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Documenti di Cultura
Compare, for example, the Hebrew parodies on ketubboth in Benveniste 2003 and Ibn
Shabbetai 1991, with the standard Aramaic text of the ketubah.
3 Twenty-nine variants of this parody on ketubah are known; six are preserved in
manuscript form, whereas another twenty-three were published in the span of 140 years
(1792-1932), usually in different Komplas de Purim booklets. For more information about the
text see Caracedo 1982 and 1986.
dar a la puvlikasion
quarter of a century,
razon.
2. Polemical Haggadahs
The first modern Haggadah parodies appeared in the second half of the
nineteenth century. The publication of a large number of satirical JudeoSpanish periodicals during the nineteenth century was a factor favoring the
creation of numerous Haggadah parodies in this period. These periodicals
composed special issues for religious holidays and they grew the habit of
printing in them parodies based on the liturgical texts for these holidays.
Originally, they directed the humor that stemmed from emulating the sacred
text to whatever internal concerns existed in their community, offering
opinions and taking sides in the debates of their day on ideological,
economic, or gender issues.
As these Haggadah parodies tried to have an impact on the community
public opinion and furthered the political or social agendas of their authors, I
decided to call them Polemical Haggadah Parodies. To illustrate the
subgenre, I'll bring the example of an ideological debate within Sephardic
Judaism that found expression in the Passover Haggadah parodies. The
Agada eskaldada [Boiled and Cleansed Haggadah] published on 14 Nisan
5671 (1911) in the Istanbul newspaper El Korreo, which was associated with
the Chief Rabbinate of the city, reveals local Ottoman patriotism and takes
an anti-Zionist stance, whereas a short time later, the Agada kompozada i
kontada para Pesa de tinyozos de Raban Aman de la Prasa [Haggadah
Composed and Told by Master Haman of the Leek for the Passover of the
Mangy], which was published anonymously in Sophia as a separate
pamphlet in 1914, was the product of Zionist circles and ridiculed the Chief
Rabbi of Bulgaria at the time, Rav Mordehay Marcus Ehrenpreis, who was
their opponent.4
4 Prasa (leek) was the humble vegetable of the poor, thus in funny contrast to the
aristocratic pretension of the de la part of the imaginary name, but also sounds similar to
Ehrenpreis, name of the person who is the target of the satire.
3. War Haggadahs5
During the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), a new type of Haggadah parody,
which can be considered a subgenre of the parodic Hagaddah, made its
appearance. The words war Haggadah were part of the title of many of
them, and one can subsume all of them under that label.
Eliya Algazi was the first author who wrote a War Haggadah and
invented the subgenre. Algazi hailed from Silivri, a town not far from
Istanbul, in Thrace, which is northwestern Turkey. In 1912, during the First
Balkan War, when the Bulgarian army occupied Silivri, Algazi went as a
refugee to Istanbul. In the month of Nisan (March-April) 1913, Algazi started
publishing in installments La Agada de los Muadjires, dedicating it to a sick
and debilitated fellow refugee [The Haggadah of the Refugeesmuhacir:
Turkish for refugee]. In this text, with great humor and a good dose of selfderision, he described the trials and tribulations of the Jews of Silivri during
the war, their fears, and their deliverance at the end. The parody also
reveals strong identification with and attachment to the Ottoman cause in
the face of its war enemies.
Two other parodic Haggadahs from the Balkan Wars have come down
to us. One of them is the adaptation of the first section of the Haggadah
(This is the Bread of Affliction) that journalist David Elnekave published in
his magazine El Judio (issue no. 109, p. 1). The other is the Agada echa i
approriada por el anyo de la gera [Haggadah produced and suitable for the
year of the war], which well-known author and publisher Eliya Karmona
produced as a separate booklet in Istanbul in 1913.
After a short hiatus of peace the Balkan provinces found themselves
immersed in World War I, and I have found four parodic Haggadahs from that
catastrophic period: Yaakov Avraam Yonas Moadim lesimha: Un remorso por
la Agada de Pesa [Happy Holidays: A Regret for the Passover Haggadah]
(Salonika, 1915); Eliya Karmonas Agada de la Gera jenerala [Haggadah of
World War I] (Istanbul, 1918), which is the first title to include the words
5 For more information about this sub-genre see Papo 2010.
6
serious pieces in Atikva with his full name, his less serious ones with the
nickname Sabi, and his humorous writings like the New Haggadah with the
nickname Punchon, which in Judeo-Spanish means sting or thorn.
As it consists simply of twelve passages and one guiding comment, the
New Haggadah is the shortest War Haggadah in our corpus.8 The style of
the text is also uninspired, compared to earlier examples. Despite these
deficiencies, it remains significant. As far as I know, after that date no other
parody appeared anywhere based on the traditional translation of the
Haggadah into Ladino. In my opinion, a direct link exists between the brevity
of this Haggadah and the fact that it is the work that concluded this genre.
The terse language and meager style of the last work to be included in the
genre are symptoms of the later's decline. Also, the New Haggadah has as
subject matter Israels War of Independence and it was published only days
after the end of the final battles and the signing of the armistices with the
Arab countries, except with Syria.9 It can be considered the first attempt at
building the new Israeli mythos by making use of the founding myth of the
Jews, that is, to tell the story of the establishment of the State of Israel as a
sovereign nation in the language and style of the Passover Haggadah (or,
more precisely, in the language and style of the traditional translation of the
Haggadah into Ladino), which provides the sacred version of the story of the
Exodus from Egypt. It is ironic that this construct was created not in Israel
but in Turkey, and not in Hebrew but in Judeo-Spanish. The true uniqueness
of the New Haggadah lies in its being the illustration of the turning point in
the Sephardic ethos and cultural memory that occurred upon the
establishment of the state of Israel.
8 Except for the series of adaptations of the Ha Lama Anya passage by David
Elnekaveh, which cannot be considered a stand-alone parody of the Haggadah.
9 On 10 March 1949, IDF forces reached Eilat, and at about the same time they took
charge of the Ein Gedi region. These two events, which did not actually involve fighting,
concluded the War of Independence. Israel signed its first armistice with Egypt, on 24 Feb.
1949. The agreements with Lebanon and Jordan followed soon afterwards, on 29 March and
3 April. Syria was the last Arab country to sign an armistice with Israel, on 20 July, a few
months after the other agreements.
10
scriptures to read for the exposition, the rule was already laid down that this
explanation must begin with shame and end with praise.
In the Talmud, Rav and Samuel differed on the reasons for the shame
and praise noted in the Mishnah. The Babylonian Talmud presents their
statements.
He begins with shame and concludes with praise. What is with
shame? Rav said: In the beginning, our fathers were idol
worshippers (ovde 'avodah zarah14); (and Samuel) said: We were
slaves (Pesaim 116a).
Therefore, according to Rav, the word shame is reference to a stain in the
spiritual past of the Jewish people, the fact that its fathers were idol
worshippers. That being the case, the exposition should begin with In the
beginning our fathers were idol worshippers.15 Samuel, however, thought
that the shame is due to the political past of the Jewish people, the fact that
Israels fathers were slaves in Egypt. Accordingly, for Samuel the exposition
during the Passover Seder should begin with the words, We were slaves.16
In contrast, the Talmud says nothing on the reason for the praise, but
from the way the sentences of the two sages end I infer something about it.
When Rav says but God has now brought us close to his service, it is
unclear whether the praise is upon Israel or upon God. Yet, even if one thinks
the praise is directed toward the people of Israel, it still turns out that all the
praise of Israel is due to their closeness to their God. The explanation
proposed by Samuel is clearer. The reason stated there, The Lord our God
14 Most manuscripts read this way. In the Vilna edition, at the direction of the censor
'avodah zarah (idol worship) was replaced by gilulim (idols).
15 Ravs opinion is expressed in the Passover Haggadah used today, in the passage In the
beginning our fathers were idol worshippers, but now God has brought us close to his
service
16 Samuels opinion is given expression in the Passover Haggadah common today in the
passage which reads: We were slaves unto Pharaoh in Egypt and the Lord our God took us
out of there with a mighty hand and an outstretched arm. And had the Holy One, blessed be
He, not take our fathers out of Egypt, then we and our children and our childrens children
would be still be enslaved to Pharaoh in Egypt. And even if we were all wise, all discerning,
all knowledgeable in Torah, we would still be obliged to discuss the exodus from Egypt, and
everyone who discusses the exodus from Egypt at length is praiseworthy.
11
authors always intersperse comical elements in their texts. At times, they are
humorous segments mocking the groups enemies and ridiculing them, while
at others what transpires is self-humor, self-sarcasm, or self-irony.
For example, Algazi begins the Mah Nishtana passage ( 2) of his
Haggadah of the Refugees with two heartrending questions, which
describe the difficult situation of the refugees from the town of Silivri during
the war year in comparison to the conditions in previous years of calm and
peace:
el este de la komunita
emprezentao. Ke en toas
sometimes cold
yelao
.
nozotros estavamos en
somportando i penando,
as yet, we go on bearing
kayados, atabafados,
amudesidos, yevando
fortune on it,
8. To get pneumonia
and to keep on
working,
9. To spit blood, to
catch the plague,
10.
Finally, one
day, to die of
typhus, without
ever seeing the
family again.
kamino,
de la sekera, de la espaa, i
ke esta situasyon se
we will establish
en una, i krearemos
sosieaes para
advancement of education,
iremos a la Palestina, i
Israel.
de Yisrael.
18
no venia la gerra
dayenu.
us.
If the war had begun and we
Si venia la gerra i no
dayenu.
enough for us
Ben-Giats version of this passage is written in the same spirit, with a
similar humorous twist. Passage 22 in his Haggadah lists the misdeeds of
Enver Pasha (the minister of war, who was one of the triumvirate of the
Union and Progress party leadership and the chief architect of Ottoman
participation in World War I), which follow one after the other.
How many great disasters
nos:
abastava.
abastava.
mos abastava.
us.
19
us.
abastava
Si yevavamos chevirme i
en la piedra i no
mos abastava
us.
abastava.
de kriaturas, boykotaj,
refugee life
muadjirlik dezgrasyao.
Passage 19 from The Ben-Giat Haggadah has already been cited above
in its entirety and need not be repeated here. The important point is that
also for Ben-Giat the plagues of Egypt are no longer reserved for the
enemies of the Jews. At the focal point of his haggadah are the Jewish
soldiers who served in the labor brigade of the Ottoman army in WWIso the
plagues are also shifted onto them. With Eli, in variation, the ten plagues
descend not only on the Jews, but on all Ottoman nationals, including the
Jews. Here is passage 38 from The War Haggadah for the Day of Passover:
infestation, mixing of
hazinda de piojo,
mesklatia de djente,
muertalda de mansevos,
hazinda de sarna,
peresko de bombas, la
distinguished people.
ombres grandes.
This reversal of the ten plagues setting is actually the highest point
of self-irony in the three Ottoman War Haggadahs (The Partisan Haggadah
contains no direct reference to the Ten Plagues passage). The plagues that
God brought upon the Egyptians in Egypt, is made a vehicle to describe the
sufferings of the Jews in the present, as if it were not enough, for conveying
the current torments of the Jews, to adapt only the passages dealing with the
suffering of Biblical Jews in the Passover Haggadah. This invention furnishes
one other matter of contrast between Leons New Haggadah and the
earlier War Haggadahs. Whereas Leon skips the passages of suffering in the
traditional Haggadah altogether, or turns them in his parody into passages of
redemption (such as the opening, where he applies the suffering to the Jews
enemies rather than to the Jews), the three Ottoman parodists transform
even the passages of divine revenge upon the enemy into a opportunity to
tell, half mocking and joking, of the Jews suffering. Understandably, Leons
passage on the Ten Plagues is also applied to the enemies of Zionism.
demenester, venga i se
eskaimiento i sufriensas, ke
Yisraelim se rebivieron.
25
References
Benveniste, Don Vidal. Melitsat Efer Ve-Dinah, Studies and Critical Edition by
Matti Huss. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 2003.
Hassn, Iacob M. Las coplas de Purim. Doctoral thesis, Madrid, Universidad
Complutense,1976.
Ibn Shabbetai, Judah ben Isaac. "Minhat Yehudah," "'Ezrat ha-nashim"
ve-"'En mishpat." Edited by Matti Huss. Vol. 1. 2 vols. Jerusalem:
Hebrew University, 1991.
Caracedo, Leonor. Un texto burlesco de Purim en judeoespaol: La Ketuba de Haman. World
Congress of Jewish Studies 8.4 (1982): 712.
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