on what a

in

her seventy-

sick of a serious complaint,

and intended

shifting foundation

she

built.

bestow the succession to the throne upon her elder son

to

Hyrcanus, Aristobulus thought that the time had now arrived

He

for unfurling the standard of revolt.

succeeded in getting

As the number

the strongest fortresses into his possession.

of his adherents rapidly grew, the elders of the people

Hyrcanus became sorely

was necessary

to adopt

queen that

him.

The queen granted the necessary authority

but died even before the war broke out, in


'^

T^v \ovhxluv

^^

Josephus, Aiitiq.

C/l

for

this,

Tho

death

B.c. 69.^^

TrpeaiTipoi.
xiii. 16.

5-6

of Alexandra occurred in the

above, p. 272.

and

measures against

to the

it

^^

and made representations

distressed,

JJ'^ars

tirst lialf

of the Jews,

of

tlie

year

i.

5. 4.

B.c. 69.

Compare

12.

ARTSTOBULUS

II.,

B.C. 69-63.

Sources.
Josepbus, Antiq. xiv. 1-4
5-G, a

JFars of the Jews,

summary from

i.

6. 7.

Zoiiara?, Annal. v.

.Toseplius.

Eabbinical traditions in Derenbourg, pp. 112-118.

Literature.

Ewald, History
Grtz,

of Israel, v. 394-399.

Geschichte der Juden,

4 Aufl. pp. 151-165.

iii.,

Hitzig, Geschichte der Volkes Israel,

Menke's

ing to tbe Arrangements of

The

ii.

490-500.

map of " Judea and


Pompey and Gabinius."

Bibelatlas, Sbeetiv., special

Star of the

Asmoneans was now hasting

Pboonicia accord-

to its

setting.

After Alexandra's death a war immediately broke out between


the brothers Aristobulus

II.

and Hyrcanus IL, which,

after a

few years, ended in the Eomans taking from the Jews that
freedom which they had wrested from the Syrians.

had died just


possession

by

force.

son Hyrcanus,

moment when

Aristobulus

of her son

government
eldest

at the critical

Alexandra

the idea had taken

to grasp for himself the

Her legitimate successor was her


who had been already, during the reign

of his mother, invested with the office of high priest.

began

to exercise civil

government.

But

He

also

his brotlicr Aristo-

bulus was by no means disposed to acquiesce in his plans.

He advanced

against

Hyrcanus with an army.

they engaged in a battle, in which

Hyrcanus went over

to Aristol)ulus,

Hyrcanus

the victory.
^

fled to

Josepbus, Antiq.

many

of the soldiers of

and thus secured

for

him

the citadel of Jerusalem, but

xiii. 16. 2, xiv. 1. 3, 3. 2.

31S

Near Jericho

THE MACCAEE AN PERIOD,

314:

was obliged there

to

now concluded between


ternis of

surrender to Aristobulus.
the

truce

two brothers, according

which Hyrcanus, who undoubtedly was

to

was
the

weak and

indolent character, was to renounce the royal and high-priestly

and

rank,

resign

to

was

return, he

both

to

his

brother Aristobulus.

In

enjoyment of his

to be left in the undisturbed

revenues.^

By

all this

father of

him who was afterwards King Herod, joined in the


father, who was also called Antipater, had by

His

game.^
2

by no means im-

the state of affairs had been

For now the Idumean Antipater or Antipas, the

proved.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

Antiq. xv.

6. 4,

1.

JFars of the Jews,

6. 1.

i.

According

the reign of Hyrcanus lasted for three months.

Grtz,

to
iii.

Israel, ii. 212


and Derenbourg, p.
wrong in assuming that Hyrcanus retained the rank of high
That this was not the case follows from Antiq. xiv. 1. 2 {xvrov oe
priest.
i^iiD etTrpctyfiova;), and is expressly stated in Antiq. xv. 3. 1 and xx. 10.

154

Holtzniann, Geschichte des Volkes

113, are

In regard to the descent of the family, the most contradictory reports


come down to us. According to Nicolas of Damascus in Josephus,
Antiq. xiv. 1. 3, Antipater is said to be a descendant of the first Jews who
returned from Babylon. Since this statement is in contradiction to all
other early documents, Josephus is certainly right in treating it as a piece
of flattery to Herod on the part of Nicolas of Damascus (I.e. : rotvTx hi >.iyti
According to Josephus, Antipater was an Idumean
Xpi^6/ai!)o;'Rpoii).
ykvo; o viv I'^ovf^a.U;,
of an honourable family {Wars of the Jews, i. 6. 2
^

liave

'

^poyouuv T

'iviKce.

Koci

ttT^ovtov

k\ t^j oiKKng

iay^vog TrpiJrevcdv zov fduovg).

Justin Martyr gives it as a report current among the Jews that he was
KaKctKuunnv
'Hpulviv
n Ascalonite (Dialogue with Trypho, c. 52
'

ysyovivai).

more

And

that statement also occurs in Julius Africanus in the

definite shape, that Antipater's father,

Herod, had been a temple

attendant of Apollo at Ascalon, and that Antipater, as a boy, had been


carried off by the Idumeans when they robbed the temple of Apollo, and

thus grew up

among

the

Idumean robbers

as

one of themselves (Julius

Africanus, Epist. ad Aristidem, in Eusebius' Hist. Eccles.


i.

6.

2-3

Dindorf,

i.

also in the Chronicle of Julius Africanus, cited

561).

The following copy these

stories

i.

7.

by

11

compare

Syncellu;?, ed.

from Julius Africanus

Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, 1. 130, ii. 134, 138


ed. Dindorf, i. 351, 358 ; Sulpicius Severus, ii. 26

Ghronicon paschale,

Epiphanius, Ilaer.
Josephus and Julius Africanus are
fundamentally agreed as to his Idumean extraction only that it was accoiding to Josephus a distinguished one, according to Julius Africanus a
XX.

1,

and other Christian

writers.

AUISTOBULUS

12.

Alexander Jannus been appointed governor,


Idumea, and his son had now, as

it

much

assert his position

a-rpaTrj'yls, of

seems, stepped into his

But the younger Antipater saw

place.

315

IL, B.C. 69-63.

clearly that he

better under the

could

government of the

weak and unmanly Hyrcanus, than under the warlike and

He

active Aristobulus,

therefore set all plans in motion for

overturning Aristobulus and restoring again Hyrcanus to the

head of

First of

affairs.

he managed to win to himself

all,

adherents from the most distinguished of the Jews, representing to

them

seized

upon the throne, while Hyrcanus was the legitimate

that Aristobulus, against all right

Then he turned
was

life

Hyrcanus, made

to

it

and

fairplay,

had

ruler.

appear to him that his

danger so long as Aristobulus held the reins of

in

government, and that at once, for his own sake, he must seek

The indolent and easy-minded Hyrcanus

his overthrow.
first

gave him no hearing.

He

were successful.

But

had

at last Antipater's

also secured the confederacy of the

Arabian prince Aretas, who promised that


to

if

him, he should receive him as a friend.

Hyrcanus was induced


mean

he

at

endeavours

listen

to

to

the

Hyrcanus

Now

fled

at length

representations

of

Josephus calls AntiAntipater


Julius Africanus calls him Herod. In
favour of his Ascalon descent are certain allusions of Herod to that city
see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 76. It is further well deserving remark that the names
of Antipater and Herod were once to be met with in Ascalon.
An
Antipatros of Ascalon figures on a tombstone at Athens, Corpus Inscript.
a Herod of Ascalon on a tombstone at Puteoli, Corpus
Semit. t. i. n. 115
one,

distinctly emphasizes his poverty.

pater's father also

1746.
But for the
Africanus reveals such bitter hatred, that

Inscriiit.

Lat.

t.

x. n.

rest,

suspicion of Jewish or

by Julius

the story told

we can
Christian prejudice. As

scarcely get rid of the

Julius Africanus refers

in support of the story to the av/yeuii; of Jesus Christ (Eusebius, Hist.


Eccles.

i.

11

7.

Kxi reivTX

toD yoi/v auriipo;

compare

xpdf TO auTYipiov

Christian source.

i.

y'ivoi

7.

14

o/

o/

accpx.ct

avyytvili

iii.

27.

iiai

tjj

it

and Gelzer in his Julius Africanus, i. 258-261, strongly support


bility.
Compare also generally, Ewald, History of Israel, v. 397
Schenkel's Bibellexicon,

voipiioaetv

"httjizoavvoi kx'Kov/x.iuoi

would seem to be derived from a


Gaza und die philistisclie Kste, p. 535 f.,

avv,<Piiot.v\

Stark in his

Koirec

Trponoriuhoi

its
;

credi-

Keim

io

316

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Antipater.

In company with him, he

fled

by night from

Jerusalem, and betook himself to Petra, the capital of Aretas/

To him he gave the promise


Bovereignty, he

would

that, after

restore to

he had won again the

him the twelve

Alexander Jannus had taken from the Arabians

on the other hand, undertook

to

cities

which

while Aretas,

lend him his support in

recovering the throne.*

In fulfilment of this promise Aretas went forth against


Aristobulus with an army, and conquered him in a battle.

In

consequence of this victory a great part of the army of Aristobulus went over to Hyrcanus, and indeed the people as a

whole attached themselves


remained

faithful

withdraw

to the

to their old

Only a few

king.

he was obliged

to Aristobulus, so that

to

temple mount, where he was besieged by

Of the period

Aretas and Hyrcanus.


relates certain episodes

of this siege

which are highly

On

Jewish piety of that time.

Josephus

characteristic of the

the side of Hyrcanus there

was a certain Onias, wlio had attained unto a great reputation


by having prayed

to

God

for rain

during a great drought, and

They wished

having had his prayer immediately answered.

make

to

use of this man, or rather of the irresistible power of

his prayers, to secure the destruction of the besieged.

They

conducted him into the camp, and insisted that he should


solemnly

invoke

adlierents.

God's

curse

But instead

the middle of the

of

camp and

upon

doing

so,

said

"

Aristobulus

are besieged

his

God, the King of the

whole world, since those that stand now with


people, and those that

and

Onias went forth into

are also

me

Thy

are

Thy

priests, I

beseech Thee that Thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of


those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against
those."

On

sympathy with

this

Petra as the capital of the Nabatean empire, see Appendix

II. at

But the people were

so little in

the close of the second volume.


*

Josej^hus, Antiq. xiv.

1.

3-4

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

G. 2.

12.

APJSTOBULS

II.,

317

B.C. 69-63.

Onias that they immediately stoued

spirit of brotherly love in

In connection therewith Josephus relates also

liim to death."

another incident which places the besiegers in a by no means

The

favourable

light.

which the

priests

any

bulus wished at

Passover

cost

way

of

payment from the people


were demanded

of Hyrcanus.

and

opening in the wall.

money,

at

Aristo-

sacrifices.

still

The

tliey

thousand drachmas

The price was indeed preposnotwithstanding, the

Yet,

consented to the terms, and passed out the

of the

came round/

followers of

the appointed

for sacrifice,

for the supply.

extravagant.

terously

offer

to

the

knew of no
procuring such but by obtaining them for

But they had no animals


other

festival

who were among

besieged

money through an

besiegers, however, after accepting

kept the animals to themselves.

For

this

wickedness, as Josephus thinks, retribution soon came upon

them.

fruits of

violent storm burst forth

the

field,

so that

which destroyed

the

all

the modins of wheat cost eleven

drachmas.

While

this

his victorious

dates

in

B.c.

was going
campaign in
66, and

on,

Pompey had meanwhile begun

Asia.^

He had

conquered Mithri-

had in the same year received the

voluntary submission of Tigranes.

While he himself now

pressed on farther into Asia, he sent Scaurus to Syria in

b.c.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 2. 1.


Tlie story of the hearing of the prayer of
Onias when he once prayed for rain is very vividly depicted in the
Mishna, Taanith iii. 8.
He is there called i?3J?l3n ''Jin ('?_3^p meaning

properly the "circle diviner," because he prayed standing in a

Compare also Derenbourg, p. 112 sq.


^ It must have been the Passover

circle).

of the year B.c. Co, for immediately

afterwards Scaurus arrived in Judea.


"

Josephus,

Derenbourg,

On

.47i<i^.

p.

113

xiv. 2. 2.

Compare

the rabbinical

traditions

in

sq.

war of Pompey in

Asia, B.c. 66-62, compare Clinton, Fasti


174-180 (ad ann. 66-62). E. W. Fischer, Rom. Zeittafeln^
Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, 5 Aufl. iii. 113-154.
l)p. 212-220, 226 f.
Peter, Geschichte Rom's (2 Aufl.), ii. 161-168.
^

the

Hellenici,

iii.

THE MACCABEAN PEKIOD.

318
65.^

When

Damascus he heard

that general arrived at

of

the war between the brothers in Judea, and pushed forward

without delay to see

between the

rival

how he might

He

princes.

turn to account this

strife

had scarcely reached Judea

when ambassadors presented themselves before him, both from


Aristobulus and from Hyrcauus.
They both sought his
Aristobulus offered him in return four
favour and support.
hundred talents

and Hyrcanus could not be behind, and so

But Scaurus trusted Aristobulus

promised the same sum.

rather because he was in a better position to

ment, and so decided to take his

withdraw

if

side.

He

fulfil

he did not wish to be declared an enemy of the

and thereupon Scaurus returned

therefore raised the siege,

But Aristobulus

Damascus.

homeward, and

pursued Aretas

upon him a crushing

inflicted

himself to secure, under the protection of


himself to be

safe,

defeat.^^

so exerted

which he believed

soon proved fatal to his wellbeing and

He

that of his country.

left

no stone unturned in

Pompey

as well as of Scaurus.

himself

order to win the goodwill of

Pompey a

costly present, a skilfully

wrought golden

vine worth five hundred talents, which Strabo found

view at

Rome

in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.'^

this could not save Aristobulus,


^o

Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, iii. 345, note.


Wars of the Jews,
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 2. 3

^^

Josephus, Aidiq. xiv.

Kxi

iifiili

3.

dv ccx.it i^ivov

iv

1.
'

still

But

whenever Pompey found

'^

Koifisu

to

on his way

But the Roman favour which Aristobulus had

sent

He

Aretas did not venture to show opposition.

Romans.

He

his engage-

ordered Aretas to

The words

P\u7] x.T.A., arc

i.

6.

it

on
all

to

2-3.

rovro /aivrot to ^upo laropvi-

not the words of Josephus,

but belong to the quotation from Strabo, as the rest of the context shows.
The value of the vine is once again given which Josephus had himself
Josephus might indeed himself have seen it on his first
stated before.
But in that case he would not have failed
visit to Eome in a.D. 64 or 65.
For in A.D. 69 the Capitol
to mention that this was before the great fire.
was burnt down (Tacitus, Hist. iii. 71-72 Suetonius, Vitell. 15 ; Dio
;

Cassius, Ixv. 17).

12.

ARISTOBLUS

319

B.C. 61-63.

II.,

be for his advantage to withdraw his favour and take the side
In the spring of

of Hyicanus.

from his winter quarters into

B.c.

Syria,^'*

63,

Pompcy proceeded

subdued the greater and

smaller princes in the Lebanon,^^* and advanced


Heliopolis and Chalcis upon Damascus,"
at

by way of

There he was met

one and the same time by representatives of three Jewisli

Not only did Aristobulus and Hyrcanus

parties.

the

Jewi.-sh

plained that Aristobulus, in defiance of

assumed the government

all

law, had violently

Aristobulus justified his conduct

by pointing out the incapacity of Hyrcanus.


wished to have nothing to do with
abolition

monarchy and the

of the

appear, but

Hyrcanus com-

people also sent an embassy.

theocratic constitution of the priests.^*

But the people


asked for the

either,

restoration

of

the old

Pompey heard them,

but cautiously deferred any decision, and declared that he

would put
^^

things in order

all

when he had accomplished

According to Die Cassius, xxxvii.

his

Pompey

passed the winter in


not known.
^^* Among the subdued princes, Josephus mentions in Antiq. xiv. 3.
2,
a Jew, Silas, as tyrant of Lysias. Bacchius Judaeus is probably anotlier
petty prince of similar kind, whose overthrow is commemorated on a
medal of A. Plautius, edile in B.c. 54. See Reinaeh, Actes et conferences
de la socid^ des dudes juives, 1887, p. cxcvi. sq.
Lcs Monnaies juivcs, p.
28 sq. For the coins, see also Babelon, Monnaies de la rf(puhliiine romaine,
t. ii. 1886, p. 324 sq.
The theory of the Due de Luync^, that Bacchius is
the Hebrew name of Aristobulus II. (Revue numismatique, 1858, p. 384),
is absolutely imposi^ible.
Reinaeh thinks he might rather be identified
with that Dionysius of Tripoli mentioned by Jose^jhus in Antiq. xiv. 3. 2.
^* Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 3. 2.
The order of march here given is an
7,

the town of Aspis, the situation of which

is

absurdity.

Bella

is

either

textual error for Abila,

an interpolation, as Hitzig,
Still

it

is to

p. 496, thinks, or a
be noted that the golden vine of

brought to Pompey in Damascus (Antiq. xiv. 3. 1).


about it before he relates the previous march of
Pompey by Heliopolis and Chalcis to Damascus, which would naturally
make it seem as if Pompey had gone twice to Damascus, in B.c. 64 and
B.c. 63.
But evidently the affair is to explained thus that Josephus
derived the story of the golden vine from another source, and did not

Aristobulus was

Josephus indeed

first

tells

]>lace it

Compare
'*

in quite the right setting in

Niese, Hermes, Bd.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

xi.

3. 2.

relation to the

main

1876, p. 471.
Diodoru.s, xl.

2nd

ed.,

Muller.

narrative.

320

THE MACCA.BEAN PERIOD.

contemplated expedition against the Nabateans.

were

all parties

Till

then

maintain the peace.^

to

by no means

Aristobulus, however, was

with this

satisfied

arrangement, and betrayed his discontent by suddenly quitting

Dium, whither he had accompanied Pompey on

Pompey grew

against the Nabateans."

his expedition

suspicious, postponed

campaign against the Nabateans, and marched immediately

his

He

against Aristobulus.

passed by Pella and crossed the

Jordan near Scythopolis, and at Corea entered the territory

Judea

of

proper.^*

Thence he sent messengers

which Aristobulus had

driura, to

surrender

the

long

After

fortress.

Jerusalem

in

order

resistance.^^

Pompey pursued him through

appeared

the

in

He

Pompey, gave him further


to

him the

was

city if

satisfied

with

presents,

and

for

and soon

Jericho,

But now

betook himself to the camp of

and promised

Pompey would suspend


this,

to

manifold

prepare

neighbourhood of Jerusalem.

Aristobulus lost heart.

Alexan-

same time went

might there

he

that

and

delay

negotiations, Aristobulus did this, but at the


to

to

and ordered him

fled,

to surrender

hostilities.

Pompey

sent his general Gabinius to take

possession of the city, while he retained Aristobulus in the

camp.

But Gabinius returned without having obtained

object, for the

people in the city had shut the gates against

^"

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

^'

On

the

route of the
^'^

On

his

situation of

march

of

3. 3.

Dium,

Pompey

see

Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

p.

115.

On

generally, Menke's Bibelatlas, Sheet

the

iv.

the situation of Corea, see Gildemeister, Zeitschrift des deutschen


Also Grtz's criticism of this in
f.

Palstina- Vereins, iv. 1881, p. 245

Monatschrift fr Geschichte imd Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1882, pp.


1417. Gildenieister rightly identifies it with the Karawa of to-day in

Wadi Fariain the valley of the Jordan, scarcely two hours' journey north
from Mount Sartaba. The neighbouring fortress of Alexandrium must
therefore just have been Mount Sartaba.
Pompey thus marched from
In this way
Scythopolis, in the Jordan valley, directly south to Jericho.
the marking of the route of march in Menke's Bibelatlas, resting on the
older hypothesis,
^^

is

to be vindicated as quite correct.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

3.

3-4

Wars

of the Jew-,

i.

6.

4-5.

AKISTOBL'LUS

12.

Pompey was

him.

so enraged at this that he

Jerusalem opinions were now divided.


Aristobulus liad no wish

The adherents

Pompey

the other hand, regarded


to open the gates

majority,
city

and succeeded

was surrendered

to

The

Hyrcanus, on

of

latter

faction gathered together on the temple

prepared themselves for

by a deep

city

gradual slope

bulus had

now taken

or not, had

to

strongest

and the south a

was separated from the

even there approacli was inade almost


In

fortifications.

impregnable, the adherents of Aristo-

fortress, well-nigh

this

it

by the construction of strong

impossible

there

Only on the north was there a

ravine.

but

as afterwards, the

It presented to the east

Also on the west

sheer precipice.

But the

it.

mount and

resistance.'''^

The temple mount was then,


point in Jerusalem.

The

in his legate Piso,

and without drawing sword took possession of

war

and

were in the

in carrying out their purpose.

Pompey, who sent

to

of

defend

to

their confederate,

as

him.

In

city."^

The adherents

and resolved

for peace,

themselves to the utmost.

wished

put Aristobuhis

and imniediately advanced against the

prison,

ill

321

C9-C3.

B.C.

II.,

refuge,

and Pompey, whether he would

engage upon a regular

It

siege.

was quite

evident from the nature of the ground that the north side

must be the point


on

it

of attack.

rampart was thrown up, and

were placed the great battering-rams and engines of war

whicli they had

brought with them from Tyre.

For a long

time the powerful walls withstood the shock of their blows.

At

length, after a three months' siege, a breach

tlie

wall.

way through
Then began

son of the dictator Sulla was the


it

sacrifice,

Josephus, Anliq. xiv.

ciinip is also referred to in


^'

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

1.

Wais
4.

The

would not

4. 1

Wars

in

mak(!

who were

priests,

then

desist from the execution

of the Je^rs,

of the Jews, v. 12.

Wars

to

Others quickly followed.

troops.

i)is

a frightful massacre.

engaged offering
^^

with

was made
first

<f the Jetvs,

i.

6.

6-7.

1.

Pompey's

2.
i.

7. 2.

322

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

of their

and were hewn down

office,

than 12,000 Jews are said to have


general butchery.

year

B.c.

at

was towards the

It

the altar.

"No less

their lives in this

lost

close of

autumn

of the

63, under Cicero's consulship, according to Josephus

on the very day of atonement, according


Sabbath, that this holy city

bowed

its

to

Dio Cassius on a

Eoman

head before the

commander.^"

Pompey
into

which only the

entered.

way

himself forced his

But he

Most Holy

into the

feet of the high priest

left

the treasures and

Place,

had ever before

precious things of

the temple untouched, and also took care that the service
of

God should

besieged

he

On

be continued without interruption.

passed

severe

sentence.

promoted the war were beheaded

Those

the city and

the

who had

the country

4. 2-4
Wars of the Jews, i. 7. 3-5. Dio
In general matters, also Strabo, xvi. 2. 40, p. 762 sq.
Livy, Epitome, 102.
Tacitus, Hist. v. 9.
Appian, Syr. 50
Mithridates, 106.
The day of atonement t^ tyis v/iaret'cc; ii^uipcc, Antiq. xiv.
4. 3.
The Sabbath k-j tyi rov Kpuov iiyAptf, Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 16.
Compare Strabo, I.e. The day of atonement falls upon the 10th Tishri,
or October.
That Josephus means this by the term " Fast day," is
rendered quite certain when we consider the use of the word among the
Jews.
See Acts of Apostles, xxvii. 9. Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 6. 4. Philo,
Vita Mosis, lilj. ii. 4
de victimis, ^ 3
de septenario, 23 [the princij^al
passage]; legat. ad Cajum, 39 (ed. Mangey, ii. 138, 239, 296, 591).
Mislma, Menachoth xi.fin. The third month, Trepl rpiro fiiiva, Antiq. xiv.
4. 3, is not the third month of the year, either Jewish or Greek, but the
third month of the siege, as Josephus expressly says. Wars of the Jews, i.
7. 4
rphu yoip ^nul Tvig -ttoT^iopkIx; Wars of the Jews, v. 9. 4 rpial yovv
Herzfeld in Frankel's Monatschrift fr Geschichte und
(jt.-nn\ 'TToAiopx.Yidivrs;.
Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1855, pp. 109-115, conjectures that the
statement about the day of atonement rests on an error of Josephus, who
found in his Gentile documents that the conquest took place on a fast
-2

Joseplms, Antiq. xiv.

Cassius, xxxvii. 16.

day, which, however, according to the intention of the original writer,

mean the day of atonement, but the Sabbath, according to a


mistaken idea widely spread in the Graeco- Roman world that the Jews
This
See, for example, Suetonius, Augustus, 76.
fasted on the Sabbath.
is at least possible
and it has also a certain air of probability, from tlie
did not

fact that Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 4. 3, cites

among

who, in his description of the world, xvi.

2.

his authorities Strabo,

40, p. 763, says in regard to

12.

ARISTOBIJLS

were made tributary (r^ X^P9

were greatly

'

"^^"^^

'^^''

The boundaries

Tarrei ^pov)?^

323

B.C. G-63.

IT.,

Ie[joa-o\vfioi<;

of the Jewish

eVt-

territories

All the coast towns from Eaphia to

curtailed.

Dora were taken from the Jews

and

also

non- Jewish

all

towns on the east of the Jordan, such as Hippos, Gadara,

Dium, and others

Pella,

also Scythopolis

All these towns were immediately

the regions around them.

put under the rule of the governor

Roman

to

Hyrcanus

without the

priest,

title

the conquest of Jerusalem


vnaretx; ijuioxv,

TViv rii;

newly-formed

the

II.,

who was

territory

recognised as higli

of king.^*

x.oe.n'K.sTo (seil.

iiv'tKix,

of

The contracted Jewish

province of Syria.^*

was given over

and Samaria, with

ITomx^/o?)

ccTrii'xovTO oi 'Iov}iccht

have, in fact, the Sabbath fast day.

u;

(px(ri, TYiptiaxi

tkvto; epyov.

Here we

The statement of Joscphus may thus


But in any case it must be maintained

be quite satisfactorily explained.


that the conquest occurred late in autumn.
For the long series of events
which took place between the advance of Pompey in the spring of B.c. G3
(Antiq. xiv. 3. 2) and the conquest of the city in the middle of spring,
could not possibly have been accomplished within so short a space of
It is therefore plainly impossible that the conquest should have
time.
occurred in June, as Grtz, iii. 162, and Hitziq^, ii. 498 f., suppose, and
they have been led into this mistake in consequence of their erroneous
interpretation of the phrase " the third month."
23 Josephu,s, Antiq. xiv. 4. 4
JFars of the Jews, i. 7. 6.
Compare Cicero,

Pro Flacco, 67

On. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex

illo

fano nihil

attigit.
2*

Compare on

these cities and their condition under the

pp. 57-149.

The

Romans,

in Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

23,

4 ;
not complete. He mentions only the most
important. Undoubtedly not only did all the coast towns lose their freedom, but also all those towns on the east of the Jordan which afterwards
formed the so-called Decapolis. For in almost all the towns of Dccapolis
[.

Div.

Wars

ii.

vol.

i.

of the Jews,

i.

7.

coins have been found

7,

list

4.

is

upon which the Ponipcian

era is used.

Compare

the works of Noris, Bellcy, Eckhel, Mionnet, de Saulcy, referred to in


Pompey was therefore the founder of Dccapolis.
Div. ii. vol. i. p. 57.
All the towns belonging to

owed

to

Pompey

it,

as well as

Samaria and

they had previously been deprived by the Jews.


2* Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 4. 4; JVars of the Jews,
Antiq. XX. 10: tS
tS'jov;

;:p'j<jTot.'}iot,v

all

the coast towns,

the restoration of their freedom as communes, of which

le 'Tpauv'i rr'hiv rviti

dpxupt^J^i'^''

iTirps-'ps, lidtominoi oi (fnpuu (Ku'Kvai.

i.

7.

6-7.

Compare

ecTrdhovf Tfiv fiiu

tow

324

THE MACCABEAN PERIOD.

Pompey

After

liad

made

these

arrangements

the

for

government of Palestine, he sent Scaurus back as governor


Syria, while

he himself hasted away again

of

Asia Minor, and

to

He took Aristobulus along with him


as a prisoner of war.
He had with him also his two daughters
and his sons Alexander and Antigonus, the former of whom
of all to Cilicia.

first

contrived almost immediately to


in B.c. Gl,

Pompey

make

his escape.^

celebrated his triumph in

Rome

When,

with great

magnificence and display, the Jewish priest-king, the descen-

dant of the Maccabees, was made to march in front of the


Besides Aristobulus and

conqueror's

chariot.'^^

Pompey

had with him a great number of Jewish prisoners,

also

who, at a

later period being set at liberty,

stock of the Jewish

community

at

his

family,

formed the original

Eome, which quickly

rose

to a position of importance.^^

With the

Pompey

institutions of

people, after having existed

reckon

it

B.c.

if

we

142, was completely over-

essential change in the internal

He

the freedom of the Jewish

scarcely eighty years,

Pompey, indeed, was acute enough

thrown.

no

beginning in

as

for

to

insist

upon

government of the country.

suffered the hierarchical constitution to remain intact,

and

gave the people as their high priest Hyrcanus IL, who was
favoured by the Pharisees.

But the independence

of

the

nation was at an end, and the Jewish high priest was a vassal
of the

the

altogether

And

This result, indeed, was inevitable from the

Eomans.

moment

Romans

of

set foot in Syria.

different

sort

For

from that

their

of the

power was
Seleucidae.

even the most powerful of the princes, and one most

loved by the people, would have been utterly unable to with4. 5 ; Wars of the Jew?, i. 7. 7.
description of the triumph in Plutarch, Pompeius, 45

2"

Josephus, Aiitiq. xiv.

2^

Compare the

^ppian, Mithridates, 117. Aj^pian conjectures wrongly that Aristobulus


had been put to death after the triumph, for this did not take place until
B.c. 49.
See the following section.
** Compare Philo, De leyatione ad Cajum, 23 (ed. Maugej, ii. 5G8).

12.

ARISTOBLUS

II.,

325

B.C. 69-63.

stand the continued pressure of the superior forces of the

But the work of conquest was made

Eomans.

Western

assailants

internal strifes,
to their

own

strangers.

by the

fact that the country

There was no longer any trace


to

to

their

was torn with

and that the contending parties were

interests as to seek protection

which had led the people on


before.

liglit

so blind

and help from the


left

victory a

of that spirit

hundred years

SECOND PERIOD.
FEOM THE CONQUEST OF JERUSALEM BY POMPEY
TO THE

WAE

OF HADEIAN.

THE ROMAN-HEKODIAN' AGE,


Palestine,
of Syria,

Roman

if

B.C. 63-A.D. 135.

not immediately incorporated with the province

was

at least placed

under the supervision of the

Throughout

governor of Syria.

this period, therefore,

even more than throughout the previous period,

became mixed up with that of

we

Syria,

history

and therefore here again

summary sketch

shall require to prefix a

its

or brief survey of

the history of that country.

SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF


SYRIA,

B.C. 65-A.D. 70.

Sources.

For the period of the Republic and the Civil Wars,


original sources are Josephus,

B.c.

65-30, the chief

Did Cassius, Appian, Cicero, and

Plutarch.

For the period of the Empire,


Tacitus, and Suetonius.

B.c.

30-a.d. 70

Josephus, Dio Cassius,

Literature.
NoRis, Cenotaphia Pisana Caii
Yenetiis 1681.
B.c.

47 to A.D. 69,

list

is

et

Lucii Caesarum dissertationibus

illustrata.'^

of the governors of Syria from a.u. 707-822, or

given in Dissertation

ii. c.

16, pp.

267-335.

The two Caesars are the sons of Agrippa and Julia, therefore grandThe elder, Caius, died in a.d. 4 the younger, Lucius,

sons of Augustus.
in A.D.

2.

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


ScHi'FLlN,

Romanorum

C%ronolo(jia

mentationes historicae

et criticae,

of the whole period of

Syriae praefedorum,

327

Pompey down

to the Jewish

in Com-

etc.,

Basileae 1741, pp. 4G5-497.

It

treats

war of Vespasian

and Titus.

Sanclemente, De
fol.

vulgaris aerae emendatione libri quatuor.

Sanclemente

gives in

lib.

Ilomae 1793,

330-349, a

3-4, pp.

iii.

list

of the

governors of Syria from M. Titius under Augustus to Cn. Piso under


Tiberius.

Consult especially

lib. iv.

3-6, pp. 413-448,

on Quirinius

and his taxing.


BoRGHESi, Sid fireside
1847

delta Stria al temiio della morte di

N.

S.

Gesu Crio,

reprinted in Oeuvres complies de Bartolomeo Borghesi, vol.

v.

1869, pp. 79-94.

De Syria Romanorum powincia ab

ZciiPT,

Caesare Augusto ad T. Ves-

pasianum, in Comm^ntationes epigraphicae, Part

ii.

1854, pp. 71-150.

Compare also, Zurapt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi, 1869, pp. 20-89.


Gerlach, Die rmischen Stattlmlter in Syrien und Juda von 69 vor Cliristo
his

69 nach Christo.

MoMMSEN, De

Berlin 1865.

P. Sulpicii Quirinii titulo Tiburtino, in Res gestae divi

Augusti, 2 Aufl. 1883, pp. 161-182.

Marquardt, Rmische

Staatsverivaltung, Bd.

2 Aufl. 1881, pp. 415-422,

i.,

gives a short list of governors.

Kellner, Die rmischen

und

Statthalter von Syrien

und Juda

::ur

Zeit Christi

der Apostel {Zeitschrift fr Jcathol. Theologie, 1888, pp. 460-486).

Treats of the governors of Syria from

B.c.

44 to the destruction of

Jerusalem.

On

the organization and history of the province of Syria generally, see

Khn, Die

stdtische

und

brgerliche Verfassung des rm. Reichs, Bd.

1865, pp. 161-201. Marquardt, Rmische Staatsvencaltung,


pp.

i.,

ii.

2 Aufl.

392-430. Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, Bd. v. 1885, pp. 446-552.


also, Bormann, De Syriae lyrovinciae Romaruxe partibus capita

Compare

nonnulla.

On

Berol. 1865.

the constitution of the

Roman

provinces generally, see Rein,

Provincia in Pauly's Real-Encyclop.

und

brgerliche

2 Aufl. 1881, pp. 497-567.

Staatsrecht,

iii.

142-155.

Kuhn, Die

Verfassung des rmischen Reichs

Justinians, 2 Bde. 1864-1805.


i.,

vi.

1 (1887),

'i<{&T(\na.v(it,

Compare

bis

auf

art.

stdtische

die Zeiten

Rmisclie Staatsverwaltung,
also

Mommsen,

Rmisclus

pp. 590-832.

In connection with the Roman, Jewish, and


history of the province of Syria

is

Kew

Testament history, the

treated of in the comprehensive

328

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN' AGE.

work

of Lewin, Fasti Sacri,

from

B.c.

given a

The Eoman

70.

history generally

W.

Hellenici, vol.

Mommsen, Rmische

embraces the period


is

Bd.

Geschichte,

2 Aufl: 1866, Bd.

Fasti Romani, vol.

Roms Grndung

78-46.

1867, Bd.

iii.

(5 Aufl. 1869),

iii.

B.c.

i.

aitf

For

iii.

Sulla's

1869, to the death of

2,

a.D.

Drumann,

Roms in seinem Uebergange von

180.

from

Peter, Geschichte Roms,

Marcus Aurelius in
Geschichte

bis

Compare also the well-known works of

death to the battle of Thapsus,


ii.,

It

iii.

Emische Zeittafeln von

Fischer,

Augustus^ Tod, Altona 1846.

Bd.

1865.

the Index also under Syria there

treated of in the form of chronological

is

Clinton, Fasti

London

In

of the governors.

list

tables in

E.

70 to a.D.

the period of the Republic

der republik-

anischen zur monarchischen Verfassung, oder Pompeius, Csar, Cicero

und

iii.,

Ludwig Lange, Rmische

1834-1844.

ihre Zeitgenossen, 6 Bde.

Alterthiimer, Bd.

2 Aufl. 1876, treats of the transition from the

republic to the monarchy.

For

the period of the Empire

Rmische Geschichte vom Verfall der Republik

Monarchie unter Constantin, Bd.


only to the death of Nero.
zeit,

to

Bd.

i.

Hock,

in 3 Abtheil. 1841-1850

reaches

Schiller, Geschichte der rmischen Kaiser-

in 2 Abtheil. 1883,

down

to Diocletian

Bd.

ii.

1887,

down

Theodosius the Great.

The Syrian history during


two

i.

zur Vollendung der

bis

divisions, the

this period falls

naturally into

one embracing the Period of the Eepublic,

the other the Period of the Empire.

I.

The Period of the Decay of the


B.c.

1.

Si/ria

imdcr

the

PcEPUBlic,

65-30.

predominating Influence of Povipey,


B.a 65-48.

M. Aemilius Scawnis,

B.c.

65, 62.

Sent by Pompey, he arrived at Damascus in

B.c.

65,

where

previously Lollius and Metellus had been stationed (Josephus,


Anliq. xiv.
Hellenici,

2.

iii.

346).

Wars of the Jews,


From b.c. 64 to

i.

6.

b.c.

Clinton, Fasti

63 Pompey him-

HISTORY OF THE EOMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

was in

self

He

Syria.

arrived there in

329

G4, during the

B.c.

consulship of L. Julius Caesar and C. Marcius Figulus (Dio

Cassius, xxxvii. 7).

He passed
He took the

and went

in

to Italy

year

62).

Cassias, xxxvii.

B.c.

6).

62

B.c.

On

Syria (Appian,

51

Jerusalem in

city of

Pompey

governor carried on to

63,

4.

This

5).

the campaign against the

close

its

Scaurus in

left

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

(Dio

b.c.

(Clinton and Fischer, under the

departure,

his

Stjr.

the winter in Aspis

Arabian prince Aretas, contemplated by Pompey (Josephus,


Antiq. xiv.

5. 1

TVars of the Jews,

i.

8.

Peference

1).

is

made to this on the coins bearing the inscription licx Aretas,


M. Scaurus, Aed. cur., ex S. C. (Eckhel, Boctr. Num. v. 131

Babelon,
p.

120

Monnaies

sq.).

de

r^publique

la

romaine,

t.

1885,

i.

decree of the Tyrians in honour of Scaurus

communicated by Penan in Mission de PMnicie, p. 533 sq.


From Joppa Scaurus took with him the skeleton of tlie sea
monster to which Andromeda had been fastened (Pliny,
is

Ilistoria

Naturalis,

ix.

Scaurus

generally,

Drumann,

Pauly's Eeal-Encycl.
Oeuvres,

\\.

185

Philologie, Bd.

ff.

ii.

i.

1,

Geschichte

Aufl.

Gaumitz,

B.c.

Appian,

to

Compare,
pp.

reference

in

Roms,

Leipzir/er

Studien

Borghesi,

zur

p.

to

2832

i.

372-374;

1879, pp. 249-289, especially

Marcius Philippus,
According

11).

5.

class.

259.

61-60.
Syr.

51,

between

Scaurus

and

Gabinius, Marcius Philippus and Lentulus Marcellinus were,

two years each, governors of Syria {rwvhe

for

Bierr]^ iTpij)6r}

'^pSvo^;),

fiev

eKurepq)

both witli praetorian power.

Seeing

that Gabinius arrived in Syria in the beginning of

must assign
to

to

Marcius Philippus the years

Lentulus Marcellinus the years

Clinton,

who

iii.

346, against Noris,

give to

both

correct statement

is

only the

B.c.

59-58.

B.c.

two years
:

B.c.

57,

we

61-60, and

Compare

223, and Schpflin,

p.

also given in

B.c.

59-58.

p.

466,

The

Lewin, Fasti Sacri, n. 101,

330

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

103

Godt, Quomodo provinciae

Romanae per decennium

Caesariano antecedens administratae sint (Kiel

civili

hello

1876),

pp. 7, 8.

Lentulus Marcellinus,

Compare what
had

still to

59-58.

B.c.

said above.

is

He

too, like his predecessor,

carry on the war against the Arabians (Appian,

Syr. 51).

A. Gahinius,

On

57-55.

B.c.

account of the constant disturbances caused in Syria

by the Arabs,

was resolved

it

58

in B.c.

to

send thither

immediately a proconsul (Appian, Syr. 51), and indeed

first

of all they sent A. Gabinius, one of the consuls of the year


B.c.

58 (Plutarch,

Cicero,

Syria in the beginning of

who

30),

c.

57.^

B.c.

He

therefore arrived

in

used his power in an

exceedingly oppressive and tyrannical manner (Dio Cassius,


Cicero also speaks frequently of his bound-

xxxix. 55, 5Q).

For example,

less rapacity.

it is

declared in Fi-o Sestio,

43

c.

" Gahiniuin haurire cotidie ex paratissimis atque opulentissimis

Syriae gazis inumerahile pondus auri, helium inferre quiescentihus, id

eorum

veteres illibatasque

lihidinum snarum
considarihus,

c.

gurgitem profundat."
:

"

In Syria imperatore

[neque gcstujn] ncque actum


tyrannis,

decisiones,

est nisi

In De provinciis
illo

nihil

when Pompey came

aliud

pactiones pecuniarum

dircptiones, latrocinia, caedes."

was a favourite and an unswerving adherent


therefore

profundissimum

divitias in

of

cum

Gabinius

Pompey, and

into conflict with the senate

he

took the side of his patron, as he showed, for example, in his


For the consuls and praetors went

tlien to the province immediately


terms of office. This was first changed in B.c.
Compare
52, when it was determined that five years must always elapse.
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i. (2 Aufl. 1881) p. 522.
'

after the expiry of their

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PEOVINCE OF SYRIA.

He had

Egyptian campaign.

engaged, as early as

an expedition against the Parthians, well

when he

interests of the republic,

Pompey

Auletes,

driven out of Alexandria by a popular revolt.

command

gave to this

10,000

56/

B.c.

in

serve the

to

received instructions from

King Ptolemy

reinstate

to

fitted

331

who had been

Ptolemy himself

the necessary stimulus by a present of

These two reasons moved Gabinius more

talents.

powerfully than the contrary wishes of the senate, and

the

law which forbade the proconsul to overstep the


his province.
lie suspended his operations a'-^ainst

existing
limits of

the Parthians, pushed forward to Egypt, and conquered the

Egyptian army.

In this campaign young Marc Antony, the

King Ptolemy was

future triumvir, distinguished himself.

restored to his throne in the beginning of the year

56-58

(Dio Cassius, xxxix.


Antiq. xiv.

6.

Cicero, in Pison.

2; Plutarch, Anton,

c.

The

55, accused de majestate.

B.c.

on when

September

he, in

b.c.

been meanwhile transferred


(Cicero,

ad

Pompey

ment

in

Quint,

1.

iii.

trial

this

pp.

ad

Cicero,

12).

Geschichte

therefore

was already

goin^

54, after the province had


Crassus, arrived

to

in

Piome

His wealth and the influence

5-7).

matter

on account

but

of

his

do so by Pompey, pled on

(Dio Cassius, xxxix. 59-63,

and

51;

Sijr.

prevailed in securing for him a favourable judg-

himself, induced to

55

Josephus,

instigation, in

oppressions he was sentenced to exile, although

24

He was

Piome on this account, mainly at Cicero's

at

21

3; Appian,

Fischer, Horn. Zeittafeln, pp. 244, 247).

of

c.

b.c.

Quint,

fr.

Compare

Boms,

iii.

cf.

55

boundless

now
his

Appian, Syr. 51

Cicero

behalf
Civ.

ii.

iii.

14

on

Gabinius generally, Drumann,

40-62;

2'>'>'0
;

Bahirio Postmno,

Pauly's

Bcal-Encyclop.

cc.

iii.

565-571.

^ From this indication of the time we reach the conclusion that the
reinstatement of Ptolemy took place in the beginning of B.C. 55, probably

in March.

Fischer, lim. Zeittafeln, p. 247.

332

THE ROMAN- HERODIAN AGE.

3f.

Zicinius Crassus,

In the year

formed what

is

Pompey, and Crassus had

Caesar,

60,

b.c.

5453.

B.c.

In

called the first Triumvirate.

5G

B.c.

this

arrangement was renewed upon their meeting together at


Luca.

The

triumvirs,

result of this

Pompey and

While they held

was that

in b.c.

55 two of the

Crassus, obtained the rank of consuls.

Pompey undertook

consulship,

the

the

administration of Spain, Crassus that of Syria, to he entered

upon by each in
Epitome, 105
Civ.

ii.

B.c.

55 (Dio

In

3336

Crassus,

15

Eome and went

Livy,

Appian,

to Syria

55, even before the expiry of his consul-

B.c.

ship (see Clinton, ad ann.


p. 250).*

Cassius, xxxix.

Plutarch, Fompeius, 52

Crassus started from

18).

November

in

B.c.

54 he

54

B.c.

fitted

Parthians, and pressed forward

Fischer,

Em.

Zeittafeln,

out an expedition against the

till

he had crossed the Euphrates,

but he then turned back and spent the winter in Syria.


the spring of

B.c.

53 he renewed

In

his campaign, crossed the

Euphrates at Zeugma, but suffered a serious defeat, and was

When

obliged to withdraw to Carrae.

he could not even

here maintain his ground, he continued his retreat, and had

reached as far as the Armenian mountain land when

the

Parthian general Surena offered him terms of peace on the


condition that the
districts

Romans should

confine themselves to the

on the other side of the Euphrates.

obliged to agree to these terms

but

when going

Crassus was
to a confer-

ence with Surena, accompanied by a small retinue, he was


treacherously set upon by the Parthian troops and murdered
in B.c.

9 th

53 (according

June;

He

to Ovid, Fast. vi.

see Clinton

and Fischer,

465
ac?

V. Idus Junias, or

ann.

B.c.

53).

Many

cannot, however, have entered Syria in the beginning of the


he sent forward a subordinate to take over the province from

year, since

Gabinius,
xxxix. 60\

who was

sent

away unrecognised by Gabinius (Dio

Cassius,

mSTOKY OF THE ROMAN PKOVINCE OF

of his people were taken prisoners by the Parthians

ceeded in making their escape

part suc-

another part had even before

Syria under the leadership of the quaestor

this returned to

Cassius Longinus (Dio Cassius,

17-31

o33

SYlilA.

12-27;

xl.

Plutarch, Crassiis,

106 Justin, xlii. 4). Compare on


Crassus generally, Drumann, Gcschichie Roms, iv. 71-115
Pauly's Eeal-Encyclop. iv. 1064-1068.
On the Parthian
;

JEpitome,

Liv}'-,

Gutschmid,

campaign,

by Gutschmid,
C. Cassius

171

p.

and the

und Seiner Nach-

Irans

Geschichte

87-93

harlncler (1888), pp.

literature referred to

f.

Longinus,

53-51.

B.c.

After the death of Crassus the supreme


fell

upon the Pioman

command

in Syria

The Parthians now^ made inroads

to Cassius Longinus.

pressed on in

territory,

51 as

B.c.

far as

Autioch, but were fortunately again driven back by Cassius

autumn

in

of

Antiq. xiv.

7.

ad Atticum,

Drumann,

194

ii.

b.c.

51 (Dio

Livy, Epitome,

20; ad

v.

On

Zeittafeln, p.

260

the

108

ii.

117

xl.

ii.

28-29; Josephus,

Justin,

Familires,

Geschichte Roms,

ff.

Cassius,

10;

xlii.

Fhilipjh

Cicero,
xi.

14;

Pauly's Real-Encyclop.

chronology, see

especially,

Fischer,

f.).*

M. Calpurnius Blhulus,

b.c.

5150.

Cassius Longinus was succeeded by Bibulus (according to

ad Familires,

Cicero,
xl.

He

30).

is

ii.

and

31,
*

it

3,
is

ad Atticum,

v.

20

Dio

Cassius,

called AevKco'i BvXo<; in Appian, Syr. 51.

But from the testimony


1

10

of

Cicero,

ad Familires,

and Livy, Epitome, 108, and Caesar,

xii.

19, xv.

Fell. Civ.

iii.

put beyond dispute that he was M. Pibulus, the

Cicero was then (August

50
compare Fisclier,
and boasted of having had
do with the e.\pulsion of the Parthians (compare especially,
B.c.

51-July

Zeittafeln, pp. 262, 299) proconsul of Cilicia,

something to
ad Familires, xv.

1-4).

B.c.

334

THE ROMAN-HERODIAX AGE,

colleague of Caesar in the consulship in


in Syria in

autumn

18 and 20).

V.

He

of the

also

year

had

in great

it

among them.

19), but

xii.

According to Dio Cassius,

M. Marcellus and

vii.

2,

suh fin.

Cicero,

who

province of

among

Sulp. Eufus.

who

to rid

xl.

30, these civil

during the consulship

Compare

Cicero, adAtticmn,
reliqxLtrxint.

same time administered the neighbouring


ad Atticum,\\.

Cilicia, in

those

was able

Parthi repente Bihulum semivivum


at this

arrived

measure by stirring up internal feuds

conflicts took place as early as B.c. 51,

of

He

51 (Cicero, ad Atticuvi,

trouble with the Parthians

still

(compare Cicero, ad Familiay^es,


himself of

B.c.

59.

b.c.

1.

13, mentions Bibulus

in the administration of their province "valde

Compare also Fischer, Rom. Zeittafeln,


264 f. On Bibulus generally, Drumann, Geschichte Boms,
97-105 Pauly's Real- Ency clop. ii. 101 f.

honeste se gcrunt."

p.
ii.

Vcjento, B.C.

50-49.

" Bibulus de provincia deccssit,

writes

Cicero

Atticum,

the

in

Vejentonem praefccit."

beginning of December

So

50 {ad

vii. 3. 5).

Q. Metellus Scipio, B.c.

When, during

the

49-48.

first

days of the year

war between Caesar and Pompey broke


just

B.c.

B.c.

49, the civil

out, the provinces

had

been partitioned among the Pompeian party, and the

province of Syria had been conferred on the father-in-law of

Pompey, Q. Metellus Scipio, who had held the consulship in


compare Cicero, ad
the year B.c. 52 (Caesar, Bell. Civ. i. 6
Atticum,

ix.

1).

Toward

the end of

from Syria two legions for

B.c.

support of Pompey,

the

wintered with them in the territory of


Bell. Civ.

to

iii.

4 and 31).

Macedonia, and joined

49 he withdrew

Pergamum

and

(Caesar,

In the following year he proceeded

Pompey

of Pharsalia (Caesar, Bell. Civ.

iii.

shortly before the battle

33, 78-82).

In the battle

HISTORY CF THE EOMAN PPwOVIN'CE OF SYUIA.

commanded

of Pliarsalia he
(Caesar,

Civ.

Bell.

Drnmann,
32-34.

generally,

Encyclop.

86).

iii.

the centre

Geschichte Horns,

Pompey's army

of

Compare

on Metelhis Scipio

44-49

ii.

Pauly's Heal-

ii.

2.

during

Si/i'ia

Sextus Caesar,

the

Time of

Caesar, B.C.

Pompey by

beginning

sea to Egypt,

October,

of

47-44.

47-46.

b.c.

After the battle of Pharsalia, 9th August


followed

335

shortly

B.c.

48, Caesar

which he reached
the

after

in the

assassination

Pompey, which had taken place on the 28th

of

September.

Contrary to expectation, he became involved in Egypt in a

war with King Ptolemy, which detained him there

months (Appian,
speedily as

ii.

get

X^prjcrdfjievo^)

war upon Pharnaces, king


33, 65

c.

35

ff

Civ.

seem, had been


time, during

much

very

20,

xi.

(Bell.

obtained

Syria,

itself.

the

as

Xow

it

would

for the first

province (according to

Caesar was at Antioch in the

relative of his

Alexandr.

compare Josephus, Antiq.


then

to

de Bell. Alexandr.

Suetonius, Caesar,

47), Caesar organized the administration

B.c.

by setting up a

governor

as

(Aiict.

Hitherto

short visit to

ad Atticum,

of Syria

Pontus

91).^

ii.

left

his

middle of July

of

Plutarch, Caesar, 49, 50

Appian,

Cicero,

for nine

Not till the end of June B.c.


90).
away from Egypt, and then he went as
possible (Dio Cassius, xlii. 47
rd-^ei, ttoXXw
tlirough Syria to Asia Minor in order to make

47 could he

Civ.

from

c.

xiv.

Caesar

66

9. 2).

Dio

own, Sextus Caesar,

important

26

Ca.?sius, xlvii.

]Many

cities

privileges,

of Syria

and,

in

Caesar journeyed by sea from Egypt to Syria, and from Syria to


compare Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 8. 3, 9. 1. Aud. de Bell. Alexandr.
eadem classe, qua venerat, proficiscitur in Cilicinm.
G6
In an earlier
passage, Bell. Alexandr. 33
sic rebus omnibus con/ectis et collocatis ipse
*

Cilicia

itinere

to

terrestri profectus

be struck out.

est

in Syriam, the words itinere

terrestri

ought

TUE UOMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.

336
consequence,

began

Caesariana

so,

reckoning
Antiocb,

e.g.,

from

new

aera

the

era,

Laodicea,

Gabala,

Ptolemais

Annus et epocliae Syromacedonum, ed. Lips. pp.


270 sqq., 293 sqq., 424 sqq. Eckhel, Dodr. Num.
279 sqq., 313 sqq., 315 sqq., 423 sqq.). Compare

(see Noris,

162

sqq.,

Vet.

iii.

Bell.

Alexandr.

Qb

commoratus fere in omnibus

quae majore sunt dignitate, praemia bene meritis

civitatibus,

viritim

et

Marquardt. Rmische Staatsverwcdtung,

publice tribuit.

i.

et

397.

Caccilius Bassus, B.C. 46.

While Caesar
with

Africa

the

sought

Bassus,

He was

Syria.

party
to

Roms,

Civ.

ii.

himself

the governorship

of

put out of the way by assassination,

Cassius,

iii.

to fight in

indeed beaten by Sextus, but he succeeded in

77,

1.

125127, and

of

Epitome,

114;

Diverging in points of

detail,

58, with

iv.

made himself master

26-27;

xlvii.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11.

Appian,

to

the soldiers to his side, and

(Dio

Syria

still

Pompey, a Pompeian, Caecilius

of

secure

getting the governor

won over

46 had

in the spring of B.c.

Livy,

whom Drumann,

Pauly's

R,cal-Encyclop.

Geschichte

36

ii.

f.,

agree).

C. Antistius Vetus, b.c. 45.

In opposition to Caecilius Passus the party of Caesar was


In autumn of the year

headed by Antistius Vetus.

b.c.

45

he besieged Bassus in Apamea, but could gain no decided


advantage over him, because the Parthians brought assistance
to

Bassus (Dio Cassius,

The date

xiv.

11.

9. 3,

and Dio Cassius,

1.

L. Statins Murcus,

In

order

jjrobably

to

put

xlvii.
is

xlvii.

B.c.

27.

Compare Josephus, Antiq.

given by Cicero, ad Atticum, xiv.


27, as Bia tov

'^eifxcova).

44.

down

Caecilius

in the beginning of Bc,

44

Bassus,

Caesar

L. Statius

sent,

Marcus

to

HISTORY OF THE KOMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

He was

Syria with three legions/

337

supported by the governor

Marcius Crispus, who also had three legions

of Bithynia, Q.

under his command..

By

both Bassus was again besieged in

Apamea (Appian,

iii.

77,

Civ.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11.

58

iv.

Dio Cassius,

Compare

1.

new turn
Caesar on 15th March B.c.

B.c.

44-42.

44-42.

C. Cassius Longinus, B.c.

Affairs took a

27;

Strabo, xvi. p. 752).

Syria under the Administration of Cassius,

3.

xlvii.

consequence of the murder of

in

Among

44.

the conspirators

who

accomplished that deed was, besides Brutus, the celebrated

man who,

Cassius Longinus, the same

C.

in the years B.c.

53-51, had successfully defended Syria against the attack

He had

the Parthians.

as governor of Syria for the year B.c.

But

57).

iv.

after Caesar's

was given

so that Syria

43 (Appian,

went

He

to

iii.

2,
it

and another province,

to Dolabella,

arrived

iv.

58

the

end of the year

his

appearance (Appian,

Caecilius

From

Cicero,

iv.

57).

assigned to him by Caesar.

made

xlvii.

ad Familires,

At

26).^*

21,

Bassus was

Murcus and Marcius Crispus


^

7-8,

iii.

there in

Dio Cassius,

arrival

Civ.

not agree to these arrangements, but

Syria as the province

Dolabella had

Civ.

death Marc Antony contrived

possibly Cyrene, to Cassius (Appian,


Cassius, however, did

of

been already nominated by Caesar

still

under

in

Apamea.

xii. 19,

we

44, before

B.c.

Civ.

iii.

24,

the time of his


siege

He

by Statins
succeeded

learn that Caesar once nomi-

nated Q. Coruificius as governor of Syria. Cicero writes to Cornificius as


follows
Bellum, quod est in Syria, Syriamquc provinciam tibi trihiam
As the letter is not dated, it cannot
esse a Caesare ex tuis litteris cognovi.
:

used as determining anything further as to the time. In any case, that


seems to have been a plan that was never carried out.
"*
On the negotiations in regard to the provinces during the year B.c.
44, see further details in Druniann, Geschichte Roms, i. 139-144, ii. 123 f.
Lange, Rmische Alterthmer, iii., 2 Aufl.
Pauly's Real-Encijclop. ii. 196 f.
Krause, A^^pian als Quelle fr die Zeit von der Verschvruiirj
p. 498 If.
Ije

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

THE KOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

338

two besieging generals, where-

in winning over to himself the

upon

went over

legion of Bassus

also the

43

B.c.

ad Brutum,
iv.

59

(Cicero,

ii.

Philippic,

Dio Cassius,

Drumann,

ad Familires,

xlvii.

Geschichte Ro7ns,

siderable fighting

power

28
ii.

11 and 12.

xii.

12, 30

xi.

Cassius

March and

occurred in

himself relates to Cicero that this

May

to him.

Compare

Appian, Civ.

iii.

78,

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11. 2

Thus

128).

command ^

at his

Cassius liad conbefore Dolabella,

who had meanwhile established himself in the interests


Marc Antony in Asia Minor, made his appearance in Syria

of

in

43, and pressed forward as far as Laodicea, on the sea-

B.c.

Antioch (Appian,

coast south of
Cassius,

ad Familires,

(Cicero,

of

soldier

Cassius,

xii.

ff.

30

78,

siege

head struck

his

Civ.

Geschichte

Wegehaupt, P. Cornelius

but instead

of this

He

gegen

Caesar

his

was

zum

there

him

to

by a

off

60-62
Dio
Boms, ii. 129 ff.,
iv.

1880).

Bolahella,

by Brutus

called

therefore left his

Dio

him

the defeat of Dolabella, Cassius intended to turn

in B.c. 42.^

60

iv.

to

13-15), and compelled

Drumann,

iii.

laid

bodyguard (Appian,

his

xlvii.

Civ.

Cassius

whereupon Dolabella had

yield,

514

29-30).

xlvii.

nephew

to
^

Tode des Decimus Brutus, Thl.

to

After
Egypt,

Asia Minor

with a legion

i.

1879, p. 12

ff.

Otto Eduard Schmidt,


Jahrbcher fr class. Philologie, 13, Supplementhand, 1884, pp. 700-712.
* Of the three ahove-named generals, Cassius had at their own wish
Schiller, Geschichte

der rUm. Kaiserzeit,

i.

22

ff.

dismissed Crispus and Bassus, but he retained in his service, with the
retention of his former rank, Statins Murcus (Dio Cassius, xlvii. 28).
9

Van

der Chijs, de Herode

M.

p.

18,

has rightly shown, in opposition

to Fischer, Rmische Zeittafeln, p. 328, that Brutus' call to Cassiu.s

given, not in B.c. 43, but in B.c. 42, not

till

some time

was

after Cicero's death,

which took place on 7th December b.c. 43 (Plutarch, Brutus, 28), when
already Octavian and Marc Antony had formed the plan of passing over
On the jther hand, he is in error in making
to Greece (Appian, iv. 63).
Cassius winter in Egypt in B.c. 43-42, since the opposite

is

proved from

Appian, iv. 63. Hitzig, ii. 517, gives the right view. Compare also
Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Acta Socictatis 2)hilol. Lips. iv. 1875, p. 251 sq.
^^
His name is unknown. In the battle at Philippi a nephew of

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


Syria (Appian, Civ.

in

met with Brutus

63),

iv.

339
Smyrna,

at

then undertook an expedition against Ehodes, again joined

Brutus at Sardes, and then accompanied him to Macedonia,


where, late in autumn of the year

42, at Philippi, the

B.c.

by Marc Antony

troops of the conspirators were defeated

and Octavian.
ended his

Dio

Cassius, as well as his

by

life

Cassius, xlvii.

confederate Brutus,

own hand (Appian, Civ. iv. 63138;


31-49 Plutarch, Brutus, 28-53).

his

Syria under the Eule of Marc Antony,

4.

Decidius Saxa,

B.c.

B.c.

41-30.

4140.

After the battle of Philippi, Octavian went to Italy, while

Marc Antony proceeded

first

to Asia (Plutarch, Antonius,

Asia,

Antony met

Cleopatra,

that he followed her


of

41-40

B.c.

Antonius,

in

25-28).

On

so to fascinate

to Egypt,

inactivity

During

Egypt, he arranged the

hand an exorbitant

tribute

41, at Tarsus,

him by her charms,

where he spent the winter

and
b.c.

affairs

march through

his

for the first time, in B.c.

who managed

and afterwards

of all to Greece

23-24).

self-indulgence (Plutarch,

41,

(Appian, Civ.

Decidius Saxa as governor (Dio Cassius,

v.

went

he

before

of Syria,-"^ exacted
7),

xlviii.

to

on every

and

24

left

Livy,

Epitome, 127).

In the spring of

summer
of

of the

engaging

b.c.

40, Antony

same year arrived

in

conflict

with

Egypt, and in the

left

in Italy, with the intention

Octavian

but

some

after

unimportant skirmishing, he concluded with him at Brundisium a treaty, according to which the provinces were to
be partitioned between Octavian and Antony, in such a
Cassius

same

as

fell,

named

he who

is

L.

Ca.!siii3

(Appian,

iv.

135).

Perhaps this

way

is

the

referred to in the text, as Noris, Ccnot. Pis. p. 280,

conjectures.
'^

Where he

already had served under Gabinius.

See above,

p. 331.

340

THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

West and

that the former should have the

(Appian, Civ.

52-65; Dio

v,

now

dividing line was at Scodra,

Appian,

the latter the East

27-28.

xlviii.

The

called Scutari, in Illyria,

Antony remained

65).

v.

Cassius,

for

somewhere about a

year in Italy, during which time he appointed several vassal

among whom was

kings,

39

of B.c.

remained
i.

with

where,

39),

xlviii.

Civ. v.

several

the spring of

till

went in autumn

Herod,'' and then

Athens (Appian,

to

intervals

441 f., 447 f.).


At the time when Antony secured

Dio Cassius,

of

(Drumann,

36

B.C.

7576

absence,

Geschichte

to himself

he

Roms,

from Octavian

the rule over the East, a large portion of the eastern territory,

the whole province of Syria, had been taken possession of by

These had, in

the Parthians.

when

B.c.

42, just about the time

Cassius left Syria (Appian, Civ.

iv.

63), been invited

by Cassius to join a league against Octavian and Antony.

But nothing came


fell

of that plan then, for the whole

programme

through at Philippi, and the negotiations that had been


while

for a long

under consideration were

But Labienus, the

end.

tations

by

As

make an

early perhaps as the

of B.c. 41, at latest in the spring of B.c. 40, a great

Parthian army, under the


the son of
Saxa,

an

his persistent represen-

persuading King Orodes at length to

inroad upon the Pioman territory.

autumn

to

chief of the embassy, remained at

the Partlrian court, and succeeded


in

brought

who

command

King Orodes, invaded

Syria,

He

in the battle.

fell

of Labienus

and Pacorus,

and attacked Decidius

then conquered

all Syria,

Phoenicia (with the exception only of Tyre), and Palestine,


^^

Appian, Civ.

cipx nrotyf^iuoiii

nul

fioctav Bs

v.

75

"arn Zt

"^Kf/^cipiav

36

5'

K(a.vvtocv Ss T\tQihuv^

STipot. tds/Yi.

Tsrpoipxicts

ucpyipUTO uai'hilocs.

x-otl

ittI (popoi;

(iiocpuxKov; roij MiSpi^drov, 'lov-

35) in Dio Cassius, xlix. 32.

(b.c.

'TTO'K'hotg i-/,otpi^iTO

TTo'KXovi

kuI xai'hs;, ov; ^OKifiKoiiBv,

Hp^B!/,

fiipov; KifiiKiag, >ci krepov; k;

times

vrt)

Uovtcv yAv AapiJov tou

kxI UoXif^uvce.

Also some appointments of later

Compare Plutarch, Antonius,

fiudiMiug sduuv fCiyx'huv, ioiarxi;

oiT,

niSTOEY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

and

on to Asia Minor, and even went as far as

finally pressed

the Ionian coast (Dio Cassias,

65

Civ. v.

On

chronology,

the

24-26

xlviii.

Plutarch, Antonius, 30

341

Livy, Upiiome, 127).

Brcklein,

especially,

see

Appian, Syr. 51

Quellen

und

Chronologie der rmisch-parthenischen Feldzge in den Jahren

713-718

d.

Generally,

Gutschinid, Geschichte Irans

{Leipziger

St.

lnder (Tb. 1888),


to

93

p.

ff.,

Dissertat.

and the

1879) pp. 49-51.


und seiner Nachbar-

literature there referred

by Gutschmid.
P. Ventidius,

Toward the end


lein, or,

39-38.

B.c.

of the year B.c. 40, according to Brck-

according to the usual reckoning, in

army

sent P. Ventidius with an


b.c.

b.c.

39,

Antony

This general, in

Asia.

to

39, drove Labienus back to Taurus, and defeated him

there

decisive

in

was himself taken

Labienus

battle.

prisoner and put to death.

Ventidius then overran

Cilicia,

gained a victory over Pharnapates, a general under Pacorus,


at

Amanus, the mountain

Syria,

boundary

and Palestine (Dio Cassius,

127;
made

between

and took possession now without

33).^^

Plutarch, Antonius,

new

3941

xlviii.

In

b.c.

Cilicia

difficulty
;

and

of Syria

Livy, Epitome,

38 the Parthians

invasion, but suffered a complete defeat in the

hands of Ventidius.

Pacorus was

district of Cyrrestic

at the

slain in the battle,

on the same day on which Crassus had

fallen

years before.

fifteen

battle V. Idus Junias, or 9th

128

Livy, Epitome,

Dio Cassius,
ajx^orepa

xlix.

21

awr^vexOrf).

Saraosata,

iv

Cassius, xlix.

rf)

avTJj

rjjxepa

Ventidius

also

siege

forth against
to his

enemy

arrived, dismissed Ventidius,

happened during the year

xlviii. 43, init.

laid

19-20;

Compare

eKarepov tov eVou?

now went

While he

Antony himself

13 Tliat all this

Dio Cassius,

June (Dio

Plutarch, Antonius, 34.

Antiochus of Comagene.
in

This gives as the date of the

B.c. 39, is distinctly stated

in

342

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

and continued the

But he met with

siege.

success,

little

was satisfied with an apparent submission on the part of


and went back to Athens, leaving

Antiochus,

governor
Antonius,

34).

On

und Chronologie

(Dio

Syria

in

Cassius,

xlix.

2022

the chronology, see

Plutarch,

Blircklein,

Quellen

5161.

des rm. parth. Feldzge, pp.

Sosius, B-G.

Sosius

C.
;

38-37.

Sosius completed the subjugation of Syria by conquering

the Jewish king Antigonus, the confederate of the Parthians,

He

and taking Jerusalem.

then set up Herod as king,

who

Dio Cassius,

xlix.

had been nominated before by Antony.


22, assigns

to

this

38, under the

B.c.

consulship of Ap.

But compare

Claudius Pulcher, and C. Norbanus Flaccus.

what

said under 14.

is

In the year

b.c.

Wishing

East.

36 Antony himself again appeared in the

to deal

a decisive blow at the Parthians, he

advanced against them with a great

but accomplished

force,

nothing, and was obliged, after the beginning of the winter,


to

again

retire

with

97101).

Irans, pp.

GescJiichte

heavy

losses

But

against the Parthians, in the spring of

met with Cleopatra


that unfortunate

in

And

Syria.

the end

358

f.),

himself

the year

of
to

B.c.

He

36

unbounded

revels

before he

went

B.c.

return from

his

to the

usual luxurious

Cassius,

xlix.

B.c.

34 and

B.c.

33 (Dio

461-467;

5253

and

Bvi.

till B.c.

Zeittafeln,

Drumann,

Pauly's Ueal-Encyclo-p.

i.

1,

which

were

Armenia

in

39-41, 44;

33,

Geschichte

2 Aufl.

p.

33, abandoning

pleasures,

Cassius, xlix.
;

2331;

then followed her, before

(Fischer,

interrupted only by two short campaigns against

Plutarch, Antonius,

forth

36, he had again

after

Egypt, and remained there

to

Gutschmid,

gave himself up in Leuke

expedition, he

Kome, between Sidon and Berytus,


indulgences in her company (Dio
Plutarch, Antonius, 3651).

(compare

p.

Roms,

1178).

i.

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

During

period and that immediately following,

this

the battle of Actium, only two

to

known

governors of Syria are

Munacius Plancus,

In

B.C.

35.

B.C.

35, while L. Cornificius and Sextus Pompeius were

consuls (Dio Cassius, xlix. 18), Sextus Pompeius,

by Octavian had

defeat

Appian,

put to death.

fled

Civ.

144, says that

v.

by Plancus the governor

o.v

who

after

Asia Minor, was there

to

is

it

of Syria {elal

TIXdyKov, ouK *AvT)viov \6<yovaiv einaTeiXai,, ap'^ovra

ot

We

Xvpla'i).

from

see

incidental

this

statement that at

He

time L. Munacius Plancus was governor of Syria.

this

un-

order for his execution was given by

certain whether the

Antony himself
8'

down

to us.

L.

his

343

was one of the most trusty friends of Antony, but went over
to

the

side

of

Octavian

before

outbreak of the war

the

between that prince and Antony in


1.

iv.

3).

Compare

207-213;

Oeuvres,

83

ii.

Drumann,

generally,

also

B.c.

Pauly's Rcal-Encyclop.

w.

Appian, Civ.

3231

38,

iv.

Geschichte

204-208;

Boms,

Borghesi,

(?).

makes a passing reference

who

Bibulus among the conspirators

reconciled himself [with

Messala,

to

L.

subsequently effected a

reconciliation with Octavian and Antony.

as

Cassius,

ff.

L. Calpurnins Bibidus, B.c.

time

32 (Dio

"Put Pibulus

Antony and Octavian]


under Antony

and served

often employed in

at

the same

as

the com-

and was
between Antony and Octavian, and was appointed
by Antony governor of Syria, and died while he held the
Since Bibulus is here said to have
office of governor."

mander

of a ship,

negotiations

for peace

^'^

'*

B//3of^oj

'hiu'hT^ot.'y,;

Ss

fa'TTsiauTO

iro'K'hciKi;

u tu

Wi/tcj'jiu

'

OTpetTft'/o;

XTTiin'x^*!

VT ill ecidviv.

~vpixi

kxI

'MiiaocKct,

kxi Kxioxpi
i/^'

t;

ivxvxpxi''i

Avtuui'ov,

Avtuviu,

iiripdu.tv'n,

kx\

kxI oTpxrnyuv

tri

>.;;Aot/-

344
died

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


during

but

governorship,

his

was, according

evidence of the coins, alive at least in

Boms,

Geschichte
flin, p.

Compare
Oeuvres,

Schp-

Drumann,

also

ii.

wars between Antony and Octavian.

of the

92

Lewin, Fasti

ff.;

Boms,

Geschichte

ii.

105

Borghesi,

f.;

The

581.

sacri, n.

Babelon, 3fonnaies de la ripuUiquc romaine,

304

286

p.

477, and others correctly place his term as governor

the period

in

106), Noris, Ccnot. Flson.

ii.

the

to

33 (Drumann,

b.c.

t.

coins in

1885,

i,

p.

sq.

Antony was meanwhile becoming more and more enslaved


by the

He had

caresses of Cleopatra.

Roman

persuaded to promise
children.

allowed himself to be

provinces

and

to her

others,

Coele-

to her

Thus Cleopatra obtained, among

Syria, Phoenicia as far as Eleutherus, with the exception of

Tyre and Sidon, portions of Judea and Arabia, which were


taken away from their kings Herod and Malchus, and,

finally,

a part of Iturea, the king of which, Lysanias, had been slain


(Josephus, Antiq. xv.
5

Dio Cassius,

3. 8, 4.

xlix.

32

1-2

Wars of

i.

18.

On

tlie

the Jews,

Plutarch, Antonius, 36.

time at which these donations were made, see below at


Cleopatra's son, Ptolemy,
at

whom

a somewhat later period obtained Syria

Euphrates and

Phoenicia,

as

divi

Cassius, xlix. 41).

Augusti,

Aufl.

See generally,
p.

as

far

118.

These

Antony soon came

to

54

the

compare

Mommsen, Bes

an end.

33 he went

gestae

donations were not

indeed confirmed by the senate (Dio Cassius,


the glory of

15).

while Coele-Syria continued the

portion of his mother (so Plutarch, Antonius,

Dio

she had borne to Antony,

xlix. 41).

And

After the last

While

Armenian campaign

of B.c.

he was there in

32 the war between him and Octavian

B.c.

to

Greece.

broke out, and in the following year, by the battle of Actium


of

2nd September

B.c.

31, the power of

and completely overthrown.

Antony was

finally

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

The Period of the Empire,

ir.

1.

Odavianus Augustus,

70.

b.c. 30-A.i).

30 19^7i

B.c.

345

Aurjust A.D. 14.

Q. Diclius, B.c. 30.

After

the

of

battle

Antony

Actiura,

to

fled

Egypt.

Octavian pursued him, but was obliged, on account of the


unfavourable season, to pass the winter in Samos (Suetonius,
It was not until the year B.c. 30 that he
made a land journey through Asia and Syria (Asiae SgriacqiLC
circuitu Aegyptum petit, Suetonius, Augustus, 17) to Egypt,

Augustus, 17).

where, on 1st August

B.c.

30, before the gates of Alexandria,

he engaged in a battle in whicli Antony was beaten, while


the same time his fleet went over to Octavian.

Antony and Cleopatra took away their own


and Octavian became supreme and absolute sovereign

quence of
lives,

this,

Eoman

over the whole of the


'Plxita.Tch,

Antonius, 6986.

Eischer, Zeittafeln,

370

p.

empire (Dio Cassius,

Compare

Actium and the death


August

b.c.

He

had been

and prevented the

114;

f.).

battle

Antony, from September

30, a certain Q. Didius

governor of Syria.
ships which

of

li.

ad ann. 30;

Clinton,

During the period that elapsed between the


to

at

In conse-

incited the

Arab

Antony

built for

gladiators,

is

b.c.

of

31

said to have been


tribes

to

burn the

in the Arabian Gulf,

who sought

to

proceed from

Cyzicus to the aid of Antony, from passing over into Egypt,


in
li.

which King Herod


7

had

been

appointed

lent

also

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

by

6. 7).

him

Antony

It

assistance (Dio Cassius,

seems that

but

after

this

the

Didius

battle of

Actium, when he saw that the cause of Antony was

lost,

he

joined the party of Octavian.

Toward the end

of b.c.

30 Octavian returned back again

from Egypt to Syria, and now

for the

first

time had

alTairs

346

THE KOMAN-HEODIAN AGE.

there thoroughly well arranged (Dio Cassius,

winter of

30-29 was

B.c.

M. Messala Corvinus,

B.c.

whom

Those gladiators

The

18).

li.

spent by Octavian in Asia.

29.

Didius had prevented from taking

part in the campaign in Egypt, were driven about into various


places,

and

ultimately

consul

Corvinus,

Messala must

by

slain

the year

of

Messala,

B.c.

M. Messala

i.e.

31 (Dio Cassius,

therefore have been governor

of

li.

7).

Syria after

Didius.

M. Tullius

Cicero, B.c. 28(?).

From Appian,

we know

Civ. iv. 51,

that

M.

Tullius Cicero,

the son of the great orator, after he had held the office of

consul for the year

But

administration.

make him

follow

immediately

ing the year


1 Aufl. p.

114

741
f.),

ship undetermined

Appian are

and

to set

A.U., or

but

now

{Pk,es

The

gestae

'Ex<

iKii-JOtg

otuTOV

Ti ivvc, ciTriCpnve kcci

Mommsen

leaves the date of his governor-

gestae,

2 Aufl.

inscription

p.

to the

165).

Kxlaxp,
v-yrxroy ov

Ig

The words

view of Schpflin

on which Cicero

now been proved to be not genuine


falsae n. 704*; Mommsen, itcs gestae
^^

sq.,

divi Augusti,

tioned as governor of Syria (OrelH, Inscr. Lot.

'npiot,

74

in the period follow-

13 {Res

B.c.

ii.

Messala.

after

him down

at least favourable

Zumpt.-^**

Zumpt,

478, and

Schpflin, p.

was formerly disposed

of

30, was appointed governor of Syria

B.c.

notliing can with certainty be said about the time of his

is

men-

572) has

{Corp. Inscr. Lat.

t.

x.

divi Augusti,^. 165,

a.voKoyl(X,i/ rij?

-ttoT^v

n.

Kix-epoi/o; SK^asa;,

varepou kxI "Svpixg arpxzYiyou.

Augustus had now the opportunity of making up to tne son for the
wrong done to his father, and he sought to do so as soon and as comHe would therefore give him a province as soon
pletely as possible.
as he could after his consulship, and not allow seventeen years or more
to pass.

HISTOllY OF

note).

Compare

711-719
In

THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

Drumann,

generally,

Pauly's Real-Encyclop.

vi.

pro-

between Augustus and the senate was carried

out.

all

the provinces through

But now he gave a part of them back

his legates.

senate, reserving to

was

which was

Syria,

of

attacks

which

the

provinces,

were

frontier, could not


1''

Compare on
12

be

to the

himself only the more important, that

Among

those which were most difficult to manage.

portant

liii.

vi.

fi'.).

partition of the

Augustus had hitherto administered

latter

Horns,

Gescliiclite

2232

Roman

27 the well-known

B.c.

vinces

is,

2.

347

in

and

constantly
left

itself

one of the most im-

which, on
threatened

account

on

its

important modifications which

of

the

eastern

without a strong military guard.^^

this partition of the provinces, especially

also StralDO, xvii. p.

the

840

Suetonius, Augustus, 47.

Augu.^stus, pai^tly

now and

Die

Ca.ssius,

The

more

partly at a later

period (according to Fischer, Ram. Zeittafeln, p. 380, with reference to


the Western Provinces in B.c. 27-24, with reference to the Eastern

Provinces in
provinces

13-15

are

B.c.

22-19),

introduced into the

essentially as

administration of the

follows (compare especially. Die

Cassius,

Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. i., 2 Aufl. 1881,


pp. 543-557; and Mommsen, Rmisches Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. ii. 1. 217-246;
comi). also i. 303-308) :
(a) In regard to the senatorial provinces.
They were divided into
two classes into those that were administered by such as had been
consuls, and into those that were administered by such as had been
Only Africa and Asia were consular provinces, all the rest
I)raetors.
were praetorian
All governors, even if but for a year, were chosen by
lot.
The lex Pomi^cia of b.c. 52, however, required that at least five
years should elapse between their holding of the office in the capital
liii.

and their departure to their province.


The interval was frequently
longer.
The two consuls to whose turn the appointments came then cast
lots for the two consular provinces, Africa and Asia (those to whom the
appointments fell were not always the oldest consuls
see Zippel, Die
Losung der konsularischen Prolconsuln in der frheren Kaiserzeit, Knigsberg, Progr. 1883).
In like manner the praetors chosen for provincial

appointments cast lots for praetorian provinces (particulars in regard to


them, however, are not certainly known). The governors of the senatorial provinces had all the title of proconsuls, whether they had before
been consuls or only praetors
but the proconsuls of Africa and Asia
liad twelve lictors, the others only six.
None of the governors of senatorial provinces had an army at their command, but only a small

348

THE ROMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.

Varro,

down

to b.c.

23.

Immediately before Agrippa bad been sent


(in B.c. 23), a certain

Varro

(Josepbus, Antiq. xv.

10.

Whetber
tbat
tain

of the Jews,

20.

i.

4).

of

name can no longer be determined. It is equally uncerwben be first went to Syria. Zumpt, Commentt. epigr.

referred to
p.

Wars

was one of tbe otberwise well-known bearers

tbis

7578,

ii.

spoken of as governor of Syria

is

tbe East

to

identifies

our Varro

by Dio Cassius,

205, who in

witb the Terentius Varro


25, and Strabo,

liii.

iv.

6.

7,

25, as legate of Augustus, subdued tbe

b.c.

Salassi, a nation of Gallia

Transpadana, and, at least accord-

ing to Zumpt's conjecture, died in

b.c.

24.

Zumpt

therefore

assigns his administration of Syria to tbe years b.c. 2826.^^

An

garrison sufficient for the purpose of maintaining order.

exception

was made only in the case of Africa, where a legion was stationed,
which, however, was subsequently put under the charge of the legate of
Numidia.
They, too, were divided into
(6) In regard to the imperial provinces.
those administered by such as had been consuls and those administered by such as had been praetors, and, besides, there were some which
were administered by simple knights. All the governors were nominated
independently by the emperor, on whose pleasure it depended solely how
long their term of office should be. The governors of consular provinces
(to which also Syria belonged), as well as those of praetorian provinces,
were called legati Augusti pro praetore (Dio Cassius, liii. 13 roi/i Is hipov;

v-TTo

TS iocvTOv xlpuadcii Kxl -Trpiasvrccg etvrov ecurtarpxryi'yov; rs

fix^iaSxi, Kccu
is

found:

ix,

Ti)i>

vTrxTiVA-oruv uai^ hiirx^e.

LEG AVG PR PR

On

Among

6t/o-

the inscriptions

later modifications of this rule, see

Waddington, Inscriptions de la Sijrie, Explanations to Nos. 2212 and


2602), and all of them had five lictors (not six, as formerly was supposed,
on the ground of a false reading of Dio Cassius; see against that, Momm-

Marquardt, Saatsverwaltung, i. 550). As distinsen, Staatsrecht, i. 308


guished from governors of the senatorial provinces, and to indicate
their military authority, they had the paludamentum, and wore a
;

sword.
^^ In.

Zumpt

the blank that has hitherto existed between Varro and Agrippa,
But inasmuch as Zumpt makes the

places C. Sentius Saturninus.

Tiburtine inscription (see below, under Quirinius) refer to Saturninus, he


assumes for that officer two separate terms in the governorship of Syria,
of which the first embraced the years B.c. 26-23.

HISTORY OF THE EOMAN PKOVINCE OF SYRIA.

But Joseplms

decidedly that our Varro was

affirms

when Augustus
onitis/^ which Zumpt
Syria

and

On

the other hand,

still

in

of Trach-

district

end

correctly places at the

24

of b.c.

Varro must then have been

still

in

so cannot be identical with that Terentius Varro.

Mommsen's view

Varro may have

that

Herod the

gifted to

or beginning of B.c. 23.


Syria,

349

improbable

for

been

{Res gestae,

legate

p,

1G5

sq.),

is

also

Agrippa,

of

Josephus places Varro in the period preceding

that of Agrippa's stay in the East.

M. Agri-ppa,
In

B.c.

23-13.

B.c.

23 Augustus sent M. Agrippa,

and counsellor, who soon

law, to Syria (Dio Cassius,


as "

friend

Josephus describes him

32),

liii.

his trusted

21, became his son-in-

after, in B.c.

the representative of Caesar in the countries beyond the

Ionian Sea" (Antiq. xv. 10. 2: tiov iripav 'loviov 8t,dSo^o<;

He had

KataapC).

more

therefore evidently very extensive powers

than an ordinary legatus

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

3. 3,

T^? ^Aala^) for ten years, that

Ttav eVt

did

not,

from

23

to B.c.

B.c.

(tlie StoLK't]cn<i

down

is,

indeed, go to Syria in

.c\grippa

According to

Caesaris.

he held this position

to B.c. 13.

23, but waited

B.c.

21 in Mitylene, on the island

and then returned

Eome

to

(Dio

Ca.ssius,

liii.

of Lesbos,

32,

liv.

Snetomns, Augustus, 66; comp. Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 2


Fischer,

Bom.

Zeittafeln, pp.

for five years in the


till

B.c.

17

or

Cassius,

liv.

Fischer,

Rom.

where he

19, 24,

28

Then he was engaged

388, 392).

to

the East

B.c.

13 (Dio

West, and did not again go

16,

remained

till

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

2.

He was

13. Z,fin.
therefore

by

no means during the ten years always even in the East,

let

'*

Zeittafeln, pp.

402-408).

Augustus commanded Varro to root out the robber bands of Tracliand at the same time gave the government of the district to Herod.

onrtis,

Compare Josephus, Antiq.

xv. 10.

Kociaxp

5e

vivixivruv Toxn'^v di/ri-


350

THE EOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

alone iu Syria.

But

since, to use

the phrase of

Mommsen,

Agrippa's position was more that of a collega minor than that


of

an

{Res gestae,

acljittor

p.

164), he

by means of

duties in absentia

official

he actually did send his legates in


vTToa-TpaTijyovi,

Dio Cassius,

liii.

fore during this period, at least

1713,

Augustus

Bom.
10. 3

M.

to

during

to

Zeittafeln,
;

Wars of

2119

b.c.

East (Dio Cassius,

pp.

392-396.

the Jews,

b.c.

He

is

there-

2321 and

b.c.

i.

liv.

7-10;

Fischer,

Comp. Josephus, Antiq.

xv.

20. 4).

Titius, about B.c. 10.

liouie (probably in b.c.

Herod),

M.

Nothing more

10

8.

definite

administration.

was

Titius

(Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

6).

see below at

He was

15, the Chronology

governor

of

consul in

b.c.

Syria
31.

can be said about the date of his

Compare regarding him,

Sentius Saturninus,

Titius

his third journey to

appointed

p. 748; Mommsen, Res gestae


Real-Encyclop. vi. 2. 2011 f.

C.

Syria.

occurred the two years' visit

the

About the time when Herod made


of

and so indeed

23 from Lesbos (tou?

to be regarded as governor of Syria.^^

During the period


of

B.c.

32)

could discharge his

legates,

B.C.

div.

Strabo, xvi. 1. 28,

Aug.

p.

166; Pauly's

96.

was succeeded by Sentius Saturninus (Josephus,

Antiq. xvi.

9. 1),

who had

held the

office of

consul in

B.c.

19.

Josephus names alongside of him also Volumnius as Kaiaapo^


rjye/j,cov.

But Volumnius must certainly have been suber-

ic Mommsen {Res gestae,


pp. 163-165) regards the statement of Josephus,
referred to in the text, as inaccurate to this extent, that Agrippa -'as
clothed with a sort of regency for the whole kingdom, for the West no less

than for the East.

Yet even

Mommsen

admits that Agrippa exercised

this ofhce of regency at the Lidding of the

emperor and in the place of

-So
sonietimes in the East, sometimes in the West.
far the statement of Josephus is not wholly unjustifiable {aliquatenus

imj)erial legates,

excusat ur).

HISTORY OF THE EOMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


dinate to Saturniniis, since the supreme

was always in one hand.

command

Sentius Saturninus

to in Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 10. 8, 11. 3

P. Quinctilius Varus,

The immediate
subsequent

is

also referred

xvii. 1. 1, 2. 1, 3. 2.

was Quinctilius

successor of Saturninus

consul in

xvii. 5. 2),

undertook

period

in a province

64.

b.c.

Varus (Josephus, Antiq.


a

351

the

13,

B.c.

who

at

campaign

disastrous

From evidence afforded by the coins (as


Doctr. Num. Vet. iii. 275 Miouuet, v. 156), it

against Germany.

shown
is

in Eckhel,

proved that Varus was governor of Syria in the years 25, 26,

The

2 7 of the aera Actiaca.

with 2nd September

as that era begins

autumn

b.c.

twenty-fifth year of the acrciAciiaca,

7 to autumn

b.c.

gone to Syria at least before autumn


there

till

Uompare in regard

i.e.

him

to

also,

B.c.

fair

amount

but he remained

(?).

3-2 there
But

of probability

no direct evidence

is

may

it

be concluded with

from a passage in Tacitus, that

about this time P. Sulpicius Quirinius, consul in


appointed governor

Tacitus

Syria.

of

xvii. 9.

summer of b.c. 4, or longer.


Mommsen, Res gestae, p. 160.

3-2

about any governor of Syria.


a

the

till

r. Sulpicius Quirinius, B.c.

During the period

b.c.

Herod (Josephus, Antiq.

after the death of

10, 1, 10. 9, 11. 1),

3,

31, extends from

b.c.

Varus must therefore have

6.

in

b.c.

48, expressly records the death of Quirinius in A.D. 21


Tiber,

iv.,

account of

Drus.

him

ii.),

xii.

6. 5, p.

(coss.

Consulatum sub divo Augusto, mox expugnatis

castellis

insignia triuviphi adept us,

Gaio Caesari Armeniani

569,

tells

Strabo,

'EK6ivov<i Be (tov^ 'Ofiova-

2''
The following Avords
Tiherium
Mommsen, Ees gestae, p. 174 sq., to be
:

but with what

optinenti.'^^

the story of the war with the Ilomona-

densians in the following words

before,

iii.

and on that occasion gives the following

per Ciliciam Homonadcnsium


datusque rector

was

12,

the Annals,

follow.s.

coluerat,

arc.

accordinfr to

connected, not with what goea

THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

352

Sea?) K.vptvLO'i i^eTropdrjae Xl/xm Kai rerpaKia'^ikiov'i avBpa<;


i^ooyprjcre

koX avvwKtaev ei?

airekiTrev

eprjjxov

rwv

conquered

previously

which the honour

iv

iyyvi

Ta<;
aKfifj.

Homonadensians,

the

had been appointed by

Armenia

')((i)pav

therefore

B.c.

Bom.

had

on account of
this

12, but before he

C. Caesar, his counsellor,

in A.D. 3 (Fischer,

war could not

Be

triumph had been accorded him, and

of a

indeed took place after his consulship in

in

7ro\et?, ttjv

Quirinius

on his arrival

But a

Zeittafeln, p. 430).

any time be carried on except by the governor

at

war was being

of that province in which or from which the

Quirinius must therefore have been then governor

conducted.

of that province

to

which the Homonadensians belonged, or

from which the war against them proceeded.

Seeing that the

Homonadensians occupied the Taurus Mountains, we might


have to do with the

But

Cilicia, Syria.

set aside, because

of Asia, Pamphylia, Galatia,

23i'ovinces

of these the first three

they had

could not carry on a war.'^

And

further, Cilicia

at that time only a part of the province


this agrees the

Geburtsjahr
p.

172

sq.),

were, no

pp.

57-61

was probably

epigr.

and Mommsen,

at least it was, as also

ii.

9598;

lies

gestae,

Pamphylia and Galatia

consular province, whereas Quirinius led the war

against the

Homonadensians

as

one wlio had been consul.

Now, one who had been a consul was never


torian

at once

of Syria (and with

judgments of Zumpt, Commentt.

Christi,

must be

no legions, so that their governors

province,

been a praetor.

sent to a prae-

which was administered by one who had

The only conclusion then that remains

is

that

Quirinius at the time of that

war with the Homonadensians

But

since this governorship belongs

was governor
21

(ed.

Compare
Bekker,

of Syria.^^

in reference to Asia, also Joseph us,

Wars

of the Jews,

ii.

16.

v. 184. 1-2).

In what relation the Homonadensians stood to the Eomans before


by Quirinius it is ditScult to determine, and for our object
They probably stood even before that time under
it is of no importance.
the suzerainty of the governor of Cilicia resp. Syria, if we may assume
22

their conquest

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


period before the year A.D.

the

to

he had been

before

Armenia,

it

to

it

to

the period

appointed counsellor to C.

Caesar in

3,

is,

cannot be identical with the one of

The only

by Josephus.

to

that

353

A.D. 6, referred

date, therefore, that

we can

assign

the interval between Varus and C. Caesar, that

is

is,

B.c. 3-2.23

It is

wholly on this combination, in regard to which Zunipt,

Commentt.

epigr.

9098;

ii,

and Mommsen, Ees

43-62;

Geburtsjahr Christi, pp.

Aug.

gestae div.

p.

172

are thoroughly

sq.,

agreed that the assumption of an earlier governorship than


that of A.D.

6, referred

by Josephus,

to

based (for a

is

full

statement of Zumpt's theory, see note in Wieseler, Chrono-

129-135).

logical Synopsis, pp.

some have sought


prove

anything

to

make

material

For the inscription, which

use of in this question, cannot

to

the

point

indeed, prove that the individual to

But whether

governor of Syria. ^^
Quirinius

is

open

the inscription.

at

whom
it

to question, since the

issue.

it

is

refers

be

to

name

It

is

does,

was twice

applied

to

not given in

The main ground upon which Mommsen and

others have referred

it

to Quirinius

is

just that they regard

the fact of Quirinius having been twice governor to be proved

tliat

the former was part of the latter.

Cjuirinius carried on the

war against

it

But even if this were not the case,


from Syria, and as llie governor of

Syria.
'^^
During the period between Agrippa and Titiiis, if indeed there was
an interval between the two, this war could not have taken place because,
at least as a rule, the imperial provinces also were apportioned a considerable time after the administration of the civic office, in this case the
;

consulship.
2*

Yet even

this

may

be doubted.

See Strauss,

Di<:

Halben urul die

Ganzen, p. 75 f.
Wieseler, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der Ew.
Rud. Hilgenftld, Zeitschrift fr wisscnschaftl. Tlicologie, 1880,
p. 41 f.
98-114. The last-named especially seeks to show that the iterum is to
I)p.
Ite

connected only with

mean

leg.

pr. pr. divi Augusti,

that the person referred

and can accordingly only

when he became

a second time legatus


Augusti, was intrusted with the administration of Syria. See in opposition
to this,

DlV.

Mommsen,
I.

VOL.

I.

Res

to,

gestae, p. 162.

354

TPIE

ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

from other sources, that

therefore

to

be

upon the

based

contrary, the application

The

from Tacitus and Josephus.

is,

was twice governor of Syria

theory that Quirinius

inscription,

but,

is

not

on

the

the inscription to Quirinius

of

is

based upon the proof, elsewhere obtained, that he held the


governorship a second time."

C. Caesar, B.c. 1-a.d.

In the year

B.c.

1,

(?).

that

is,

753, Augustus sent his

A.u.c.

grandson, C. Caesar, son of Agrippa and Julia,

now

eighteen

years of age, to the East, in order to compel the Parthians

and Armenians, who refused any longer

to

authority of Rome, again to yield submission.


of all to Egypt, then, probably,

first

2*

The

was found in

still

recognise

the

Caesar went

before the end of

1764 in the neighbourhood of


first time.
Sanclemente
{De vulgaris aerae emendatione, 1793, pp. 414-426) applied it to Quirinius.
He was followed in this by Borghesi, Henzen, Nipperdey, Bergmann,
Mommsen, Gerlach. On the other hand, Zumpt {Commentt. qngr. ii.
109-125 Geburt^ahr Christi, pp. 72-89) refers it to C. Sentius Saturninus.
Zumpt founds his refusal to apply it to Quirinius mainly on the
fact that he had been proconsul for Africa {Commentt. epigr. ii. 115 sq.
Geburtsjahr Christi, pjj. 80-83).
lonimsen contests this, and endeavours,
on the other hand, to show that Sentius Saturninus was proconsul for
Africa {Res gedae div. Aug. pp. 168, 170 sq.). This latter statement would
tell decidedly against Saturninus, the former against Quirinius, seeing
that one and the same per^son could never be proconsul for Africa and
for Asia (see above, p. 347), the latter of which offices the person referred
inscription

a.D.

Tibur, and in a.D. 1765 was published for the

We must therefore still leave the question


to in the inscription held.
here raised in suspenso, but give in full the half of the text of the inscription (see the whole of it in Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. xiv. n. 3613), with the
words and

letters supplied

helium

by Mommsen

cum

ge^sit

sium

quae

homonaden-

gente

amyntam

interfecerat

imp. caesaris
rEGEM QVA REDACTA IN VOTestatem
dis immortalihu
AVGVSTI POPVLIQVE ROMANI SENATVs
SVPPLICATIONES BINAS OB RES VROSFere ab eo gestas et
decreuit
TRIVMPHaim
IPS'!
ORNAMENTA
PRO CONSVL ASIAM PROVINCIAM OVtimdt legatus pr. pr.
DIVI AVGVSTI iTERVM SYRIAM ET VBoenir^ optinuit.

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVLNrE OF SYRIA.


the year

without, however, entering Palestine

1, to Syria,

b.c.

There he remained probably during

(Suetonius, Aikj. 93).

the year A.D. 1, and then


in A.D.

went onward against the

and against the Armenians in

2,

had succeeded in putting matters


back

A.D.

Annals,

i.

Velleius

Pisanum.

Fischer,

A.D. 4.

Paterculus,

The date

3.

Cenotaphium

After he

Lycia (Zonaras,

Rom.

of

101102;

ii.

death

the

Tacitus,

according

Compare, Clinton, ad ann.


Zeittafeln, pp.

426431).

to

the

B.c.

According

to Zonaras, x.

36, C. Caesar had proconsular authority

e^ovaiav avTa>

rrjv

vii.

3,

36;

x.

10a, where he introduces a quotation from

I)io Cassius, Iv.

Xiphilinus

Partliians

3.

homeward journey, on

his

at Liniyra in

4,

a.d.

Augustus called him

right,

But he died on

llome.

to

21st February

355

avOvirarov ehcoKev)

(jr)v

according to Orosius,

he was sent ad ordinandas AegTjpti Syriaeque provincias ;

according to Suetonius, Tiberius, 12, he was Oricnti praepositiis.

He must

therefore have held during this period the admini-

Compare Mommsen, Res

stration of Syria.

Zumpt, Geburtsjahr
this view,

Christi, pp.

165.

gestae, p.

32-40, decidedly opposes

because he assumes that, in addition to C. Caesar,

ordinary legati Augusti were also then present in the imperial

only that Caesar had the right of independent

provinces,

having authority wherever he went superior to the

action,

Zumpt depends

governors of the provinces concerned.

support to this opinion mainly upon the fact that,

were otherwise, Augustus would have renounced


the East,
will not

have

to

which

is

by any means stand the

test

also

even

Zumpt

to

be found in the
does

theory (which had

provinces,

not assume.
previously

for

the

power in

argument

we should

Irgati Caesaris

which,

In favour of

been

all

this

for then

suppose that, besides Agrippa. ordinary

were

forth

But

not to be supposed.

however,

]\Iommscn's

most part

by Baronius in his Annals, and by Schpflin)

some extent the circumstance that no

for

the case

if

legati Avgitsti

is

set
lo

of that

356

THE EOMAJSl-HERODIAN AGE.

period are

known

to us, although, considering

of our information, this

conclusive

and

of Orosius,

vii.

also,

3,

the scantiness

cannot be regarded as by any means

and much more decidedly, the testimony

that C. Caesar had been sent

Aegypti Syriaeque provinoias.

One cannot

see

ad ordinandas

why Augustus

should have assigned to him the ordering of the

Egypt and

had been already

Syria, if there

affairs

of

at that very time

imperial legates in those provinces.^^

Apart from these points, the positive conjectures of Zumpt


about the legates of Syria during that period are extremely

He

hazardous.

assumes

that

the

counsellors

(rcctores)

appointed for the youthful Caesar were always at the same

Such redores were, according

time governors of Syria.

Zumpt,
48);

of

last

of all P, Sulpicius Quirinius (Tacitus, Annals,

first

after

him, M. Lollius (Suetonius,

all,

Marcius Censorinus

C.

Tiberius, 12);

98-104, 107

ii.

But

Geburtsjahr Christi, pp.

counsellor of Caesar certainly not before, but


viz.

when Caesar was already

in A.D. 3,

Annals,

iii.

48

optinenti), Lollius

campaign in

Bom.

Lollius,

after

(Tacitus,

Armeniam

Caesari

Paterculus,

ii.

102).

173175.
On
It
pp. 428430.

gestae, pp.

Zeittafeln,

Compare

the

chronology,

is

particularly

questionable whether Censorinus ought to be reckoned


those rectores at
such.
-^

And,

'

sq.

Quirinius was

Armenia

in

Gaio

rector

ii.

having meanwhile died during the Parthian

A.D. 2 (Velleius

Aiommsen, Bes
Fischer,

datusque

iii.

and

(Velleius Paterculus,

Compare Zumpt, Commentt. epigr.


4043, 62-71.

102).

to

He

all.

finally, the

Under Germanicus

did indeed find place.

(see

But

is at least

among

never expressly named as

hypothesis

is

utterly without sup-

under date a.d. 17-19) such a state of matters


this cannot be regarded as a parallel case,

because the jealous, suspicious Tiberius sought to paralyze the power of

Germanicus by his
acting
^^

The whole

"Quo

legates,

whereas Augustus had no such reason for

so.

passage in Velleius Paterculus,

tempore M.

Lolli,

quem

veluti

ii.

102, runs as follows

moderatorem juventae

fili

sui

357

HISTORY OF THE ROMAJST PROVINCE OF SYRIA,


port, that these rectores

were at the same time governors of

Syria.

Z.

Volusius Saturninus, A.D. 45.

Consul suffectus in

was governor

Num.

12.

From

a coin

we know

35

of the

Actian

of Syria in the year

corresponds to
Doctr.

B.C.

iii.

autumn 757-758
275

sq.;

Mionnet,

P. Sidpicius Quirinius, A.D. 6

era, which
4-5 (Eckhel,

a.u.c, or a.D.
v.

that he

156).

ff.

After the banishment of Archelaus, ethnarch of Judea, in


A.D. 6, P. Sulpicius

Quirinius went to Syria, and immediately

on his arrival took the census in Judea (Josephus, Antiq.


xvii.

13.

xviiL

1.

1, 2.

1).

How

governor of Syria cannot be determined.


to his operations in

regarded

he continued

Eeference

is

made

Syria in an inscription which was long

ungenuine, but

as

long

has

now been proved

to

be

undoubtedly genuine by the discovery of the second half of

Mommsen, Ephemeris epigraphica, vol.


1881, pp. 537542; also, Lecoultre, De
cens2i Quiriniano, Lausannae 1883, pp. 4851; a facsimile
of the restored piece in De Rossi, Ballcttino di arclieologia
cristiana, 1880, tav. ix., comp, p, 174).
On the inscription
one Q. Aemilius Q. or Pal, Secundus says of himself among
jussu Quirini ce7isnrii egi Apamenae civitatis
other things
millium homi'n(u/n) civium CXVII.
Idem missu Quirini
it

in

the original (see especially,


iv.

adversus Ituraeos in Lihano m,onte castelbim eorum

cepi.

Augustus esse voluerat, peifida et plena subdoli ar versuti animi consiiia,


per Parthum iudicata Caesari, fama volgavit. Cujus mors intra paucos
dies fortuita an vuluntaria fuerit ignore.
Scd ([uam hunc decessisse
laetiti lioniines, tani

paulo post obissa Ce.nsorinum in iisdcm provinciis

The words
"in iisdem provinciis" are certainly in favour of tbe suppositions tbiit
Censorinus had the same office as Lollius.
graviter tulit civitas, viruin denierendis hominibus genitura."

358

THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

Q. Caccilius Creticus Silam'.s, A.D.

Consul in

A.D. 7.

That

the latest in a.d. 11,


the Actian era, that

Sanclemente,

(so

Docir.

Num.

Other coins

In accordance with

this, Tacitus,

Mommseu,

ii.

42,

The

belongs to

era,

Annals,
17.

4; Josephus, Antiq.

of

latest

43,

ii.

Com-

xviii. 2.

4;

166.

lies gestae, p.

Tiberius, 1 9th

2,

years

by Eckhel,

records the recall of Silanus by Tiberius in A.D.

pare also, Tacitus, Annals,

10-11

or a.D.

for the

276; Mionnet, v. 156-159.


of the year 47 of the Actian

iii.

1617.

A.tJ.c.,

Actian era were given

of the

these coins, that


A.D.

autumn 76376-4

348).

p.

43, 44, 45, 47

he went to Syria as governor at

proved by a coin of the year 41 of

is

is,

11-17.

Aug.

14-16^A March

A.D.

A.D. 37.

Cn. Calpurnius Fiso, A.D. 17-19.

In the year

a.d.

17, probably toward the end of the year,

nephew and adopted son Germanicus

Tiberius sent his

to the

East that he might look to the settlement of various matters.

He

obtained higher powers than the governors of the pro-

vinces to which he went (decreto

mari dividuntur, majusque imperium, quoquo

provinciae quae

quam

adisset,

year

and in

ii.

At the same

his place Cn. Calpurnius Piso, consul in the

was appointed governor

Syria, a

violentus

Germanicus

Annals,

went

Troy,

He

and

Ehodes, and

man

of a

et

dbsequii

Greece, where

in the

43).

ii.

first

beginning of the year


consulship.

was

time Silanus

of

7,

ignariis, Tacitus,

to

ant missu principis obtinerent.

sorte

43).

and unbending character (ingenio

b.c.

violent

qui

iis

Tacitus, Annals,
recalled,

patrum permissae Germanico

of

A.D.

all

to

18 he entered on

his

then passed over to Byzantium

proceeded

west

along

from thence

to

Armenia.

the

Ionian

second

and then
coast

to

After he had put

matters there to rights, he went to Syria, where Piso had

359

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


already

(Tacitus, Annals,

year

the

53-57).'*

ii.

character of Piso, hostilities between


avoided.

Yet these outbursts had

no ulterior consequences (Tacitus, Annals,

first

In

him

before

ariived

Owing to the violent


them could not long be

at

57-58).

ii.

19 Germanicus undertook a journey

A.D.

to

Egypt, chiefly to inquire into the antiquities of that country


(Tacitus, Annals,

Syria he

fell

ii.

of

after

upon Piso

Clinton, Fasti Romani,

Even

commanded by Germanicus
ii.

to

before

Syria,

to

Common

(Tacitus, Annals,

p. 4).

i.

Germanicus occurred, Piso had quitted

Annals,

he returned

sick, and died on 9th Oct. A.D. 19.

report charged his death

73

Soon

5961).

69-

ii.

tlie

death

having been

leave the province (Tacitus,

70).

19-21.

On. Sentius Saturninus, A.D.

After the death of Germanicus his generals transferred the

supreme command

to Cu. Sentius Saturninus, consul in A.D.


ii.

obtained in

neighbourhood of the

the

P>ut

74).

Piso,

intelligence of the death of Germanicus,

take

violent

possession

of

island

of

Cos the

and now resolved

He

Syria.

-t

on his return voyage,

(Tacitus, Annals,

landed

in

to

Cilicia,

gained possession of the stronghold of Celenderis (KeXivSepi'i,


Strabo, pp. 670,

Wars of the

Jeis,

760
i.

compare Josephus, Antiq.

xvii.

5.

was obliged there, on surrender-

31. 3), but

ing to Sentius, to agree to the condition that he should return


to

Pome

(Tacitus, Annals,

ii.

75-81).

the beginning of the year A.D.


friends of

Rome

in

Germanicus, but avoided condenination by com-

long Sentius

He

known.

reached

20, was there accused by the

mitting suicide (Tacitus, Annals,

How

He

is

iii.

8-15.)

Saturninus remained in

Syria

is

not

referred to as legatus Cacsaris in an inscription

*' Yet Piso cannot have reached Syria before the year a.D. 18, since lie
had met with Germanicus on his outward journey at Rhode.s (TacitUH,

Annals,

ii.

5).

360

THE ROMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

found

the borders of Syria and Cilicia, on

Nicopolis, on

at

the Gulf of Issus, which at the earliest belongs


21, Tiber,

A.D.

573,

iv.

According

1336).

n.

{Ephemeris epigraph,

cos.

to the year

vol.

to this inscription, it

v.

1884,

p.

would seem

that he had been also formally appointed governor of Syria


for it is in this sense probably that the title legatus
is

to be understood (see

Z. Aelius Lamia,

Mommsen's remarks

down

without
(Tacitus

Suetonius, Tiberius, 41,

repeatedly

them

to

qua haesitatione postremo

measure

this

L.

Aelius Lamia

Tacitus, in his Annals,


lar

80

i.

wi.

ccnsorio

eo provectus est, ut

among

We

derat.

et

erat passurus).

27, has given the following particu-

celcbrata,

33) mors Aelii

(a.D.

qui administrandae Suriacr

Genus Uli decorum,

non permissa provincia dignationem addi-

from

see

manda-

others was affected.

imagine tandem exsohitus urbi praefuerai.


vivida senectus

legates

go to their provinces

account of his death: Extremo anni

Zamiae funere

this

that Aelius Lamia, immediately

he had been released from the imago administrandae

after

Suriae,
Syria,

hold

appointed

quibusdam provincias, quos egrcdi urbe nan

verit

By

allowing

actually

32.

to A.D.

From the Annals of Tacitus,


63, we know that Tiberius

Caesaris

as above).

i.e.

from

the nominal, not actual, administration of

was appointed praefectus

Piso, see

Dio Cassius,

TeXevTi'iaavra STjfioaia
j(api^ero'

TrpoTTuXai

19

Iviii.

He

did not, however,

rou re Ulacova rov

avr

avTov

Aafxiav

'Xvpic^^ irpocrTa^a^i Kurel'^ev ev

Iviii.

19, died in a.D.

av6et\,eT0,

rfj 'PcofXTj.

then that Piso, according to Tacitus, Annals,


Cassius,

'7To\iap-)(ov

Ta<^^ erlfirjaev, OTrep irov Kal aWoii;

Aovklov

Kal
rfj

urbi.

praefectus urbi until after the death of L.

tlie office of

vi.

ov

Seeing

10, and

Dio

32, Aelius Lamia must have

been appointed praefectus urbi in that year, and was therefore

up

to that date, at
^^

least in

name, governor of Syria (Zumpt,

So Dindorf reads instead of arpx~ii.

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.


Commenit.
265).

e'pvjr.

contradict

to

131

ii.

Josephus, in

Agrippa

liis

became king

before he

T.,

Cliristi,

pp.

184,

2-3, seems indeed

6.

He makes

view.

this

Gehurtsjahr

sq.;

Antiq. xviii.

361

the

statement that

of Judea, once paid a visit

Poraponius Flaccus, governor of Syria, and successor of

to

Aelius Lamia (see below), and that then, after


tures

by the way, he returned

Rome, and

to

been for some time resident in Eome, charged his freed-

liad

man Eutychus

with

theft,

and had him brought up before

Piso as 'praefe.ctus urbi (Antiq. xviii. 6,


fore at first sight necessary to

5).

It

made governor

apparently Lamia could not have held the

of Syria,

down

oflice

to

But, in truth, on closer examination of the facts

tliat date.

argumentation

this

seems there-

assume that Flaccus some time

before the death of Piso had been


for

many adven-

there, after he

particular Piso before

Antiq. xviii.

6.

will not

be

found convincing.

whom Eutychus

That

was brought (Josephus,

5) cannot possibly have been the Piso

who

died in A.D. 32, since the occurrence referred to took place,


as will be

shown

farther on, under the history of Agrippa, in

18, in the year a.D. 36.^^

another Piso,

who

at a

We

later

have here then to do with

period,

A.D.

36-37, held the

been urged mainly by Wieseler in his controversy against


See Wieseler, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der Ew., eec. 8, Anni. Betveis des Glauhensiov 1870, April
no. p. ]70 (there Wieseler assumes that Flaccus "had entered Syria somewhere about A.D. 27"). Theolog. Studien und Kritiken, 1875, pp. 533-535.
3" It lias

Keini's chronology of the life of Jesus.


;

^^

In order to support his opinion that the Piso alluded to by Josephus

was he who died in a.D. 32, Wieseler is obliged


have recourse to very rpicstionable hypotheses. 1. He is obliged to
assume that between the apprehension of Eutychus and his trial before
Tiberius no less than four years had passed, a.u. 32-36, for undoubtedly
in his Antiq. xviii. 6. 5

to

the trial did not take place before the

death of Tiberius (Aiitiq. xviii.

autumn

of a.D. 36, half a year

before

tlie

Keim

in the Protestant. Kirchenzeitung, 1869, No. 51, col. 1218, rightly

declares that this

Glaubens, 1870,

is

6.

Jf^ars of the Jens,

l^iso

is

9. 5).

contrary to fact while Wieseler in the Bevoeis des


firmly stands by his statement.
2. He is obliged,
;

p. 169,

however, to make a violent alteration of the text of Josephus.

Kme

ii.

imiiiedi.uely thereafter, in Antiq.

xviii. 6. 10,

For

this

once again

362

THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

office ol praefectus urhi^' so

that mention of

nothing

of

the

to

succeeded

solution

Lamia.

We

the

him contributes

question

must accordingly

when Flaccus

confine ourselves

wholly to the statements of Tacitus, which represent Lamia


as occupying his

nominal

office

of governor of Syria

the date of his entrance upon his civic prefecture,

When

32.^

A.D.

we cannot

the governorship

determine.

He

as is evident from

time,

" TTpoiraXat " of


referred to,

Dio

to

up

to

was conferred upon him

had held

the "

i,e.

up

it

certainly for a long

tamdem" of Tacitus and the

Cassius.**

and that in connection with the spring of the year

after the death of Tiberius.

Wieseler therefore strikes

tlie

A.D. 37,

name out

of

that passage (Beweis des Glaubens, 1870, p. 168 Beitrge, p. 8 f.). 3. He


is also obliged to make a further alteration in the text.
For Josephus
;

5. 3, that Agrippa had gone to Rome


only a year before the death of Tiberius {eutxvru Trponpov ij nhivriiactt
Tiepiov), i.e. not in a.D. 32, but in a.D. 3b'.
In this case Wieseler by an
alteration of the text reads instead of one year several years (Beitrge, p.
13 f. Beweis des Glaubens, 1870, p. 169). Compare on the other side,
In opposition
Xeira, Protestant. Kirchenzeit ang, 1869, No. 51, col. 1217.

says expressly, in his Antiq. xviii.

generally to Wieseler, see also Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu, 2 Aufl.
1874, pp. 84-87.
iii. 325 sq.
Mommsen, Index zu Plin.
Henzen, Acta fratrum Arvalium (1874), Index, p.
180 sq. In regard to others of the name of Piso belonging to that same
period, see Mommsen, Ephemeris epigr. i. 143-151, 226 sq.
^^ Gerlach
(pp. 49-52) assumes that Flaccua had gone to Syria as early

2^

So

also Borghesi, Oeuvres,

Kpist., ed. Keil, p. 405.

as a.D. 22.

He

xviii. 6. 1-3,

and Suetonius,

supports his opinion by reference to Josephus, Antiq.


Tiberius, 42.

But from the former passage

it

does not follow, as Gerlach wishes to make out, that the visit of Agrippa
to Flaccus was made in a.D. 24, soon after the death of Drusus, who died
in a.D. 23

and in the

with the words

ment

latter passage the confestim is to

restrict the period of ofl&ce of

to postulate

be connected only

Pisoni praefecturam urbis detulit, whereby the state-

loses all its force as a proof passage.

permit us to

and

The words of Tacitus do not


Aelius Lamia to two years,

between his ceasing to hold the post of governor and

his appointment to the office of city prefect a lengthened interval.

Ger-

lach himself at a later period abandoned this view (Zeitschrift fr luther.


Theologie, 1869, p. 48).
^*

From

Syria,

in

is

Luke

the fact that about a.D. 30 there was actually no governor in

to be explained the circumstance that


iii. 1.

no one

is

named

as such

mSTOIlY OF THE ROMAJi PEOVINCE OF SYRIA,

Pomponius

Z.

3235

Flaccus, A.D.

363

(?).

Since Lamia withdrew from the ofBce of governor of Syria

who had been

32, Flaccus,

in A.D.

The death

ceeded him in that year.

hy Tacitus

Annals,

his

in

consul

vi.

in

a.D.

17, suc-

of Flaccus is reported

27, in immediate connection

with the above passage about Aelius Lamia in the following

words

cxim (that

to say, after the death of Aelius

is

Lamia)

Flacco Fomponio Suriae pro praetore defuncto recitantur Caesaris


liierae,

quis incusabat egregium quemque

et

regendis exercitihus

idoneum abnuere id munus, seque ea necessiidine ad preces

decumum jam
among

oUitus Arruntium, ne in Hispaniam pergeret,

annum

Since Tacitus, however, mentions this

attineri.

year 33, the

events of the

the

cogi,

consularium aliqui capessere provincias adigerentur,

per quas

occur to the reader

Yet

entertained.

that the

is

And

during that year.

it

suggestion that would

first

death of Flaccus took place

this is the opinion almost universally

not to be regarded as by any means

is

impossible that Tacitus had gathered his facts about Lamia

and Flaccus from materials that had been supplied him, and
death of Flaccus did not occur

that the
date.**

In

fact.

Keim ^

till

subsequent

has raised the supposition to a high

degree of probability that Flaccus did not die before

In favour of

this

may

view

had been already detained

That Tacitus does not

1.

The remark

of

ten

years from going to his

only Uispania

cilerior

can be

in every case follow strictly the chronoloj'ical

shown, e.g., in Annals, xii. 23, where the death of King Agrippa
which occurred in A.D. 44, is mentioned among the occurrences of

order
I.,

for

By Hispania

province, Spain.

a.D. 35.

time of Flaccus' death, Arruntius

Tacitus, that then, at the

''^

be alleged

is

A.D. 40.
'^

Comp,

especially, Protestant. Kirchenzeitung, 1860, No. 51, col. 1216

also Geschichte Jesu,


vi. 231).

i.

628,

iii.

similar opinion

is

f.

zur VervMumjsgeschichte des rm. Kaiserreichs,


rmischen Provinzen (1888),

p.

f.;

(Engl, transl. Jesiis of Nazara, ii. 396,


al.(0 expressed by Liebenam, Forschungen

490

267.

Bd.

Die Legaten in den


364

THE IIOMAN-HERODTAN AGE.

intended
(see

become

Hispania

for

Tacitus,

Annals,

vacant before

was a senatorial province

ulterior

But that province did not

13).

iv.

25

A.D.

Annals,

(Tacitus,

iv.

45).

Accordingly the tenth year of Arruntius must correspond to


A.D. 35.

2.

Agrippa

went

I.

3 6 (iviavrm irporepov
xviii.

3), after

5.

rj

Kome

to

in the spring of the

reXevrrjaai Tiepiov, Josephus, Antiq.

having not long before visited Flaccus in

Syria (Josephus, Antiq.

xviii.

hindrances and delays that


Agrippa's journey to

Kome

(Josephus, Antiq.

If then, allowing for

2-3).

6.

may have
after his

occurred,

visit

34),

it

that Flaccus was in Syria in A.D. 35.

3'ear

xviii. 6.

be alleged in favour of taking

must

still

Finally,

35

A.D.

to Syria in A.D. 35, is thus

whereas

in the other case a

we

allow for

to Flaccus a

it

whole

be assumed

may

further

as the year of the

who

certainly

made immediately

to follow,

death of Flaccus, that his successor Vitellius,

went

year

vacancy must have occurred.

82

coin of Flaccus of the year

of the aera Caesariana,^^

786-787 A.u.C, or A.D. 33-34,


Hum. iii. 279; Mionnet, v. 167.

corresponding to autumn
given in Eckhel,

Compare
Beal

also

i)c^r.

Encyclopacdie,

1878

v.

Arvalium (1874), Index,


L.

Vitellius, A.D.

In

A.D.

in A.D.

p.

f.;

Tiberius,

Henzen,

42

Pauly's

Acta fratrum

195.

35-39.

35 Tiberius sent

L. Vitellius,

who had been

consul

34, father of the next emperor, as legate to Syria

(Tacitus, Annals,

behalf

Suetonius,

generally,

is

that, in

vi.

32).^^

Tacitus bears

contrast to his subsequent

testimony on his

manner

of

life,

he

"''
This era begins in autumn 705 a.u.c, eigliteen years earlier than tlie
Actian era. Compare Noris, Annus et ejjochae Syromacedonum, iii. ed. 4,
Lips. p. 162 sqq. SaTiclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, pp. 224
229. Eckhel, Dodrina Num. iii. 279 ff. Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologi-e,
i. 460 fF.
"*
From the words of Tacitns, "cunctis quae apud orientum parabantur

L. Vitellium praefecit,"

it

may perhaps

be assumed that Vitellius had

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

was blameless

his administration

in

of tlie

365

province

{eo

dc

homine haud sum ignarus sinistram in urbe famam, pleraque


foeda memorari, cetemm in regendis provinciis prisca virtute
egit).

In

Compare

39 he was recalled by

A.D.

appointed

Caligula,

Antiq.

lix.

27; Pliny,

vi.

2.

^zs^. Nat. xv.

f.

Liebenam,

F. Fetronius, A.D.

Forschungen

We

A.D.

zur
p.

Verwaltungs-

373.

37 24/ January

A.D.

41.

39-42.

been sent by Caligula into Syria in

Petronius had
39.

March

Caligula, 16^/i

2).^'''

8.

Dio Cassius,

83; Pauly's Real- Encyclopaedic,

geschichte des rmischen Kaiserreichs, 1 Bd.

3.

and Petronius
xviii.

generally, Suetonius, Vitellius, 2

also

2682

(Josephus,

successor

his

know from

a coin (given in Eckhel, Doctr.

A.D.

Num.

held under his authority a -wider region than the province of Syria.
Yet even Tacitus himself in the Annals, vi. 41, names him "praesea

Suriae;" as does also Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 4. 2 Ivp/x; r'!v ^ys^oi/zav


Dio Cassius, Ixix. 27 Pliny, Hist.
So, too, Suetonius, Vitellius, 2
'i^'^v.
He was therefore certainly governor of Syria, but had
Nat. XV. 83.
perhaps over and above this a more extensive authority.
^^ From what Josephus says, it would appear as if the I'ecall of Vitelliu.s
and the arrival of Petronius did not occur till the autumn of a.D. 40.
Petronius after his arrival went into winter quarters at Ptolemais
(Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 2). The negotiations bi'gun straightway with the
Jews took place during seed-time {Antiq. xviii. 8. 3, 8. 6), i.e. in November
or December see Winer, Realwrterhuch, li. 342. In regard to these matters
:

Petronius wrote to Caligula,

who received

the letter shortly before his death.,

which took place on 24th January a.D. 41, and answered it (Joseph u.*,
Antiq. xviii. 8. 89
ypi.-^u.t tu
x; tsA-i/t i^iu ov (htx xoAwv ^^ptov
Iltrpuviu rriv
Josephus seems therefore to set the arrival of
ivtaro'K'/jv).
Petronius in the autumn of a.D. 40.
According to the most decided
testimony of Philo, on the other hand {Lerjat. ad Cajum, 33, ed. Mangey,
ii. 583), Petronius was ah'eady in harvest time in Palestine, that is, in April
(see Winer, RealwM-terhuch, i. 340), and at the head of troops which he
had had time to bring across the Euphrates (Legat, ad Caja.?n, 31, ed.
Mangey, ii. 576).
He must therefore certaiidy have reached Syria in
A.D. 39.
So also Liebenam, Forschungen zur Veru-altungsgeseliichte des
:

>

rmischen Kaiserreichs,
(1888), p. 374.

Bd.

Die Legaten in den rmischen Provinzen


366

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

280

iii,

Mionnet,

year 90

794-795

v.

167) that he was

still

governor in the

aera Cacsariana, corresponding to

the

of

or

A.u.C,

41-42

A.D.

therefore

for

autumn

somewhere,

about a year after the beginning of the reign of Claudius.

Compare

regard

in

xix. 6. 3

to

Philo, Legat,

576-584;

Pauly's Real-Eiicyclopaedie,

January

Claudius, 24:th

4.

C. Villus

As

him Josephus, Antiq.


ad Cajum, 31-34,

Marsus,

1402,

v.

A.D. 54.

Syria (Josephus, Antiq, xix.

He had occasion

King Agrippa (Josephus,

repeatedly to protect
Antiq. xix.

Eoman

interests

7. 2, 8.

His

1).

took place soon after the death of Agrippa in A.D. 44,

44

therefore towards the end of A.D.

45 (Josephus, Antiq.

Annals,

xi.

still

10.

xx.

1).

1.

A.D.

137

Gerlach,

Compare

67.

p.

vi. 2.

47

for

45-50.

Marsus was succeeded

by

suffectus

A.D.

Tacitus there,
earlier occurepigr.

generally, Pauly's Real-

2571.

C. Cassius Longinus, A.D.

in

Tacitus,

See Zutnpt, Commentt.

rences in the history of Parthia.

Encydopaedie,

also

prove that Marsus

not

This passage does

governor of Syria in

or in the beginning of

Compare

under the history of the year 47, recapitulates

ii.

ii.

successor of Petronius, Claudius sent C. Vibius Marsus,

6. 4).

was

29

42-44.

A.D.

against

A.D.

8.

Mangey,

ed.

41-13i;A October

A.D.

Consul suffedus in A.D. 17, into

recall

xviii.

C.

Cassius

30 (Josephus, Antiq.

xx.

Longinus, Consul
1.

1).

He was

celebrated in his day as a jurist (ceteros praeminehat peritia

founder of

special school of jurisprudence (Cassianae scholae princeps

et

legum,

Tacitus,

Annals,

parens, Pliny, Upist.


lonsinff

to

the

vii.

24.

12), yea, as the

8).

Coins with his

name

be-

94 and 96 of the aera Caesarian^,


45-46 and 47-48, are given by Eckhel,

years

corresponding to A.D.

xii.

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF

Bodr. Num.
lain

280; Mionnet,

iii.

governor of Syria as

as

by Claudius.

In

regard

Tacitus, Annals, xvi. 7

51

2. 2.

i.

and 9

to

49 {Annals,
fortunes,

Suetonius, Nero, 37.

xii

have been recalled

subsequent

his

to

speaks of

Tacitus

late as a.d.

Not long afterwards he seems

11-12).

Digest,

167.

v.

367

SiYRIA.

Pauly's Real- Encyclopaedic,

Generally,

201

ii.

see

Rudorff,

169 f. Teuffei, History of Roman


Literature, 298. 3; Monimsen, Index to Pliny's Epistles,
ed. Keil, p. 406; Liebenam, Forschungen zur Verwaltungsgeschichte, 1 Bd. p. 375 f.
Rmische Rechtsgeschichte,

i.

C.

Ummidius Quadratus,

In

A.D. 51, C.

Annals,

5060.

A.D.

Unamidius Quadratus

assumed with Zumpt, Commentt.


there in

years
A.D.

A.i).

159.

aera

the

of

55/5659/60,
v.

epigr.

Coins bearing his

50.

104-108

Mionnet,

is

45, as governor of Syria.

xii.

spoken of by Tacitus,
It

ii.

may

name belonging

Caesariana,

Num.

iii.

His

quaestor as early as A.D. 14)

is

Corp. Inscr. Lat. x. n.

5182.

Durmius Quadratus,

also given

is

60

public career (he had been

sketched in the inscriptions

= 7Viscr.

3128

the

280

died while governor of Syria in A.D.

(Tacitus, Annals, xiv. 26).'*

Orelli, Ifiscr. Lat. n.

to

corresponding to

are given in Eckhel, Doctr.

He

therefore be

138, that he went

Regni Neapol.

His

full

name,

4234 =
Ummidius

n.

C.

on a brazen tablet which

contains the oath of the inhabitants of Aritium in Lusitania

upon

Caligula's

3065

6'orp.

155).

p.

Annals,

assuming the reins of government


Inscr.

Compare

xii.

54,

xiii.

743

n.

17 2

= Ep?icmcris

with reference

to

Josephus, Aniiq. xx.


;

epigr.

him,
6.

v.

Tacitus,
;

Pauly's

Nipperdey on Tacitus, Annals,

45.

Zumpt, Commentt. epigr. ii. 138, gives the date as a.d. 61. But what
recorded in Tacitus, Annals, xiv. 20-28, took place in a.d. 60, coss.

*
is

ii.

also

8-9

Real-EncT/clopaedie, v,
xii.

Lat.

(Orelli, n.

Nrro IV. Cornelius Cossus.

38

THE ROMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

Nero, 12>th October A.D.

0.

54-9^A June

A.D. 68.

60 G 3.

Cn. Domitius Corbulo, A.D.

After the death of Unimidius Quadratus in A.D. 60, Domitius

Corbulo went

On

xiv. 26).

1-17

XV.

Dio Cassius,

governor

Syria

to

19

Ixii.

He

ff.

him, while another governor was

25

Annals, xv.

et

quinta dccuma

et

Pannonia aJjeda

fectisque

sent

to

Suriae exsccutio Citio

Corhuloni permissae
e

held the position of

which year a higher

A.D. 63, in

till

governor (Tacitus, Annals,

as

his doings in that capacity, see Tacitus, Annals,

office

was given

Syria

(?),

Icgio

copiae militares

duccnte Mario Celso


regibus prae-

Scribitur tetrarchis ac

est.

procurator ibus

et

Tacitus,

qui praetoruTn finitimas provincias

regebant,jussis Corbulonis obsequi, in tanttim

ferme

modumauda

Romanus Cn. Pompeio bellum piraticum


The name of the individual who obtained
gestiiro dederat.
The best
the province cannot be determined with certainty.
C'itius.
The
has
editors
make
various
conjectures
manuscript
Most might be said in favour of
Cincius, C. Itius, Cestius.
Cestius, for we certainly meet with him as governor of Syria

potestate, quern populus

in

A.D.

65

(so,

Zumpt,

e.g.,

Comiiientt.

epigr.

141).

ii.

regard to Corbulo's death in A.D. 67, see Dio Cassius,

An

inscription

which he
p.

is

of

called

64 has been found

A.D.
leg.

Aug. pro

in

Generally, Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie,

25).

Teuffel, History of

Roman

Literature, 291. 3,

Ixiii.

In

17.

Armenia, on

Ephemeris

pr. (see

\\.

ejngr.

1218

v.
f.;

and the mono-

graphs there quoted from of Held (1862) and Wolffgramm

Liebenam, Forschungen

(1874).
1

Bd.

p.

169

Corbulo, see

f.

also

zur

Verwaltungsgeschichte,

For an estimate and characterization of


Gutschmid,

Kachbarlnder (1888),

p.

C. Cestius Galium, A.D.

If the conjecture

131,

Geschichte

Irans

und

sei7ier

Anm.

63-66.

given above

is

correct,

Cestius

Gallus

369

HISTOKY OF THE ROMAN PROVINCE OF SYRIA.

went

He was

to Syria as early as A.D. 63.

went up

in A.D. 65, for he

= October

66, in the twelfth year of Nero

A.D.

(Josephus, Antiq.
after

Wars of

ii.

115

Coins with his

14. 3).

the acra Cacsariana

of

given in Eckhel, Doctr.


Sujjplcm.

131.

viii.

Num.

During

iii.

Jews,

the

name

kx>.

281

sq.

the Jeivs,

Mionnet,

by accident or through fatigue

Tacitns, mstori/,

When

14. 4), the Jewish

ii.

to

see the

A.D.

66-67

{fata

aut tacdio

occidit,

6769.

a,d.

Palestine was separated from Syria and transferred

Vespasian as a distinct province, Syria was assigned to

to

*i

Cestius Gallus was

(Josephus, Life,

the

^2

und

On

in

still

Syria in the winter of

of

Kuhn, Die

the severance of Palestine from Syria, see


Verfassung des rmischen Reichs,

quardt. Rmische Staatsverwaltung,

quattuor

legiones

i.

419.

obtinehat Licinius

Tacitus, History,

provinciarum

ii.

Ceterum

179

ii.

f.,

Muciamis

tribit^

stdtiscJie

183-189

Tacitus, History,

Flavius Vespasianus {ducem eum Nero deleger at)


strabat.

66-67

A.D.

But before the beginning of the spring


the war had been committed to Vespasian {Wars of

iii. 4. 2).

brgerliche

vicinis

67

A.D.

8, 43, 65, 67, 71).

management

the Jews,

Josephus speaks of him in

Mucianus.*^

Licinius

et

A.D. (J6,

v. 10)."^

Mucianns,

C. Licinius

"

are

169

v.

May

For he died in the winter of

opening campaign.

114

65/66-66/67,
;

war broke out of which Cestius Gallns lived only


"

14. 4),

ii.

the years

of

his governorship in

month Artemisios {Wars of

the

65-a.d. 66

A.D.

having been already for a long time in Syria {Wars of

the Jews,

and

11. 1

x.x.

tbere undoubtedly

Jerusalem at the Passover of

to

hellurn

Mar-

Suriam
Judaeicum

10

i.

legionibus achnini-

Judacae praepositus,
exitu demiim
Also Aurelius Victor, De

hie Suriae, ille

administrationibus

invidia

discordes,

Neronis positis odiis in medium consuluere.


Caesarib. c. 9, epit. c. 9, ascribes the establishment or erection of the pro-

In opposition to this, Pick in Sallet's


fr Numismatik, Bd. xiii. 1885, pp. 197-200, expresses the
opinion that Vespasian did not hold Palestine as a separate province his
office is rather to be regarded as that of "a legatus Augusti pro praetore
of a higher rank without a special province, who, intrusted with the
conduct of a war, occupies a position superior to the ordinary governors."
But this view is not reconcilable with the precise words of Tacitus.
vince of Palestine to Vespasian.

Zeitschrift

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.


THE EOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

370

referring to the siege of

1.

and in

Gamala (Wars of

when
5),

69 when

A.D.

(Wars of

pasian as emperor
also,

Tacitus,

Coins with
A.D.

282

time

of

Eome

History,

Tacitus,

Sappl.

131.

viii.

Cassius, Ixv. 9),

the

82

sq.

Suetonius,

where he did

He had

the

Jews,

iv.

Vespasian,

11, 1
6

Dio

not, however, arrive until after

then for a long time the supreme power in

hands (Josephus, Waj's of

History,

345-353

Index,

regard

p.

190
i.

80

the

him

to

Jews,

Dio Cassius,
also,

Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie,

Muciano, Lips.

Literature,

(jcschichte,

The

in

Liclnio

C.

Roman

11, 39, 49,

iv.

Compare

De

Hum.

In the autumn

death of Vitellius, which occurred on 20th December

A.D. 69.

his

he brought an army

Wars of

(Josephus,

ii.

1.

June

(9tli

given in Eckhel, JDodr.

are

of A.D. 69, in order to oppose Vitellius,

from Syria to

3.

xii.

Galba

69) and of Otho (15th January-

A.D.

169

v.

Josephus, Antiq.

the

of

69)^^

A.D.

Mionnet,

Compare

the Jews, iv. 10. 5-6).

10

i.

name

68 15th January

loth April
iii.

History,

his

the Jews, iv.

referring to the election of Ves-

sq.

257

314. 1

1870

iv.

4;

11.

Borghesi,
iv.
;

Tacitus,

Ixv. 22, Ixvi. 2).

1069

Oeuvres,
f.

Teuffel,

iv.

L. Brunn,

History

of

Henzen, Acta fratrum Arvalium,

Liebenam, Forschungen zur Verwaltungs-

f.

later governors of Syria do not

come within the range

from this time

forth

Palestine

continued to be a separate province from Syria.

For the

of our

investigation,

since

governors of Palestine from the time of Vespasian to Hadrian,


see 21.
^^

Botli coins bear the date of the year 117 of the aera

and just

for this reason afford

of the era.

.=!ure

grounds

for

Caesariana,

determining the reckoning

HYECANUS IL, B.C. G3-40. REBELLION OF ANTIPATER


AND HIS SONS PHASAEL AND HEROD.

13.

Sources.

JosEPHUS, Antiq.

5-13

xiv.

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

Zonaras, Annates,

8-13.

7-9 (abstract of Joseplius).

V.

Literature.

Ewald, History
Grtz,

of Israel, v. 39-4-412.

Geschichte der Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

iii.,

4 Aufl. pp. 167-189,

Israel,

ii.

500-523.

Jewish Church, voL

408-421.

Stanley, History of

the

Schneckenburger,

Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, pp. 166-173.

Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aud.

Hausrath,

Lewin, Fasti

Owing

iii.

i.

pp. 179-203.

sacri, pp. 8-54.

to the

meagreness of the sources,

it is cliflficult

to give

an exact account of the position which Palestine at this time


This

occupied in reference to the Itomans.


that

it

was tributary (Josephus, Antiq.

the Jews,

Eoman

i,

7.

6),

much

xiv.

4.

is
;

certain,

Wars

of

and lay under the general oversight of the

governor of Syria.

But the question

is,

whether

it

was

immediately incorporated or not with the province of Syria.


In favour of

the

latter

supposition

might be alleged the

statement of Josephus, that by the enactment of Gabinius,

who

divided

Palestine

into

sections,

five

was now freed from monarchical rule


vl<;

eTTLKpaTeia'i

BtrpKovvTo

(Wars

had stood

at the

to

e\ev6epo3devr<;

of the Jews,

i.

8.

5).

the

aa/jbevoyi;

Xolttov

Be

country
ri]<i

i^

dpicTTOKparia

Ilyrcanus therefore

head of the government of the country, and

THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

372

was subordinate only

the

to

supervision

of

Eoman

tlie

governor.^

Pompey

After the campaign of

some years

there followed for Palestine

Scaurus as well as his two successors,

of peace.

Marcius Philippus and Lentulus Marcellinus, had

upon the fortunes

fluence

In

of Palestine.

who had

Aristobulus' son Alexander,

indeed

still

But these had no

some skirmishes with the Arabians.^

A.D.

in-

57, however,

escaped from his keepers

on his way to Eome, sought to secure to himself the govern-

ment

of Palestine.

He

10,000 heavy-armed
into his

power the

and Machaerus.^

succeeded in collecting an army of

and 1500 horsemen, and got

soldiers

fortresses of the

Gabinius,

Alexandrium, Hyrcania,

who had

proconsul in Syria, sent against him,

just then

first

of

all,

arrived as

his lieutenant

M. Antonius, afterwards the well-known triumvir, and soon


followed with the main body of his troops.
Alexander was
defeated in an engagement near Jerusalem, and withdrew into

Here he was besieged

the stronghold of the Alexandrium.

by Gabinius, and was compelled


seem

that,

to

surrender

but

were in his possession, he was allowed his freedom.*


time, too, Gabinius

made an important change

He

of Palestine.

relations

this

in the political

him the

political administra-

with Jerusalem, Gazara, Amathus, Jericho, and

Sepphoris as their capitals.^


^

At

for he divided the country into five districts {avvohoi,

avveSpia),

So

Reichs,

would

assigned to Hyrcanus only the

care of the temple, but took from


tion

it

on condition of his yielding up the fortresses which

also
ii.

Kulm, Die

163.

What

und

stdtische

is

to be understood

by

brgerliche Verfassung des rmisches

Mendelssohn in Eitschl's Acta

societatis philolog. Lipsiensis,

V. 162.
2

Joseplius, Antiq. xiv.

On

5.

the Alexandrium, see

Wars
p. 320.

of the Jews,

The

i.

8. 1.

Appian, Syr.

position of Hyrcania

is

51.

un-

known. Macliaerus, now called Mkaur, lay to the east of the Dead Sea.
For more details about this important fortress, see 20.
Wars of the Jews, i. 8. 2-5.
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 5, 2-4
* Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 5. 4 ; Wars
Amathus,
of the Jews, i. 8. 5. About
''

HYRCANS

13.

those five avvoSot or avveSpia

may be

regarded

either

as

II.,

is

373

B.C. 63-40.

not altogether

clear.

customs, districts,

They

or circuits,

making the jurisdiction of law courts {conventusjuridici).^ The


o't S'
Xva avvreterm awrekelv ( Wars of the Jews, i. 8. 5
:

Xwa-iv et? 'AfiaOovvTo) favours

{Wars of

avvohoi

the

Jews,

the former view

i,

8.

5)

favours

Galilee, see Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

pp. 136-141.

The other

the term

the

On

in the country east of the Jordan, see above, p. 297.

latter.'

Sepphoris in

three towns were

Josephus,
Judea proper. On Gazara, see above, p. 261.
Wars of the Jews, i. 8. 5, has also the form Gadara. But
4
by this it is quite evident he does not mean the Hellenistic Gadara in
Peraea, which had a population mainly pagan, and had been separated
from the Jewish territory by Pompey. We are to understand by it the
Gazara Judaized by Simon the Maccabee, for which also elsewhere the
form Gadara is found. So Joseph us, Antiq. xii. 7. 4 and 1 Mace. iv. 15.
Also in Strabo, xvi. 2. 29, p. 759, by Totlotplg, riv kxI avrriv i^ioiocaxvTO oi
lovoxloi, we are to understand the region of Gazara, which indeed he confounds with Gadara in Peraea for front this latter place were sprung the
In a Notitia episcoj^atuum a
celebrated men who are referred to by him.
Piyiuv Yctoapuu in the neighbourhood of Azotus, to be distinguished from
Yxhipx between Pella and Capitolias {Hieroclis Synccdevius et notitiae
situated in
Antiq. xiv.

5.

'

Parthey, 1866, p. 144). At a Synod at Jerusalem in


536 there were present together a bishop 'Ajo|/of Tahxpuv and a
bishop Qsoupog Tcthtpav. There were therefore two places in Palestine
Compare
called Gadara (Le Quien, Oricns christianus, t. iii. p. 595 sq.).
also Kuhn, Die stdtische und brgerliche Verfassung des rm. Reichs, ii.
365-367. Menke's Bibelatlas, Bl. iv.
On the erection of a province, the Romans were wont to divide the
country into customs or taxation districts, each of which was grouped
round one of the larger towns. The communal court of such a town was
utilized by the Romans as a fiscal or customs court, for it had to make

fjraecae episcopat. ed.

A.D.

''

arrangements for collecting the taxes in its district. More extensive, as a


rule, than these customs districts, were the juristic circuits (conventus
For the purpose of deciding civil matters (only about these had
juridici).
it jurisdiction), a diet was held from time to time at a certain place,
to which the depute judges of the circuit went, in order, under the
presidency of the governor, to decide cases that had arisen since last
session.

See Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverrcaltung,

Rudorff, Rmische Rcchtsgcschichte, ii. (1859) pp.


" Conventus," in Pauly's Real-Encyclopiaedie, ii. 635 f.
7

For example, Kuhn, Die

rm. Reichs,
juridici.

ii.

Also

stdtische

und

i.

5,

(1881) p. 500 f.
13.
Rein, art.

brgerliche

Verfassung

des

336, 367, regards the Synedria of Gabinius as conventus


I

have myself argued in favour of this opinion, Div.

ii.

374

THE EOMAN-HERODIA.N AGE.

may

Possibly the one view


this

measure

At

not exclude the other.

of Gabinius took

away the remnant

Pompey

independence which Palestine had hitherto enjoyed.

having already deprived Hyrcanus of the


next step was to
restrict

him

Hyrcanus,

title of

king, the

of all political prerogatives

to his priestly functions.

into five divisions,


of

him

strip

which were

"

to

delivered " from the dominion

were incorporated in the province of Syria.

i.e.

ordinances of Caesar

it

was again wholly

by Aristobulus and

his

By

the

set aside.

after this, in A.D. 56, the country

in a revolution

and

The country was parted

This arrangement was not indeed of long duration.

Soon

least

of political

was anew involved

who

son Antigonus,

had both escaped from their Eoman imprisonment.

Aristo-

bulus so completely failed to learn caution from the abortive

attempt of his son Alexander, that he made himself a similar

endeavour in that direction in which his son had

But he himself had no better


the

Eoman army

attacked him, and the

had gathered was, without much

He

Jordan.

was obliged

after a

liberty

at

little

failed.

detachment

two

by the

band which he

years' siege to yield,

senate.

of

driven across the

difficulty,

attempted to defend himself in Machaerus

again as a prisoner to Eome.


set

fortune.

but

and was sent

His children, however, were


Just then Gabinius, against

the will of the senate, undertook the Egyptian campaign, in


order to set up Ptolemy Auletes again as king (see above,
p.

When

331).

he returned from thence, in

once again to deal with a revolt in Judea.

made
vol.

i.

A.D.

55, he had

Alexander had

a fresh attempt to secure the sovereignty, and had


p.

168

f.

Mendelssolin in

Still the
Ritsclil's

matter does not seem to

Acta

socictatis 2}hilol.

me beyond

won

question.

Lipnensis, v. 163, does not

hazard a decided statement, and declares only that it is certain that the
remnants of freedom that had been left to the Jews by Pompey were
taken from them by this measure of Gabinius.
* Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 6. 1
Wars of the Jev;s, i. 8. 6. Dio Cassius,
;

xxxix. 56.

Plutarch, Antony,

3.

HYRCANUS

13.

II.,

375

B.C. G3-40.

over to his side at least a part of the people.

were

however,

ings,

also

time

this

His proceed-

again

brought

to

speedy end.^
In

54 the

A.D.

triumvir,

proconsul in place of

as

M. Licinius

Crassus, went to Syria

Gabinius.

While Gabinius had

already sorely oppressed the country by

exactions, Crassus

liis

once began to indulge in open robbery.

at

the taking of the temple, had left

Crassus
alone,

now laid hold


2000 talents;

rapacity, for he

met

other

these

all

articles

soon indeed

his death

Pompey, upon

rich treasures untouched.

himself of

of

was

Palestine

talents.^*^

for

its

in A.D.

in pure gold

of

delivered

53

the

in

8000

value,

I'rom

his

war against

the Parthians.

During the period

53-51

B.c.

C.

Cassius Longinus, the

quaestor of Crassus, held the supreme authority in Syria.

had not only


also

to

always

to

be on

his guard against

suppress the

revolutionary elements that were

present

Palestine.

in

Aristobulus,

detained in his Pioman imprisonment, and


the

time no wish

to

anew sharing

risk

now undertook

certain

Pitholaus

rrathered
o

succeed

together
the malcontents.
o
in his aim any better than

before.

For the

he himself was

final issue of his


slain,

to

He

the Parthians, but

indeed,

his

But a

fate.

play their

role,

not

did

those

was

sons had fur

his

lie

still

who had

undertaking was

and

indeed
tried

this, that

and 30,000 of the disturbers of the

peace were sold as slaves.^^

With

the year

b.c.

49 begins the period

of the civil wars,

disastrous for Italy as well as for the provinces, but peculiarly


disastrous
to

for the

the

find

required

provinces, inasmuch as they were obliged

enormous sums which

for carrying

on

2-3

"

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

6.

'"

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

7. 1

^'

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

7.

the

contesting

operations.

their

Wars of

During

the Jeics,

i.

8. 7.

If^ars of the Jews,

i.

8. 8.

Jf'ars of the Jews,

i.

8. .

parties

these

376

THE OMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

twenty

years,

from Caesar's crossing the Rubicon down to the

death of Antony,

4930, the whole Roman

B.c.

reflected in the history of Syria

and

history was

also in that of Palestine.

Every change and turn in the Roman history was answered

by a corresponding movement in Syrian


this short period Syria

new masters no less than four


When, in the beginning of

and during

history,

and Palestine changed

sides

and owned

times.

the year

Pompey and

49,

b.c.

the party of the senate had fled from Italy, and Caesar had

Rome, Caesar and

established himself in

make

And

use of the
so

prisoner Aristobulus

for

ends.

still

he might fight in Syria

order that with these

against the party of

But the adherents

Pompey.

Rome

remained in

At

time also one of Aristobulus' sons, Alexander,


party

strifes

of

Pompey

of

put a stop to the enterprise by

ridding themselves of Aristobulus by jjoison.

the

own

their

they released him from prison and gave him two

legions, in

who

his friends wished to

He

the civil war.

fell

too

the same

a victim to

had made

his

appearance as an adherent of Caesar, and so he was now, at


the express

command

Pompey, beheaded

of

Metellus Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law,

at

Antioch by Q.

who was then

After the battle of Pliarsalia, on 9th August

Pompey's

death,

Hyrcanus and

28 th

on

September

Joseplins, Antiq. xiv.

7.

sent Aristobulus into Palestine


13
is

the

of

b.c.

48, and

same

year,

his old friend Antipater immediately attached

They

themselves to Caesar's party.'^


^2

pro-

p. 334).^^

consul for Syria (see above,

clearly perceived that

TVars of the Jews, i. 9. 1-2. That Caesar


also reported b}' Dio Cassius, xli. 18.

is

Antipater, even before Cae-sar's interference in the affairs of Palestine,

described as procurator of Judea.

Joseplius (Antiq. xiv.

8. 1

He

ruv 'lovhaluv

is

so described, not only

i-!7iy.iKnrrii),

Avho refers again to Hyj^sicrates (Josephus, Antiq. xiv.


t-xty.i'KnT/^v).

by

but also by Strabo,

8. 3: -vuv rii;

'

lovouiu;

Possibly he obtained this position through Gabinius, who,

on account of Antipater's many services in the interest of Eome, "settled


the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem in accordance with Antipater's inclinations" {Antiq. xiv. 6. 4

KXTxa-^riiu^ivo; Ss Txiuio; roc Kxroi.

IIYRCANUS

13.

their

safety depended wholly

they

hastened

Egypt

command

in a

an

and therefore

his grace,

capacity

Egypt, in October

B.c.

auxiliary

When

force.'*

48, had

Mithridates

47

in the spring of B.c.

him.

serving

for

war with King Ptolemy.

Pergamum

with

obstacles at

upon

their

his landing in

Caesar, after

become involved
started from

prove

to

377

B.C. G3-40.

II.,

he

to go into

encountered

Pelusium, Antipater went to his help, at the

3000 Jewish

of Hyrcanus, with

troops,

which had

been indeed collected for this very purpose, and he had also
arranged

that

the

With

auxiliaries.

powers

neighbouring

should contribute

these Jewish troops Antipater

rendered

most important service to Mithridates, not merely in the


Pelusium, but also throughout the M'hole of the

capture of

Not

Egyptian campaign.

by Hyrcanus in seeing

important was the aid rendered

less

to it that the

Egyptian Jews ranged

themselves upon Caesar's side."

When,

therefore, Caesar, at the conclusion

drian war, in

summer

the

of

B.c.

of the

47, went

to

Alexan-

Syria and

rewarded, by proofs of his clemency, the governing families


T^v

lifioaoT^vfiiTav 'Tzokiv

riviog

ijv

'

AuTiTTxTpu

Si'Ko'jTt.

Wars of the

Jetos,

i.

8.

'

ihdco'j St;

TTohtTstx!/).

lipoo6y\vfix tzoo; to

AvTivcrpov

(iv'h-/\v.at.

KXTtazTiaciTO r^u

Since this must have been an institution not in contradiction


may perhaps be assumed that to

to the other ordinances of Gabinius, it

made over the chief administration of the taxes in the


Jewish territory.
For iTifce'Kr,Ttis is an administrative officer
in its
primary application, an officer of finance. Certainly Antipater cannot
have been a political official in the service of Hyrcanus for Hyrcanus,
since the passing of the measures of Gabinius, had no longer any political
functions.
If, then, he acted t^ iuToX'T]; 'Tpx-xvou {Antiq. xiv. 8. 1), this is
to be explained of the spiritual authority which Hyrcanus liad as hi^-li
Antipater was

])riest

(^n%.

xiv. 5. 1

xr"

Hyrcanus had no longer any


the cause of

Eome

Idto'Kvjv

^*

^^

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

8.

1-3

decree of Caesar, Antiq. xiv. 10.


ti-oops is

belongs to a period when


On Antipatcr's services to

in the period B.c. G3-48, see Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 5.

IFars of the Jexes,


Bellum Alcxandr. c. 26.

2, 6. 2, 3, 7.

'Tpx.xuoi',

political power).

given only as 1500.

i.

2,

1,

8. 1, 3, 7, 9.

Wars of the
the number

Jcxcs, i. 9. 3-5.
In the
of the Jewish auxiliary

THE EOMAN-HEEODIAN AGK

378
had

that

him/ Hyrcanus

fiivoured

and

most generous manner,

the

in

treated

Antipater were

Antigonus

indeed

appeared before Caesar as the only remaining son of Aristohulus, complained that

Hyrcanus and Antipater had violently

thrust themselves forward, and sought to

were older and

But

better.^^

show that

his claims

Caesar estimated the trust-

worthiness and usefulness of Hyrcanus and Antipater more


highly than the professions of Antigonus, ignored the claims

and showed favour exclusively

to the other two.

before the intervention of Antigonus,

Hyrcanus seems

of the latter,

Even
to

have been established as high

the right of

Eoman

i.e.

and immunity from tribute had

Hyrcanus was now appointed

been conferred.^^
the Jews,

citizenship

idudp^T]'? of

he was reinstated in the political authority that

had been taken from him by Gabinius

made

and upon Antipater

priest,

but Antipater was

Judea, and

procurator, eV/rpoTro?, of

so confirmed in

At

the authority with which he had been already invested.


the same

time permission was given to rebuild the walls of

Jerusalem.'^^

^^

"Reges, tyrannos, dynastas provinciae


Bellum Alexandrinum, 65
qui omnes ad eum concurrerant, receptos in fidem condicionibns
impositis provinciae tuendae ac defendendae dimittit et sibi et pojDulo
fiiiitimos,

Romano

aiuicissimos."

^^

Josephus, Aniiq. xiv.

^^

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

Avrt7ra.-prj

Wars
1^

OS

tto^kIzsi'o.v

of the Jeics,

i.

'TfiKKuu Tx,

8.

iv

4
3

JFars of the Jews,


'Tox-auSi yAv tojj/

Vuyvj cou;

x,ctl

10. 1-2.

i.

upxiip''><i^'-'yi

UTi'hii</.v

'tz

ictimx:,
So, too,

ccvr ot,yjA) .

9. 5.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

['A^T(VT/5Ciy]

8.

STTirpoTzov

8.

Tpuxuov yiv

dTroZitx.'jvij(

Tv;; Trs/.Tpilo; ecuocaTtiacci

These enactments

seem

ci~ohiix.vvaiy ftx^ipkot

'lovOxia;.

zr,:

Similarly,

rsi'xyi-

'ETztTptTit

Wars

Zi

x.oc.i

of the Jews,

i.

from those referred to in


the concessions referred to in the one case having
the preceding note
been granted before, and those in the other after the intervention
So think Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Ada societatis philol.
of Antigonus.
Judeich, Caesar im Orient, 1885, p. 123 f. See
Lipsicnsis, v. 190 sqq.
10. 3.

to be different

especially, Josephus,

Wars

of the Jens,

i.

10.

vciDccho^u; \\uTtvoe.TDt>) yii^oi/o; xpoxo^r'^f u'nio;.

'
:

A-vriyovo;

yivircti

It is certainly the case, as

appears from the decrees of Caesar, in thorough agreement therewith,

HYRCANUS

13.

We

obtain farther details with respect to the proceedings

of Caesar from
xiv. 10.

documents communicated by Josephus, Antiq.

2-10, which, however, are so slight and fragmentary

that in regard to

many

particulars no certain conclusion can

This, at least, is unquestionable, that the letter

be reached.^"

Caesar to the Sidonians, Antiq. xiv. 10.

of

the

379

IL, B.C. 6310.

year

B.c.

47, and

appointing

Hyrcanus

According

to

hereditary

and

formal decree

the
issued

document,

this

i6vup-)(r]<i

that

was

that

in

Hyrcanus

ap)(tpev'i of

and privileges which belonged

rights

was written

2,

of

Caesar

same

year.^^

was

him

and

for his children,

Hyrcanus

was declared the

all

the

as high priest

according to the Jewish law, and jurisdiction in

matters was conceded to the Jews.

appointed

the Jews, with


to

in

all

Jewish

also, for

himself

" confederate " of the

Hyrcanus was apiDointeil higli priest by Caesar, with political


and sductpx'^;, and so reinstated in the political position
The decree of senate communiof which he had been stript by Gabinius.
cated by Josej-jlius, Antiq. xiv. 8. 5, belongs probably to a much, earlier
that

functions, dp^npii';

See above,

period.

p. 268.

Compare, in regard to these documents, especially, Mendelssohn in


Ritsclil's Acta societatis j)hilol. Lijmcnsis, v. 1875, pp. 191-24G (and the
review of that paper in the Theolog. Littraturzcitimcj, 1876, Nr. 15, col.
394 f.) and Niese, Hermes, Bd. xi. 1876, pp. 483-488 and in reply,
Mendelssohn, Rhein. Museum, neue folge, Bd. xxxii. 1877, pp. 249-258.
Also, Wif'seler, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der Evangelien, 1869, p.
75 ff. Wieseler, Theolog. Studitn und Kritiken, 1877, p. 290 If. Eoseuthal,
Monatschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthnms, 1879, pp. 176 ff.,
216 ff., 300 ff. Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, v. 501 f. (English translation,
History of Rome the Provinces, from Caesar to Diocletian, London, 2 vols.).
Judeich, Caesar im Orient, 1835, pp. 119-141 (only with regard to the
events and documents of the year B.c. 47, to which date Jndeich makes
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 8. 5, also to refer). Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, Bd.
iii., 4 Aufl. 1888, pp. 660-671. For the older literature, see above, p. 109
^^

also in Bloch, Die Quellen dts Flavins Josephus, p. 144


21

ff.

In this document Caesar designates himself xinoKpxTup

%ix.Tu,Tup

ti)

hvrepov {Imperator

et

pontifex

maximus

kocI tix^ipiv:,

dictator II.).

Caesar's

Becond dictatorship extended from October 48 to the end of the year 46


But since the title of
(see Mommsen, Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. i. pp. 451-453).
consul is not in the formula, whereas Caesar held the consulsliip in the
years 48, 46, 45, and 44, the document must be assigned to the year 47.

380

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

Eomans, and

it

was stipulated that the Eoman troops should

not seek winter quarters in his territory, nor should levies of

money be

exacted.^^

It

uncertain whether some of the

is

other documents belong to this same year or not, but

it

is

certain that Hyrcanus, not long before Caesar's death, some-

where about the end of the year

45, sent an embassy to

B.c.

Rome, which procured a decree of senate granting new conThe beginning of this decree of senate,
cessions to the Jews.
under Caesar's fourth dictatorship and
44,

B.c.

fifteenth consulship, ie.

given in Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10.

is

probably correctly preserved in Antiq.

^epovapiwv,

TrivTe elScov

i.e.

xiv.

February.

9 th

Its date is

7.

10

10.

As

it

Trpo

was not

immediately put down in the tables of the treasury, a new


decree of senate was passed, after Caesar's death, during the

consulship

now

treasury was

new

decree

is

mation from

B.C.

nrpo

rpccov

elBcov

44, by which the recording

ordered {Antiq. xiv. 10. 9-10).

of a purely formal character,

it

the Jews.

to

11th April

i.e.

former decree of the senate in the tables of the

the

of

Antony and Dolabella, jy

of

ATrpiXkiwv,

we

Since the

gain no infor-

regarding the contents of the claims conceded


Also, the fragment of the earlier decree pre-

served in Antiq. xiv. 10. 7 contains only the formal introducIt is extremely probable, however, that other portions

tion.

of

it

xiv.

among

are contained

10. 36.

Yet

it is

investigation begin.
^^
Kctl
'

lovhxiuv

"hi

xi/TOv kduM.px'^S

vetvro^

'i-jcuv

xvTCiv avpcuxXiOVi vipuv,

KXTxroi/g iov; xinuu


KXrix-^"
TVi;

The question

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10. 2

rx TiKu

CCilTbV

KXt

TX

en

the fragments in Josephus, Antiq.

just here that the difficulties of the

S/ TctvTX; rec;

^lov^xiuv

x.ccToirx "Tzxrpi
Oi

ii6f/,ovi

kxI

su to7;

'ir],

ov'hou.xi,

Oi

(pt'hoi;

xpiSpcuadxt' oax

(pt'hxvpj^-x,

rxiiz

p(.iTX^V yiVflZXl Tt;

fioi x,piaiu yi'usoSxi 'Trxp

px^^p^i'^vrii/ T

tivxi re xv-zov x.xl rovg ttxiox;

kxt xuopx

XU

what pieces

ot,iTtot.i;'Tpx.civov' A'hi^.v'pov

ili/cct

larlv xpxtip^"^ >'<'*

TiX-VX UVTOU,

lovhxiuu xyuyi};, xpiaKH

arises as to

xi/Toig.

x,i\iiica

^53T/J(7/J

^-,0

%xoxxiiy.cx.(iixv

For an exposition of this passage,


xoy\y.x-ix yrpxTnadxi ov loKifix^u.
Mendelssohn in Eitschl's Ada societatis philol. L'psicnsis, v. 195-197.
Mcmmsen, Km. Geschichte, v. 501 f.
Vi

43

see

HYRCANUS

13.

II.,

belons to the decree of senate of


years, such as b.c.

47

381

B.C. C3-40.

b.c.

or other years.

44 and what to former


Owing to the corruptThe

ness of the text, no certain result can ever be reached.^^


chief

portion

of

Antiq. xiv. 10.

6,

passage

the

belongs most probably to

the most important are these

the

rich

in

B.c.

44.

material,

Among

have been secured to the Jews,

the concessions there said to

had

peculiarly

that Joppa, " which the

when they made a league


Romans," was made over to them that
originally,

Jews

of friendship with

also the villages in

the great plain, which they had previously possessed, should

be restored to them
"

which belonged
^'

The documents

and

to the

that, finally, also still other places

kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the

in Joseplius, Antiq. xiv. 10. 3-4, contain

scarcely

auytliing else beyond the decree of Caesar of the year b.c. 47, as already

given in Antiq. xiv. 10.

Since they belong to a year during whicli

2.

Caesar was consul, though the number of the consulship is wanting, the
date must have been 46, 45, or 44. And so Mendelssohn, Acta societatis
philol. Lipsiensis, v. 205-211, correctly maintains that they are fragments
of a decree of senate of b.c. 46, which merely confirmed the enactments
of Caesar of b.c. 47.

bargains

made by

Ou

the confirmation, by the senate generally, of

military commanders, see

Mommsen,

liuui. Staatsrecht,

1888, pp. 1166-1168. The portions given in Antiq. xiv. 10. 5-6
contain very particular statements regarding the assessing of tribute, and

iii.

2,

seem to go together as referring to the same period. According to the


beginning of Antiq. xiv. 10. 5, they belong to the year B.c. 44, Caesar's
But this seems to be contradicted by the fact that the
fifth consulship.
permission to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem is there recorded (Antiq. xiv.
60. 5), which, however, had been given as early as B.c. 47 {Antiq. xiv.
Wars of the Jeios, i. 10. 3), and, indeed, the building had been
8. 5
;

Wars of
already proceeded with and the walls restored {Antiq. xiv. 9. 1
The date is further determined as B.c. 47 by Antiq.
the Jews, i. 10. 4).
;

xiv. 10. 6

uvroapxTup,

Tocioi

Kxhxp,

ltx.Ttx.rup

uvrox-pxTup to hvrtpov

to hvnpoy).

And

(it

ought to have been

finally, in Antiq.

meet with various statements about Joppa whicli seem

10. 6,

we

to belong

to

xiv.

the basis of all these particulars, Mendelssohn, Acta


societatis philol. Lipsiensis, v. 197 sqq., conjectures that the passage, Antiq.
xiv. 10. 5-6, refers, indeed, to the decree of senate of B.c. 44, but that in
various periods.

On

the earlier portion of that passage, xiv. 10. 5-6a, a decree of Caesar of the
year B.c. 47 is quoted. This decree Mendelssohn distinguislies from the

one communicated in Antiq.

xiv.

10. 2.

This one

issued prior to the intervention of Anligouus

last referred

to

was

the other, as given in xiv.

382

THE KOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

now

confederates of the Eomans," should


It

may

be given to them.^*

be assumed that these were merely possessions that had

been taken away from them by Pompey.


restored, Joppa,

as

affording

Of the

places thus

harbour, was the most im-

portant.

The Jews

through Caesar's favour, obtained important

also,

beyond the limits of Palestine.

privileges

Jews gained protection by having the


citizenship conferred

upon them;^^

The Alexandrian

privilege of

Minor were guaranteed the undisturbed exercise


and

10. 5

is

of

their

a conclusion, however, which

by the decree

of appointment (Antiq. xiv.


Antigonus was no longer in a position to venture making hostile

can scarcely be sustained,


10. 2),

This

6a, after that occurrence.

Eoman

and the Jews of Asia

But

representations.

for,

in other respects Mendelssohn's hypothesis, that the

passage in Antiq. xiv. 10. 5 and 6a belongs to the year

b.c. 47, is

highly

Mendelssohn finds the new decrees of the senate of the year

probable.

44 only in the second half of Antiq. xiv. 10. 6, beginning, perhaps,


with the words, ax rs y.ir txvTot. s^xov. Niese, Hermes, xi. p. 483 ff.,
ascribed to the senate decree of B.c. 44 the whole of the passage Antiq.
xiv. 10. 3-6, because he assumed that the verbal permission given somewhat earlier by Caesar to rebuild the walls was only at that date formally
ratified by the senate, and because he reads, in Antiq. xiv. 10. 6, to 5*

B.c.

instead of to
^'^

livrspoi/.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10.

6.

If

it is

correct that the beginning of

Antiq. xiv. 10. 6 belongs to a decree of the year B.c. 47, a portion of the
tribute of

Jews.

It

Joppa would have been assigned, even so early


would then be necessary with the old Latins

ri'Kuaiv v-TFip rvi;

hov;.

own

'

Itpoao'Kvf/.tTUU

They did
possession

certainly hold
'

it

'

IotttivoI, VTri'i,tpovyAvov

in the year

lvriv os vT^iv, ^v

Fafcxiuv;

TViu Trpoi

ttoMus

(pt'hiot.v,

avruv

as that, to the
to read

iii/oti,

B.c.

cttu;

s'oi^ov

44 altogether in their

oLii .px~^i h-)(flv

ku6; kxi to

tw

Yovhxii Trotoi/i^ivai

"Trporspov, vifilv dpiax-nv'

be supplied] Tt/T>9f rijs ^Asjj 'Tp>cccv6v izau x,.t.>,. It


who is intended by " the kings of Syria and Phoenicia
confederate with the Eomans " that had formerly possessed some of the
Probably they were princes
territories now given over to the Jews.
But perhaps the text is
to whom Pompey had gifted Jewish lands.
corrupt for other obscurities may be explained from the faulty trans(popovs Ti l^vTrip to

is

quite uncertain

Compare, in exposition of Josej^hus, Antiq. xiv.


Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Acta societatis philol. Lipsiensis, v. pp.
234 sqq. Mommsen, Em. Geschichte, v. 501 f.

mission of the text.


10. 5-6,

199 sqq.,
^''

See Div.

ii.

vol.

ii.

p. 244.

IIYRCANUS

13.

religion.'

was in accordance with the general course of

Ifc

policy to keep the provincials

Caesar's

383

B.C. 6310.

II.,

secure

the

foreign

peoples was so great

contented, so as to

But by none

empire.

the

interests of

a lamentation

of the

made over

his

death as by the Jews.^^

The weak Hyrcanus, who had been


"

as

"

Ethnarch

of

the Jews, held the

installed in Palestine

government only in

This was exercised in reality by the crafty and active

name.

He now

Antipater.

two

even appointed his

the

first

time,

whom we meet with


young man twenty-five

Herod,

the other in Galilee.^^

was then a

But even

his

numerous band, made

Herod gained possession

and had him executed along with many


little

years of

In Galilee a

the throne.

to

named Hezekiah, with

the country insecure.

They were

here for

as early as this he gave proofs of that energy

which brought him afterwards


robber chief

and

in Jerusalem

and Herod, governors, cTpaTrjjot, the one

age."^

sons, Phasal

of his person,

of his followers.^

accustomed in Jerusalem with such sum-

mary procedure.

The

aristocracy

that

of

city

regarded

Herod's conduct as an infringement of the privileges of the


2^ Joseplius,

The decrees there gathered


by Caesar, but are, with a high,

Antiq. xiv. 10. 8 and 20-24.

together were not, indeed, directly issued

See also Div.

degree of probability, to be attributed to his initiative.


ii.

vol.
2^

ii.

p.

225

f.

Suetonius, Caesar,

8-1

" In

summo

niultitudo circulatim suo quaeque

publico luctu exterarum gentium

more lanientata

eat,

praecipucquc

J udaeiy

qui etiam noctibus continuis bustuni frequentarunt."


9. 2
Wars of the Jews, i. 10. 4.
The traditional text of Josephus in A7iliq. xiv. 9. 2 reads fifteen.
The number twenty-five, which Dindorf and Bekker have put into the
text, is purely conjectural.
But this change is necessary 1. Because a

28

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

^^

boy fifteen years old could not possibly have played the role which
Herod had already played and 2. Because Herod at his death is reprekxI
sented to have been about seventy years of age Antiq. xvii. 6. 1
;

yoip Tipl sTOi ijioof^riKoaTQu


a'4,thc,v

iTuv ioofiy^Koyroc.

van der
***

Chijs,

33. 1
Wars of the Jexcs,
Compare Havercanip's note on
r,'j

i.

De Her ode Magno,

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

9.

i.

f/,iv

yoip

^'o>)

Antiq. xiv. 9. 2

p. 1.

JFars of the Jews,

^v

10. 5.

384

THE ROMAN -HERODI AN AGE.

Sanhedrim, to which tribunal alone


death sentence

would

and they therefore

young Herod

call

Hyrcanus yielded

request,

their

to

answer

to

before the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem.

Hyrcanns

what he had done.

for

and summoned Herod


Herod indeed appeared,

became an accused person, in mourning

however, as

not,

belonged to pass a

it

insisted that

garments, but decked in purple, and attended by a body-

"When he thus entered the presence

guard,

complaints were

and he would undoubtedly have

hushed,

been exculpated, had not the

celebrated Pharisee

(Shemaiah

?)

leagues.

They were now disposed

prerogatives

received orders

condemn

from

were

taking

When

Herod did

city.

so

upon

insist

But

Hyrcanus

their

had

he therefore perceived that

dangerous

and advised Herod

sitting,

to

Herod.

Sextus Caesar, governor of Syria, to

secure Herod's acquittal.


things

Sameas

and aroused the conscience of his col-

arisen

and

of the Sanhedrim,

to

he

turn,

suspended

the

withdraw secretly from the

but he soon returned with an army

against Jerusalem in order to avenge himself for the insult

that had been given him.


tions

of

his

father

Only the most urgent representa-

Antipater

wrath, and restraining

succeeded

him from open

in

appeasing

violence.

returned to Galilee, comforting himself

He

his

then

with the reflection

that he had at least given an exhibition of his power, and put

a wholesome terror upon his opponents.

During

this conflict

with the Sanhedrim Herod was appointed, by Sextus Caesar,


governor of Coele-Syria, aTpaT7]yo<;
All this happened in
B.c.
31

46.

B.c.

In the spring of

B.c.

Joseplius, Avtiq. xiv. 9. 3-5

rabbinical tradition preserves the

Sanhedrim.

The names

in

the

Xvpia<;?^

beginning of

46, while Caesar had to be

Wars of the Jeics, i. 10. 6-9. Tlie


remembrance of the scene before the

instead of Herod, a slave of Jannus

Simon ben Shetach.

Palestine, pp. 146-148.

or

there given, however, are altogether different.

Instead of Hyrcanus, Jannus


instead of Shemaiah,

47,

tt}? KolXr]';

See Derenbourg, Histoire de

la

13.

away

HYRCANUS

385

IL, B.C. 63-40.

Pompey

fighting against the adherents of

one

in Africa,

Pompey's party, Caecilius Bassus, succeeded in making

of

himself master of Syria by getting Sextus Caesar put out of

way by

the

besieged in

mand

To the

336).

p.

forces of

autumn

The

struggle of the

two parties

who

governor, L. Statins Murcus,

beginning of

(see

proof of his serviceable-

meanwhile con-

tinued without yielding any decisive result

new

^'

45

had sent to the aid of the Caesarian

Caesar, he

to

party.^*

of b.c.

Vetus were also added the

new

troops of Antipater, which, as a

ness

afterwards

the Caesarian party, under the com-

of C. Antistius Vetus, in the

above,

He was

the hand of an assassin.

Apamea by

and even the

arrived in Syria in the

44, and was supported by Marcius Crispus,

b.c.

the governor of Bithynia, obtained no decided advantage over


Caecilius Bassus.

Meanwhile, on the 15 th March

Marc Antony

dered.

resolved

And

continue his work.

it

44, Caesar was mur-

B.c.

avenge

to

his

was only the

death

and

that

just

fact

then the fortunes of the party were in a rather backgoing


condition that prevented the conspirators from also

immediate steps in their own

Antony had proceeded against them

manner that the

When

donia, L. Cassius to Syria.

44, arrived in

b.c.

besieged by Statins

Caesar's

party, they

of Cassius,

The

aid.
^2

Not

^*

ad

I.

had

Crispus

now

placed

of

Caecilius

Atticurn, xiv. 9.

Joseph us, Antiq.

DIV.

VOL. L

M. Brutus

Cassius, in the

their

and Statius Murcus even


legion

xiv. 11.

ii.

hitherto

army
also

end of the

514, assumes.

in

i.

still

Apamea.

belonged

own

to

went

personal

over

to

See, on the other

.3.

JFars of the Jews,

Mace-

at the service

offered his

Bassus

to

Bassus was

Caecilius

Syria,

47, as Hitzif, Geschichte,

liand, Cicero,

after

an openly hostile

Murcus and Marcius Crispus

Murcus and

Although

in

taking

was only

leaders of the conspiracy went to the East

in order to collect their forces there

year

It

interest.

10. 10.

2 B

386

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

Thus did Cassius become master

Cassius.^

gained possession of a considerable fighting

now

the support of the large and

immense sums

of

the small Jewish

money were

And

land must contribute

by him under an arrestment


collection of which Antipater and
particularly

its

700

of

laid

themselves

for

army-

even

to this

share.

It

was

talents,

in

the

son Herod

his

For, with

useful.

But

force.

further increasing

necessary.

and

of Syria,

showed

same

the

zeal

with which they had once secured to themselves Caesar's


they

favour,

How

now sought

some

useful this zeal was,

itself

win the goodwill

to

of

the towns of Gophna,

Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamna, because they


bute

their

share,

young Herod,

as

were

pointed by Cassius, as

as

he had previously been by Sextus

this time, B.c. 43, Antipater

personal enmity.

But

slaves.^^

rendered, was ap-

services

Caesar, governor {aTpaTi]<y6<;) of Coele- Syria.

About

could not contri-

by Cassius

sold

a reward for

Cassius.

examples in Judea

frightful

The inhabitants

showed.

of

^^

became the victim of

certain Malichus endeavoured, just as

Antipater had done, to gain an influential position in Judea.

But Antipater, more than any one


realizing

his

to gain

won
to

his

over the

death

by

He must

ambition.

his end, rid

else,

stood in the
therefore, if

By

himself of that man.

as

of

he was

bribery he

Hyrcanus, who put Antipater

cupbearer of
poison

way

was

he

one

day

dining

with

Hyrcanus.^^

Herod undertook
While,

therefore,

to

avenge

Malichus

the

was

death

busying

of

his

himself

father.

in

endeavour to carry out his ambitious plans and secure

the
to

himself the government of Judea, he was murdered in the


^*

For the

2*

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11. 2

'"

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11. 4

2''

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 11. 4

proofs, see above, p. 337.

Wars of the Jews, i.


Wars of the Jews, i.
Wars of the Jeios, i.

11. 1-2.
11. 4.

11. 4.

IIYKCANUS

13.

neiglibourliood of Tyre
tlie

by hired

connivance of Cassias, had

387

IL, B.C. C3-40.

assassins,

whom

After Cassius had departed from Syria, in


harder fortunes befell the

wrung from
utter

province.

to

left

itself affairs

fell

42,

b.c.

had

Cassius

now

the most exorbitant sums, but

it

province was

Ilerod, with

sent.**

that the

such a state uf

into

anarchy that there was no law but the will of the

During

stronger.

Antigonus

period

this

made an
Mennaeus

also

attempt, with the assistance of Ptolemy the son of

Favoured

of Chalcis, to secure the sovereignty of Palestine.

by

still

indeed

fate

and fortune, Herod indeed frustrated

attempt,

this

but he was not able to prevent Marion, tyrant of Tyre, from


snatching to himself certain portions of Galilean

new

arose

crisis

fortunes of the two

autumn

in

situation
after

an

Antony

Asia

all

was

territory.^^

especially

in

Antony and Octavian.


into

of

the

hands

of

AVith

this

The

Antony.

the Jewish nobility appeared

Bithynia about

made complaints

against

the beginning
these

two

of

b.c.

Yet

princes.

before

41,

effect

of these

Soon

charges.^''

and

Herod

succeeded by personal explanations in neutralizing for

time being the

late

42, Brutus and Cassius were

b.c.

fell

tlie

the more critical for Phasael and Herod,

all

embassy
in

and

Idumeans Phasael and Herod, when,

of the year

defeated at Philippi by

one stroke

Palestine,

in

tlie

after this,

^* Joseplius, Antiq. xiv. 11. 6


Wars of the Jeics, i. 11. 8. The immler
;
of Antipater took place before the conquest of Laodicea in the summer of

43 (see above, p. 338), while the muriler of Malichus occurred


immediately after that event. Hence both occurrences took place during
the year B.c. 43 (Josephu.?, Antiq. xiv. 11. 6
Wars of the Jews, i. 11. 7).
^^ Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 12. 1
Wars of the Jews, i. 12. 2-3. In the
narrative of Josephus, which is based upon the statements of Nicolaus
Damascenus, a veil is thrown over the circum.stance that Herod could not
prevent the conquests of the Tyrians. But he makes this clear from the
subsequent letter of Antony, which ordered tlie Tyrians to restore the
B.g.

j)laces

that they had conquered (see below, note 41).

*" Jose])hus,

Antiq. xiv. 12. 2

Wars

of the Jars,

i.

12. 4.

388

THE ROMAN-HERODIAX AGE,

Antony lingered

wliile

an embassy from Hyrcanus

in Ephesus,

appeared before him asking that Antony should give orders for

Jews

the emancipation of the

and

had been conquered

Antony

role

by the Tyrians.

readily

and

assumed the

all

prayed

with violent denunciation of the

for,

rights

ceedings of Cassius.^'

41,

B.c.

privileges,

Some

when Antony had gone

But neither

at

this

time

the

lawless

pro-

time afterwards, in the autumn

they

did

Jewish

to Antioch, the

renewed their charges against

nobles

of

and issued the orders

protector of

of

by Cassius,

into slavery

sold

for the restoration of the places that

Phasael

and Herod.

lead

any

to

result.

Antony, when he was serving in Syria under Gabinius in


B.c.

57-55, had been

That friendship

Antipater.

account

favourable

years the intimate friend of

he

Hyrcanus, who

since, besides,

gave

many

for

did

had

also

the

of

not

now

forget.

gone

two

And

Antioch,

to

brothers,

Antony

appointed Phasael and Herod tetrarchs of the country of the

Hyrcanus

Jews.*^

authority.

had

He

for a long

The period

was

then

stripped

his

political

the loss, for he

time possessed political authority only in name.


of Antony's

residence

province a time of sore oppression.


living

of

mourn over

did not indeed

consumed enormous sums

of

provinces were required to provide.

in Syria

money, and

for

the

these

the

Thus, wherever Antony

went exorbitant taxes were invariably imposed


was not by any means allowed

was

His luxurious style of

and Palestine

to escape.'*'

Josephus, Atitiq. xiv. 12. 2. The original documents, a letter of


Antony to Hyrcanus and two letters to the Tyrians, Antiq. xiv. 12. 3-5.
One of the letters to the Tyrians {Antiq. xiv. 12. 4) refers expressly to
*^

the restoring of the conquered places

the other {Antiq. xiv. 12. 5) refers

Jewish slaves. Similar letters were also sent to the


Compare, with
cities of Sidon, Antioch, and Aradus {Antiq. xiv. 12. 6).
reference to the documents, Mendelssohn in Ritschl's Acta societatis philoL
to the liberating of

Lipsiensis,

t.

v. 1,875,

pp. 254-263.

*^

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 13.

*^

Appian,

Civ.

v.

Wars

'Evnrxpti)it

of the Jews,
Ss

<^pvyiii

12. 5.

i.

re

nui

Mvsixu

nxl

In

tlie

year

HYRCANUS

13.

b.c.

II.,

389

B.C. C3-40.

40, while Antony was during part of

tlie

time held in thrall by Cleopatra in Egypt, and during another


part occupied with the affairs of Italy, the great invasion of

the Parthians occurred,

Antigonus succeeded,

As

the Parthians

all

Further Asia with

in consequence of this occurrence

for a while at least, in securing the

which he had been

for

who overran

And

their wild hordes.

end

striving.

and Barzapharnes, the

under Pacorus

former the son of King Orodes, the latter a Parthian satrap,

had already occupied Northern

Syria,

Antigonus succeeded in

persuading them, by great promises, to aid him in securing

Pacorus marched along to

possession of the Jewish throne.

the Phoenician coast, Barzapharnes advanced into the interior

toward the south.

of the country

Pacorus sent

to

Jerusalem

a detachment under the leadership of the king's cupbearer,

whose name was

Before that company arrived

also Pacorus.

Antigonus had already succeeded

at the city,

around him a company

and had with

gathering

in

adherents from among

of

Jews,

tlie

advanced upon Jerusalem, where the battle

it

was waged daily between him on the one hand and Phasael
and Herod on the other.^

In the meantime the Parthian

The Parthian gave out that

troops under Pacorus arrived.

he desired to

terms of peace, and demanded of Phasael

settle

that he should go to the

he

might

put

camp

end

an

to

of

Barzapharnes in order that

this

strife.

Herod

Althougli

earnestly warned his brother, Phasael walked into the snare,

and went along with Hyrcanus and

camp

the

to

of

l*acorus, the

Barzapharnes.

small

cupbearer,

detachment

Parthian horsemen remained behind in Jerusalem."'"

camp

Parthian
Vxy^oirei;
KoiT^Ylv

roii;

X.XI

iv

tlie
holot.^

TVx'h.XKniuriv

x-Tzxaiv ia<popxg iTix'A'hi

mask was soon thrown


Yt.ct'z -tt tx.<irjy,iu,'j

KXt

rf

xxt

Izdvpxixv

rr,v

aside,

KO.ikixv

kx\

(jqx

kxI

xf.'t.x

upux;.

^*

Josephup,

*'

Joseiihus, Ahtlq. xiv. 13. 4-5

Antii]. xiv. 13.

JFars of the Jewa, i. 13. 1-2.


Wars of the Jens, i. 13. 3.
;

of

In the

and the
"^voixv
yivr)

Tr,v

2^o<j>.

390

THE KOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.

two

When Herod
offer

by

were

Phasael and Hyrcanus,

princes,

was told of

put

in

irons.'"'

not being strong enough to

this,

open opposition, he resolved to escape from Jerusalem

Without attracting the attention

flight.

of the Parthians,

he had the female members of his family and the children


carried out of the city

and brought

which he

the

put under

jMeanwhile, on

charge

the spot where

Masada,

to the fortress of

of

at

brother Joseph.*'

his

he built

a later period

the fortress Herodium, he had to fight with the Jews,

were

still

He was

hostile to him.

able,

who

however, success-

After he had thus secured

fully to repel their attack.

all

belonging to him in a stronghold, he continued his flight

and went

farther southward,

Their

friendship

Parthians

from

plundering

the

The

disposal of Antigonus.

country

ears of

he might no longer be

so that

did

Petra in Arabia.*^
not

restrain

round

about

and Hyrcanus were now placed

Phasael

capital.

first of all to

Antigonus

for

at

Hyrcanus were cut

eligible for the

office

the

the
the
off,

of high

Phasael, on the contrary, escaped the hands of his

priest.

enemies by dashing his

head upon a rock

received the joyful tidings

of

the

he had

after

fortunate

flight

of

his

brother.

Afterwards the

them

Parthians

as a prisoner,

*^ Joseplius,

and

set

carried

away Hyrcanus

up Antigonus

Aniiq. xiv. 13. 5-6

with

as king.*^

TFars of the Jews,

i.

13. 4-5.

Masada was built on a steep rock on the western bank of the Dead
In the war of Vespasian it was the last place of refuge for the
Sea.
rebels, who yielded only after the Eomans had carried on long and
On its situation and history, see
fatiguing siege operations, in a.D. 73.
below in 20 toward the end, where also the more recent literature is
'"'

given.

Wars of the Jews, i. 13. 6-8.


Wars of the Jeivs, i. 13. 9-11. Dio
erroneously names him Aristobulus instead of Anti-

*^

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 13. 6-9

*3

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 13. 9-10;

Cassius, xlviii. 26,

gonus.

Of the events

Syncelhis, ed. Dindorf,

of the years B.c. 43-40, Julius Africanus in George


i.

581

sq.,

and Syncellus himself,

ed.

Dindorf,

i.

13.

.'^76

sq.

and

HYRCANUS

II.,

391

B.C. C3-10.

give a short account, which contains .some things different


and derived probably from another .source, perhaps from
It is most worthy of remark that Phasael is
Tiberias.
.t79,

fi'om Josephus,

Justus of

represented, not as taking

away

his

own

life

falling in battle (Julius Africanus in Syncellus,


(iu.x'n

'jot-iprm).

Also the

sum

while a prisoner, but as


581
Oaaai^xof oi iv rri

i.

wliich Cassius

given, not as 700, but as 800 talents (Syncellus,

i.

raised in Palestine

576).

is

Compare generally,

We have no right, however, to give


Gelzer, Julius Africanus, i. 261-265.
a preference to these brief statements over the very circumstantial and
detailed report of Josephus.

14.

ANTIGONUS,

40-37.

B.Cf.

Sources.
JosEPHUS, Antiq.
Annales,

v.

14-16

xiv.

Wars

of the Jeics,

i.

14-18.

Zonaras,

3.

10-11 (abstract from Josephus).

Literature.

Ewald, History

of Israel, v. 411-416.

Stanley, Jewish Church,

Grtz,

iii.

Geschichte der Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

Schneckenburger,

Hausrath,

419-423.

4 Aufl. pp. 190-197.

iii.,

ii.

523-533.

Zeitgeschichte, pp.

173-175.

Israel,

Zeitgeschichte, 2 Avifl.

Lewin, Fasti

sacri, pp.

i.

200-210.

52-62.

BRCKLEiN, Quellen und Chronologie


den Jahren 713-718

Antigonus,

or,

of the coins

as

by

d. St.

der rmisch-parthischen Felziige in

Dissertat. 1879.

he was called according to the evidence

his

Hebrew name,

Mattathias, had thus by

the help of the Parthians reached that position after which


father

his

example of

and

he assumed

I,,

priest"

brother

his

the rank

(on the

coins:

Compare on the

had vainly

forefathers,

from

and

the

title

striven.

After

of " king "

and

BACIAEflG ANTIFONOT,

coins of Antis^onus

the

time of Aristobulus

Eckliel, Doctr.

Num.

"

high

n>nn

iii.

480,

Mionnet, v. 563 sq. De Saulcy, Recherches, pp. 109-113. Cavedoni,


Levy, Geschichte der jdischen Miinzeix,
Bibl. Numismatik, ii. 23-25.
Madden, History of Jeivish Coinage, pp. 76-79. Reichardt
pp. 65-67.
in the Wiener Numismat. Monatsheften, Bd. iii. 1867, pp. 114-116.
481.

De

Madden, Numismatic
Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 243 sq.
Merzbacher, Zeitschrift fr Numismatik,
1874, pp. 314-316.

Chronicle,
iii.

1876, pp. 209-213.

Madden, Coins

of the Jews, pp. 99-103.

ANTIGONS,

14.

The hopes

of

Herod

Without going

aid.

rested simply

Petra

to

Malchus had forbidden him

to

393

B.C. 40-37.

for

visit

and wholly on Eoraan


Arabian

the
his

country

prince

he

pro-

and thence took ship for Eome,


autumn storms had begun.
After
passing through various dangers, he managed to reach Rome
by Rhodes and Brundusium, and immediately upon his
ceeded

to

although

Alexandria,

already

the

he laid his sad

arrival

knew how
by means

to
of

And

money.

so

it

to be gained,

happened that

liaving secured also the goodwill of Octavian,


at a

Herod

complaint before Antony.'^

win favour, whenever that had

he,

formal session of the senate to be king of Judea.

appointment was celebrated by a

sacrifice

after

was declared

The

at the capitol

and

a banquet by Antony.^

Prom
office

the

appointment

to the

actual

possession of the

was now indeed a longer and a more

difficult

step.

Por the time being the Parthians, and their proWj6 Antigonus,

still

maintained their authority in the country.

Parthians were indeed driven


Ventidius, the legate of

from
2

out of

Antony

Antigonus, Ventidius

(see

Syria in

above,

only exacted

p.

341).

heavy

The
39 by

b.c.

P>ut

tribute,

Wars of the Jews, i. 14. 1-3.


Wars of the Jews, i. 14. 4. Compare
340). The appointment falls under the

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 14. 1-3.


Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 14. 4-5.

Appian, v. 75 (see above, p.


year B.c. 40, during the consulship of Cn. Domitius Calvinus and C.
Asinius Pollio {Antiq. xiv. 14. 5).
It must, however, have been xctj
near the end of the year, for it was already late in harvest when Herod
took ship from Alexandria (Antiq. xiv. 14. 2; Wars of the Jews, i.
The statement of Josephus, that the appointment was made in
14. 2).
the 184th Olympiad (Antiq. xiv. 14. 5), is therefore incorrect, for that
Olymjiiad ended in the summer of b.c. 40. Also contemporary Roman
history agrees in setting the appointment in the autumn, since

and Octavian did not reach Rome

earlier than that.

Antony
Compare SancleVan der Chijs, De

De vulgaris aerae emendatione, pp. 300-366.


Hexode Magno, pp. 31-35.
On the other hand, it is certainly wrong,
with Gumpach, Ueber den altjdischen Kalender, pp. 238-250, to place the
mente,

appointment

so late as

autumn

b.c. 39.

394

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

and

And

him otherwise undisturbed.

left

lieutenant, pursued a

Silo

his

also,

similar policy after the departure of

Ventidius.*

This was the

He

landed at Ptolemais.

now Ventidius and

as

when Herod,

of matters

state

quickly collected an army


the

at

Silo,

command

supported him, he soon made progress.


fell

into

his

As he

Then

hands.

where

Masada,

his

had

number

and he could even venture


siege to

it.

the time, for

he

also

relatives

succeeded, the

in b.c.

of

gained

Joppa

possession

been

adherents

his

of

besieged.
increased,

and

go to Jerusalem

to

He made nothing,
the Eoman troops

Antony,

of

First of all

hitherto

39,

and

lay

however, of this attempt at


of Silo,

which were

have

to

supported him, assumed a stubborn and defiant attitude, and


insisted

upon withdrawing

into winter quarters.*

In the spring of the year


the

attack

had

to

upon

go forth

While

Syria.

against

fight

to

38, the Parthians renewed

B.c.

thus Ventidius

them, Herod

subdue the country wholly under him, and

many

of the hands of

concealed

themselves,

caverns in
these

adventurers.
especially

to gain

among

and

to rescue it out

the

thus

secured

for

inaccessible

But even

possession, for he

his soldiers in large chests (XdpvaKes:)

peak,

Silo

Vast bands of brigands

the mountain gorges of Galilee.

Herod knew how

and

sought to

let

of

down

from the lofty rocky

them an entrance

into

the

caves.*
*

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 14. 6

J-Fars of the Jeius,

i.

15. 2.

Dio Cassius,

xlviii. 41.
^

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 15. 1-3

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

15. 5

JVars of the Jeu's, i. 15. 3-6.


According to
of the Jews, 1. 16. 4.

Wars

and Wars of the Jews, i. 16. 2, these caverns were


situated in the neighbourhood of Arbela.
The caves there referred to
are often elsewhere spoken of by Josephus {Antiq. xii. 11. 1
Life, 37).
The description which he gives in Antiq. xiv. 15. 5, and in Wars of

Antiq. xiv. 15.

4,

the Jeus,

i.

16. 4,

caves which are

corresponds exactly with the actual character of the


to be

seen at the present day in

the neighbourhood

AJNTIGONS,

14.

Paithians

Meanwhile, however, the


Ventidius

on

June

9th

B.c.

395

B.C. 40-37.

were conquered

And

38.

that general

by

then

turned his attention against Antiochus of Commagene, and

him

siege to

laid

not

let

this

Herod could

Samosata,

opportunity escape of speaking to his patron

he had good grounds

for

at

arrived

During the

Samosata.

in his capital of

Antony himself

siege

complaining of

for

now proceeded

Samosata in order

to

He

Antony.

received

him very

took

in

therefore

pay his respects

to

graciously,

surrender of Samosata soon afterwards

way

the

He

which support had been withheld from him.

and

place,

as

to

the

Antony

instructed Sosius, the successor of Ventidius, to afford efficient


assistance to Herod.^

In Palestine, during the absence of Herod, matters were


in a bad

had

in

Joseph, the brother of Herod, to

way.

the

whom

he

meantime transferred the chief command, had

been attacked by an army of Antigonus, and was himself


slain

in the

be struck

battle,

and Antigonus had ordered

had seized the opportunity


had drowned

full

brother.

head to

to rise again

against Herod, and

his adherents in the lake of Gennesareth.^

report of

Antioch, and

his

In consequence of these events, the Galileans

off.

all

these proceedings reached

Herod

at

he now hastened to avenge the death of his

Galilee

was without

difficulty

army

Jericho he encountered the

of Jrbid (Arhed), not far from the

reconquered.

At

of Antigonus, but did not,

lake of Gennesareth, north-west of

There can therefore be no doubt that Jrbid is identical with


Arbela, and the caverns there with those mentioned by Josephus. ComTiberias.

pare Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, vol.

ii.

279, 280.

Guerin,

The Survey of Western Palestine; Memoirs by Conder


and Kitchener, i. 409-411 (description of Kulat Ihn Man, as the rock
and therewitli the large English
fortress of the caverns is now called)
Galilee,

i.

198-203.

map, Sheet
p.

vi.

Frei, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina- Vereins, ix. 188,

108 ff.
Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

'

Josephus, Antiq. xiv.

1.'").

l.

7-9
10

If^ars of the Jews,

Wars

of the Jews,

i.
i.

16. 6-7.
17. 1-2.

396

TUE F.OMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

would seem, venture upon any decisive engagement.

it

was only when Antigonus divided his


portion

courted a regular contest.

was

utterly

The

where

first

defeated

Pappus and Herod came together

made by Pappus, but he

attack was

by Herod, and driven into the

who had not managed

all

his death.

With the exception

thereby

into the hands of Herod.

of winter hindered

save

to

city,

themselves by

Pappus himself there met

night were ruthlessly cut down.

fell

and sent a

under Pappus to Samaria, that Herod

of his troops

near Isana.

forces,

It

of the capital, all Palestine

Only the coming on

him from beginning immediately the

siege

of Jerusalem.^

In the spring of
year admitted

of

it,

B.C.

37, so soon as the season of the

Herod

laid

siege

to

the

capital,

these were ready for operating, he left the

army

and

When

began by the erection of military engines of assault.

for a little

while and went to Samaria, in order there to celebrate his

marriage with Mariamme, a granddaughter of Hyrcanus, to

whom

he had been engaged for

had been entered into in


the Jews,

(Antiq. xiv. 12. 1

Wars

of the Jeivs,

i.

17. 5,

By

17.

ISANA (Antiq. xiv. 15. 12), we have in Wars of


KANA, which evidently is simply a corruption of

Instead of
i.

Wars

of

12. 3)}"

i.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 15. 11-13;

'

This engagement

five years.

42

b.c.

a combination of the narratives

it

3-8.

the Jev:s,

the

text.

appears that the place lay either

Judea for Pappus had been


Herod met him going against him from Jericho.
therefore undoubtedly to be identified with niti'% which

in the south of Samaria or in the north of

sent to Samaria, but

Our Isana

is

mentioned along with Bethel (in Josephus, Antiq.


is probably still preserved, as ClermontGanneau conjectiires, in the modern Ain Sinia, only a little to the
north of Bethel. Compare Clermont-Ganneau, Journal asiatique, septi^me
Serie, t. ix. 1877, pp. 499-501.
Quarterhj Statements, 1877, p. 206 sq.
Zeitschrift des DPV. i. 41 f.
Guerin, Samarie, ii. 38.
The Survey of
Western Palestine; Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ii. 291, 302 and the
in 2 Chron.

xiii.

19

viii. 11. 3, ''laa.vi).

is

The name

large English
^^

map

attached, Sheet xiv.

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 15. 14;

Wars

of the Jeus,

i.

17. 8.

Mariamme
I

ANTIGONUS,

14.

After the celebration of the marriacje


the camp.

Sosius also

army

a great

upon the

397

B.C. 40-37.

now appeared

lie

returned again to

before Jerusalem with

and Herod and Sosius made a joint attack

They made

city.

done, from the north.

On

Pompey had

their onslaught, as
this

mighty ramparts were

side

and against these the battering-rams began

raised,

to

play.

Forty days after the beginning of these operations, the

rampart was taken

were always

still

after fifteen

in the

the

city all

days more the second also

of the temple

and the upper

At

hands of the besieged.

whom

Antigonus himself

fell

they

could

hands

lay their

at the feet of Sosius

him Antigone, and had him bound

in

upon.

and entreated of

The Eoman looked upon him with

him mercy.

city

last these

and the besiegers now went on murdering

too were stormed,


in

But the inner court

fell.

first

fetters.

scorn, called
It

was now

Herod's greatest care to rid himself as soon as possible of


his

Eoman

friends.

was going on

in

For the murdering and plundering that

what was now again

his

By means

possibly be pleasing to him.

capital

could not

of rich presents he

succeeded at last in inducing Sosius and his troops to take


their departure.^^
{'Slot.oii.fAfiti

is

not to be written

was a daughter of Alexander,

'Motpid.i^vfi)

the son of Aristobulus II. and of Alexandra, a daughter of Hyrcanus II.


{Antiq. xv.

was

2. 5).

called Doiis,

She was the second wife of Herod. His first wife


bv whom he had one son called Antipater (^Antic[. xiv.

12. 1).
11

Dio

Josephu.s, Antiq. xiv. 16. 1-3


Cassius, xlix. 22.

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

17. 9, 18. 1-3.

The date of the conquest of Jerusalem

given by the two sources which

we have

is

variously

Dio Cassius,
xlix. 22, places it in the consulship of Claudius and Norbanus in r.c. 38.
He is followed by Clinton, Fadi Hellenici, iii. pp. 222 sq. (ad ann. 38),
299 sq., and Fischer, liomische Zeittafeln, p. 350, who adopt December
B.c. 38 as the date of the conquest.
Joseph us, on the other hand, says
that it occurred under the consulshij) of M. Agrippa and Caninius
(Jallua in b.c. 37 {Antiq. xiv. 16. 4).
He is followed by almost all the
moderns. It is, in fact, quite clear that the short and summary report
of Dio Cassius cannot come into competition with the detailed and
circumstantial narrative of Josephus, which rests on thoroughly good
at our disposal.

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

398
In

way was Herod, almost

this

three

years

after

his

appointment, enabled to enter on the actual possession of


his

Antigonus was carried away by Sosius to

sovereignty.

Antioch, and there, in accordance with the wish of Herod,

and

reliable

But from

sources.

certainly be concluded

We know

B.c. 37.

that the

statement of Josephus

tlie

fall

of the city did

it

must

not occur before

by Ventidius on the

that Pacorus was conquered

Ventidius thereupon directed his energies against


Antiochus of Commagene, and besieged him in Samosata. It was only
after the siege had begun (compare especially Plutarch, Antony, 34),
9th of June

b.c. 38.

Antony arrived at SamoHerod and when Samosata

therefore at the earliest in July B.c. 38, that


sata.

He

there

received the visit from

after a long siege (Plutarch, Antony,

34

t^?

^ijxoj T^x/ua-

Se Tro'KiopKi'x;

had capitulated, and he himself had again returned to Athens,


he sent back Sosius with orders to give assistance to Herod (Antiq. xiv.
It must therefore have been autumn of B.c. 38 before Herod
15. 8-9).
and the statement of Josephus puts it beyond
received this support
question that a winter was past before the conquest of Jerusalem was
vovan;)

accomplished (J. Jifi^. xiv. 15. 11


xiv. 15. 12: xii(Ji.uv '^sa^- /3i',-

roXAot/ x-'f^'^""' x-ctTccppotyivro;

Antiq.

14: A^|TOf toD


ipo;
-/ovjii).
Accordingly the conquest
XitfA.uvo<;', and finally, 16. 2
of Jerusalem cannot be assigned to an earlier date than the summer of
B.c. 37 (compare Sanclemente, De vuhjaris aerae emendatione, pp. 366-371.
;

then again,

15.

Handbuch der Chronologie, ii. 390 and in opposition to Clinton,


also Ewald,
van der Chijs, de Herode Magno, pp. 35-41
History of Israel, v. 416. Brcklein, Quellen und Chronologie der rmischIdeler,

especially

imrthischen Feldzge, 1879, pp. 61-65.

Kellner in the Katholik, 1887,

But now the opinions of scholars diverge


zweite Hlfte, pp. 65-75).
from one another. Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 16. 4, says that the fall of the
city took

place

t>5

kopTYi

rijj

v/ioTitx;,

the great day of atonement, 10th

by which undoubtedly he means


= October. He is followed by

Tisc/iri

Ewald, Kellner, etc.


On the other hand, Herzfeld in
paper in Frankel's Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und
Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1885, p]). 109-115, entitled
Wann icar die
Eroberung Jerusalem's durch Pompejus, und ivann die durch Herodes ?
has attempted to show that the conquest took place earlier in the
summer, and, indeed, the facts will oblige us to assent to this conclusion.
Herod certainly began the siege as soon as the season of the year
allowed {>.7i^ccuro; tov x^iy-ui/o;), that is probably in February, at latest
in March.
Therefore, even although it is stated in the Wars of the
Jews, i. 18. 2, that the siege lasted for five months, it could scarcely have
been prolonged into October.
It is much more probable that the fall
of the city occurred some time in July B.c. 37.
The phrase soot'/j t^j

van der

Chijs,

particular, in

his

ANTIGONUS,

14.

399

40-37.

B.C.

he was by Antony's orders led to the block.


first

It

was the

time that the Eomans had executed such a sentence on

a king.^^

The

rule of the

Asmonean dynasty was thus brought

to

an

end.

which Josephus met with in his pagan sources, may therefore


in the case of the conquest of Pompey, not to the day of
atonement, but to an ordinary Sabbath for Dio Cassius here also again
says that the city was taken sv rii -zw Kpdvov '/],uspif (xlix. 22).
Yet tlie
statement of Josephus is to be remembered, that the capture took place tu>
By this he certainly does not mean the
rpt'ra f^vji {Antiq. xiv. 16. 4).
third month of the Olympiad year, as van der Chijs sujjposes, p. 35,
but he intends either the
for the Greek months were never numbered
third month of the Jewish calendar, or the third month of the siege.
Gratz, Geschichte, iii., 4 Aufl. p. 196, and Hitzig, Geschichte, ii. 532, take
the former view, and so date the conquest of the city in June b.c. 37.
But certainly this cannot have been the meaning of Josephus, since at
the 6ame time he places the fall of the city on the great day of atoneIt is therefore evident that by the phrase employed he meant
ment.
uYiJTu'et;,

refer, as

month of the siege. The three months, then, are


be reckoned from the beginning of active operations {Antiq. xiv.
the five months of the IVars of the Jews from the beginning of
2)

to indicate the third


to
16.

the preparations (Antiq. xiv. 15.


Eroberung, p. 113

14).

Compare

Herzfeld, JVann icar die

f.

The view of Gumpach, Ueher den altjdischen Kalender, pp. 268-277,


and Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of
Christ, p.

20

ff.,

that the

A.u.c, or B.c. 36,


all

is

fall

of the city did not take place before 718

decidedly

false,

inasmuch as

it

is

in opposition to

well-supported chronological data.

^2

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 16.

a passage from
Jeics,

i.

18. 3.

the

now

lost

Dio Cassias,

4,

xv.

1.

historical

xlix. 22.

where Josephus also quotes


work of Stiabo.
JVars of the

2,

Plutarch, Antomj, 36.

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

B.C. 37-4.

Sources.
JosEPHUS, Antiq.

xv., xvi., xvii.

On

1-8

(summary

Annales, v. 12-26

TVars of

tlie

Jews,

i.

18-33.

Zonaras,

of Joseph us).

the non-extant works of Herod, Ptolemy, Nicolas of Damascus, and

Justus of Tiberias, see above, pp. 56-69.

The Eabbinical
la

traditions are given in

Derexbourg, Essai

sur Vhistoire

et

geograph de la Palestine (1867), pp. 149-165.

The Coins are

manner by Maddex, Coins

treated of in the most complete

of the Jews (1881), pp. 105-114.

Literature.*

Ewald, Hiory

of Israd, v. 417-449.

Stanley, Lectures on

the

Jewish Church,

Geikie, The Life and Words of

412448,

iii.

Christ, 7th ed., 2 vols.,

London

1879, vol.

i.

pp. 33-63.

Farrar, Life of Christ, 18th ed., London, 2 vols., vol.


Hausrath, History of New Testament Times, i. 207-ii.
Lewin, Fasti sacri;

or a

Key

to the

i.

jjp.

11-48.

57.

Chronology of the Nevj Teament, 1865,

pp. 62-127.

V^ickers, The History of Herod, or another- look at a


centuries of calumny.

Grtz,

London

Geschichte des Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

iii.,

man

emerging from twenty

[An apology and defence

1885.

!]

4 Aufl. pp. 197-245.

Isi-ael, ii.

534^559.

Schneckenbrger, Zeitgeschichte, pp. 175-200.


Winer, Reahvrterhuch, i. 481-483.

Arnold

in Herzog's Rcal-Encychpaedie,

Keim, Jesus of Nazara,

Van der

233-253.

Chijs, Dissertatio

Judaeorum

De

i.

rege.

Aufl.

vi.

In Schenkel's

chronologico

8-14.

Bibellexicon,

historica

de

iii.

27-38.

Herode Magiw^

Lugd. Bat. 1855.

Saulcy, Histoire Herode,

roi des Juifs.

Paris 1867.

Siefferi in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl.

vi.

47-55

Ress, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften A.T.'s 1881, 541-545.


^

The

older literature, of which the most important

Iduiruiea, is

given in Winer, Realu-orterbuch,

i.

483, 485

is
f.

Noldii Historia

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

IoMMSEN, Bmische

Kellner, Die

Geschichte, v.

401

B.C. 37-4.

503-507.

und

Regierungszeit des Herodes

Dauer {Katholik, 1867,

ihre

zweite Hlfte, pp. 64-82, 166-182).

Menkj;'s Bibelatlas, Sheet

iv.

Map

of " Judea

arrangement of M. Antony," and Sheet

and Phoenicia

Map

v.

after the

"Judea and

of

neiahbourinjc countries at the time of the birth of Christ."

Chronological Summary.^
B.C.

37

A.U.C.

717 Conquest

of Jerusalem,

some time

in July.

Executions, Josephus, Antiq. xv.


xiv. 9. 4,

36

718

Hyrcanus

n.

II.

Wars of

compare

1-4.

2.

719 Beginning of the year Aristobulus III., brother


the instigation of his
of Mariamme, is
at
mother Alexandra nominated high priest by
:

Herod, Antiq. xv.

End

the year

of

order,

soon

drowned
avvr]v

34

18. 4.

i.

returns from the Parthian imprison-

ment, Antiq. xv.

35

1.

the Jews,

720

in

2.

5-7,

3.

1.'

Aristobulus III.

Eeast

the bath at Jericho,

T-qv ap^iepco-

Karaa-^^wv iviavTov,

for

by Herod's
Tabernacles,

tlie

Antiq.

Wars of the Jeivs, i. 22. 2.


Herod is summoned by Antony
answer

is

of

after

the

death

of

to

xv.

We

8.

Laodicea to

Aristobulus,

but

dismissed with Antony's favour, Antiq. xv.

and

3.

3.

is

9.-'

prefix this chronological

summary, because

in

what follows the

not always adhered to.


3 The appointment was made some time after Alexandra had sent the
portraits of Aristobulus and Mariamme to Antony in Egypt {Antiq. xv.
chronological order

is

2.6; WarsoftheJews,\.'2.2.Z: ; AU/vtttov). Seeing, then, that Antony did


not go into Egypt until the end of B.c. 36 (see above, p. 342), the appointment cannot have been eailier than the beginning of B.c. 35.
* Since Aristobulus,
according to the above statement, died in the end
of the year B.c. 35, this sunmions to Laodicea would fall in the spring of
B.c. 34,

when Antony undertook the expedition


not, as we may assume, in B.c.

Cassius, xlix. 39)

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

Armenia (Die
when Antony went
2 C

against
36,

402

THE HOMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.


A.U.C.

B.C.

720 Joseph,

34

the husband

of Herod's sister

Salome,

is

executed, Antiq. xv. 3. 9.

Antony

presents

Cleopatra

to

Phoenician

the

with the exception of Tyre and Sidon,

coasts,

and portions

Arabia and Judea

of

the region

around Jericho being specially excepted, Antiq.

1-2

XV. 4.

Cleopatra
4. 2

Wars

of the Jews,

with Herod
Wars of the Jews,

5.^

18.

i.

Jerusalem, Antiq. xv.

in

18.

i.

5.

The correct view is taken by van der Chijs.


Joseph us says that then Antony went against the Parthians
(Antiq. xv. 3. 9), his statement is loose and inexact, but not altogether
For Antony had, indeed, the design of going against the
incorrect.
Parthians, see Dio Cassius, xlix. 39. But Josephus is clearly in error
when he names in JFars of the Jews, i. 18. 5, "Parthians" instead of
"Armenians." The campaign J^i ndpdov;, referred to in Aiitiq. xv. 3. 9,
is therefore identical with the campaign iv
Ap/^isvtxv of Antiq. xv. 4. 2.
against the Paitliians.

foitli

When

'

The impression given by Josephus,

that two different occurrences are there

reported, probably results from his having used two different sources.

These presents are referred to by Plutarch, Antony, 36

Ivpix'j,

KvTrpov,

KiT^ticioc; "TroTO^Ttv,

(pioovcctu

Kxl

and Dio

Cassius, xlix.

T&)!/

'

TYii

Apata;
32 {zohK fiiv

ry,c 'Nct-ctrciUiv

rev yccp

iTvpuiu!/,

it>ott>tx.Yis

ST-t

Avdoivictv

Tlot'KxiaTi!/-/);,

oitj 7rp6; tt,!)

rvi:
.

'

Both writers assign these proceedings

to oc'Kaxi.cou

evrog ttok'Aivs! dccKxaaxv),

Apata;

dix.zii'jvj

Kos^tij; ts

{<i>oiviK-/iv, Koiy^yfj

t 'lov^ctt'uv tyiv

Ss rsj?

rivet

Kl

to the

tyj;
.

MX^ov
S

-TfoKT^d.

Kv/Ssjwjj 7'^v ts

year

B.c.

36.

kxi t^j
xal

rva

KvTrpov).

Plutarch

indeed places the transaction before the Parthian campaign Dio Cassius,
According to Josephus, on the other hand, the
after the return from it.
;

presentation of portions of Arabia, Judea, and Phoenicia took place in


B.c. 34,

when Antony was

entertaining the idea of going against Armenia.

TFars of the
intended in Antiq. xv. 4. 1-3
cannot be doubted when we compare these passages with
Dio Cassius, xlix. 39-40. The date given by Plutarch and Dio Cassius
obtains an apparent confirmation from the statement of Porphyry, that
Cleopatra had reckoned the sixteenth year of her reign the first, because
Antony in that year, after the death of Lysimachus (it ought to be
Lysanias), had gifted to her the kingdom of Chalcis (Porphyry in Eusebius,
Chronicon, ed. Schoene, i. 170 to V Ix-KxioiKctTov vo^uxadn ro xal vpurov,

For that

this

campaign

is

Jews,

i.

iTretO'/i

TiAsvTr.docvro; Av(7ificcx,'iv

18. 5,

MxoKOs
"TTxpihuKi

[1.

Avaxvtoii]

riig tu "Evp.'ct

A'jtI'vio; 6 ctvrijKptx.rus riiv rs X.x'hKt'hcii


TV,

KArorrj^TjOfls).

That

kcci

this statement of

XssAx/Boj xcri^Ji);,

tov; -mpl ccvtYiV t-ttov;

Porphyry

is

correct, is

B.C.

15.

HEROD THE GREAT,

722 War

of

Herod with the Arabians,

403

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

32

after the

out-

break of hostilities between Antony and Octavian,


Antiq. xv.

5.

Wars of

the Jews,

Earthquake in Palestine, Antiq. xv.


the Jews,

i.

19. 3

kut

5.

eVo? /^eu

19. 13.

i.

Wars of

aaiXeia^

tt}?

eZojxov, fc/jiu^ovTO^; Be tov Trepl "Aktlov irokifiov,

by a

also proved

date

given

is

grecques

et

u p'^ofievov eapo^.

coin and an inscription.

hov; kx tov

x.u\

latines de VEgypte,

r' 6ii;

ii.

90

On

a coin of Cleopatra the

(Letronne, liecueil des inscriptions


Sallet, Zeitschrift

fr Numismatik^

Bd. xiv. 1887, p. 379 f.) and on an inscription we have the date ' tow
x.ctl
i
(Letronne, liecueil, ii. 125 = Corpus Inscr. Graecorum, n. 49314932 = Lepsius, Denhniiler aus Aegypten, Bd. xii. Blatt 88, Ins':ript. Grace.
;

n. 264,

reviewed by Krall,

Wiemr

Studien, Bd. v. 1883, p. 313

Seeing,

f.).

then, that the sixteenth yearof Cleopatra, according to the usual reckoning

of the years of her reign, corresponds to the year B.c. 36 (answering

autumn B.c. 37 to autumn B.c. 36, see


her new era begins with this same year, and it may safely
be assumed that she obtained the kingdom of Lysanias in B.c. 36. But on
more exact investigation this statement of Porphyry is found to favour,
not that of Plutarch and Dio Cassius, but rather that of Josephus. Why
does Porphyry name only the kingdom of Chalcis, and not also Phoenicia
aud the other countries which were far more important than Chalcis ?
Evidently because Chalcis was the first present, while the others were
not bestowed till a later period. But this is just exactly what is assumed
by Josephus. When Herod had made answer for himself before Antony
at Laodicea, he wrote home an account of what liad happened Cleopatra's
schemes for obtaining Judea were no longer to be dreaded, since she had
precisely to

Letronne,

ii.

the period from

98),

Code -Syria {Antiq. xv. 3. 8, fin.). When Cleopatra,


however, soon renewed more successfully her petitions to have Judca and
Arabia given to her, the execution of Lysanias had been already carried
out (Antiq. XV. 4. 1). The cession to her of Coele-Syria, by which is to
received instead

be understood mainly the territory of Lysanias, thus preceded the other


gifts of countries.
Plutarch and Dio Cassius group together facts that
belong to different periods of time. Josephus has given the more exact
statement.

what

is

Compare on the donations

said above, p. 344.

According

of

Antony

to Cleopatra generally

to the conclusions

which we have

reached, the presentations spoken of by Josephus, Antiq. xv. 4. 1-2 ;


JVars of the Jews, i. 18. 6, must be a.ssigned to a date not much later than
the audience of Ilerod with Antony in Laodicea.
*

The seventh year

of Ilerod corresponds to B.c. 31-30,

aud

is

to

be

404
B.C.

32

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


A..C.

722 Herod conquers tlie Arabians, Antiq.


Wars of the Jews,
19. 36.

xv.

2-5

5.

i.

After the

battle

Herod

attached

Augustus,

Antiq. xv.

724 Spring:

Hyrcanus

oySo-qKovTa

XV.

Herod

i.

20.

2.

II.

executed,

Jews,

the

Antiq.

22. 1;

i.

i'TV'^yavev

<ye'yovoi<;

xv.

TrXei'o)

err],

6.
/xei/

Antiq.

6. 3.'

visits

made

Augustus at Ehodes, and

5-7

king, Antiq. xv. 6.

is

Wars of

by him
the Jews,

2U, 1-3.

i.

He

of

the

compare

Jews,

the

in

345.

p.

1-4; Wars of
7)

Didius

gladiators

Wars of

party

the

to

supported

Antony's

6.

Also above,

himself

he

for

with

struggle

30

Actium on 2nd September,

at

march

attaches himself to Augustus on his

Egypt

at Ptolemais, Antiq.

the Jews,

i.

20.

Autumn: Herod
gets

xv.

6.

to

Wars of

3.

visits

Jericho back

Augustus in Egypt, and

from

him, as also Gadara,

Hippo, Samaria, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, Straton's


i.

End

Tower, Antiq. xv.

7.

Wars of

the Jews,

20. 3.
of the year

he accompanies Augustus on his

reckoned from 1st Nisan to 1st Nisan. See the note at the close of
The earthquake, therefore, took place in the Nisan of the
the section.
year b c. 31. Nisan is also elsewhere described as the beginning of spring.

See Wars of the Jeus, iv. 8. 1 (j^t tsj ctp^yiv roli 'ictpoi) compare this
According to Mishna, Taanith i. 2,
with iv. 7. 3 {rsTpoi^i Avarpov).
Nederin viii. 5, Baba Mezia viii. 6, the rainy season is reckoned from
the Feast of Tabernacles to the Passover, therefore down to the middle
or even to the end of Nisan.
Zonaras, Annales, v. 14, _^??.: {v hoJv 6-/'^o-/ikovtx Trpo; hf. Also some
;

''

of the manuscripts of Josephus have eighty-one.

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

405

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

B.C.

return

from Egypt as

far as

Antioch,

Antiq.

XV. 7. 4.

End

725

29

the year

of

Mariamrne executed, Antiq. xv.

4-G; Wars of

7.

XV.

7.

iviamov

^ re

/j.-Pjko';,

the Jews, l

vTroyp-la

3-5 (Antiq.

22.

irapereivev

Tpec^ojJbevrj

i^ ov irapa Kalaapoi 'HpcBi]^

VTToarpecpei).

28?
25

Alexandra executed, Antiq. xv.

729

Costobar, the

7. 8,

second husband of Salome, and the

sons of Babas, executed, Antiq. xv.


date

is

7.

The

10.

discovered from the statement of Salome

ore Biaac^oivTO Trap' avTu> '^povov iviavjoiv


ScoBeKu, that

after the

is,

rjhrj

overthrow of Jerusalem

in B.c. 37.

The four

8.

built

Jerusalem,

in

727

Antiq.

xv.

1.

Conspiracy against Herod, Antiq. xv.

27

Theatre and

years' contendings begun.

amphitheatre

Samaria rebuilt

Sebaste, Antiq. xv. 8.

21.

8.

34.

and named in honour of Augustus


5

Wajs of

the

Jews,

i.

2.'

by Noris, Annus et epochae Syromareand Eckhel, Dodrina Num. iii.


440 sq., set down in the year a.u.c. 729, or b.c. 25. And it would at least
appear as if Joscphus assigns it to the same year. Then immediately
after he has referred to it in xv. 8. 5, he proceeds in xv. 9. 1 to say
xr
TOVTOV fJt,iV OVV TOf iViaVTOU, TptaKOH^iKCiTOV O^T T^? HpUOV xat'Kiix^. But
the thirteenth year of Herod began on 1st Nisan a.u.c. 729, or B.c. 25.
The coins of Samaria, however, employ an earlier epoch (see especially,

The rebuilding

(lonum, V.

5.

1,

ed.

of Samaria

is

Lips. pp. 531-536,

Mionnet, Description de midailks antiques, v. 513-516, Supjile'inent, viii.


356-359, and de Saiilcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, pp. 275-281).
Even the coins of Caracalla with the date 242 (Mionnet, Supplement, viii.
358 = de Saulcy, p. 280) carry us as far back as the spring of the year
729; for Caracalla was murdered in April A.U.C. 970. We are carried still
by a coin of Nero with the date 94 (Mionnet, Supplifmcnt,

farther back
viii.

357).

From

this coin

it is

evident that the epoch of Samaria began

THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

406
B.C.

A.U.C.

25

729 Famine and

pestilence (Kara rovrov ^ev ovv rbv

TpiaKaiheKarov

evLavrov,

ovra

r?)?

Hpoohov

Nero died in June a.tj.c. 821. Tlie reading


not altogether certain (de Saulcv, p. 276 sq.)
yet a principal reason why de Saulcy suspects the correctness of the
reading is, that the year-number 94 is not reconcilable with the assumed
epoch of B.c. 25. On the other side, we are not led much farther back,
that is, not farther back than to the 16th January 727 a.u.c, on which
before

June 728

a.u.c.

of the year-number 94

for

is

which the city was


384 Res gestae divi
Augusti, ed. 2, p. 149 Rmisches Staatsrecht, ii. 2. 708). Moreover, a
coin of Julia Domna, wife of Septimus Severus, with the year-number
220 (Mionnet, v. 514 f. = de Saulcy, p. 279), proves that the ej)och of the
city began in any case after the summer of A.U.C. 726, for Septimus
Severus did not come to the throne before the summer of A.u.c. 946. If
Ave assume, therefore, that the epoch of Samaria, like that of most Syrian
cities, began in autumn, we may set down autumn of A.u.c. 727 as the
The rebuilding of Samaria took jilace, therefore, probably in the
epoch.

day Augustus

named

(see

first

assumed the

Mommsen,

title liiioLaTOg, after

Corpus Inscript. Lat.

t.

i.

p.

year 727, in any case before the spring of 729, i.e. before the thirteenth
year of Herod.
But this contradiction between the coins and what seems to be the

chronology of

Joseplius

is

not

the only difficulty which meets

us.

according to Antiq. xv. 7. 10, occurred in the


Thereupon a whole series of events is rethirteentli year of Herod.
Co.stobar's execution,

which could not possibly have occurred in the space


when we pass on to xv. 9. 1, we find that we are
always still within this thirteenth year of Herod. From this it follows
that the whole section xv. 8. 1-5 is evidently arranged according to the
subject-matter, for Jose^jhus here brings together statements to show how
Herod by illegal procedure created opposition and gave offence, how the
dissatisfaction of the people expressed itself in words and deeds, and
what concessions Herod made in order to soothe the excitement of the
multitude. If we consider all this, and remember that Joseplius gathered
his materials from various sources (see above, p. 88), it becomes in the
highest degree probable that in the principal document used by Joseplius,
the section xv. 9. 1 was attached immediately to xv. 7. 10 that, on the
other hand, xv. 8. 1-5 is interpolated from another document, and that
the words >cocrix. rovrov j^ev ovv tov ivictvrov, etc., have been taken over by
Joseplius unchanged from his principal document, and that it is connected
corded in XV.
of one year.

8.

1-5,

And

yet,

its text, not with the time of the rebuilding of Samaria, but with the
time of Costobar's execution. In this way a solution is found for all

in

difiiculties.

HEROD THE GEEAT,

15.

B.c.

407

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

/Sacri\e/a?

Antiq. xv.

= B.C.

25-24, from Xisan

1.

9.

also into tlie following year,

The famine continues


B.c. 24-23, Antiq.
was governor

of

xv.

9.

1,

when Petronius

Egypt, Antiq. xv.

729 Herod sends 500 men

25

to Nisan),

9. 2.

as auxiliaries to the expedi-

tion of Aelius Gallus against Arabia, Antiq. xv.


3

9.

compare Strabo,

fjbd-^wv,

xvi. 4. 23, p.

lovEaioi

b)u rjaav

The campaign ended

780

avix-

TrevTaKccrtot,.

fxev

in the following year, B.c.

24, disastrously, and without any appreciable


results.*

The most

detailed description of

tlie

campaign

given by StraLo,

is

22-24, pp. 780-782 ; while it is reported more briefly by Die


Monument um
Pliny, Historia Naturalis, vi. 28. IGO sq.
Cassias, liii. 29
Ancyranum, v. 18 sq. (in Mommsen, lies gestae divi Augusti, ed. 2, p. 105).
xvi.

4.

Compare

Der Feldzug

generally, Krger,

Mommsen, Res

gestae divi Augusti, ed.

608

Geschichte, v.

ff.

2,

dem
Wismar 1862

Gallus nach

des Aelius

unter Kaiser Augustus (62, p.

glcHichen Arabien

8),

1883, pp. 105-109

Schiller, Geschichte der rm. Kaiserzeit,

Rmische

Bd.

1.

1883,

Job. Schmidt, Fhilologus, Bd. xliv. 1885, pp. 463-469


Schiller, Jahresbericht ber die Fortschritte der class. AlterthumsmssenscJiaft,
Bd. xlviii. pp. 251-257. For the geographical particulars, besides what is

l)p.

198-201

given in

Kaiserzeit,

Scliiller,

Frster, Mannert,

and

troisieme serie,

x.

t.

1840,

201, compare the well-known works of

i.

and

Ritter,
i)p.

csi)ecially Fresnel,

83-96, 177-181

Journal asiatique,

Forbiger,

Handbuch

der

Sprenger, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,


new series, vol. vi. 1873, pp. 121-141 Die alte Geographie Arabiens,
Kiepert, Lehrbuch der alten Geographie, 1878, p. 187.
1875, pp. 226-229
Dio Cassius places the whole campaign within the tenth consulship

alten Geographie,

ii.

748

ff.

But, according to Strabo, the camhad pu.shed

of Augustus, B.c. 24, or a.u.c. 730.

l)aign proper did not begin until the year after Aelius Gallus

to Leuke Kome with great loss, and had there, in consequence of the
numerous invalids in his army, been obliged to spend the winter (Strabo,

on

xvi. 4. 24, p.

civTch

Toii;

781

'/ii/ccyKctadn

youv

to'

daoivovvTu; dvetKTfcno;).

6ipo; Kcti

rv y^nucjuot. hiXTi\iiut

The whole campaign,

therefore,

embraced the years B.c. 25-24. This may be accepted as certain. It is


on the other hand, questionable whether Aelius Gallus conducted the
expedition as governor of Egypt, and was followed in that office by

408
B.C.

THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


A.U.C.

Herod builds

himself

for

royal

palace,

and

marries the priest's daughter, Mariamme, Antiq.


XV.

9.

3 (the

29. 2, 30.

The building

name: Wars of

the Jews,

28. 4,

i.

7),

of Caesarea is begun, Antiq. xv. 9. 6.

Since the building after twelve years' labour

23

731

was completed

in b.c. 10, the

been begun in

B.c.

The sons of the

works must have

22.

first

Mariamme, Alexander and

Petronins, or whether, on the contrary, Petronius was at the time of the


Arabian campaign governor of Egypt, and was followed in that office
by Gallus. We know definitely that both held the office of praefedus
Aegypti (see on Aelius Gallus, Strabo, pjx 118 and 80G Dio Cassius, liii.
29 on Petronius, Strabo, pp. 788 and 819 Dio Cassius, liv. 5 Pliny,
vi. 29. 181).
We know further that Petronius undertook several expeditions against the Ethiopians which happened to occur just at the
same time as the expedition of Gallus against Arabia (Monumentum
Ancyranum, v. 18 sq. " Meo jussu et auspicio ducti sunt duo exercitus
eodem fere tempore in Aethiopiam et in Arabiam quae appellatur
eudaemon " Strabo, xvii. 1. 54, p. 820 sq. Dio Cassius, liv. 5 Pliny,
;

Historia Naturalis,

vi.

29.

181

sq.

according to Strabo, the Ethiopians

had made an attack upon the Thebaid, when the garrison of Egypt was
weakened by the withdrawal of the troops of Aelius Gallus and thus
the expedition of Petronius became necessary. Dio Cassius places this
occurrence in B.c. 22). Krger and Schiller now assume that Aelius
;

Gallus undertook the expedition against Arabia, not as governor of Egypt,


but under a special commission, and that only after his return from the
campaign did he receive the governorship of Egypt in succession to
Mommsen and Schmidt, on the other hand, maintain that
Petronius.
Aelius Gallus directed the Arabian campaign as governor of Egypt, and
This latter view is supported
that Petronius was his successor in Egypt.
by these two considerations 1. Dio Cassius, liii. 29, expressly designates
Gallus at the time of the Arabian expedition o ttj; A/yi^xroy px^t/.
2. Dio Cassius places the Ethiopian campaign two years later than the
Arabian, the latter in 24 B.c., the former 22 B.c. Since, then, according
to Strabo, there are certainly two Ethiopian campaigns of Petronius to
be distinguished from one another, these would fall in B.c. 23-22, or
perhaps B.c. 24-22. In the second half of the year B.c. 24, Petronius
may be supposed to have succeeded Gallus as governor of Egypt, after
having been already for some time his substitute and representative (so
:

also

Haakh

in Pauly's Encyclopaedic, v. 1401).

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

409

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

B.C.

Rome

Aristobulus, are sent to

for tlieir educa-

tion, Antiq. xv. 10. 1.

Augustus bestows upon


Trachonitis, Batanaea,

10.

Wars of

Herod the provinces

of

and Auranitis, Antiq.

xv.

20. 4 (fiera

ri]v

the Jews,

i.

irpcorrjv 'AKTidBa)}'^

732 Herod

22

visits

Agrippa in Mjtilene in Lesbos, Antiq.

2.''

XV. 10.

734 Augustus comes

20

the
^S?7

to Syria

avTov

xv.

10. 3:

a(TLKeLa<i eirraKaiheKUTov irapeX-

Tfj<;

seventeenth

eT0U9 (the

6cvTo<i

and bestows upon Herod

of Zenodorus, Antiq.

territory

Herod

year of

extended to Ist Nisan at the end of the year


B.c.

20)

IFars of the Jews,

from the end

ri-jv

of the

i.

20. 4

eTrap^Lav

year

b.c.

eret,

(also

30).

BeKara

reckoned

Dio

Cassius,

places the visit of Augustus to Syria in the

liv, 7,

consulship of

734.

eh

i\6cbv

ituXlv

M. Appuleius and

Also Dio

Cassius,

liv.

9,

P. Silius, a.u.c.

makes mention

of tliat presentation.

Pheroras
10. 3

30.

appointed tetrarch of Perea, Antiq. xv.


;

Wars of

the Jews,

i.

24. 5

compare

i.

3.

Herod remits one-third

of

the

taxes,

Antiq.

xv.

10. 4.

Begins the temple building, Antiq. xv. 11.

10

The games
time in

first

ment

Zumpt,

oktw-

Actium were celebrated on 2nd September for the


then in the years B.c. 24, 20, 16, etc. That enlarge-

i.e.

in the end of B.c. 24 or beginning of B.c. 23.

Covnncntt. epigraph,

ii.

first

See

76.

Josephus only says, Herod vi.sited Agrippa Tnpl Mv-i>r/;vr,'j yjtfx.e.Since Agrippa ^vas in Mytilene from spring B.c. 23 till .'spring
21, thi.s may have been the winter of B.c. 23-22 or of B.C. 22-21.

^ovT.
B.c.

of territory therefore took phice " after the course of the

Actiad had run,"


1'

at

B.c. 28,

410
B.C.

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


A.U.C.

KaiBeKarov
vcauTov

18 or

1 7

Herod

t?}?

= B.C.

HpcoBov

fetches his sons Alexander

home from Eonie


Herod/^ Antiq.
Augustus in
return

earliest

the

xvi.

yeyovoro'i

of

1.

first

2.

and Aristobulus

Eoman voyage
Since Herod

before the

summer

of B.c. 19,

Herod must be placed

at the

in the middle of the year B.C. 19,

latest

before the

summer

of b.c.

and

16, since

Augustus was in Gaul from the summer of

16

of

met

and as Augustus did not

Italy,

to Italy

the journey

at

aaiXeia'i

20-19.^^

b.c.

till the spring of b.c. 13.^*

'- According to Wars


of the Jeivs, i. 21. 1, tlie building was Legim in
the fifteenth year, which either is wrong, or I'efers to the earlier prepara-

That the building of the temple began in the


fact that it was begun in
the same year in the beginning of which the emperor went to Syria,
which, according to Dio Cassius, liv. 7, was in the spring or summer of
tions for the building.

year

B.c.

B.c. 20.

20-19

is

quite certain, from the

The building of the

court of the temple occupied eight years,

and a h&U {Antiq. xv. 11. 5-6


Ig^ years are to be added, or whether
not clear whether these 8
the latter period is to be regarded as identical with the first year and a
half of the whole building period). After the completion of the temple
a great festival was celebrated. Seeing that it synchronized with the
the building of the temple proper a year

it is

day of Herod's ascending the throne {Antiq. xv.


ing, if

July,

we

are right in setting

down

11. 6), the

temple build-

the date of Herod's accession at

must have been begun in winter, therefore in the end of the year

B.c. 20, A.U.C. 734,

or in the beginning of B.c. 19, A.u.c. 735.

John

When

it is

20 at the time of the Passover that the


temple had been forty-six years in building {naaspotKovrx x.x\ I 'irsatv
uKohoiii'/iSn 6 vctog ot/Toj), this means that the forty-sixth year was regarded
as running or as completed at the Passover of a.u.c 780 = A.D. 27, or
The latter is more probably the correct date. See
A.U.C. 781 = A.D. 28.
Beitrge, p. 156 ff. ; Sevin,
Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis, p. 187
therefore declared in

ii.

Chronologie des Lebens Jesu, 2 Aufl. pp. 11-13.


^^ That is to say, from the time of his ascending the throne, and so
without taking into consideration his journey in the year B.c. 40-39.
1* Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, Diss. ii. cap. 6, pp. 150-153, places the
journey of Herod in question in the year a.u.c. 737, or B.c. 17. Fur the

B.c.

HEi;OD THE GREAT,

15.

411

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

739 Agrippa

15

visits

Herod

2. 1 (Philo, Lc(jat.
ii.

589).

He

of the year

14

in Jerusalem,

ad Cajum,

Antiq.

xvi.

37, ed. Mangey,

Judea agaiu before the end

left

iinaivovTO'; rov

')(eifiS)vo<;P

740 Herod with Agrippa in Asia Minor, Antiq. xvi. 2,


25 (eapo<; rjirel'^ero crvvrv^elv avrw). Compare
also

Antiq.

xii.

3.

Nicolas

of

in Mller, Fragment. Hist. Graecor.

iii.

Damascus
350.

he remits a fourth part of the

After his return

taxes, Antiq. xvi. 2. 5.

Beginning of quarrels with the sons of Mariamme,

Alexander and Aristobulus.


to the
Jcivs,

741

13

court, Antiq.

xvi.

3.

Antipater brought

1-3

Wars of

23. 1.

i.

Antipater

is

sent with Agrippa to liome that

might be presented to the emperor, Antiq.


3. 3

Wars of

the Jeis,

compare: Dio Cassius,


p.

liv.

i.

23.

2.

lie

xvi.

(On the date

28; Fischer,

.^Ci7^a/t'/7i,

408.)

742 Herod goes with

12

the

his sons

Alexander and Aristo-

bulus to Piome in order to accuse them before


chronology of the history of Augustus, see the argument in Fischer,
liumische Zeittafeln, p. 395

f.

and van der Chijs, p. 55, set tlie


and the return visit of Herod in the
year b.c. 16, because they proceed on the assumption that Agrippa went to
Palestine immediately after his arrival in the East.
But Josephus by no
means says so, and it is not at all certain that Agrippa had even arrived
in the East in B.c. 17, since, according to the indefinite statement of Dio
Cassius, liv. 19, this may have occurred in B.c. 16 just as likely as in b.c.
17.
But that Agrippa came into Palestine first in B.c. 15, and that Herod
fii'st visited Agrippa in Asia Minor in B.c. 14, is proved from this, that
Herod then met Agrijipa at Sinope on his expedition to the Crimen,
which campaign, according to Dio Cassius, liv. 24, took jilace in B.c. 14.
So also Lewin, Fasti sacri, p. 97 Hitzig, ii 548, and Keim in Bibel'
^*

Fischer, llmisclie Zeittafeln, p. 402,

visit of

Agrippa in the year

B.c. 17,

lexicon,

iii.

33.

412

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


A.U.C.

B.C.

the emperor.

He

Eoman

Herod's second

meets the emperor at Aquileia.

reconciles the discord.

Antipater returns back

with them to Judea, Antiq. xvi.


of
1^

Even

the Jews,

i.

journey.

Augustus

4.

1-6

Wars

ii.

cap. 6,

23. 3-5.^^

early writers sucli as Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, Diss.

pp. 153-157, and Sancleinente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, p. 334 sq.,


placed this journey of Herod correctly in the year B.c. 12, or A.u.c. 742.

So

too,

e.g.

Zumpt,

rerum a
Franz et Zumpt, 1845,

Caesaris Augusti index

mentum Ancyranum,

ed.

se

gestarum

p. 59,

sive

Monu-

and Mommsen,

Ees gestae divi Augusti, ed. 2, 1883, p. 61. Quite decisive in this matter
is the fact that during Herod's presence at that time in Rome, Augustus
had the games celebrated, and "distributed presents among the Roman

5: 'Kpln; ^iv ilupuro Keciaccpcc


^lauo/nxg "Troiovumov ru Vuy^xiuv
In Monumentiini Ancyranum, in. 7-21 (in Mommsen, i?es gestae
ovjfiu).
divi Augusti, ed. 2, p. 58 sq.), Augustus gives a complete and chronologically
arranged list of the largesses (congiaria) which he had distributed among
the people during his reign (compare on these congiaria of the Roman
emperors, Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. ii. 1876, p. 132 flf.).
They are eight in all. The fifth took place during the twelfth year of
the tribunate of Augustus (tribunicia potestate duodecimum, i.e. between
June 742 and June 743 a.u.c. Compare on the reckoning of the tribunicial
years of Augustus, Mommsen, Rmisches Staatsrecht, ii. p. 753 ff.) the
sixth did not occur till the eighteenth tribunicial year and the twelfth
consulship of Augustus (tribuniciae potestatis duodevicensimum, consul,
Between these
xii.
the latter corresponding to a.tj.c. 749, or B.c. 5).
two terms, therefore, no donation of this sort had been made. The date
of the former can be still more exactly fixed at the year 742, for in that
year it is placed by Dio Cassius, liv. 29, and also by an Inscription Fragment (Fasti Ripatransonenses, see Corpus Inscript. Lat. t. i. p. 472 = t. ix.
It belongs, therefore, to the second half of the year A.u.c. 742,
n. 5289).

people" (Josephus, Antiq. xvi.


rpixnonioi;

toc.'Xxvto:;

dice;

4.

y-oii

At least 250,000 citizens


100 denaria each, so that in all at least 25
millions of sesterces were distributed, amounting to about 1,000,000
sterling. Since in the case before us it cannot be the donation of the
year B.c. 5 that is meant, we can only identify it with that of B.c. 12.
That in this year Augustus arrived at Aquileia is not indeed proved by
any direct evidence, but it may very well have been so, in consequence
of the Pannonian campaign of Tiberius, which occurred in that year
(Dio Cassius, liv. 31 compare Suetonius, Augustus, 20 " Reliqua [bella]
per legatos administravit, ut tamen quibusdam Pannonicis atque Ger-

or B.c. 12.

Its

amount was very munificent.

received 400 sesterces, or

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

B.C.

10

413

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

74i The

celebration of the completion of the building

Caesarea

of

T^9
it

ap^rj'i

= B.C.

oySoov

ei"?

10 9,

9.

says

5. 1

i^erekecrOi]

in

eiKoarov eVo?

xvi.

is

the building, compare also

5.

after

building, Antiq.

BcoSeKaerel

ten years, which

koI

A7itiq.

had been twelve years

XV.

On

fell

%poi/)

(xvL

certainly wrong).

Wars of

the Jews,

1 21. 5-8.

The quarrel

becomes more and

in Herod's family

xvi. 7. 2 G
Wars of the Jews,
24. 16.
Herod by torturing Alexander's dependants seeks

more

bitter

and complicated, Antiq.

i.

to

fasten

upon him

guilt

into prison, Antiq.

Jews,

10?

i.

xvi.

8.

Alexander

1-5

is

Wars of

cast
the

24. 7-8.

Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, Alexander's fatherin-law, effects

once more a reconciliation

be-

luanicis aut interveniret aut non longe abesset Ravennain vc-l Mediolaiiium vel Aquileiam uscjue ab urbe prof^rcdiens "). The games which
Joscphu.'', Antiq. xvi. 4. 5, speaks of alongside of the ltotuo,u,ixt\ are not

indeed those which Augustus gave in the year 742 at the festival of the
Roman " Panathanaea " {quinquatrus) in March (Dio Cassius, liv. 28),

by Josephus must have occurred later. And just


inasmuch as, according to Dio Cassius, liv. 29, the congiaria of this year
were occasioned by Agrippa's death, so also among the games were those
connected with Agrippa's financial obsequies, not indeed celebrated until
five years afterwards, but having certainly preparations made for them
even then (so Mommsen after Dio Cassius, Iv. 8). In the first edition of
this work I had, in agreement with van der Cliijs, assigned the journey
of Herod to Rome, now under consideration, to the year B.c. 10, inasmuch as Dio Cassius, liv. 36, relates of this year, but not expressly of the
year B.c. 12, that Augustus was absent from Rome, by which his presence
But this argument cannot hold ground
at Aquileia can be accounted for.
No more weight can be laid upon
against that drawn from the presents.
the fact that Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 5. 1, says that about tliis time the
rebuilding of Caesarea was celebrated {T^ipi tov )cp6vo> roi/Tau), which
since those referred to

certainly did not take place before B.c. 10.

4U

THE KOMAN-HEKODIAN AGE.


A.U.C.

B.C.

tween Herod and his sons, Antiq.

Wars of

the Jews,

i.

xvi.

Herod's third journey to Eome, Antiq. xvi.

9?

Campaign against the Arabians, Antiq.

8?

Herod

in

disfavour

8.

25. 1-6.

with

9.

1.^^

xvi. 9. 2.

Augustus, Antiq.

xvi.

9. 3.

Herod having extorted by

torture

damaging

state-

ments against Aristobulus and Alexander, has

them

cast

and

into prison,

accuses

Augustus of high treason, Antiq.

Wars of

7?

the Jews,

26. S, 27.

xvi. 10.

to

3-7

1.

Augustus, having again become favourable to Herod

through the sood


^''

i.

them

The

In the

offices

of Nicolaus of

date of this third journey cannot be

first

edition of this

Chijs, to the year b.c.

8.

work

I assigned

it,

Damas-

more exactly determined.


with Noris and van der

Noris (who in his Cenotaphia Pisana, Diss.

ii.

cap. 6, p. 157 sq., declares a precise determination of the date impossible,

but then in Diss.

ii.

cap. 16, 9, p. 30.3, decides for that date) regards the

Herod had met Augustus in Rome, whereas in the


10 and 9 he had been absent from Rome. But he was by no

fact decisive that

years B.c.

means absent from Rome during the whole of these years.


Van der
Chijs, p. 57 f., borrows his chief argument from Josephus, Wars of the
Jews, i. 21. 12.
According to the statement made there, Herod once on
his way to Rome was made judge in the Olympian games. The Olympian
games were celebrated in B.c. 20, 16, 12, 8, etc. Since now, according to
van der Chijs, the earlier journeys did not by any means occur in any
of these years, the reference can only be to this last journey, which therefore falls in B.c. 8.
But we have shown in the previous note that the
second journey took place in B.c. 12. The subject has been treated in
the most complete manner by Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione,
He conies to the conclusion that the journey of Herod in
p. 338 sqq.
question is to be placed in the year B.c. 10 mainly for this reason, that
the events which were transacted between that time and the departure
of the Syrian governor, Sentius Saturninus, required a period of at least

three full years (p. 340a.* "ad minus integrum triennium exposeunt").
But Saturninus did not take his departure later than in the first half of

the year

B.c.

6 (see above, p. 351). The arguments of Sanclemente are in


but not quite convincing. It is still quite possible that

fact interesting,

this

journey of Herod was made in

b.c. 9.

HEROD THE GKEAT,

15.

B.c.

415

B.C. 37-4.

A.U.C.

him

cus {Antiq. xvi. 10. 8-9), gives

own

to deal with his sons according to his


cretion, Antiq. xvi. 11. 1

27.

Wars of

power

full

dis-

the Jews,

i.

1.

Alexander and Aristobulus condemned

death at

to

Berytus,and strangled at Sebaste (Samaria),^ ??;!/(/.


xvi. 11.

2-7; Wars of

Antipater

all

xvii.

1,

29.

1.

the Jews,

i.

27. 2-6.^^

powerful at Herod's court, Antiq.


2.

4; Wars of

the Jcics,

Antipater goes to Eonie, Antiq.


of the Jews,
First

29.

i.

testament

named
his

Antipater,

or

i.

29.

which he

in

xvii.

3.

Mariamme,

Wars of

the

2.

Beginning of the year


Antiq.

dies,

Wars

he should die before

if

successor, Antiq.

Jews,

749

2.

will of Herod,

or

xvii. 2. 4.

xvii. 3. 2

himself, Herod, the son of the second

1,

1.

Executions of suspected Pharisees, Antiq.

6?

28.

i.

xvii.

Pheroras, Herod's brother,

3.

Wars of

Jews,

the

i.

29. 4.

Herod discovers Antipater's


xvii. 4.

1-2

Wars of

Antipater returns again

1-2

to

designs, Antiq.

hostile

the Jews,

i.

30. 1-7.

Judea, Antiq.

xvii,

5.

Wars of the Jevjs, i. 31. 3-5


seven
months after Herod had made that discovery,
;

Antiq.

xvii. 4.

Wars of

the Jews,

i.

31.

2.

'*

Since at the time of his condemnation (Antiq. xvi. 11. 3), and also
some time after {Antiq. xvii. 1. 1, 2. 1, 3. 2), Saturninus was governor
of Syria, the condemnation must have taken place in tlie year b.c. 7, for
Saturninus went away from Syria not later than in the first half of the
for

year

B.c.

6 (see above,

p. 3l).

{De vulgaris aerae emendatione,


labente anno u.c. Varr. 747."

This also is the opinion of Sanclemente


346): "Beryti concilium habitum fuit

p.

THE ROMAN-HEROIAN AGE.

416
A.U.C.

B.C.

Antipater on his
himself,

and

trial

seeks

vain to justify

in

put in chains, Antiq.

is

3-7

xvii. 5.

32. 1-5.

Wars of the Jeivs,


Herod reports the matter to the emperor, Antiq.
Wars of the Jews, i. 32. 5.
xvii. 5. 7-8
i.

Herod

is

ill

and makes

his second testament, in

which he appoints his youngest son Antipater


Antiq.

his successor,

Jews,

50

i.

33.

xvii.

6.

Wars

of the

5.

Eevolt of the people under the rabbis Judas and

Matthias rigorously suppressed by Herod, Antiq.


xvii

6.

2-4

Wars of

the Jews,

33. 1-4.

i.

Herod's illness becomes more severe, Antiq.


6.

Wars of

the Jews,

Antipater, after leave

emperor,

is

the Jews,

i.

i.

33.

had been obtained from the

executed, Antiq. xvii.


33.

Herod again

xvii.

5.

Wars of

7.

changes his

will,

for

he

appoints

Archelaus king, and Antipas and Philip tetrarchs,


Antiq. xvii. 8. 1

Herod

Wars of

pater, acn,\ei)aa<i fieO^ o


777

TreBiSetKTO,

Antiq. xvii.

a powerful
13

was born

8.

tlie

i.

33.

7.

aveTXev AvTiyovou,

to be a ruler.

fied

Ittt kuI

Wars of

body capable of enduring

In regard to

fjuev

ricraapa kuI rpiuKovja,

'Pcofiaicov

Herod

the Jews,

dies five days after the execution of Anti-

the Jcivs,

o he

vtto

rptaKOvra,
i.

33.

8.^^

Blessed by nature with


fatigue,

he early inured

year of Herod's death, see the note at the close of

this section.
2

The name 'Hpuhns (from

'iipa:)

occurs also previously, see Corpus In-

Pape-Benseler, Wrterbuch der griech. EigenGraec, Index, p. 92


have also some
namen^ s.v. ; Winer, Realwrterhuch, i. 481, Anm. 4.

script.

We

fragments of an old Iambic poet called Herod (see Pauly's Eeal-Encydo-

bold, daring

liis

He was

of hardships.

He was

huntsman.

its

mark.^^

youth.

Even

He was

a skilful rider,

feared in pugilistic

practised in the art of

in his twenty-fifth year he

by his expedition against the robbers


again, in the later period of his
age,

417

37-4.

C.

His lance was unerring, and his arrow seldom

encounters.

missed

HEROD THE GREAT, B

manner

liimself to all

and a

15.

life,

war from

had won renown

of Galilee.

when over

And

then

sixty years of

he led in person the campaign against the Arabians."

Ifarely did success forsake

him where he himself conducted

any warlike undertaking.


paedie,
.still

iii.

1236

orator Antiphon, of the fifth


Encyclopaedie,

i.

ii. 300).
There is
Kpoov dvov, by the Attic

Nicolai, Griechische Literaturgeschichte,

extant a celebrated oration,

1,

'zep'i

rov

'

century before Christ (see Pauly's liealf.).


In the year b.c. 60 we find an

2 Aufl. p. 1154

archon at Athens bearing the name of Herod (Clinton, Fasti Hellenici,


In Cicero's letters an Athenian Herod is frequently mentioned,
iii. 182).
who was the teacher of Cicero's son (Cicero, ad Atticum, ii. 2. 2, xiv. 10.
In the second century after Christ lived the celebrated
3, XV. 16. A.).
Herod Atticus, the teacher of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius (see, in
reference to him, Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, i. 2, 2 Aufl. pp. 2090-2104).
Since the name is undoubtedly contracted from }lpcjior,g, the writing of
it with the iota subscribed is to be preferred (' He65>!j).
On inscriptions
the form llpejion^ is met witli {Corpus Inscript. Grace, n. 3155, 4893
Le
Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 3)
also Hpuihoti: (Corpus

'

Inscript. Grace, n. 2197c.

[t.

ii.

p.

1028], n. 5774, 5775, lin. 180);

also

(Corpus Inscript. Graec. n. 5774, 5775, lin. 15, 42, 55, 87, 89,
114); also Eipuiox; (Corpus Liscript Graec. n. 1574). The Etymologicum
llucthios

magnum,

ed. Gaisford,

'/occf^f/.ivoii,

Tliis

etc.

p.

437, 56, says,

mode

of writing

s.v.

is

Hpcotlr,-,'

'V^x-' to

r-poayt-

adopted by Lobeck, Paralip.

gramm. graec. p. 229 Pathologiae graeci sermonis elementa, i. 280. It is


employed throughout by Westcott and Hort in their edition of the Greek
New Testament. Compare their remark, vol. ii. p. 314 ^''Hpiihn; is well
supported by inscriptions, and manifestly right " and Gregory's Prolegomena to Tischendorfs Novum Testamcntum, ed. crit. octava major, p.
That the later inscriptions (see the proof in Corpus Inscript. Graec,
109.
Index, p. 92) and the coins invariably give the form Hpaln;, affords no
evidence to the contrary, since it was not customary on insciiptions or
;

coins to insert the Iota suhscriptum.


-'
i.

Compare generally the

description

given in

Wars

of the Jews,

21. 13.
22

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

9. 2.

2d

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

418

His

cliaracter

and un-

harsli

Fine feelings and tender emotions were strange to

bending.

Wherever

him.

was wild and passionate,

his

own

seemed

interests

demand

to

it,

he

carried matters through with an iron hand, and scrupled not

shed

to

Even
wife,

streams of blood

his

he might reach his

that

object.

nearest relatives, even his most passionately loved

he could not spare, so soon as the wish arose in him.

He was, besides, cunning and adroit, and rich in devices.


He understood thoroughly what measures should be taken to
the circumstances of

suit

each changing

unpitying as he was toward

was cringing and


keen

its

day.

Hard and

into his power, he

fell

were high in

servile before those that

His glance was wide enough in


sufficiently

who

all

range, and his

place.

judgment

circumstances of the

to perceive that in the

world at that time nothing was to be reached except through


the favour and by the help of the Romans.

an unvarying principle

of

Roman alliance under


And he knew how to

all

It

was therefore

his policy to hold firmly

circumstances

by the

and at any

cost.

carry out this principle happily and

cleverly.

Thus

in his composition

were linked together cunning and

energy.

But these most conspicuous


were

set

in

and

devices

motion

by an

endeavours,

characteristics of his nature

insatiable
his

all

plans

aimed directly toward the one end


power, his dominion, his glory
all his

powers in

.'^^

restless activity.

ambition.

and

All

actions,

his

were

the extending of his

This powerful lever kept


Difficulties

and hindrances

were for him so much greater inducement to put forth more


strength.

And

this indefatigableness, this

unwearied

striving,

continued to characterize him in extreme old age.

Only by a combination of
23

all

these characteristics was

Compare the sketch of Herod's character given by Josephus,

xvi. 5. 4.

it

Antiq.

UEROD THE GREAT,

15.

possible

attain

to

419

B.C. 37-4.

such greatness, as he unquestionably

to

reached, amid the perilous circumstances of his times.

His reign

falls into

reaches from

to

powers,

victorious over

25,

B.c.

He

solidation of his power.


hostile

The

three periods,^*

37

b.c.

but

goes

them

all.

has

at

last

The second

from

has reached

Herod

in Jerusalem.
It is

b.c.

4,

now

else

is

visits

of

Herod

period of great buildings, pre-

The

eminently the work of peace.


to

25

b.c.

repeatedly received by the emperor.

is

the same time the

at

many

conflict

The friendship

Agrippa

highest point.

its

the

period, from

to B.c. 13, is the period of his prosperity.

Rome

which

contend with

to

still

forth

period,

first

the period of the con-

is

the period of

third period, from b.c.

13

Everything

domestic trouble.

passes out of view in presence of the disturbances

in Herod's

own

house.

I.

In the
with

first

many

period

of his reign

powerful adversaries

of the

By

in

the

hands

only with deep aversion

Idumean, half-Jew and friend

must have been Herod's

first

contend

to

the people, the nobles, the

Asmonean family, and Cleopatra.


The people, who were wholly
Pharisees, tolerated

Herod had

the

the

of

dominion

liomans.^*

of the

It

care to secure their obedience.

the utmost rigour he was able to reduce the rebellious

elements

while he

won

the more pliant by bestowing on

them favours and honours.


selves
^*

ever,

two

performed

good

Even

of the Pharisees

services

for

Herod

them-

Polio

Compare Keim in Bibellexicon. He distributes the period., Lowsomewhat differently. Also Ewald makes three sections, v. 422-429,

429-437, 437-449.
2" Herod is called 'Uf^novlxio; in Aniiq.
had been converted only by John Hyrcanus.

ancestry of Herod, see above,

p.

314.

xiv. 15. 2.

See above,

The Idumeans
p. 280.

On

the

THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

420
(Abtalion) and

They saw

scholar Saraeas (Shemaia

liis

Shammai).

or

the foreigner a judgment of

in the dominion of

God, which as such they were under obligation patiently to


bear^^

Among

nobles

the

the most wealthy and the most

of

forty-five

By

prominent of their number.


gained

he

employed

possession
so

as

to

numerous

were

there

Herod delivered himself from them

adherents of Antigonus.

by executing

Jerusalem

of

confiscating their property

abundance

of

money, which

of

hold upon

secure

a firmer

of the

Asmonean

he

his patron

Antony.^''^

Of the members

family,

was par-

it

Alexandra, Herod's mother-in-law, the mother of

ticularly

Mariamme, who pursued him with unremitting enmity.


Hyrcanus

aged
exile

^^

had

Parthian

his

but he was before that time on good terms with

Herod.

And

this

mutilation,

enter

good understanding
he

Since

disturbed.

could

again on

Babylonian Jew of the

But even

this

still

owing

not,

the

high

chose as high priest an utterly

of

from

returned

indeed

The

physical

his

to

priest's

office,

unknown and

sacerdotal

un-

continued

Herod

insignificant

family called

Ananel.^^

was considered by Alexandra an infringement

Asmonean

According to her view,

privileges.

young son Aristobulus, brother


entitled to the high priest's

wheel in motion in order

of

it

was her

Mariamme, who alone was

office.

She therefore

to secure her rights.

set

every

In particular,

she applied to Cleopatra, urging her to exert her influence


-^

Joseplius, Antiq. xv.

Sameas, see Div.


2^
i.

ii.

vol.

Joseph us, Antiq. xv.

1; compare xiv.

1.

9.

4, fin.

On

Polio

and

358, 359.

i.

1.

compare

xiv. 9. 4,

fiii. ;

Wars

of the Jews,

18. 4.
^*

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

"^

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

position, since

2.

1-4.
2.

Herod

4.

could not himself assume the


let alone a member ef the

he was not even a full-born Jew,

sacerdotal family.

5 15.

upon Antony,
high

Mariamme
favour of

in

Herod

force

as to

so

priest.

petitions

HEROD THE GKEAT,

appoint Aristobulus

to

pressed

also

421

B.C. 37-4.

husband

her

Thus Herod

her brother.

with

at

last

himself obliged to set aside Ananel (which was unlawful,

felt

inasmuch as the high


the beginning of

who was now


The

priest held his office for

in

priest,

only in his seventeenth year.^

was not

peace, however,

saw, and

and

life),

made young Aristobulus high

35

B.c.

of

not without reason, in

Asmouean family

natural

his

himself of suspicion and

all

long

duration.

the

members

He

enemies.

distrust,

especially

Herod
of

the

could not

rid

in

regard

to

Alexandra, and he kept a careful watch upon her proceedThis constant espionage Alexandra found intolerable,

ings.

and

thought to

by

such supervision

escape

were already prepared in which she

coffins

The

flight.

and

her

son

Aristobulus were to have had themselves carried out of the

and thence

city

Cleopatra.

But

scheme proved

the sea-coast, so as to fly to

to

their

secret

was

and thus

futile,

the suspicions of Herod.^^

next Feast of Tabernacles, in

the

and

betrayed,

so

to

their

only served to increase

it

When,

Egypt

moreover, the people, at


b.c.

made a

35,

public

demonstration in favour of young Aristobulus while he officiated


high

as

priest,

Herod became thoroughly determined

himself, without delay, of Aristobulus as his

enemy and

rival.

given him.

Herod had been invited

Alexandra.

And

with

was refreshing himself in the

others

Soon an opportunity

after the meal, as

pushed under the water as


liim

that
30

who had been

if

Josephu.s, Antiq. xv.

2.

After
5-7,

3.

the

1. In

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

3. 2.

doing so was

to Jericho to a feast

by

young Aristobulus along

in sport

refer once lor all to the previous suuimary.


^^

for

by some

bribed by Herod, and kept

he was drowned.

to rid

most dangerous

affair

was

bath,

he

was

of those with

down

so long

done

Herod

respect to the chronology,

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE,

422

pretended the most profound

Alexandra,

who

and shed

grief,

however, nobody regarded as genuine.

which,

tears,

^^

clearly perceived the true state of matters,

Herod was sum-

agitated again through Cleopatra, so that

moned to make answer before Antony for the deed. Antony,


who since the spring of B.C. 36 had been again residing in
the East, and under the spell of Cleopatra, was just then, in

the spring of

new

34, undertaking a

b.c.

expedition to the

West, ostensibly against the

Parthians, really against

Armenian king Artavasdes.

When

that

Laodicea,

Laodicea by

is,

Herod was summoned

he

the

sea,

meet him

to

south of

there,

Antioch,

Alexandra

for

had, through Cleopatra, actually obtained her wish,

Herod

an account of his conduct.

the

now reached

had

to give

did not dare to refuse,

and, no doubt with a heavy heart, presented himself before

But

Antony.

may

it

empty-handed.

This

be readily supposed he

circumstance

and

his

did not

clever

go

repre-

He was

sentations soon prevailed in dispelling all clouds.

pronounced innocent, and returned to Jerusalem.^

He

His absence was the occasion of fresh disturbances.

had on his departure appointed his uncle Joseph, who was


also his brother-in-law, for he

as his viceroy,

And as he

had married

his sister Salome,

and had committed Mariamme

considered his going before

Antony

to

his

had commanded Joseph, in case he should not return,

Mariamme,

for his

care.

as dangerous, he
to

kill

passionate love for her could not brook

the thought that any other should ever obtain his beloved.

When,

then,

he

did

return,

Salome calumniated her own

husband, charging him with having himself had unlawful

Herod

intercourse with

Mariamme.

the calumny, as

Mariamme maintained her innocence.


that Mariamme knew about that

when he

at first gave

no heed

learned

3-4

^-

JosepVius, Antiq. xv.

3.

'^

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

3. 5,

8-9.

Wars of the

Jews,

i.

22. 2.

to

But
secret

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

command, which the chattering

old

B.C. 37-4.

423

man had

told her as a

proof of the peculiar love of Herod, Herod thought that he

had

in

Joseph

confirmation

this

of those

and

charges,

caused

without affording him an opportunity

to be executed,

being heard.^

of

The fourth

hostile

power during
She

was Cleopatra.

reign

combination
troubled

had

days to Herod.

was

It

him that she now sought

for

Antony

to

to

means
her

to

But

her demands.

same expedition against Armenia,

at

giving

of

more

still

use

by her

previously,

the

unfortunate

influence

Antony

obtain an increase of territory.

no heed

Qjave

even

been

Alexandra,

with

this first period of Herod's

with

at first

length, during that

in b.c. 34, he

was induced

to bestow upon her the w^hole of Phoenicia and the coast of

the Philistines south of Eleutherus, with exception only of

Tyre and Sidon,^ and besides, a part of the Arabian

and the

and most

fairest

Herod, the celebrated

^*

Josephus, Antiq. xv.


i.

of

the

with

kingdom

its

palm

of

trees

3.

5-6, 9.

On

the parallel passage,

Wars

of

five

22. 4-5, see under, note 50.

25

See

^^

The

tlie

part

of Jericho,

Opposition on the part of Herod was not to

and balsams."

Jews,

fertile

district

territory,

map

in

Menke's

Bibelatlas.

was at that time the most fruitful part and


revenue in all Palestine. This is stated rao.-L

district of Jericho

most profitable

for

2. 41, p. 763, and in Josephu.s, Wars of th Jevs,


Near Jericho there was, according to Strabo, the palm forest
(o (poii/iKuv), extending to a hundred stadia, and the balsam garden (o toD
ctMxfiov vocpxlstno;), which produced the precious balsam resin used as
A means of healing.
Josephus also represents the date palm and the
balsam shrub as the two princi])al plants grown in the district. This

decidedly in Strabo, xvi.


iv. 8. 3.

region, peculiarly rich in revenue in consequence of its being so well


watered and possessing so hot a climate, is reckoned by Josephus as
extending to twenty stailia in breadth and seventy stadia in length.
Since both of these products were greatly in request (compare Strabo,

XV.
i

1.

15, p. 800),

^ctxl/t'hii

Tx

Josephus rightly designates this region a

a'Koti/ioiToi.Toe,

kcci

KotXhiarx yivvotToti

(^\\

fiftov x,<"picu,

ars of the Jews,

iv.

Elsewhere, too, he takes every opportunity of expatiating upon the


fruitfulness of the district of Jericho, with its j>alm trees and balsam
8. 3).

424

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

be thought

shrubs (Antiq.

Wars

and he was now obliged

of,

iv.

6. 1,

xiv. 4. 1

Wars

to

own land

take his

of the Jews,

i.

6.

Antiq. xv.

In one passage lie expressly declares


that it was the most fruitful part of Judea ( Wars of the Jews, i. 6. 6 to
Subsequently Herod extended the palm plantaTTi; lovlxia; jtiotxtov).
tions as far as Phasaelis (see Div. ii. vol. i. p. 131).
Archelaus built near
Jericho a new aqueduct for watering the palm groves there {Antiq. xvii.
13. 1).
Also in Trogus Pompeius, according to the correct reading restored
by Riihl, Jericho is spoken of as the centre of the palm and balsam culture
of the Jordan valley (Justin's Abstract, xxxvi. 3): "Opes genti ex
vectigalibus opobalsami crevere, quod in his tantum regionibus gignitur.
Est namque vallis, quae continuis montibus velut muro quodam ad
instar hortorum clauditur.
Spatium loci ducenta jugera nomine Ericus
dicitur.
In ea silva est et ubertate et amoenitate insignis, siquidem
'jialmeto et opohalsameto distinguitur."
Then follows a description of the
balsam shrub, which is trained like the vine, and is annually at a fixed
lime stripped of its balsam.
Diodorus Siculus places the palm and
balsam plantations in general in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea, for
after giving a description of the balsam he proceeds (ii. 48. 9, almost in
the same woi'ds as in xix. 9d. 4)
kyv.d-/\ 5' iar\ <j:oivi)i6(f:vTo;
Tiuirca
4.

of the Jews,

i.

18.

5).

'

'

hi TTipi rciv; ttcov? tovtov; iv uv'Kuul rtui xocl

vpiaohov

'Kotf^.'jrpeiu

[xix. 98. 4

aihpccv]

vTFspoTiYiv

ti/diTova/i;.

8'

ccTi-actficov,

'ha.pixvovoiv, ovoxpcoZ,

oiKOVfiivYig svpwxopcivov roll (f)vTOtJ TOVTOV, rij;

Tois 'ictrpois Kocff

to xxXovf^svov

f/,iv

rris

l| uvrov xpiiccg iI;

According

s| cv
'h'hrif

<f(X,ppt,ocKoe.

to Pliny, the dates of

xiii. 4. 44
"sed i;t
Aethiopiae fine] atque fertilitas, ita nobilitas in Judaea, nee
sed Hiericunte maxume, quamquam laudatae et Archelaide et

Jericho were the best in the world, Historia Naturalis,

cojjia ibi [in

in tota,

Phaselide atque Liviade, gentis ejusdem convallibus."


:

"

Compare

xiii.

4.

magis palmis ;" xiii. 4. 49 " Servantur


hi demum qui nascuntur in salsis atque sabulosis, ut in Judaea atque
Cyrenaica Africa."
Pliny's most complete treatment of the balsam
{Historia Naturalis, xii. 25. 111-123) begins with the following words:
"Sed omnibus odoribus praefertur balsamum, uni terrarum Judaeae
concessum, quondam in duobus tantum liertis, utroque regio, altero
jugerum xx. non amplius, altero pauciorum." The way in which the
balsam was obtained was this the bark was slit with a stone, not an
iron instrument, and then the thick juice ran out and was gathered in
small vessels. Tacitus also, in his Historia, v. 6, mentions among the
most important products of Palestine balsamum et palmae. He describes
the mode of securing the balsam similarly to Pliny (compare also Strabo,
Wars of the Jews, i. 6. 6).
p. 763, and Joseph us, Antiq. xiv. 4. 1
Pausanias also gives it as a special proof of the superiority of the palms
of Palestine, that " their fruit is always fit for use," i.e. even when dried
(he teUs, ix. 19. 8, of the sanctuary at Mykalessus in Boeotia
(boiviKu; Is
26

Judaea vero incluta

est A'el

Trpo rot/ lipov vi<pi>x.xoi)i

qvk

f(

eivoi'j

ihihif^-ov

-Texpix^fuvot Kxp'xov,

uavtp

iv

15.

HEROD THE GREAT,

425

B.C. 37-4.

To Horace also the material value of these plantations


was known. As an example of a particularly rich and valuable estate,
he speaks oi Herodis palmetis pinguibus {Epistolae, ii. 2. 184). According
to Dioscorides, i. 18, the balsam used as a means of healing grew only in
yiwfuvov iv f^ovyj 'Icvoai'x ksct tip
Judea and Egypt (/3Xja,ow
We hear of the existence of the palm groves of
ctv'huvoi x.oct iv hlyv-zTu).
Jericho during somewhere about two thousand years. Even in the Old
Testament Jericho is called "the city of palm trees" (D"'"iDnn Tiy, Deut.
Tfi Jlu.Xuioriv'^).

3; Jndg.

xxxiv.

i.

16,

13; 2 Chron. xxviii.

iii.

Among Greek

15).

writers, Theophrastus, the pupil of Aristotle, speaks of the

palm and
balsam plantations of the Jordan valley. Of the palms, he says that only
in three places in Coele-Syria with a saline soil do such grow as can have
their fruit made use of {Hut. plant, ii. 6. 2.
tv;; Ivpict; Se rijj Ko/Xjjf, iv
:

Jj

"Tt^.tiaroi

o/

'hvvecfA.iyov;

iv rpial

Tvyy^x'jovaiv,

driiecvoii^isdxi

6.

il.

fiouoi; toVo/j

oriactvoil^iadxi

'Kuuosaiv Hvoti

Oe fiovovi

tov;

Qvvxacci (pxat

tuv iv Ivpief, Ttiv; iv r xi/T^uvi. This ctv'huv of Syria, where the palms
grow, extends, according to ii. 6. 5, to the Red Sea). On the balsam he
says, in Hist, plant, ix. 6. 1
To oe xKaoc^^ov yiutTxt fiiv iv r xv'huvi t
:

"TTipi

'2vpixv.

'Tty.ipuv

Jlupxiiioov;

iiDxi

(pxai

Ovo

tv fAiv

[/.vovi,

rov S trepov ttcTiT^w iT^xrroux (Plinj', in the

In the Mishna

derives his information from this source).

iov tiKoai

above-quoted passage,
it

related

is

that the inhabitants of Jericho were wont to prop up the palms (Fesachirn
iv. 8).
Lescriptio orhis of the fourth century after Christ remarks

upon the rich revenue (Mller, Geographi graec. minores., ii. 613 sqq., c. 31
"Nicolaum vero palmulam invenies abundare in Palaestina regione, in
loco qui dicitur Hiericho").
The existence of the palm groves there is
also witnessed to by the Christian pilgrims Arculf in the seventh century
(see Tobler et Molinier, Itinera Hierosolymitana, 1. 1879, p. 176) and
:

Saewulf in the beginning of the eighth century (see Guerin, Samarie,


An English translation of the travels of Arculf and Saewulf is
49).
given in a volume of Bohn's Antiquarian Library, Early Travels in
J'alesfine.
In the year 1838, Robinson saw there still one palm tree
(/'iblical Researches in Palestine, ii. 290), which in the year 1888 was only a
i.

DPV.

withered stump (Zeitschrift des


articles

Ritter,

98).

Compare

generally the

(jeographische

mann's

xi.

"Balsam," " Datteljialme," "Jericho," in Winer's liealivrterbuch ;


Erdkunde, xiii. 760-858 Theobald Fischer, Die Dattelpalme, ihre
Verbreitung

und

culturhistorische Bedeutung, 1881

= Peter-

Anderlind, Zeitschrift des


deutschen Palstina- Vereins, Bd. xi. 1888, pp. 97-99 (occurrence of the
late palm in modern Syria).
On Jericho and its neighbourhood, see
Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, ii. 273-304 Ritter, Erdkunde,
Mittheilungen,

64,

Ergnzungsheft;

500-534 Tobler, Topographie von Jerusalem, ii. 642-669 Sepp,


Jerusalem und das heilige Land, 2 Aufl. i. 720-734
Gudrin, Samarie,
46-53 Baedeker-Socin, Palstina, 1 Aufl. p. 273 ff.
i.
The Survey of
Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, ill, 222 (Plan of
XV.

1,

pp.

426

THE OMAN-HEUODIAN AGE,


from

lease

in

He

Cleopatra."

had indeed

Cleopatra with
she,

accept

to

disagreeable with as good a grace as possible,

and

to

the

receive

honour and with royal munificence when

all

on her return from the Euphrates,

had accompanied Antony, paid a

visit

to

which point she

to Judea.

But when

she sought to draw him also into her net, he was cunning

enough not

commit himself any more

to

Thus Herod's

first

four

32

of the

Herod wished

anxieties.

army

to the help of

Antony

to

hasten with a powerful

but at the instigation of Cleo-

Antony

Arabian

had

That

prince

regularly his tribute to Cleopatra,

committed
naturally

amid

The outbreak

existence.

patra he was instead ordered by

And

for that fault.

spent

war between Antony and Octavian caused

fresh

king.

into her power."^

years were

five

own very

various struggles for his


in B.c.

or

fight against

to

latterly

failed

and was now

to

the

pay

to be punished

Cleopatra wished that the war should be

Herod, in order that the two vassal kings might

to

And

weaken and reduce one another.

thus Herod was

sent against the king of Arabia rather than against Octavian.

But as Athenio, Cleopatra's commander, went

to the help of

the Arabians, he suffered a crushing defeat, and found himself

obliged to stop the great war, and rest satisfied with mere

robber raids and plundering expeditions.^

Then again

in the spring of

b.c.

31a new

calamity befell

him, for a terrible earthquake visited the country, by which

30,000 men

Herod now wished

lost their lives.

peace with the Arabians

Herod required

renewed their attack.

to treat for

but these slew his ambassadors and

the aqueducts near Jericho in the time of the

to

use

Romans)

all

his clo-

and with

this

English Map, Sheet xviii.


^^ Josephus, Antiq. xv. 4. 1-2
Wars of the Jews, i. 18. 5. Plutarch,
Antony, 36, and Dio Cassius, xlix. 32, assign this gift of territory to an
also the large

earlier period.

Compare

above, p. 402.

^*

Josephus, Antiq. xx.

4.

'^

Josephus, Aniiq. xv.

5. 1

Wars of the Jews, i.


Wars of the Jews, i.

18. 5.
19. 1-3.

HEKOD THE GREAT,

15.

427

B.C. 37-4.

quence in order to induce his dispirited troops again

But

into the engagement.

returned to him.
utter

rout,

He

this

to enter

time his old fortune in war

drove before him the Arabian army in

and compelled

remnants, which had sought

its

Proud

refuge in a fortress, soon to surrender.

of this brilliant

success, he returned home.'"'

Soon
battle

thereafter,

on 2nd September

his power.

It

was

same time a

at the

But with that adroitness which was


and soon found an opportunity

for

finally

blow

sore

lost

to Herod.

characteristic of him, he

camp

passed over at the right time into the

by

31, the decisive

B.c.

Actium was fought, by which Antony

at

of the conqueror,

proving his change of mind

In Cyzicus there was a troop of Antony's gladia-

action.

who held themselves in readiness for the games, by which


Antony had intended to celebrate his victory over Octavian.
When these now heard of the defeat and flight of Antony,
tors,

they wished to hasten to Egypt to the assistance of their

But Didius, the governor

master.

departure, and

Herod

afiforded

him

hindered their

of Syria,

in this zealous

and

effi-

cient aid.*^

After he had given such a proof of his disposition, he could

venture to present himself before Augustus.

But

in order to

secure himself against any miscarriage, he contrived to have


the aged Hyrcanus, the only one
rival, as

way.

who might prove

a dangerous

nearer to the throne than himself, put out of the

That Hyrcanus was condemned

to

death for conspiring

with the Arabian king, as was affirmed


journals, is highly improbable

and the extreme age

when we

Hyrcanus.

of

writers have expressly declared

*"

Josephus, Antiq. xv.


Josephus, Antiq. xv.

5.
6.

2-5
7

Herod's

own

consider the character

Other contemporary

For Herod

innocence.

mere existence of Hyrcanus was

iu his critical position, the

*'

his

in

Wars of the Jews, i.


Wars of the Jews, i.

19. 3-6.

20.

2.

Dio Caa^ius,

428

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE,


motive

sufficient

bloody deed.

for the

Thus

the last of

fell

the Asmoneans, a memorial of past times, an old

than eighty years of

age,

sacrifice

man more
and

the jealousy

to

ambition of Herod/^

Herod now
winter,

him

3130,

b.c.

in the

meet Augustus, who had passed the

set out to

the most part in Samos.*^

for

spring of

he played his part

30

b.c.

He

skilfully.

At

Rhodes.

in

the

He met
meeting

boasted of his friendship

with Antony, and of the service which he had rendered him,

and wished

in this

way

how

prove

to

any one whose party he might


inclined to give too
his advantage to

much heed

win over

was

it

to

and energetic

He

Romans.

own home.^

to his

summer, Augustus

thereafter, in the

and Herod

friend of the

Herod returned

this joyful result

and touched

but found

to this speech,

him, and confirmed him in his royal rank.

ver}' gracious to

Soon

Augustus was not

to himself the crafty

Idumean who had been the steady

With

useful he might be to

join.

left

at the Phoenician coast on his

failed not to receive

him with

all

Asia Minor

way to Egypt,
pomp at Ptole-

mais, and took care that during that hot season of the year
his

army

in its

march

sliould

want

for nothing.^'

After Augustus in Egypt had done with Antony, who, as


well as Cleopatra, had committed suicide in August

Herod again

visited Augustus,

tion of wishing

him

success,

district

and securing

for himself as great

Augustus now gave him back, not only the

of Jericho,

but also Gadara, Hippos, Samaria, Gaza,

In

Anthedon, Joppa, and Straton's

Tower.'*

Wars

of the Jews,

*^

Josephiis, A7itiq. xv. 6. 1-4

*^

Suetonius, Augustus,

**

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

6.

*^

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

6. 7

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

7.

**

30,

undoubtedly with the inten-

In this latter object he was completely

a reward as possible.
successful.

b.c.

cities, see 23. 1.

c.

i.

22.

proof of his
1.

17.

5-7

Wars of the Jews, i. 20. 1-3.


Wars of the Jews, i. 20. 3.
Wars of the Jews, i. 20. 3. On
;

all

these

HEROD THE GREAT,

Ij.

Herod gave

gratitude,

the end of

b.c.

his patron,

429

B.C. 37-4,

on his return from Egypt in

company

30, the pleasure of his

as

far as

Antioch.*^

While thus he had exchanged


fortune,

house.

his

outward dangers

committed the guardianship of Mariamme

and

to

Mariamme had

and gave

it,

who had both

also

Herod on

to

The mother

sion.^^

this

his return proofs of her aver-

of Herod, Cypres,

and

his sister Salome,

proud Mariamme, were greatly gratified at

knew how

to bribe the king's cupbearer,

Mariamme had

he should give

it

to

toward the

this

misunder-

by giving

to inflame the quarrel

At

currency to the most scandalous calumnies.

managed

as before

time again come to

a long time been disaffected

for

standing, and they

that

good

Soemus,

to a certain

him again he had given the same command

to Joseph.*^

know

for

Herod had nothing but confusion and strife in his own


Even when he had gone away to Rhodes, he had

last

and got him

Salome

to declare

given him a poison draught in order that

Herod.

When Herod

Mariamme's eunuch examined by torture

heard

this,

he had

in reference to this

knew nothing of the poison


Mariamme hated her husband on

This servant indeed

matter.

draught, but confessed that

command which he had given


When, now, Herod heard that Soemus, as well as
account of the

Soemus,

to

Joseph, had

betrayed the secret of his command, he saw again in this a


proof of unlawful intercourse, and cried out saying that he

had now evidence of


immediately executed
tion,

his wife's unfaithfulness.


;

Mariamme,

Soemus was

after a judicial

was condemned, and then executed

in

investiga-

the

end

of

B.c. 29.'*
*"

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

death of

Mariamme

is

7. 4.

Ibid. xv. 6. 5.

'

JInd. xv. 7. 1-2.

3-6. A fabulous Talmudic story about the


given by Derenbourg, p. 151. In criticism of the
7.

account repeated by us from Josephus Destinon (Die Quellen des Flavins


Josephus, 1882, p, 113)
"It is remarkable how precisely in order of time
the succession of events correspond in the two journeys of the king to
:

THE ROMA.N-HERODIAN AGE.

430

In Herod's relations with Mariamme were revealed


savagery and sensuality of his nature.

all

the

Ungovernable and

passionate as his love for her was, such was also his hatred
so

soon as he thought himself deceived by his wife.

But

equally ungovernable and passionate was also his yearning

over his beloved

whom

drown the pangs

of remorse,

he himself had murdered.

he sought

relief in

In order

wild excesses,

drinking bouts, and the pleasures of the chase.

But even

his powerful frame could not endure such an excessive

While he was hunting


there to take to

Alexandra began

Samaria he

in

his

As

bed.

to scheme, so

his

fell

(Antiq. xv.

3.

strain.

and was obliged

recovery was doubtful,

that in the event of his death

She applied herself

she might secure the throne to herself.

Antony and Augustus

ill,

to

5-6 and

9,

xv.

6. 5, V.

1-6).

On

botli

occasions he put his wife under the guardianship of a trusted individual,

anything should happen to prevent his return, that


both times her guardians, meaning no harm, communicated the secret to her
the king returning home learns this,
becomes suspicious of gross infidelity, and has the innocent executed.
Moreover, it is remarkable that the second story is wholly omitted in the
Wars of the Jews, i. 22. 4-5 according to the story given there, Herod kills
not only Joseph, but also Mariamme, on his return from Antony. It might
be supposed that the two narratives in the Antiquities refer to one and
the same occurrence, that Josephus found the second story perhaps in some
secondary document, and regarding it, in consequence of the introduction of the name Soemus, as different from the story given in his principal
document, incorporated it in his narrative of the journey of Herod to
This explanation
Augustus, so that no particular might be omitted."
might without more ado be accepted, were it not, on the other hand, firmly
established that the Wars of the Jews frequently reproduces in a greatly
abbreviated form the same original document as is used in the Antiquities,
and that the first story is expressly presupposed in the second tale of the
Avith instructions, if

she should be slain

7. 1
rcc; ^JuaTfTra iodeiou; IvTOhoig dvif^vififioviviv). That the
same story would have been repeated in an almost identical form, is
scarcely probable.
But it does seem to me probable that both stories had
already had a place in the principal source used by Josephus, and that
specially for this reason, that in both passages the narrative of domestic
circumstances is so clearly bound up with the exposition of the political
history.
In both passages the political history is introduced between the
beginning and end of the domestic affairs.

Antiquities (xv.

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

to those in

command

and sought

to

two

of the

win them over

fortified places in

more

tlian others,

Jerusalem,

But they reported

to her side.

the matter to Herod, and Alexandra,


that fate far

431

B.C. 37-4.

who had

long deserved

was then executed some time

in B.c. 28.*^

Gradually Herod recovered, and soon found occasion for

further bloodshed.

distinguished Idumean, Costobar, had

been, soon after his accession, appointed by


of Idumea,

and had subsequently been married

husband, Joseph, had been executed in

first

Herod governor
to Salome,
b.c.

whose

Even

34.

he had secretly conspired against

during this

first

Herod with

Cleopatra, but had been received into Herod's

period

But now Salome

favour again at the entreaty of Salome.*^


herself

was

her husband, and in order to rid herself

tired of

him she had recourse

of

to

denunciation.

She knew that

her husband had preserved the sons of Babas,** as


distant relatives of the

Asmonean

since his conquest of Jerusalem

This

out.

information

Herod, when he heard

she

Ugis,

whose

place

had

was seized and executed

in vain

communicated

seems,
ever

sought to track
to

her brother.
the

Costobar, together with his

jyro-

promptly

concealment

of

it

whom Herod

upon

this,

course he would pursue.

house,

in b.c. 25.

resolved

Salome

had

betrayed,

And now Herud

could

console himself with the thought that of all the relatives of

the aged Hyrcanus tliere was no longer one surviving

could dispute wth him the occupancy of the throne.^

'^

.TosephuR, Antiq. xv.

*3

The name B/3f

7.

*-

7-8.

Und. xv.

who

Here

7. 9.

on an inscription given by Euting, St<zungsherichte der Berliiwr Akademie, 1885, p. eH.""), Tafel xi. n. 80.
A X33
'U p appears in Ktrioth vi. 3 a K33 p min* in Eruhin ii. 4-5
Jebamoth xvi. 3, 5, 7 Kdujoth vi. 1, viii. 2 (the Cambridge Manuscript
is

fouiifl

has
^*

X33

four times, and

Josephus, Anliq. xv.

says expressly
is

Vts uvui

X3S

7. 10.
f*riiei/

three times).

At the

close of the narrative

uttoMi'toii * t^j

Josephus

'TpvoD avy/fviiet(.

indeed only the male relatives that are here intended.

It

For, according

432

THE EOMAN-HEPvODIAN AGE.

then the

first

period closes, the period of conflict with hostile

powers.

II.

The period from

b.c.

25

to

b.c.

13

the period of glory

is

and enjoyment, although the enjoyment was not altogether


unchequered and undisturbed.

Among

the glories of the period are to be reckoned the

magnificent buildings which he erected.

All the provinces

vied with one another in their celebration of the emperorcultus,

and in the lavishness of display every fourth year at

the festal games in honour of Caesar.

For the former purpose

emperor-temples (Kaiadpeta) were erected

for

theatres, amphitheatres, race-courses for

men and

New

of Caesar,

after

aras

cities also

were founded in honour


"

his name.

ludos quoque

for

horses.

and called

Provinciarum pleraeque super templa et


quinquennales

Eeges amici atque

tuerunt.

the latter,

socii

regno Caesareas urbes condiderunt."

paene

oppidatim consti-

et

singuli in suo quisque

^'

All these endeavours

were entered upon by Herod with that energy by which he

was

But he was

characterized.

also

unweariedly active in

erecting other buildings for purposes of use and luxury, and


in the reconstruction of entire cities.^

In Jerusalem a theatre was reared


to

A7itiq.

Asmonean

xvii.

5.

2, fin.,

in

the valley near

the daughter of Antigonus, the last of the

kings, continued alive for about twenty years after this,

and

she had been married to Herod's eldest son Antipater.


^^

Suetonius, Augustus, 59-60.

emperor, Div.
pp. 23-28.
'^

On

ii.

vol.

i.

p.

15

Compare generally on the cultus of the


festal games the same volume,

and on the

the buildings of Herod, compare Hirt, Ueber die Baue Herodes

und ber seinen Tempelbau zu Jerusalem insbesondere


{Abhandlungen der histor.-philolog. Klasse der Berliner Akademie aus den
Jahren, 1816-1817, pp. 1-24)
van der Chijs, de Herode Magno, pp. 55dxs Grossen berhaupt,

57.

15.

IIEROD THE GREAT,

Jerusalem, an ampliitlieatre."

Herod

Some time

built for himself a royal palace,

later,

a castle for the upper

to serve also as

Even during the time

city.^^

24,

B.c.

was provided

It

and thus was made

fortifications,

about

upon which marble

and gold were lavished with profusion.


with strong

433

B.C. .37-4.

Antony
named

of

he had had the citadel north of the temple rebuilt and


*^ JosepllUS,

Iv

TU

which
ii.

8. 1

kuI dturpov

cljn(pidixTpov.

iv

'

lipoao'ki'u.oig

theatre,

UKOooccmev, uvdt;

Also the hippodrome in Jerusalem,

casually referred to {Antiq. xvii. 10. 2


Wars of the Jews,
was certainly built by Herod so, too, were the theatre, amphiand hippodrome in Jericho (see about these in Div. ii. vol. i.

is

3. 1),

p. 33).

Antiq. XV.

TTihiu fiiXtarov

Schick {Quarterly Stateinent of Palestine Exi^loration Fund (1887),

161-166) gives interesting reports with plans of a theatre near


Jerusalem discovered by him. It lay south of the city (south-south-west
its distance from Wadi Hinnom is not
of Bir Ejub, north of Wadi Jasul
much greater than that of the latter from the present city wall). The
jip.

may still be marked out with


out of the natural rock on the north side
of a hill, so that the spectators had a view of the city.
straight line
drawTi through the middle of the sitting benches measures 132 feet the
crescent-shaped space for the spectators
perfect certainty.

It is

hewn

benches rise regularly at an angle of 37 degrees. It is very strange that


Schick should call his interesting discovery an amphitheatre, since his plan

and description leave no room

for

doubt that what he had before him was

The amphitheatre was always an

enclosed elongated circle, in


the middle of which was the arena for gladiatorial combats and contests

a theatre.

with wild beasts. The theatre, on the other hand, was a semicircle, on
the open side of which the stage was erected for dramatic performances.
Schick had been misled into this erroneous nomenclature by Josephns'
statement that the theatre of Ilerod was h Ispcao'Kvftois, whereas the
building discovered by Schick lay outside of the city. But he himself
must admit the building discovered by him does not by any means lie
iv ru TTtota, which, according to Josephus, was the position of tlie amjihiIf therefore h Ispoao'Kvfioi; means "within the city wall-V
theatre.
then the building discovered by Schick could neither be the theatre nor
the amphitheatre of Herod.
But that rendering is not at all necessary,
and so the identifying of the theatre of Schick and that of Herod is quite
possible and highly proljablo.
Also on the restoration of the city of
Hadrian the site once occupied by Herod would not be overlooked.
'

'

^^

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

description given in

3 ; Wars of the Jews,


of the Jews, v. 4. 3-4.

9.

Wars

Herod is in a state of partial preservation to


Tower of David. See the description by Schick,
of

Palstina-Vercinx,

DlV.

I.

VOL.

I.

i.

i.

21. 1.

Compare the

tower of the palace

this day, the so-called


Zeitschrift des dcutscJun

1878, pp. 22G-237.

2 E

THE KOMAN-HEllODIAN AGE.

434

Antonia in honour of his


of his territory,

and

patron.^^

away

fartlier

In

the non-Jewish

numerous temples, especially such

built

cities

in the province of Syria, he


as

he built in honour

Caesar {Kaiadpeia), and adorned them with statuary

of

of

the most beautiful description/"

New

cities in large

number were

The old Samaria, which

throughout the land.

after its destruc-

had been already rebuilt by Gabinius, was now recon-

tion

by Herod

structed

him the name

22 on a

he erected on the
Tower, a

new

in a magnificent style,

Not

of Sebaste.^^

in the year B.c.

coast,

satisfied

and received from

with

he engaged

this,

more ambitious undertaking,

still

on the

of the

site

for

ancient Straton's

and imposing dimensions, to which

city of large

he gave the name of Caesarea.

As deserving

of special

men-

Josephus speaks of the commodious haven attached to

tion,

the

built under his direction

In order

city.

ships while

secure

to

receiving

their

was carried

cargo from the storms, a powerful breakwater

far

out into the sea, the material for which had to be brought

On

from a considerable distance.


dwellings for the seamen, and

made
^^

Compare the

front of these paths were

8. 5, 11. 4, xviii. 4.

Wars

description given in

History, v. 11, fin.


''o
Josephus, Antiq. xv. 9.

Wars

the breakwater were erected

In the midst of the city was a

for pleasure walks.

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

in

Wars

Wars of the

Jeics,

of the Jews, v. 5. 8

of the Jews,

i.

21.

i.

hill,
21. 1.

Tacitus,

Compare

4.

3 (temple at Paneion). Also


the reconstructed cities of Sebaste and Caesarea contained each a temple
of Augustus.
De Vogue and Waddington found at Si'a (a league and a
half from Qanawat, at the western base of the Hauran) the ruins of a
temple of the Herodian era (a sketch of which is given by de Vogue in
Among
his Syrie Centrale, Architecture Civile et Religieuse, pi. 2 et 3).
these ruins were also found the following subscription of an early statue
A7itiq. XV.

of

Herod:

10.

[B]o-/Xs< 'Hpii^ii

tut; efixis lx'7!rxvxi[i].


Latines,
^

of the Jews,

t. iii.

et

23.

'OuKTcCTo; 'S.xOov

idri^oc

ru d'AptotUTot,

Waddington, Inscriptions Grecques

ct

n. 2364.

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

p. 760.

x.vpia

Le Bas

i.

For further

8.

Wars

details, see Div.

of the building, see above, p. 405.

of the Jeios,

ii.

vol.

i,

i.

21. 2

pp. 123-127.

Strabo, xvi.

On

the time

IIEROD THE GllEAT,

15.

B.C. 37

4.35

4.

OQ which a temple in honour of the emperor was


could be seen far out at

Twelve

sea.

full

And when

in the building of the city.

made with

At

had not yet received

which he named in honour

father Antipatris.

of his

named

Jericho he built a citadel which he

after his

new

in a previously unbuilt but fruitful district, a

he

and,

Herodium

region toward Arabia

was

one

the

*2

lay

his

after

flight

also supplied with

Josephu?, Antiq. xv.

9.

6, xvi.

5.

and Phasaelis,
*'*

Josephus,

Wars

see Div.

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

^'

i.

pp. 72, 73.


the Jews,

Wars of

vol.

i.

13. 8.

latter

up

of Alexandriura
of the Jews,

i.

ii.

vol.

i.

i.

pp. 84-87.

ii. vol. i. pp. 15-17.


TFars of the Jews, i. 21.
pp. 130-132.

9.

On

for

and

21. 5-8.

On

Also on

Antii^atris

Compare Antiq. xiii. 13. 3;


i.
21. 8.
In the two latter passages the name is given in
On the subsequent history of the city, see Div. ii.

i.

On

21. 10.

second-named and more important


4 comp. Antiq. xiv. 13. 9
Wars
Koman perio<l it was the chief town of a
tlie

of these fortresses, see also Antiq. xv.

of the Jews,

The
fitted

of the Jews,

4. 2.

the form of Agrippias.


vol.

ii.

Wars

Jews who

Pliny, Historia Naturalis, v. 13. 69.

the temple of Augustus, see Div.


5.

tlie

from Jerusalem.

The strongholds

also, Antiq. xv. 8. 5

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

mountainous

the

in

rooms beautifully

the sub.sequent history of Caesarea, see Div.


**

it

the other on the spot, three leagues

the use of the king.^

Compare

named

Agrippa,

of

south of Jerusalem, wliere he had conquered

pursued hira

and

In honour of himself, he named two new

Agrippaeum.*^*

strongholds

honour

in

city,

The ancient Anthedon

it after his brother Phasaelis.*^

reconstructed,

fortress

mother

In the Jordan valley, north of Jericho, he founded,

Cypres.

named

full

In place of the ancient Capharsaba, he founded

satisfaction.

a city,

of building

pomp

great

to B.c. 10-9.^^

28th year of Herod, corresponding

But Herod's love

which

had been completed,

it

a grand celebration of the event was


in the

built,

years were occupied

During

tlie

9.

Pliny, Historia Naturalis, v. 14. 70


( Wars of the Jews, iii. 3. 5
Herodium cum oppido inlustri ejusdem nominis). During the war of
Vespasian it formed one of tlie last refuges for the rebels ( Wars of the
Jews, vii. 6. 1). According to TFars of the Jcics, iv. 9. 5, Herodium lay
in the neighbourhood of Tekoa {oTpxTHTiriQivaift.tito: ot kxtu tivu x.finv J

toparchy

436

THE r.OMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

Hyrcania, built by the Armenians but destroyed by Gabinius,

were now restored by Herod, and furnished with new

He

fications.*'^

dealt

similarly also

Maehrus and Masada, both


palaces."'^

of

forti-

with the fortresses of

which he adorned with royal

Military requirements also led to the rebuilding of

QiKus xxysiTXi,

x-po; tovj

kit

'HpuOita ([povpoii, ovip

to Antiq. xiv. 13. 9, xv. 9. 4

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

According
was

'Tr'Kialov).

13. 8, 21. 10, it

60 furlongs south of Jerusalem. Seeing, then, that the present Tekoah


more than 60 furlongs south of Jerusalem, Herodium must have lain
to the north of Tekoa.
Of this at least there can be no douLt, that the
steep rock which now by Europeans is called Frankenberg, and by natives
Jebel - el - Fureidis (Paradise, fruit - garden), is to be identified with
Herodium. The distance from Jerusalem in a direct line, as given in the
large English map, is 8 Roman miles, or 64 furlongs.
On the hill there
are to this day remnants of the round towers which Herod, according to
the statement of Josephus {Antiq. xv. 9. 4
Wars of the Jews, 1. 21. 10),
had built there. Also traces are still discernible of the stone steps
which are made mention of by Josephus. Compare generally, Robinson,
Biblical liesearches in Palestine, ii. 173-175
Tobler, Topographie von
Jerusalem, ii. 565-572
Sepp, Jerusalem, 2 Aufl. i. 643 f.
De Saulcy,
Voyage en Terre Sainte, i. 168 sqq. Guerin, Jude'e, iii. 122-132 BaedekerSocin, Palstina, 1 Aufl. p. 267 Schick, Zeitschrift des deutschen PalstinaVereins, iii. 1880, pp. 88-99 (with plans) The Survey of Western Palestine:
Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 315 sq., 320-332 Ebers and Guthe,
Palstina, i. 158 f
Ohlmann, Die Forlschritte der Ortskunde von Palstina,
1 Tbk (Norden 1887) p. 17 f.
^^ Both fortresses are mentioned first in the time of Alexandra (Antiq.
xiii. 16. 3).
In Alexandrium, Aristobulus waited the arrival of Pompey,
but was forced to surrender the fortre.ss to him (Antiq. xiv. 3. 4
Wars of
the Jews, i. 6. 5).
Both the fortresses were razed by Gabinius, because
they had been strongholds to Alexander in his revolt (Antiq.xiv. 5. 2-4
Wars of the Jews. i. 8. 2-5). Alexandrium was fortified again by Pheroras
(Antiq. xiv. 15. 4
Wars of the Jews, i. 16. 3). Hyrcania for a long time
served as a place of refuge for the sister of Antigonus, and it was only
is

Actium that Herod secured possession of it


The new fortifications which Herod erected in both
places were so important that he showed them to Agrij^pa on his visit as
worthy of attention (Antiq. xvi. 2. 1). The situation of Hyrcania is not
known. Alexandrium is probably identical with Mount Sartaba on the
shortly before the battle of

Wars

of the Jews).

border of the Jordan valley north of Jericho (see above, p. 320).


''
Maehrus had been fir.st fortified by Alexander Jann'aus (Wars of the
Jews, vii. 6. 2).
Its rc'^toration by Herod is i'ully described liy Josephus,

Wars

of the Jeios, vii. 6. 2.

Masada

had been

fortified

by the high

prie.->t

15.

Gaba

in

IlEROD THE GREAT,

Esbon

Galilee and

B.C. 37

which places he

Perea, in

in

437

4.

established military colonies.^^

Also far beyond the bounds of ralestine architectural works

For the Ehodiaus, Herod

proclaimed the liberality of Herod.

own

built at his

He

cost the Pythian temple.

aided in the

construction of most of the public buildings of the city of


Nicopolis,

which had been founded by Augustus near Actiura.

In Antioch he caused colonnades to be erected along both sides

Happening on one occasion

of the principal street."^

sum on

Chios, he spent a large

the rebuilding of the piazza,

destroyed during the Mithridatic

In Ascalon he built

war.'^*'

Tyre and Sidon, Byblus and Berytus,

baths and fountains.


Tripolis,

Ptolemais, and

Damascus were

Athens and Lacedcemonia proofs of

with

graced

also

And

memorials to the glory of Herod's name.


as

to visit

even as

his liberality

far

were to

be found.^^

But the most magnificent

the restoration of the temple of Jerusalem.

by

built

Zerubbabel, was

neighbourhood quite eclipsed


it

was

Tlie old

temple,

no longer in keeping with the

The palaces

magnificence of the modern structures.

was only proper,

was

of all his building operations

But now,

grandeur.

in

it

to be brought into

in its

harmony with

as
its

On its restoration by Herod, see


Jonatlian (Wars of the Jewx, vii. 8. 3).
Wars of the Jews, vii. 8. 3. Both fortresses played an important part in

the

war

of Vespasian.

On

in 20 at the end.
c**
Josephus, Antiq. xv.

their situation

8. 5.

and

history, see further details

Compare JFars

further details regarding both, see Div.

ii.

vol.

i.

of the Jeirs,

iii. 3.

1.

For

pp. 127-130.

'" Ibid. xvi. 2. 2.


Josephus, Ayitiq. xvi. 5. 3.
Josephus, Wars of the Jeivs, i. 21. 11. In an inscription at Athens
(Corpus Inscript. Graec. n. 361 = Corpus Inscript. Attic, iii. 1, n. 556),
Berenice, the daughter of Agrippa I., is named: fny.'Kai) aaihiav ivipc'-*

^^

yiTuv

T'^j TToAswf iKyouo;.

Inscript. Attic,
'

Hpuhnu

iii.

1, n.

(pi7^0f)c.\Lctoy

similar one {CIA.

Perhaps also the inscription at Athens {Corpus


550) refers to Herod the Great 'O oiifio; ctaiT^tae.
:

ivipyiula,;
iii.

1,

referred to another Herod,

n.

'iv'.Kiv y,oci

551)

Herod

is,

svuolx; Tsjf

fci;

on account of

of Chalcis.

iotvrov.

its

Another

divergent

title,

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

438

The rebuilding was begun

surroundings.

beautiful

eighteenth year of Herod, corresponding to

b.c.

2019,

734-735. After the temple proper was completed


secrated

but

still

(a.D.

proverbial.

"

62-64), was

He who

it

its

'^

On

tlie liistory

destruction, in the time of

actually finished.

Its

beauty was

common

proverb of that day.^^

games, celebrated with great

buildings, the

the

was con-

has not seen Herod's building has never

seen anything beautiful," was a


Besides

the

the building was carried on for a long period,

and only a few years before


Albinus

it

in

or A.U.C.

of the building, see Joseplius, Antiq. xv. 11

Wars

of

In the former passage Joseplius gives a detailed de.scription of the whole extent of the temple buildings, with their beautiful
porticoes.
The inner court and the temple proper are described with the
the Jews,

i.

21. 1.

most minute accuracy ( Wars of the Jews, v. 5). With this description of
Joseplius the account given in the Mishna, in the tract Middoth, agrees in
all

essential particulars.

and merely summary description

brief

is

given by Philo, De monarchia, lib. ii. 2 (ed. Mangey, ii. 223 sq.). The
Jewish proverb and other Rabbinical traditions are given in Derenbourg,
pp. 152-154. With all its grandeur, liowever, the temple was still inferior

to the palace of

Herod (JVars

of the Jews,

On

i.

21.

1).

On

the date of the

completion in the time of Albinus,


On the measures taken in order to maintain the ordisee Antiq. xx. 9. 7.
nances of worship while the building was proceeding, see Edujoth viii. 6.
" Rabbi Elieser said I have heard that when the temple (PSM) was being
building, see above, p. 410.

its

they made curtains (D'^ySp) ^r the temple and curtains for the
court and then they built the walls of the temple outside of the curtains,
but those of the court inside of the curtains." While the temple was
built,

building,
11. 7

it

is

said that rain fell only

Derenbourg,

p.

152

sq.).

by night

On the basis

(Joseplius, Antiq. xv.

of the description given in

Josephus and in the Mishna tract Middoth, the temple of Herod has been
The most
in innumerable instances represented in modern literature.
important literature is catalogued in Haneberg, Die religisen Alterthmer der
Summary descriptions are given in the
Bibel, 2 Aufl. 1869, pp. 260-265.
Schenkel's
articles on the temple in Winer's Beahcrterbuch, ii. 578-591
in
Bibellexicon, \. 479-484; and Riehm's Handwrterbuch, pp. 1636-1645
KeiVs Biblical Archaeology, i. 187-201 Robinson, IJiW. Researches, i. 365-433
Ewald, History of Israel, v. 432-434 Stanley, Jewish Church, iii. 436-444
and the handbooks on Jewish Antiquities by De Wette, Haneberg, and
others (see above, p. 14).
The statements of Josephus are well summarized
;

Das Jerusalem des Josephus, 1881, pp. 46-94. Compare also


Baue Hcrodes der Grossen (see above, p. 432). The differences between Josephus and the Mishna are examined by Hildesheinier,

by

Spiess,

Hirt, Ueber die

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

pomp and

magnificence, belonged to the glory of

In

period.

439

B.C. 37-4.

tlie

Augustan

department also Herod was quite abreast of

this

Not only

the requirements of the age.

in the predominantly

pagan Caesarea, but even in Jerusalem, competitive games


were celebrated every fourth

Jews these pagan


the

men and

of

life

To the eyes

year.^^

of legalistic

exhibitions, with their slight valuation of

constituted a serious offence,

animals,

which could be tolerated only under threat of severe measures.^*

The

went

zeal of the king, however,

liberal grants in support of the old

so far that

Olympic

he even gave

games.'^^

Die Beschreibung des herodianischcn Tempels in Tractate Middoth und

hei

Flavins Josephus {Jahresbericht des Rabbiner- Seminars fr das orthodoxe


Judenthum; Berlin 1876, 1877). Speculations on its measurements may-

be seen in 0.

Der Tempel von Jerusalem und

"Wolff,

For determining topographical

Graz 1887.

seine Maasse,

questions of detail, especially in refer-

ence to the outer limits of the temple and

its gates, a knowledge of recent


Exact descriptions of these are given in
de Vogue, Le temple de Jerusalem, 1864 and Schick, Beit el Mahdas oder
An investigation
der alte Tempelplatz zu Jerusalem, wie er jetzt ist, 1887.
into the antiquity of the various portions of the surrounding wall as it
now stands may be seen in Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de Varl dans
Vantiquite, t. iv. 1887, pp. 176-218.
Valuable materials for the topography of the temple site are contained in the works of Eosen, de Saulcy,
the volume on "Jerusalem" in the Survey of Western Palestine (1884),
together with the plans, elevations, sections (1884) on the largest scale
attached thereto and generally almost all the M'orks on the topography of
Jerusalem referred to above on pp. 17-20. The prevailing view that the
present boundaries of the temple site represent exactly those of the temple
restored by Hei'od, is opposed by Fergusson, The Temies of the Jeics and
and Prof.
other Buildings in the Harem Area at Jerusalem., London 1879
Robertson Smith in his article "Temple" in thb Encyclopaedia Britannica,

discoveries

is

indispensable.

vol. xxiii. 1888, pp. 168-171.


'3

In Caesarea, Antiq. xvi.

salem, Antiq. xv.

8.

1.

Wars of the Jews, i. 21. 8. In Jeru;


expressions, kxtcc yrevTx.erriptOoc (Antiq. xvi.

5. 1

The

5. 1), "^sUTeciTripiKol ciyuvsi

plays were celebrated every

fifth

^*

On

it).

See Div.

vol.

i.

il.

vol.

i.

p. 32,

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

5.

i.

21. 8),

p. 23.

the view taken of the games

Jews, see Div.


''

ii.

the Jews,

are not to be held as

1),

express

and Tecuyjyvpt^ riji


meaning that the
year, but every fourth year (as we would

(Wars of

vivTutrnpilog {Antiq. xv. 8.

and the
;

Wars

by the

strict loyalists

among

literature there referred to.

of the Jews,

i.

21. 12.

the

440

THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

How

unweariedly and extravagantly he also in other ways

promoted culture and learning of every kind we are informed

Very

from explicit statements by Josephus.

was the colonizing

of the districts

saretli hitherto traversed

the gardens;

nomad

tribes/*^

and gardens about

Walks and water

at Jerusalem.

west of the lake of Genne-

only by robber

laid out at great cost the parks

serviceable indeed

made through

canals were

water fountains decorated with ironworks of

were to be seen, through which the water gushed.

art

He

his palace

In the

neighbourhood of these stood dovecots with tamed pigeons."

The king seemed


it

is,

to

have a special fondness

for pigeon-breeding

indeed, only in connection with this that

made

of

Herod

"

in the Mishna.

phrase used for pigeons kept in captivity.^^


^s

mention

Herodian pigeons

" is

is

the

It seems, there-

xvii. 2.

9. 2 (colonizing by 3000 Idumeans).


Antirj.
1-3 (settlement of a colony of Babylonian Jews). Compare also

Div.

vol.

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

ii.

i.

p. 4.

Josephus, Wars of the Jews, v. 4. 4


rTiAoi
nvpyui ^I'heixouv
iif/.ipav (and the general description there also given of the park).
^''

In the Mishna the name of Herod occurs only in the two following
Schahbath xxiv. 3, " On the Sabbath one should not, indeed, place
water for the hens and pigeons in the dovecot, but for the geese, and hens,
and the pigeons of Herod (nVOTin ""JV)-" Chullin xii. 1, the law, Deut.
xxii. 6. 7 (that from a bird's nest only the young may be taken, but the
mother must be allowed to escape), applies only to such birds as build
in the open, e.g. geese and hens, but not to such as build in houses, e.g.
In both passages the pigeons of
the pigeons of Herod (nVDTin 'JT')Herod are distinguished as pigeons kept in captivity from those that fly
'8

passages

about in freedom. The passage in Josephus, Wars of the Jews, v. 4. 4


shows us that they are wild pigeons (xXs/Ssf), not tame house pigeons
The reading nvomn (hadoresijoth) is
(TTspwTipctl), that are referred to.
given even in the Babylonian Talmud on Chullin xii. 1, along with the
The Aruch (the rabbinical lexicon of Nathan
other, but is certainly false.
ben Jechiel) gives, s.v. jv, the following explanation " King Herod had
pigeons brought from the wilderness, and bred thcni in breeding-houses."

In reading

had the misfortune

this passage the learned Drusius

instead of jonim (pigeons), jevanim (Greeks)

to read,

in accordance with which

he explained the 'Kpuoixvol (Matt. xxii. 16) as meaning Greeks whom


King Herod had brought from the wilderness and reared in inhabited
districts.

Compare Buxtorf, Lex.

Chald.

col.

630-632

{s.v.

""DTin).

15.

HEROD THE CHEAT,

Herod was the

fore, that

first in

441

B.C. 37-4.

Judea

to

keep and rear wild

pigeons in an enclosed place.

In order that he might pose before the eyes of the Graeco-

Eoman world

as a

man

of culture, Herod,

who continued

to

the last a barbarian at heart, surrounded himself with a circle

men accomplished

of

state

offices of

Greek

in

and

literature

more important matters he availed himself

The most distinguished

and advice.

The highest

art.

were entrusted to Greek rhetoricians.

In

was Nicolas

of these

all

counsel

of their

of

Damascus, a man of wide and varied scholarship, versed in


natural science, familiar with Aristotle, and widely celebrated

He

as a historical writer.^''

fidence of Herod,

and

difficult

enjoyed the unconditional con-

and was by him entrusted with

diplomatic

Beside him

missions.

brother Ptolemy, also a trusted friend of the king.

Ptolemy was
the

stood

his

Another

head of the finance department, and had

at the

kincf's signet

serious

all

In addition

ring.^"

to these,

we

find in the

Winer's Realv:rterhuch, Schenkel's BibeUexicon, and Kielim's


arts. " Taw^e;" Leyrer in Herzog's lical-Encuciopaedie,
Lorentz, Die Tauhe in
art. "Tauben in Palstina" (2 Aufl. xv. 215-218).
Alterthume, Leipzig 1886.
Generally

Handwrterhuch,

''^

Compare on him above,

the discourse, Antiq. xvi.

2.

Since Kicolas of Damascus in


pp. 58-63.
in Avhich he treats of the interests and

4,

aspirations of the Jews, employs the

first

person pluial

{r*]v ts kl6,uyiv toiv

ruv iifCiripav tOuu kocI vofA-uv^ etc.), one niiglitbe


as a Jew.
But according to a note in Suidas {Lex.

i)/aipui/ oii/'ti(^iu TYi (A.a.&T,ii

inclined to regard
s.v.

'

A.vTi7ros.rpo;)^

him

Antipater,

liis

fatlier,

shortly before his death commis-

sioned Nicolas and his brother Ptolemy, in case he shouhl die, to have

made

for

Zeus a censer which he had promised

$vfAiT7ipiQV,

ciVt/9

'i^d/i

uiiTog

'^rpov'T^itJX'ni^ivoi

t^

6tu,

to

the god {~u A/<

x.a.-ot.ax.ivi.'ict.i

iTrnOoiv

rt'ASVT'/inti).

Herod two men of the name of Ptolemy are to be


put beyond doubt from what took place immediately after
At that time Ptolemy, brother of Nicohis of Dama.scus, was on
his death.
M'ars of the Jeics, ii. 2. 3)
while at
the side of Antipas (Antiq. xvii. 9. 4
that same period another Ptolemy represented the interests of Archelaus
Wars of the Jews, i. 33. 8 Antiq. xvii. 9. 3 and 5
(Antiq. xvii. 8. 2
Wars of the Jeirs, ii. 2. 1 and 4). By tlie latter Archelaus had Herod's
accounts and signet-ring carried to Home to the em^jeror (Antiq. xvii.
^^

That

at the court of

distinguished,

is

442

THE ROMAN-IIEEODIAN AGE.

circle

immediately around the king two Greeks or half-Greeks

Andromachus

also the tutor of Herod's

proceedings

The

and Gemellus.

Among

rhetorician, Irenaeus.^^

we meet with

death

was

these

Finally, in the

son Alexander.^^

Herod's

after

of

latter

Greek

those Hellenic counsellors of

the king there were indeed some very bad characters, most

among them

conspicuous

contributed not

Herod and

trouble between

Herod

to

his sons.^^

real interest in

little

to foster the liberal arts

But any other form

culture.

who

and intensifying the

appearance had very

all

His ambition led him

Judaism.

and

that Laced fern onian Eurykles,


in fomenting

little

of culture than that

of

Greece was scarcely recognised by the world of that day.

So he himself submitted to receive instructions, under the

and

and

history,

boasted

9.

Kcii'axpi

Xoy\f/.TU'j av'j
h.oyji'ha.o^

JlTo'Aiticiiov).

Ap'/^s'Kceo g

ar^i^ot.'j'z'^p i
.

sta-ziy-il/oe.g

Trctrpo;

'Koyiay-w^ rZv

rov;

y-nui^our UroT-.i/^xlov

TQV oay^ri/'Aiov rov

related

land was essentially

his

rhetoric,

But the culture which

Jev\'s.^*

spread throughout

'hi

tu

philosoph}'',

more nearly

being

of

the Greeks than to the

to

he sought to

Damascus, in

of Nicolas of

direction

x.ot.\

Wars

i.

of the Jews,

i.

in Antiq. xvi.

24. 2.

Compare

^^

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

8-

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

^3

Josephus, Antiq. xvL 10.

**

Josephus, Antiq. xix.

On

4:

This same man had during the lifetime of Herod charge of


Wars
and on his death read his will (Antiq. xvii. 8. 2
Identical with him is the otoiy.m-T'/i; rliv rij.c ctai'hiiot.g
33. 8).

7rp7,cTj referred to

Wars

ii. 2.

rovg 7\6-/ovg elinrsuTrii Otx

his signet-ring,

of the Jews,

Upoihov

of the Jews,

7.

2-3,

and in the

also Antiq. xvi. 8.

parallel passage,

5.

8. 3.
9.

7.

4
1

3:

the humanistic studies of

Wars of the Jews, ii.


Wars of the Jews, i.
"'EXhrflt

'jr'hiov

2. 3.

26. 1-4,

'^'lovoai'o:; oiKSta; ex-'"-

Herod under the

direction of Nicolas of

Damascus, see Nicolaus Damascenus in Miiller, Fragm. Hist. Graec. iii.


iTridvfiYias rvcthiv
350 sq.: ''puhn; ivoCtuv oix/xedd; rov (l:i7^0(ro(pici; sbutu.
.

pyjTOOiKVi;,

Avdi;

S'

y,<x,l

N/xo'Xo!/

vi'ja,yy.ocC,i

uvtu, koh

Koivfi

epprirpsvov.

iuTopiot; a-vrov \ipui\ 'i'Auit/, iT^etiviactUTO; 'i^tx.oA.ov to jrpAyfif.ce.

zroy^iTiKUTXTOV uueti "KkyciVTo;,


spyoc Kcti

ovppY,-opiVii'j

Tp^si; laTopoin.

XP''!'"/^^''
.

'Hp^in; STTYjySTO to* ^ix.o'hxou iuov sot

^^

"^^ xat'Ksi, g

tu,

>ictt

tuv

irpoTipoiu

Kxiactp

tovtov z'hiuv

iii

Fu/hyiu u;

tjjj avTig vyio;

kxi

koivyi i(pi'horr'fov'j.

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

He

Greek and pagan.

even erected heathen temples

the non-Jewish towns of his kingdom.


stances

it is

443

B.C. 37-4.

Under

interesting to observe the place

which he gave

law and the national aspirations of his people.

the

movement had grown

Pharisaic-national

in

these circumto

The

up, especially since

the reaction under Alexandra, into a power so strong and so


firmly rooted in the hearts of the people, that

Herod could

not possibly think of a violent Hellenizing like that carried

He was

on by Antiochus Epiphaues.

show respect

Hence

party.

many

in

it

human

coins bear no

worthy

particularly

is

sagacious enough to

points to the views of the Pharisaic


of

notice that his

image, but only innocent symbols, like

those of the Maccabean coins

most only one

at

coin,

and

that belonging probably to Herod's latest period, bears the


figure of

an eagle.^

In the building

of

the temple he was

He

anxiously careful to avoid giving any offence.


*^

On

the coins of Herod, see Eckhel, Doer.

allowed

Num.

iii. 483-486; Mionnet,


54-57
De Saiilcy, Hecherches sur la Numismatique judatque, pp. 127-133
Cavedoni, Bibl.
Numismatik, ii. 25-31 Levy, Geschichte der jiid. Mnze)}, pp. 67-72
Madden, History of .Jewish Coinage, pp. 81-91 Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 21-25
De Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, pp. 245-247
Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 43-45 Madden, Coins of the
Jews, pp. 105-114.
The coins have the simple inscription, B.\2IAEn2

V.

565

Cavedoni, Bibl. Numismatik,

52

i.

f.,

HPHAOT, and
(L

The year number 15

r).

some
which

is

the

number

the year 3

of

read by some numismatists,

fiilse readinj:; (see Madden, History of Jewish


Coins of the Jews, p. 109, note).
portrait is found on
probable that a small copper coin with an eagle, of which

Coinage, p. 86 sq.
;

(EI),

probably from a

results

none

various emblems

but

it is

vaiious copies have been found in Jerusalem, belonged to Herod the


Great, not to Herod of Chalcis, who never reigned in Jerusalem (see de
Wieseler, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der
Madden, Coins of the Jeirs, p. 114. For Herod of
35 Levy, p. 82, and Madden in his earlier Histm-y

Saulcy, Eecherches, p. 131


Evangelien, pp. 86-88

Chalcis

Cavedoni,

ii.

of the Jeu-ish Coinage, pp. 111-113).

the latest period of

Reinach supposes that

Herod the Great, when he showed

it

belongs to

less

respect to

Jewish feelings than ])reviously (Reinach, Les monnaies juives, 1887,


p. 32 = Actes et conftfrences de la Soci^t^ des dudes juives [Beilage zur Revue
dts tftudes juive.i'], 1887, p. cxcviii.).

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE,

444

only priests to build the temple proper, and even he himself

ventured not to go into the precincts of the inner temple,

which should be entered only by the


of the

placed.

many beautiful
And when the

Upon none

priests.^"

Jerusalem were images

buildings in

people once looked with suspicion on

the imperial trophies of victory which were set up in the


theatre

them

Jerusalem, because they took

at

for statues

which were covered with the armour, Herod had the trophies
taken down in the presence of the most distinguished men,

and showed them

wooden

frames.^^

himself

the

required of

him

for

their

to

When
hand

complete

Herod's

'lovhalwv

among whom

sister

Salome,

it

was

adopt the Jewish customs

eOecrc),

and thereupon the pro-

Some

posed marriage was abandoned.^^


Pharisees,

bare

the Arabian Syllus sought to win


of

that he should

(iyypacfirjvai rot? rcov

the

satisfaction

of the

most famous

may

be specially

Polio and Sameas

named, were held by Herod in high esteem, and were not punished even

But

when they

refused to take the oath of allegiance.^^

clearly a thoroughgoing carrying out of Pharisaic views

was impossible under his scheme for the furtherance of culture,


and he had no intention of promoting them. For a time,

what he raised with the one hand he overthrew with the


After he had carefully studied the Pharisaic requireother.
ments in the building of the temple, he at last had an eagle
put up over the temple gate as

if

Theatre and

in insult.""

amphitheatre were already in themselves heathen abominations.


of the

The Greek surroundings

administration

king, the

of

by men of Greek culture, the development of


heathen splendour within the Holy Land, the provision for
state business

heathen worship within the borders of Judea, in the king's

own
80

territory, all this

completely outweighed those concessions

Josephus, Antiq. xv. 11. 5-6.

"0 Joseplius,

Antiq. xvii.

m^^

89 Ibid.

88 Ibid. xvi. 7. 6.
G.

liars of the Jeics,

xv. 8. 1-2.

xv.

33. 2.

1. 1,

10. 4.

to Pharisaism,

HEROD THE GREAT,

1.-).

and

445

B.C. 57-4.

in spite of these lent to Herod's reign

The Sanhedrim,

of a heathen than a Jewish character.

more
wliich

according to the opinion of the people was the on]y court


that had any right to exist, nnder

Herod was stripped

of all

importance, so that doubts have been entertained as to

very

The

existence.''^

removed

higli

priests,

were

at his pleasure,

whom

its

he appointed and

and were

his creatures,

for

tlio

most part Alexandrians, with a veneer therefore of culture,

and

offensive to the

so

high-priesthood

As he had

is

The treatment

Pharisees."^

quite typical of the

tossed

aside

with

home

ruthless

violence

Sadducean nobles on the one hand, because

of their

with the Asmonean dynasty (see above,

420);

other hand, he was just as

little

p.

satisfied

of

tlie

policy of the king.

the

old

sympathy
so,

on the

with the Pharisees.

Their ideals went far beyond the concessions of the king, and
the

friendships

enjoyed

among

the

Pharisees

were

only

exceptions.

When

one considers that in addition to this contempt of

the claims and the actual or imagined rights of the people,

Herod oppressed them by imposing a heavy taxation, it may


be readily supposed that his rule was endured amid mucli
All foreign glory could only be

murmuring.

the people so long as

Most

their fathers.

Eoman

of the Pharisees regarded the

to

of the

and accompanied by the disregarding of the laws

citizens

of the

distasteful

was secured by the oppression

it

of

government

vassal king generally as not existing in

riglit,

and refused twice over the oath of allegiance which Herod


demanded,
9^

first for

Indeed, this

may

Compare on the
598-600 and below,
2

U3

lie

accepted as certain.

hi<,da

priests,

23, iv. (Div.

Wellhauseii, Die Phariser und

Studien

See Div.

und

**

The two

But he has

ii.

vol.

Kritiken,

i.

p. 170.

1872,

jp.

pp. 195-20G).
die Sadduca'ei; pp. 105-109, has indeed
ii.

vol.

i.

rightly stated that the Pharisees could be contented with

the Sadducees.

The

himself and then for the emperor.^

Herod sooner than

too stronr;ly accentuated this correct idea.

cases of refusal to take the oath, wliich are reported in

446

THE ROMAN-HEIiODIAN AGE.

prevailing

sought vent

dissatisfaction

period of his reign, about


citizens conspired to

B.c.

murder the king

plan, indeed, failed, since

it

once in

25, in

the

earlier

Ten

a conspiracy.

in the theatre.

Their

When

was betrayed beforehand.

they were just on the eve of committing the deed, they were
Antiq. xv. 10. 4 and in xvii.

seem to be quite distinct. In the former


his enemies in all manner of
ways "but for the rest of the multitude he required that they should be
obliged to take the oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled
tlieni to swear that they would bear him goodwill and continue so to do
in the management of his government" {Antiq. xv. 10. 4 to B' XAo TrT^ijOos
passage

said tliat

it is

2. 4,

Herod persecuted

'ooKot; ii^iov

iiivoiav

to the

yj

vpog t^v %iaTtu vn.yit&at.i,

,u7iu ^lot.CPv'hoi.Z.itv

king that

xi t'^j px^i Cif^o'Koyuu).

here referred

is

xatl (/VvrjuecyKot^si/

to.

ccCtu kvft,OTOv tv,u

an oath of fidelity

It is

The Pharisees who

refused were, out

and Sameas, left unpunished. So, too, the Essenes.


But all the others were punished. In the other passage it is told that
when the whole Jewish peoj^le promised an oath of submission to the
emperor and the king, more than 3000 Pharisees refused to swear {Antiq.
of respect to Polio

xvii. 2.

Kitijxpi

-Trxv-o;

y,cti

youv rov lov^uiy.oi ixtaxvrog


'

rot; oe.at'hiug Tvpa.yi^a.ai, oiOi

oi

^dpi;

S<'

opx,uv

oi/K

/iCTiv

vj

iiivo'/jaxt

oifioaxv, ours;

WTirip

emperor seems to have been the chief


thing.
The Pharisees who refused were sentenced to pay a money fine,
which was paid by the wife of Pheroras. The latter passage is the earliest
instance that I know of showing that in the days of the empire not only
soldiers and officers, but also the people in Italy and in the provinces, had
i^aKiaxi'^toi).

Here the oath

to the

to take the oath of fidelity to the emperor.

we have from

tice

Later evidence of the prac-

the time of Tiberius, Caligula, and Trajan.

1.

On

Tiberius entering upon his reign, the chief officials first swore in verba
Tiherii Caesaris, then the senatas, milesque et populits (Tcitus, Annals, i. 7).

In reference to the provinces, compare Tacitus, Annals, i. 34 Germanicus


Scqtmnos, proximas et Bekjurum civitates in verba ejus \Tiherii'\ adigit.
2. On Caligula entering upon his reign, the oath of fidelity to the new
In Palestine this was
tniperor was administered to all the provincials.
:

done by the governor of Syria, Vitellius, who happened to be present in


Jerusalem when the news of the death of Tiberius arrived (Josephus,
The same zeal
Antiq. xviii. 5. 3 upKia riiv v?^y}6vu tiv liivoiot, rij Yui'ov).
was displayed at the same time in far distant Spain. The formula of
the oath which the citizens of the little town of Aritium in Lusitania
liad sworn to Caligula on 11th May a.D. 37, therefore scarcely two months
after the death of Tiberius, is preserved on an iron tablet (Corpus Itiscript.
Lat. t. ii. n. 172.
See Mommsen's remarks upon it in Ephemeris epigr.
t. V. pp. 154-158).
In essential agreement with this Latin oath formula
:

is

the Greek oath of the citizens of Assos in the

Troad

to

Caligula,

HEEO THE

15.

447

Gr.EAT, B.C. 37-4.

dragged before Herod, and immediately condemned to

seized,
death.^^

In order to hold the revolting populace in check, Herod

means

had recourse on

his

part to

reign the longer

it

lasted the

of violence

more despotic

and so his

The

became.

it

fortresses,

which were partly new erections of his own, partly

old places

made

stronger, served not onl}" to protect

foreign foes, but also for keeping

most

important

above, pp.

Gaba

him from

own

people.
The
Herodium, Alexandrium, Hyrcania,

were

may

Machrus, Masada, to which


colonies at

down

in Galilee

435437).

his

added the military

also be

and Esbon

in

Perea (compare

many

Especially to Hyrcania

political

offenders were deported in order there to disappear for ever.^

As

props of his government against foreign as well as

Herod had dependable mercenary

foes

were many Thracians, Germans, and


sought by

common

which

is

And where

as,u

known from an
of this

ctii-zoi

bud every

iron

anything of the kind was

found

tablet

first

Greek formula runs

tliere

'irpoxip'?/r6Ci, x,l

i-j^&povg

ov;

in

1881.

It also

half of the year a.D. 37.

as follows

"Ocivvftiv

aitu Ttxi'a Kcaacipt 'S.iuar x,xl tui avy^-TrxvTt oi'tu uvzov,

ov;

But, finally, he

assemblies, yea, even meeting together on the

bears the date of the consuls of the

main body

All idle loitering about the streets,

was forbidden.

street,

Gauls.''^

home

which there

regulations to nip in the

strict police

attempt at rebellion.
all

troops, in

etv

ociiTo;

x.tx.t

^I'Aov;

The
svvovi-

y,plv-tv,

7rpox7^'K;;ron {^Ephemeris

154-158). 3. For the time of Trajan we learn explicitly from


Pliny that then the provincials on the anniversary of the emperor's
accession yearly renewed the oath of fidelity to the emperor (Flin j, Epist.
ad Trajan. 52 [al. 60]: "diem, domine, quo servasti imperium, dum
suscipis, quanta mereris laetitia celebravimus
praeivimus et corami.
epigr. v.

litonibus jus

jurandum more

pietate jurantibus."

mei debita
te

Ibid.

Rom.

Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl.

Josephus, Autiq. xv.

97

Josephu8, Antiq. xvii.

8.

litteris tuis ").

Compare generally, Momm-

749.

ii.

3-4.
8.

eadem provincialibus certante

"Diem imperii
[al. 104] Traianus Plinio
ccmmilitonibus et provincialibus pi'aeeunte

103

laetitia et religione

celebratum libenter cognovi

scn,

sollemni,

Wars of

the Jews,

Und. xv.
i.

33. 9.

10. 4.

THE RO.MAN-IIERODIAN AGE.

448

nevertheless done, the king had information about

conveyed

diately
at times

to

to

He

his secret spies.

is

said

have in his own person acted the part of the

In order to be

government had

many were

him by

imme-

it

one must, however, admit that his

just,

also

good

its

By

the haven of Caesarea.

Among

side.

We

of a useful description.

his buildings

need only mention

hand were conditions

his strong

created under the protection of which trade and travel be-

came

He

safe.

hearts

the

Once,

of

by proofs

subjects

his

the year

-in

made attempts

also for a time at least

B.C.

win

magnanimity.

his

of

to

20, he remitted a third of the taxes

he remitted a fourth of

at another time, in B.C. 14,

;"^

them.-^*^

Quite amazing was the energy with which he sought to put a


stop to the famine which

spread over the land in

He is said

to

his

own

on that occasion

table

B.c.

have converted into money even

plate.^*^^

But the people

had only a

in presence of prevailing evils

very feeble and transitory gratitude for such benefits.


so,
it

25.

while upon the whole

his reign

was undoubtedly

And

glorious,

was by no means happy.

The

chief glory of his reign lay in his foreign policy,

in this department he undeniably achieved great success.

had secured the confidence of Augustus

by imperial favour the extent of

to

He

such a degree, that

territory

his

and

was about

doubled.

This

is

the place to estimate, according to

and characteristic
of

most

its

feature, the position in the

a rex socius in the lioman empire of that


98

Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10.

""

Unci. xvi. 2. 5.

102

Compare upon

S'

4.

this

point,

Kuhn, Die

Verfassung dei rmischen Reichs, Bd.


dicione juris reges socii joopuli

ii.

Romani

day.-^"^

Hid. xv.

'"^ Ibid.

essential

eye of the law

The

10. 4.

xv. 9. 1-2.

stdtische

und

brgerliche

Bohn, Qua con1865, pp. 21-33


fuerint, Berolini 1877 ; Mommscn,
;

HEIIOD THE GREAT,

15.

dependence, in which

Roman

stood to the
this,
title

all

kings on this side of the Euphrates

power, was expressed most strikingly in


exercise royal authority and

that none could

use the

king without the express approval of the emperor,

of

with or without confirmation by the


as

449

B.C. 37-4.

extent

of considerable

territory

obliged to be satisfied with the

The permission extended only

who then

The

senate.^"^

title

was,

granted only to such princes as reigned over a

rule,

received

the

title

were

of tetrarch or such like.

to the person of the individual

and ceased with

it,

smaller princes

Hereditary

his death.

monarchies were not generally recognised within the domain


of

Roman

the

father as his successor


after

his

Even the son appointed by his


could enter upon his government only

authority.

nomination had been confirmed by the emperor.

This confirmation was refused

if

doing, and then the territorial

domain of the father was

there appeared reasons for so


either

granted to the son with restricted boundaries and with an

under direct

inferior title, or given to another, or even taken

Roman

administration as a province.

All this

may

indeed

be learned from the history of the Herodian dynasty, but


is

by

also confirmed

other records.

all

amicus populi Romani

{(f)l\o<i

koI

The

(rvfjuixa'^o^

'

socius

title

who

citizenship

by Marquardt

The possession

be assumed in regard to

to

is

Roman

title.^"*

Roman

of

indeed expressly witnessed to only on behalf of

is

Rmisclies Staatsrecht^

Arnold,

indivi-

actually assumed this position had

really formally received the

a few, but

et

seems

Pcofxaicov)

as a special designation to have been granted only to


duals, so that not all

it

iii.

1,

1887, pp.

64.'3-715.

all

Tlie

probable,

as

work

of

W.

T.

Syf^tem of Provincial Administration, Lonilon 1879, quoted

in his

Em. Staatsverwaltung,

i.,

was not

2 Aufl. p. 500,

accessible to me.
^^

Herod had

hi.'?

Josephus, Antiq. xv.


^*^*

kingdom

o/j-i

Kx/axpo;

x,ui

ooyy.uri

'

Vo>y.xluu,

6. 7.

Also in regard to Herod, who in Antiq. xvii. 9. 6 is called (J/Xoj kxI


Bohn doubts whether the title officially belonged to him, Qua

avi4,!^y,?i

condicione, p. 14, note 29.

DIV.

I.

VOL.

I.

2 F

THE ROMAN-HEEODIAX AGE.

450
The family

Herod came

of

into possession of

From

Autipater, the father of Herod.^*'^


too,

early through

honorary senatorial rights (praetorian and consular rank)

were

time conferred upon confederate

for a

power was
1.

it

the time of Caligula,

They could neither conclude

kings.-^*'^

Their

following particulars

restricted especially in the

with other States nor

treaties

engage in a war on their own account, and so could exercise


within the boundaries of their

sovereign rights only


land.

2.

They had the

been

and

of gold

almost entirely forbidden

minting

successors

his

down

To the

of silver coins.

to us

at

in

kings, as

many

cases

by many

to suppose.'^

3.

it

the most

of his statements

the

also

belonged Herod

class

from the whole line of Herodian princes.

to

copper coins have come

fact is particularly instructive, since

by no means belonged

in

seems to have

coins

latter

only

least

money only

of coining

right

The minting

limited degree.

own

This

shows us that Herod


distinguished of those

Josephus would lead us

on them was

special obligation resting

the providing of auxiliary troops in case of a war, as well as


the protection of the frontiers of the empire against foreign

Also

attacks.

contributions

^"5 Joseplius,

money were

But a regular

occasions demanded.

have been raised

in

for the

Antiq. xiv.

8.

tribute

on

special

seems not

to

kings during the time of the empire.


3

Wars

of the Jews,

9. 5.

i.

Agrippa I. obtained in the first place praetorian rank (Philo in


Flacc. 6, Mangey, ii. 523), .subsequently consular rank (Dio Cassius, Ix. 8).
Herod of Chalcis obtained praetorian rank (Dio Cassius, ibid.), as also
Agrippa II. (Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 15). The conferring of honorary senatorial
rights {ornamenta, Tifmti) on those not senators, first came into vogue
under Tiberius (Mommsen, Em. Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. i. 375 f.). The interest of the question entirely centres on the point as to their right of
taking their place on public occasions among the senators, and of wearing
106

the insignia of their respective


i.

373
^'

f.,

377

offices.

Mommsen,

Compare on the

right of reges socii to

Geschichte des rmischeji Miinzwesens, 1860, pp.


recht,

iii.

1,

Rmisches Staatsrecht,

f.

pp. 709-714

coin

661-736

money, Mommsen,
;

Bmisches Staats-

Bohn, Qua condicione juris, pp. 42-49.

Only

of

Antony

TeTayfx,evoL<i}^^

IIEKOD THE GllEAT,

15.

is it

The

said that

451

B.C. 371.

appointed kings eVt

lie

rights of sovereignty

which were

dependent kings embraced, under the reservations

home

the whole administration of

They had unlimited power

the laws.
their

affairs

whole

Their

subjects.

regarded as belonging to the province.


of

their

they

territory

could

impose

was under

their

own

control,

specified,

and death over

was generally

not

Within the bounds


taxes

at

they administered the revenue independently.


also

to

and the execution of

of life

territory

(f)6pot<i

left

will,

and

Their army

and was organized by

themselves.

The

jiosition

thus described, which afforded such abundant

scope to the energy of the individual, was taken advantage of

by Herod with

all his

He

might.

availed himself, as others

ought also to have done, of every opportunity of presenting

himseK

to

the emperor and proving his devotion to him.^'

Even in B.c. 30 he had several times visited Augustus.^^


Ten years later, in b.c. 20, Augustus went again to Syria, and
Herod did not lose the chance of paying him his respects. ^^^
1**

Appian, Civ.

v. 75.

More

details are given in the excur.^us

on

tlie

taxing of Quiriniu.? ( 17, Apjtendix I.). For the hypothesis that the
irfies socii were obliged to pay a regular tribute, a special attempt to
fiiipply proof has been made by Huschke (Ueber den zur Zeit der Gehurt
Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census, 1840, pp. 99-116).
He is followed by
Marquardt, Rmische StaatsvericaltuDg, i. 1881, pp. 405-408, with reference to Judea.
On the other hand, Bohn, Qua condicione juris, pp.
55-64.

Mommsen,

Staatsrecht,

iii.

1.

683, confines himself to the

that the dependent principalities "even under the Republic

yearly tribute; but

he

"

remark

paid a fixed

admits that "according to the older

Roman

payment of money (p. 681),


and that even in later times the payment of tribute by those belonging to
the league was determined "less by general rule than by enactments
made in reference to the ])articular case in point " (p. 683).
'"^ Compare Suetonius, Augustus, 60
" Reges amici atque socii
saepe regnis relictis, non Romae modo sed et provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio insigni, more clientium praestiterunt."
jiractice" the federation right excluded the

11"

See above,

p. 428.

^" Josephus, Antiq.


visited Juden.

xv. 10.

3.

Augustus

does not seem ever to have

452
In

THE ROMAN-IIERODIAX AGE.

B.c.

18 or 17 Herod fetched home his two

and Aristobukis, who were in

Alexander

sons,

Eorcie for their education,

and

was on that occasion very graciously received by the emSubsequently

peror.^^^

met with

he

Augustus

12 and 10-9.^^^

occasions, in the years b.c.

on

Herod was

two
also

on terms of friendly intercourse with Agrippa, the trusted

2321, he there received a

residing in Mytilene, B.c,

And

from Herod."*

went

While Agrippa was

and son-in-law of Augustus.

friend

to

Judea and

later

showed himself

visit

15, Agrippa himself

hecatomb in the temple

offered a

at Jeru-

so enthusiastic over the

lioman who

so friendly to the Jews, that they

accompanied

The people were

salem.

in B.c.

still,

of good-will to his ship, strewing his

way

with flowers, and expressing admiration at his piety."^

In

him amid shouts

the spring of the following

Agrippa's visit

an expedition
to afford

him

and

year,

14, Herod returned

he knew that Agrippa had planned

as

he took with him a fleet in order


At Sinope he met his noble friend

to the Crimea,

assistance.

and then went with him,

after the

finished, over a great part of

where lavish

b.c.

gifts

warlike operations were

Asia Minor, dispensing every-

and granting

petitions.^^^

His

with Augustus and Agrippa were so intimate that


affirmed that

and

to

^'2

Herod was

Agrippa next

to

Joseplms, Antiq. xvi.

1^5 Joseplius,

Antiq. xvi.

1. 2.

4.

Joseplius, Antiq. xv. 10.

^ifi

Joseplius, Antiq. xvi.

ii.

TTolMug,

589)
ccy\'A

On

and

9. 1.

Compare above,

p.

411

f.

2.

2. 1

Philo, Legat, ad Cajuvi, 37 (ed. Maii-

'?rxpi7^iy.ip6/i

f^ixpt

'Kif^ivuv,

VTTO T^j p^iijOaf cTTa.a/i;, (pv'A'hooT^ov/nss/; re

cv^, ^"^o

fiig

Kxl acv/ucc^f^ivos

In reference to the hecatomb, compare Div. ii. vol. i. p.


the sacrificing by heathens in Jerusalem generally, see same

sx' ivaiiict.

302.

1-5,

v(^yifc^dti: /avpict

flatterers

dearest to Augustus next to Agrippa,

Augustus."^

^^*

gey,

relations

volume, pp. 299-305.


*!*'

Joseplius, Antiq. xvi. 2. 2-5.

Mller, Fragmenta Hist. Graec.


^^'

iii.

Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 3j

Compare Nicolas

of

350.

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

20. 4.

Damascus

in

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

Eoman

453

B.C. 37-4.

Even as
when Herod was with Augustus in Egypt,
he had obtained from him important enlargement of territory
These

early as

friendships also bore their fruits.

30,

b.c.

New

(see above, p. 428).

Herod had

were added at a

gifts

later

period.

campaign of Aelius Gallus against

in b.c. 25, in the

500 men of select auxiliary troops.^^^ There


may possibly be some connection between this and the fact
that soon afterwards, in B.C. 23, at the time when Herod sent
Arabia, supplied

Alexander and Aristobulus for their education

his sons

Kome, he received the

which previously had been occupied by nomad

Auranitis,

robber tribes, with

had made common


20, Augustus

whom

the neighbouring tetrarch Zenodorus

When some

cause.^^^

Syria, he

visited

tetrarchy of Zenodorus, the

and the surrounding

At

permission

to

And

had in him

is

appoint

his

years

later, in

b.c.

bestowed upon Herod the

districts

territories

lake of Gennesareth.'^"

Perea.^^^

to

of Trachonitis, Batanea, and

districts

of Ulatha

aud Panias,

north and north-west of the

the same time

brother

Herod obtained

Pheroras

tetrarch

of

unbounded confidence which Augustus


shown conspicuously in this, that he, perhaps
the

only during the period of Agrippa's absence from the East


(see above, p.

(Coele- Syria

349

?)

f.),

gave orders to the procurators of Syria

to take counsel

with Herod in regard to

all

important matters.^"
^18 Josepliiis, Antiq. xv. 9.

Strabo, xvi.

4.

23, p.

For further

780.

details, see above, p. 407.

"^ Josephus, Antiq. xv.

named

10. 1

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

The districts

20. 4.

west of the lake of Genncsareth. Compare in reference to


them, 17ay on Zenodorus, Appendix I.
*20 Josephu-s Antiq. xv. 10. 3
Wars of the Jens, i. 20. 4 Dio Cassias,
all lie

liv. 9.
*2i

Josephus, Antiq. xv.

10. 3

122

Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 3

what obscure words


XV. 10. 3

Wars of
Wars of

the Jews,
the Jews,

i.

24. 5.

i.

20. 4.

The

.some-

in reference to the procurators are as follows, Antiq.

iyKUTotjici'yuvai o

fttvog ,uir Ttig ly.iiuov yjuy.r,:

uvtov
roc.

x.i toi;

tuvtx

Wnpcmvovat

rij; "^vtiatg, iuTH'ha.-

TZdiuu; soiiu'what differentlv,

Wars of

454

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.


not

It is

untold

left

how Herod

used his influence with the

Pioman governors to secure the Jews of the dispersion against


all

oppression and infringement of their rights on the part

of

their non-Jewish

neighbours.^"^

Thus the power

of the

Jewish king told in favour even of those Jews who were not
immediately under his

rule.

The period from

20

brilliant in his

b.c.

his court, so far as

14 was decidedly the most

to b.c.

In spite of dependence upon Rome,

reign.

outward grandeur was concerned, might

bear comparison with the best times that the nation had seen.

Only by

Internal affairs were indeed in a miserable state.

force could the people be brought to tolerate the semi-pagan

rule of the

Idumean

and only

his despotic, iron

hand

pre-

vented an uprising of the fermenting masses.

III.

The

last

nine years of

Herod,

with the sons of

B.c.

13-4, constitute the

unhappy quarrels

Especially his

period of domestic misery.

Mariamme

cast a deep, dark

shadow over

this period.^^*

Herod had
the Jeivs,

i.

20. 4

numerous family.
xtsot/jo-s

oi

uinou

x.ot.1

In

all

Ivpioc;

he had ten wives,


o'hyi;

i-TfhpoTrov

UYlOzu l^iiYi Otxct riis iKtivov avft^ovXtet; rol; STrirpoTroi; oioiKsiu.

From the

nature of the thing it cannot refer to a formal subordination of the procurators of Syria under Herod, but, as even the expression av/aovT^iccg in
the latter passage shows, only to the fact that the procurators as finance
officers for the province were told to make use of the counsel of Herod.

Also

probable that for 2vpict? oT^n; (resp. IvpUg) we should read


Compare Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i. 1881,
One should not take the note too seriously, since it evidently

it is

l.vplus
p. 408.

Kot'Kr,i.

comes from the glorifying pen of Nicolas of Damascus.


123

Josephus, Antig. xvi.

2.

3-5.

Compare

also,

Antiq. xvi.

6.

1-8

xii. 3. 2.
12* Many things belong to this period that were treated of in the preceding section, for the boundaries of the periods cannot be always strictly
observed. It is in general undoubtedly correct to say that the domestic

quarrels reached their height between b.c. 13 and B.c.

4.

HEltOU THE GREAT,

15

455

B.C. 37-4.

which was indeed, as Josephus points

out, allowed

but

sensuality.^"

affords a striking proof of his

it

wife was Doris, by

whom

he had one son,

by the law;
His

first

Both

Antipater.^-'^

were repudiated by Herod, and Antipater was allowed to


appear at Jerusalem only at the great

Hyrcanus (see above,

Eome

at

p.

^^^

who

396),

him

bore

Of the

sons and two daughters.

tliree

In the year

feasts.^'^'^

Herod married Mariamme, the grand-daughter

37,

B.c.

sons, the youngest died

the two elder ones, Alexander and Aristobulus,

The third

are the heroes of the subsequent history.^-^

whom Herod

of

children,

five

married about

24,

B.c.

was

also called

wife,

Mariamme.

She was daughter of a famous priest belonging

to

Alex-

who was appointed high priest by Herod just at the


when he married his daughter.^'' By this wife he had

andria,

time

Of the other seven wives, carefully

a son called Herod.^^^

enumerated by Josephus, Antiq.


^-^

Josephus, Wars of the Jews,

Txlru

yeip iu
ii.

'^'Kiioaiv 7iy.lv

Antiq. xvii.

may

viii. 4).

i'Kriau
iiy-uu,

z-uroio:,

According to the Mishna, Sanhedrin

ovuoiKsh.

is

iii.

7.

Compare

ru diu ivisdxt

vi/,Se,;

dirivi;

kccI

1-''

Compare

^-"

^^^

KiJdujsJtin

Bechoroth

to<j xTvyizon;

y.otl

c.

134

ru(P'Ko7; QiOxax.ot.'hai;

'/'*? yvuxiKx;
on that passage, and

Tivrs sx-'"

article "Vielweiberei."

Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 12.

1.

According to Antiq.
last

xvii. 5. 2,

Wars of the Jews,


3. 3;
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, i. 22. 2.
The two daughters were called Salampso

22.

i.

and

descendants are enumerated by Josephus, Antui. xviii.


^2* Josephus, Antiq. xv. 9. 3.
The name Mariamme

and elsewhere.

Antipater

Asmonean Antigonus.

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

28. 4,

ii.

Justin, Dialogue ivith TrypJio,

further, Otto's note

married to a daughter of the

'28

uvu Ka.1 ikaaoctioc^ Kxl

f^i-^pi

Winer, Eealwarterbuch,

is

in general also

In agreement with this


iijzt'j,

iKotaTou auyxupoiiat.

i.

1.

ihr

How many a private man


not expressly stated in the Mishna, but it is assumed that
have four or five (four Jehamofh iv. 11 Kethubothx. 1-6 five

Kerithoth

M-as

24. 2, fin.

and Wars of

1. 3,

eighteen wives were allowed to the king.

4,

should have
lie

i.

xvii.

Josephus, in Antiq. xv.

9. 3,

1.

Cypros.

Tlieir

5, 4.
:

Wars of the Jens,


names her fathei'

her father.

In other places Boethos himself is called


See Studien und Kritiken, 1872, p. 599 f. and below, 23, iv.

Div.

i.

Simon, her grandfather Boethos.

'31

ii.

vol.

p. 195.

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

1. 2.

456

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

Jews,

i.

28.

only

4,

and

Archelaus

About the year

mother

Malthace,

and Cleopatra

Antipas,

mother of Philip, are

Samaritan

the

Jerusalem,

of

of

the

of interest to us.

Herod sent the sons

23,

b.c.

Mariamme, Alexander and Aristobulus,

of the first

for their education to

Ptome, where they were hospitably entertained in the house

Some

of Asinius Pollio.^^^

five years later, in B.c.

18 or 17,

he himself fetched them home again, and from that time on-

ward kept them


then be young

at the court in Jerusalem. ^^^

men

They would

about seventeen or eighteen years of age.

In accordance with the customs of the age and country, they

were soon married.


Cappadocian king

Alexander received a daughter of the


Archelaus, whose

had given

Aristobulus

Although in

Salome, called Berenice.-'^*

nean and Idumean

name was Glaphyra

him a daughter

line of the

way

this

over against one another as two hostile camps.

down with
and

abuse.

of their royal

a certain pride upon the

Idumeans, pre-eminently

the

returned

the

And

the

Asmo-

Herodian family were connected

together by affinity in the closest relationship, they

Mariamme, conscious

Herod's sister

of

still

stood

The sons

of

might well look

blood,

Idumean

relationship

estimable

Salome,

haughtiness of those Asmoneans by

common

the

so even thus early, after the sons

had no more

than re-entered their father's house, the knots began to be


tied,

which afterwards became

be loosed.

so twisted that they could

not

For a time, however, Herod did not allow these

janglings to interfere with the love he had for his sons.^^^


1^2 Joseplius,

Antiq. xv. 10.

^^^ Joseplius,

Antiq. xvi.

^^^ Ibid. xvi. 1. 2.

1.

Berenice was a daughter of Salome and

1. 2.

xviii. 5. 4).
She is also spoken of by Strabo, xvi. 2. 46,
Archelaus of Cappadocia reigned from B.c. 36 to a.D. 17
(Dio Cassius, xlix. 32, Ivii. 17 Tacitus, Annals, ii. 42
Clinton, Fasti

Costobar {Antiq.

p. 765.

King

448 Paulj^'s Beal-Encyclopaedie,


Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i. 1881,
Numismatique, 1886, pp. 462-466).
Hellenici,

^^*

iii.

Joseplius, A?itiq. xvi.

1. 2.

i.

p.

2,

3G5

2 Aufl. p. 1439
f.

f.

Reinach, Revue

The

HEROD THE GREAT,

15.

457

B.C. 37-4.

however, offered so fruitful

evil conscience of tlie king,

a soil for such sowing of slanders, that they could not

take root and

ultimately to
obliged to

bring forth

to

admit to himself that

the

fail

He was

fruit.

natural heritage

of

the sons was the desire to avenge the death of their mother.

And

now Salome

as

and again pictured to him the

again

danger which threatened from both, he at


it,

and

to look

In

order

aspiring

upon

what would

provide

to

began

to believe

counterbalance

and to show tliem

projects,

last

his sons with suspicion.^^^

another in existence

who might

that

possibly

there

be

their

was

still

to

the

heir

throne, he called back his exiled Antipater, and sent his sons

then, in B.C. 13,

present

him

weapon

the hand

But by

by calumniating

to the throne.

so doing

he put the

the bitterest foe of his domestic

of

For Antipater from

santly,

just

was leaving the East, in order that he might

to the emperor.^^''

into

peace.

way

company with Agrippa, who

liome, in

for that reason to

time forth laboured inces-

this

his step-brothers, to carve out

The change

in their father's attitude

his

was

naturally not without effect upon Alexander and Aristobulus.

They returned

undisguised aversion, and

his suspicion witli

already openly complained of the death of their mother, and

which they were

of the injurious treatment to

Thus was the

rift

subjected.^^^

between father and sons becoming always

deeper, until at last Herod, in


to accuse his sons before

b.c.

12,

the emperor.

came

to the conclusion

Along with the two

he started on his journey, and appeared before the emperor


at

Aquileia

as

complainant

against

his

sons.

The mild

earnestness of Augustus succeeded for that time in reconciling

the opposing parties,

With thanks

and restoring again

to the emperor, father

^'''

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

3.

^27

Josephus, Antiif. xvi.

3.

^'*

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

3. 3.

domestic

1-2.

peace.

and sons returned home

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

23. 1-2.

458

THE ROMAX-HERODIAN AGE.

and Antipater also himself joined them, and pretended

to

rejoice in the reconciliation.^^^

home when

Scarcely had they reached


Antipater,

afresh.

game began
immecontinued imweariedly the work

who now

again was one of those in

diate attendance on the king,

of slander,

and in

he was

this

the old

faithfully supported

by the

On

brother and sister of Herod, Pheroras and Salome.

the

other hand, Alexander and Aristobulus assumed a more decidedly hostile attitude. ^"^

Thus the peace between father and

The suspicion

sons was soon again broken.

from day to day received new

fuel,

of the king,

which

became more and more

morbid, and by and by reached a climax in a superstitious


fear of ghosts.^'*^

He now

caused the adherents of Alexander

to be subjected to the torture, at first


last

under the agony of

one,

sions.

On

prison.-^*^

unsuccessfully, until at

torture,

made

injurious admis-

the ground of these, Alexander was committed to

When

the Cappadocian king, Alexander's father-

in-law, heard of the unfortunate state of matters at the


court, he

made

began to fear

his daughter

for

a journey to Jerusalem in order,

He

bring about a reconciliation.

Jewish

and son-in-law, and


at all possible, to

if

appeared before Herod very

angry over his good-for-nothing son-in-law, threatened to take


his

daughter back again to his

own

house, and expressed

himself so ferociously that Herod himself espoused the side


of his son,

and undertook

his defence against Archelaus.

By

such a manoeuvre the sly Cappadocian succeeded in bringing


about the reconciliation which he desired, and was able to
return

home

quite satisfied.^*^

Tims once again the wild

storm was broken by a short temporary

lull.

Wars of the
Wars of the

Jews,

i.

Jews,

i.

^3^ Josepliiis,
^"^
^*^
i.

Antiq. xvi.

4.

1-6

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

7.

Compare

Joseplius, Antiq. xvi. 8.

especially

ff.

2,

23. 3-5.
24. 1
;

24. 8.
^^'

Joseplius, Antiq. xvi.

8.

^*"

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

8.

Wars
Wars

ff.

Wars

of the Jews,

i.

24. 8.

of the Jews,

i.

25. 1-6.

of the Jews,

IlEKOD THE GREAT,

15.

459

B.C. 37-4,

In that excited period Herod had also

to

contend

and even with imperial disfavour.

foreign enemies,

witli

The

free-

booting inhabitants of Trachonitis v/ished to rid themselves of


his strict

and severe government, and somewliere about

the neighbouring parts of Arabia, where a certain

government in the place

carried on the

When

Obodas.

forty

of the peace found ready shelter in

of the worst disturbers

Sylleus

weak King

of the

Sylleus refused to deliver up these robbers,

Herod undertook, with consent

governor of

the

of

Syria,

Saturninus, a warlike expedition against Arabia, and enforced

But now Sylleus

his rights.^**

Eome, represented

agitated at

the matter as an unlawful breach of national peace, and was


able thereby to bring
emperor.^''

conduct,

Herod seriously

In order to

himself

justify

Herod sent an embassy

into disfavour with the

to

in regard to his

Eome

and when

this

was not successful, he sent a second, under the leadership of


Nicolas of Damascus.^^^

Meanwhile the family discord


approaching

its

end.

tragical

have been expected, was not

make

the

The

was

witli

reconciliation,

the same time,


last

all

them

who

and the sons against the

inflamed
father.^'*^

tlie

At

the other mischief-makers continued their

matters came to such a pass that Herod cast

Alexander and Aristobulus into prison, and


against

might

unhappiness complete, there now arrived at the

father against the sons

At

as

strides

In order to

of long duration.

court a worthless Lacedieraonian, Eurykles,

work.

rnpid

before

emperor

the

of

laid,

a complaint

concerned

being

in

treasonable plots. ^^^

Nicolas of
^**
'*'

Damascus had meanwhile accomplished the

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

9.

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

Mller, Fragm. Hist. Graec.

1-2.
9.

iii.

Compare Nicolas of Damascus

3.

351

^*^

Josephus, Antiq. xvi.

^*^

Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 10.

^**

Josephu?, Antiq. xvi. 10. 5-7

9. 4.
1

IFars of the Jews,


;

in

Feder, Excerpta Escurialensia, p. 64.

Wars

i.

of the Jeics,

26. 1-4.
i.

27.

1.

460

TUE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

task of his mission, and had acjain

When,

Herod. ^*^

Rome, they

reached

sation

favourable mood, and

ceed in this matter

summon
officials

Augustus

found

already in a

to

Herod absolute power

to pro-

he tliought best, but advised him to

as

Eoman

Berytus a justiciary court consisting of

to

and

the emperor to

once spread out before him their

at

Augustus gave

documents.

won over

therefore, the messengers bearing the accu-

his

own

friends,

his sons investigated

by

and

have the charges against

to

it.^^

Herod accepted the advice

of the

The court

emperor.

almost unanimously pronounced the sentence of death.


1''^

Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 10. 8-9.

'5"

Josephus, Ajitiq. xvi. 11. 1

probably fixed upon by


a centre of
tine.

Roman
i.e.

Nicolas of Damascus in Mller.

IVars of the Jews, i. 27. 1.


Berytus was
Augustus because it was a Roman colony, and so
;

and officialdom in the neighbourhood of Pales755 sq., Agrippa placed two legions
the veterans of those legions.
This would be in B.c. 15,
activity

According to Strabo,

in Berytus,

Only

xvi. 2. 19, p.

on the occasion of Agrippa's visit to that quarter (see above, p. 411). In


fact, Eusebius gives the year of Abraham 2001, or b.c. 15, as the date of
the founding of the colony of Berytus (Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene,
ii. 142)
and Augustus says, in Monumentum Ancyranum, iii. 22 sqq., that
in the year B.c. 14, during the consulship of M. Crassus and Cn. Lentulus,
he paid to the municipal authorities large sums for pieces of land which
he assigned to the veterans (Mommsen, Res gestae divi Augusti, ed. 2,
The two legions were the Leg. V. Mac. and VIII. Aug.
pp. 62-65).
The full
(Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 356 Mommsen, Bes gestae, p. 119).
name of Berytus as a colony runs thus " Colonia Julia Augusta Felix
Compare
Berytus" {Oorpm Inscript. Lat. t. iii. n. 161, 165, 166, 6041).
;

also, Pliny, Historia Naturalis, v.


vii. 3. 1

Digest. L. 15.

Doctrina

334-351
Palestine,

Num.

iii.

iii.

1,

7,

8.

20.

78

3.

The

Wars of the Jens,


coins are given in Eckhel,

Josephus,

354-359, and Mionnet, Description de m^dailles ant.

Supplement,

1.

436-447.

viii.

v.

238-250.

~Riti&v,

Robinson, Biblical Researches in


Erdkunde, xvii. 62-64, 432-456. Pauly's

Zumpt, Commentt. epigr. i. 379.


i. 2. 2361 f.
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i., 2 Aufl. p. 427 f. In the later
years of the empire, at least from the third century after Christ, there was
in Berytus a highly celebrated seminary for Roman law {Codex Justin.
Ritter, Erdi. 17. 2. 9, X
49. 1.
Robinson, Bibl. Researches, iii. p. 442.
Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl.

kunde, xvii. 436.

beginnings

may

Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,

p.

428).

Its

quite well have been within the period of Augustus

(Hitzig, Geschichte der Volkes Israel,

ii.

554).

15.

HEROD THE GREAT,

461

B.C. 37-4.

the governor of Syria, Saturninus, and his three sons were of

another mind.
carry

Still

was doubtful whether Herod would

it

An

out the sentence.

old

Teron, therefore

soldier,

ventured publicly to sue for favour to the condemned.


the old

man and

as adherents of

three hundred others,

But

who were denounced

Alexander and Aristobulus, were put

to death,

and the sentence was now without delay carried into execution.

At

Sebaste (Samaria), where thirty years before Mariauime's

marriage had been celebrated, her sons were executed upon


b.c. 7.^^^

the gibbet, probably in

But such proceedings failed utterly in restoring peace to


at

and

court,

But

father.

now

Autipater was

Herod's household.

indeed all-powerful

enjoyed the unconditional


this did

the government

confidence of his

He

not satisfy him.

wished to have

wholly in his own hand, and held secret

conferences with Herod's brother Pheroras, tetrarch of Perea,

which

at

it

was suspected

nothing

that

good was

done.

Salome, the old serpent, had soon discovered these ongoings,

and reported the matter


of Antipater

in

and

to the king.^'^^

his father soon

order to avoid

conflict,

himself to be sent to Rome.


entertain
will, in

1*1

found

it

And

which even

allow

is

shown by

his

he nominated Autipater his

only in

Josepluis, Anti(j. xvi. 11. 2-7

Damascus

Antipater,

convenient to

That Herod did not meanwhile

at that time

on the throne

so the relations

strained.

any serious suspicion against him

successor

of

became

the

event of Antipater

JFars of ihe Jews, i. 27. 2-G.


Nicolas
iii. 351 sq.
Feder, Ex-

in Mller, Fraymenta Hist. Graec.

Escurialensia, p. 65.
Cornpaie <,'c'nerally, Delitzscli, Jdisches
Handwcrkerlehen zur Zeit Jesu, 2 Aufl. 1875 (pp. 51-G9
"Ein Junitag aus
dem letzten Jahrzehnt des vorchristlichen Jerusalems"). On the punishcerpta

ment by strangling among the Jews, Mishna, Sanhedrin


moth vii. 2 Kethuboth iv. 3 Sanhedrin
the Romans, Rein, article " Laqueus,"
;

vii. 1,

in

Pauly's Beal

Teru-

Among

vi. ,Jin., ix. 3, 6, xi. 1.

Enajdopaedie,

iv. 771.

1*2

29. 1.

Josephus, Antiq.

xvii.

1.

1,

2.

4;

Wars

of the

Jeus,

i.

28.

1,

THE EOMxVN-HERODIAN AGE.

462

dying before himself was Herod, the son

Marianime the

of

named his successor.^^


and by
While Antipater was in Home, Pheroras died
Some freedmen of
this also Antipater's fate was sealed.
Pheroras went to Herod and showed him that there was a
high priest's daughter,

-^^^

suspicion that Pheroras had been poisoned, and that

On

should investigate the matter more closely.


it

came out that poison

had been present, that

certainly

was sent by Antipater, but that


that he might

administer

it

it

was intended, not

him by Antipater

Pheroras, but was only given to

Herod

examination

Herod

Herod.

to

it

for

in order
also

learned from the female slaves of Pheroras' household

now

all

the

utterances which had escaped Antipater at those secret conclaves, his

complaining about the long

the uncertainty of his

Herod could now no

pretences, he recalled

him on

home.

trial at

of the king, about


things.^^^

longer entertain any doubt as to the

deadly intentions of his favourite


false

life

and other such

prospects,

Under

son.

him from Rome

Antipater,

who

returned, and to his great surprise

all sorts

of

in order to put

anticipated no trouble,

although since the

for

discovery of his plots seven months had passed, he had heard


nothinsr

of the matter

to prison in the king's

he

was on

his

arrival

forth to trial before Varus, the governor of Syria.


of the

committed

Next day he was brought

palace.^"^*'

As

brought against him he could say

manifest proofs

nothing in defence of himself, Herod had him put in

and made

in face

fetters,

a report of the matter to the emperor.^^'

Herod was now almost seventy years


"^^3

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

3.

*5*

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

3.

^"''^

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

4.

1-2

Wars

of the Jens,

Wars

of the Jews,

of age.

i.

29. 2.

i.

29. 4.

JVars of the Jeivs,

i.

His days

30. 1-7.

Wars of the Jews, i. 31. 2-5.


'^''
Wars of the Jews, i. 32. 1-5. ComJosephus, Antiq. xvii. 5. 3-7
pare generally also, Nicolas of Damascus in Mller, Fragmenta Hist.
1-^''

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

1-2

4. 3, 5.

Graec.

iii.

352

sq.

Feder,

E-ccerjita

Escnriaknfid,

p.

G6

sq.

HEROD THE GREAT,

from which

disease

He

he

not

could

son

Antipas, the

In

recover.

new

youngest son

his

Samaritan Malthace, as his

the

of

from

suffered

which he now executed, he named

will,

463

B.C. .37-4.

numbered.

already

indeed

were

15.

suc-

cessor.-'^^

During his

he

sickness

not

could

but

how

perceive

anxiously the people longed to be delivered from his yoke,

and yearned

moment when

the

for

would be emanci-

tliey

As soon

pated from his heathenish government.

disease was incurable, two

got abroad that his

news

as the

rabbis,

Judas

the son of Saripliiius, and Matthias the son of Margaloth,

up the people

stirred

from

an

the

temple

God was

to

was

and

burnt

the

becoming worse,

The baths

Jordan,

to

which the

him.^^^

When

'*" Josepluis,

spite

of

the

of

tumult

at

on

The

X.

rapidly

tlie

ap-

other side of the

said to have

is

irifio;

Antiq. xvii.

6.

in JVars of the Jews,

33. 2

i.

^Invox;

viog

'Mxpya.'hov.

2-4
5

Wars of the Jews,


Wars of the Jews, i.
;

mentioned by Pliny, Hidoria Naturalis,

v. 16. 9.

The disease

an end.

dissolution

had gone, no longer benefited

kincr

Josephu., Antiq. xvii. 6.

1"! Josephiis,

Gen.

in

6. 1
Wars of the Jeivs, i. 33. 1-4.
^lovottg 6 '2pt(^etlov
of the rabbins in Antiq. xvii. 6. 2

Murdi:

'2i7r(pik)paciov x,ccl

also

plea.sing

pass sentences of

to

he had returned to Jericho, he

Motpyx'hSov

and

of Callirrhoe,

Antiq. xvii.

The names

KXi yixrix;
'^^^

work

leaders

were now

of the old king

always

proached.

^^^

enough

principal

found

they

readily

too

eagle

alive.^^

The days
was

otiensive

Meanwhile Herod,

strong

still

have

to

the

amid great uproar the

accomplished.

his sickness,

death,

Only

gate.^^^

and

audience,

down

tear

to

v. 16. 72,

Je\vi.sh tradition identifies Callirrhoe

19 {Targum Jerus. on Gen. x. 19

i.

33. 1-4.

33. 5.

Callirrhoe

is

and by Ptolemy,

and the

Bereshith rabba,

biblical

y^^^,

37).

On

c.

this point, see Jerome, Quaest. Hebr. in Genes, x. 19 (Opp. ed. Vallarsi,

iii.

321): "hoc tantum adnotandum videtur, quod Lise ip.sa sit quae nunc
Callirhoe dicitur, ubi aquae calidae prorumpentes in mare mortuum
dcfluunt."

On

its site, see especially,

Palstina-Vereins,

vii.

1884,

pj).

Dechent,

Zeitschrift des

Deutschen

196-201.

THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

464

given orders that upon his death the most distinguished


of

the nation,

whom

men

he had caused to be shut up in the

arena of that place, should be cut down, so that there might

be a great lamentation as he passed

Amid

away.^*^^

all

the

pains which his disease caused him, he lived long enough to

have the satisfaction of accomplishing the death of his son


Antipater, the chief instigator of his domestic misery.
in

the last

days of his

life

Just

permission of the emperor

the

arrived for the execution of Antipater, which soon afterwards

was

carried

out.^''^

few days before his death Herod once again altered

named Archelaus,

his will, for he

his

king,

and

brother

Antipas

the

of

Philip,

son

the older sou of Malthace,

tetrarch

of

Galilee

and

Perea,

Cleopatra of Jerusalem, tetrarch of

Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, Batauea, and Panias.^''*

At

last, five

days after the execution of Antipater, Herod

died at Jericho in

and hated by

all

B.c. 4,

the

unwept by those

people.^*"^

own

of his

pompous funeral

house,
proces-

The order
'^- Joseph us, ^?;%. xvii. 6.5; JFors of the Jews, i. 33. 6.
was not carried out {Antiq. xvii. 8. 2 JVars of tJie Jews, i. 33. 8). Com;

pare the similar rabbinical tradition in Derenbourg,


1^^

Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 7

Damascus

Wars

of the Jews,

p.
i.

164
33.

sq.

Nicolas of

in Mller.

^^*

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

^''*

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

8. 1
8. 1

Wars of the Jews, i. 33. 7-8.


Wars of the Jews, i. 33. 8. On the date

temps
Grand, roi de inMo." {Memoires de V Acath'inie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, prem. Serie, t. xxi. 1754, ])p. 278-298);
Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, 1793, pp. 307-394 (the classical
work) Wurm in Bengel's Archiv. 2nd vol. 1st part, 1816, pp. 26-39
of his death,
precis de la

.see

Freret, "Eclaircissement sur I'annee et sur le

mort d'Herode

le

Ideler,
(worthy of being consulted for its astronomical computations)
Handbuch der Chronologie, ii. 389-393 Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis,
Gumjiach, Ueber den
Seyffarth, Chronologia sacra, pp. 80-85
pp. 46-51
altjdischen Kalender (1848), pp. 236-238; Van der Chijs, De Herode
Magno, p. 62 sq.
Caspari,
Lewin, Fasti sacra (1865), pp. ix., xxii.
Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of Jesus Christ,
pp. 28-34; Quandt, Zeitordnung und Zeitbestimmungen in den Evangelien
Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu (2 Aufl. 1874), pp. 54(1872), pp. 4-12
;

15.

HEIIOD THE GREAT,

465

B.C. 37-4.

sion accompanied the royal corpse from Jericho, a distance of

70; Kiess, Das Geburtsjahr Christi (1880), ].p. 6-57, 189-224; Schegg,
Das Todesjahr des Knigs Herodes und das Todesjahr Jesu Christi, 1882

Sattler,
Nochmals das Geburtsjahr Jesu Christi (1883), pp. 1-68
Das Jahr 749 nach Erbauung Roms das wahre Geburtsjahr Jesu (Allgem.

Riess,

Zeitung, 1883, Beilage Nr. 72)


geliques (1886), pp.

53-59

Memain, La connaissance

des temps e'van-

Kellner in the Katholik, 1887, zweite Hlfte,

pp. 75-82, 166-182.


Herod died shortly before a Passover (.bi^iy. xvii. 9. 3;

Wars of the
March or April. Since Jo.sei:)hus says that he
reigned thirty-seven years from the date of his appointment, thirty-fuur
JFars of the Jcv:s,
years from his conquest of Jerusalem (Antiq. xvii. 8. 1
i. 33. 8), it would seem as if, counting thirty-seven years from the year
But we know that Jospphus elseB.C. 40, he must have died in B c. 3.
Thus he
wliere counts a year too much, according to our reckoning.
counts from the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey to that by Herod
Jews,

ii. 1.

3),

therefore in

twenty-seven years {Antiq. xiv. 16. 4), whereas the true number is twentyAgain, from the conquest of Herod down to that
six (b.c. 63-b.c. 37).
by Titus he counts 107 years (Antiq. xx. 10), whereas there were only
106 (a.u.c. 717-a.u.c. 823). He reckons the spring of b.c. 31 the seventh
TVars of the Jews, i. 19. 3), whereas it was
year of Herod (Antiq. xv, 5. 2
only the sixth year (his reign beginning with July b.c. 37). The reason of
this is that he counts portions of a year as a year and, indeed, he probably,
according to the example of the Mislina (comp. Rosh hashana, i. 1 TriSH
;

"'si'S

T^'i^>\

li'NI

|D''33))

reckons the years of the king's reign from Nisan

If this be so, the thirty-fourth year of

to Nisan.

the 1st Nisan of the year B.c.

between

1st

and 14th Nisan,

4,

and Herod must

.'^ince

Herod would begin on


in lliat case

have died

his death occurred before the Passover.

this is indeed the correct reckoning is confirmed by astronomical


and by the chronology of the successors of Herod.
1. Shortly before Herod's death an eclipse of the moon occurred (Antiq.
This only corresponds to the year B.c. 4, in which on the
xvii. 6. 4).
night of March 12-13 an eclipse of the moon took place whereas in the
years 3 and 2 B.c. in Palestine generally there was no such phenomenon
(Wurm, p. 34 f Ideler, p. 39rf ).
2. The chronology of two successors of Herod, Archelaus and Antipas,

That
date,

requires B.c. 4

a.u.c. 750, as the year of Herod's death.

He was, according to Dio Cassius, Iv. 27, deposed by


Augustus in the year a.u.c. 759, during the consulship of Aemiliu
Lepidus and L. Arruntiui^, in the tentli year of his reign. So also say.>
Josephus in Antiq. xvii. 13. 2, and in Life, 1, where the earlier statement
(a) Aj'chelaus.

of the JFars of the Jeivs,


his reign,"

DIV.

I.

is

corrected.

VOL.

I.

ii.

7. 3,

Hence

that this occurred " in the ninth year of


his reign began in a.u.c. 750.

2 G

466

THE nOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.

lie was deposed by Caligula in the summer of A.D. 39 ^^


792 (see under 175). Since Ave still have coins of his bearing
date the forty-third year of his reign, the year of the beginning of his

Antipas.

(b)

A.u.c.

must

reign

have been

at latest

a.u.c. 750.

All these facts therefore yield this result, that Herod died in the year

B.c.

A.u.c. 750, shortly before the Passover.

now

far as it relates to the year, is

whom may

accepted

This

result, at least so

by most modern

scholars

be named Freret, Sanclemente, Ideler, Wieseler,


Gunipach, van der Chijs, Lewin, Sevin, Schegg, Sattler, Memain). Others
approach jiearly the same conclusion Wurm (b.c. 4 or 3), Quandt, and
Kellner (b.c. 3). The following diverge farther: Caspari, Eiess (b.c. 1),

(among

and Seyffarth

(a.D. 1).

In reference to matters of detail, the following jjoints may be noted


1. The custom of reckoning a portion of the calendar year in the beginning and end of a year, be it ever so small, as a full year in the reign,
did undoubtedly e.xist in Egypt. Not only the years of the Ptolemies,
but also the years of the Roman emperors, were in Egypt numbered in
Mommsen,
this manner (Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, i. 117 ff.
Rmisches Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. ii. 2, 758 ff.). At a later period this mode
of reckoning the years of the emperors became common outside of Egyj^t
(Mommsen, i. 501 f., ii. 2. 756 ff.). In reference to the similar style of
reckoning the years of the Jewish kings by Josephus, see Gumpach,
2. Of the coins of Antipas of A.D. 43 (MF) there are at
pp. 223-236.
present three known examples (Madden, Coins of the Jeios, 1881, p.
121 sc[. two according to Lenormant, Tresor de Numismatique, p. 125, pi.
LIX. n. 19 and 20 one according to de Saulcy, Mdanges de NumismaTheir existence is thus put beyond question.
tique, t. ii. 1877, p. 92).
But great difficulties are caused by a coin with the supposed date of a.D.
44 (IMA). It has been described not only by the little to be dei^ended
upon Vaillant, but also in a manuscript account of travels by Galand, who
found it at Jericho in a.D. 1674 (communicated by Freret, M^moircs dc
I'Acadi^mie des inscr. ct belles-lettres, t. xxi. 1754, pp. 292 sq.). Sanclemente,
pp. 315-319, and Eckhel, Doctrina Num. iii. 487, have both occupied
themselves with this discussion. Both conjecture that the date has been
Compare pro and
incorrectly read (it may ratlier have been AA = 34).
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 99
Ideler, y>. 391
contra also
Sattler, Das Jahr. 749
Eiess, 1880, pp. 55-57
Coins of the Jeivs, p. 122
Eckhel's reasons are very conKellner, p. 176.
Memain, p. 448 f.
vincing he points especially to this, that the coin described by Galand,
:

according to

its

other iieculiarities, corresponds to those of the year 34,


Tlie only point of difficulty arises from
43.

but not to those of the year


the statement
tion

made by Freret

"les lettres de I'epoque

at p. 293 in reference to Galand's descrip-

MA

sont tres-nettement figurees dans son

manuscrit et absolument separees I'une de I'autre." The matter therefore


continues undecided. But even if the date 44 be the correct reading, still
the death of Herod cannot in any case be placed earlier than a.u.c. 750.

HKROD THE GREAT,

15.

the

eight fnrlonys, in
laid in its

kst

The end

The

of

Herodium, where

of his reign

was bloody

as its beginning

days he was

The

559).

a despot, and

"

he was

tomed

to

same name,

we

AYere.

distinguish

still

him from

is

upon the whole, with

common man

only a

all

his

the

" (Hitzig,

"the Great," by which we are accus-

of

title

of the
relative

was

had been.

But even during

brighter portion lay in the middle.

lietter

it

restiug-place.^*^*^

glory of his leign,


ii.

direction

467

B.C. 374.

his

only justified

more

feeble descendants

when

it

is

used in this

sense.^''*^

to accept

an

date ibr Herod's deatli,

carlir-r

down

to extend the period of the reign of Antipas

we would be obliged
The

to a.u.c. 793.-3.

attempts that have been made to determine more exactly the day of
Herod's death by the helji of Jewish tradition have not been successful.
In the old M('(/illath Taanith, the 7th Chisleu and the 2nd Shebat are
always characterized as days of rejoicing (see text and translation in
Dercnbourg, Hidoire, pp. 442-446, 21 and 25). But it is only the

commentary, which is unsupported by any Jewish tradition,


makes the remark that the 7th Chisleu was the day of Herod's death,
and the 2nd Shebat the day of the death of Janniius. On the wortlilessiiess of this commentary, set; Wellhausen, Phariser und Stiddurer, pp.

<iuite late

that

56-63

Kellner adopts the 7th Chisleu in


comi)are also above, p. 163.
the Katholik, 1887, zweite Hlfte, pp. 180-182.
But since it is related
of Janniius that on the 2nd Shebat he had put in prison the most distin;

guished of the Jews, and ordered that after his death they should be
many Jewish scholars assume an interchange of this name for
that of Herod, and put the death of Herod therefore on the 2nd Shebat.
executed,

50 Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iii., 4


De Hcrodis qui dicitur Marjni filiis, 1873,
of as
^<"'

little

Josephus, Antiq. xvii.

WpiiOiKtv.

The

]iroce.sion

]i.

472

sq.

ff.,

note

Brann,

Tlie one statement

is

value as the other.

JVars oj the Jews,


'

Aufl.
p.

went

i.

8. 2, fin.

33. 9, fin.

i,iaxv

oi

scri

'Upuhiov ardoia ktu

rirxotov; oi h/.of^ldd/i ro auu.cc oiccx.o<jiov; ii:

how far upon the way the funeral


the latter jiassage gives the distance from Jericho to

former ])assage states


;

Herodium.

It is imdoubtedly the more important of the two fortresses


intended (see above, p. 435), and its distance from Jericho is
somewhere about 200 stadia or furlongs. Since Herod was buried there,

that

is

the fcvriftito of Herod at Jerusalem (IFars of the Jeirs, v. 3. 2, 12. 2) was


only a memorial, not an erection over his tomb.
'""
In this sen.se is the title intended even in Jo-^^ejOuis in the single
passage in which he uses it {Antiq. xviii. 5. 4).

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