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a foreign policy strategy of building close ties with the government and/or civil
another state. The intention of this strategy is to undermine illiberal political and economic practices, and socialise
government and other domestic actors into more liberal ways. Most cases of engagement entail primarily building economic
links, and encouraging trade and investment in particular. Some observers have variously labeled this strategy one of interdependence, or of oxygen: economic
activity leads to positive political consequences.19Conditionality, in contrast, is the linking, by a state or international
organisation, of perceived benefits to another state(such as aid or trade concessions) to the
fulfilment of economic and/or political conditions. Positive conditionality entails promising benefits to a state if it fulfils the
society and/or business community of
conditions; negative conditionality involves reducing, suspending, or terminating those benefits if the state violates the conditions (in other words, applying
sanctions, or a strategy of asphyxiation).20 To put it simply, engagement
EXTENTION DEBATABILITY
PROBLEMS WITH CONDITIONALITY
Conditional engagement is indefinite the affirmative becomes a moving target
Jenkins 8 Simon Jenkins July 16, 2008 The Guardian - Final Edition Comment & Debate: The
withdrawal dynamic is shifting Iraq's political plates: The surge is at best a crime-cutting exercise. It is the
promise of Obama and disengagement that really concentrates minds lexis
Against this strategy stands the slow-withdrawal group. They see the surge remaining in place, notionally conditional on pressing Maliki to
conciliate the Kurds and Sunnis. Such "conditional engagement" means a continued American presence to "shockabsorb" change, and a continued splurge of aid. Above all, the gains of the surge must not be put at risk by precipitate withdrawal.
In reality this is a static strategy that denies the dynamic incentive of unconditional withdrawal. Ardent advocates admit it has not worked so far,
and its bluff can always be called by those crying "After us, the deluge", including the Babel of concerns with a financial interest in a US
presence. The evidence of the past two years is that Maliki and his colleagues, awash with corruption, won't negotiate the necessary alliances
until they know the occupation is emphatically ending. Conditional
lexis
A group of former US officials, business executives and policy analysts who prepared the study (Weaving The
Net: Conditional Engagement With China. Edited by James Shinn. Council on Foreign Relations; 284 pp; $ 19:95), are proposing an
alternative. It is a "moderate, rules-based, essentially empirical strategy" for dealing with China that is termed
"conditional engagement" (CE).
CE is a "hedging strategy" that assumes, as Jonathan Pollack of RAND, puts it, "neither a Kantian world of perpetual peace, nor a
hegemonic China, nor an endlessly shifting balance of power". Instead, CE rests on uncertainty about the ultimate
configuration of power in the region and predicts neither a benign nor a malign outcome to the
Sino-American encounter.
Like "engagement", CE hopes for the best, but it does not rest exclusively on the expectation that economic
interdependence and diplomatic engagement with China can keep competitive instincts between
Beijing and Washington in check. And, not unlike "containment", it prepares for the worst, but does not base its policy solely on a vision of
open-ended suspicion and unregulated competition between the US and China.
Since CE assumes that a variety of outcomes are possible, it "can only offer signposts along an
indeterminate path", says Mr Pollack. But the policy can provide clear incentives in the form of carrots and sticks for China to engage in
collaborative long-term relations with the US. Hence CE adopts the two main assumptions of Mr Clinton's "engagement" approach. One, China
cannot be isolated like the Soviet Union during the Cold War and has to be integrated into the international political and economic system. And,
two, a policy of engagement will encourage China to reform its political and economic institutions.
Conditional engagement can set unrealistic conditions Bushs Korea policy proves
Gard 9 Robert Gard, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant general and former president of both National
Defense University and the Monterey Institute of International Studies, is chairman of the Washington,
D.C.-based Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, where Travis Sharp is a military policy
analyst. March 1, 2009 Korea Times
Coordination and Realism on North Korea
During 2008, President Lee refused to grant North Korea unconditional aid and instead tied any meaningful concessions to
progress on denuclearization, thereby casting South Korea as the "bad cop," in the classic American idiom, and leaving the
United States to play "good cop" via the quixotic shuttle diplomacy of Christopher Hill.
This was a 180-degree reversal from the period when South
December
Keep Calm on Korea SECTION: EDITORIAL; Pg. A43 lexis
On policy toward North Korea, there is no denying that the gaps with the United States appear to be wide. In contrast to the conservative
candidate, Roh
declared during his campaign that he would continue the sunshine policy of
engagement with Pyongyang. This view stood in apparent defiance of the Bush administration's
highly conditional view of engagement and a harder-line posture of non-dialogue and diplomatic
pressure in the aftermath of revelations in October of North Korea's secret nuclear weapons
program.
lexis
Yun Byung-se, a career diplomat and the architect of the president-elect's 'trustpolitik' doctrine, was recently named the nominee
for the foreign ministerial post.
The doctrine calls for engagement with the North while standing firm against any provocations from the North. Experts
say his
engagement policy is 'conditional' which is almost the same as a hard-line stance if the North
doesn't back down from its military provocations.
Engagement in statecraft is not about sweet talk. Nor is it based on the illusion
that our problems with rogue regimes can be solved if only we would talk to them. Engagement is
not normalization, and its goal is not improved relations. It is not akin to dtente, working for
rapprochement, or appeasement.
So how do you define an engagement strategy? It does require direct talks. There is simply no better way to convey authoritative statements of
position or to hear responses. But establishing
B. Violation the plan increases contacts for their own value, not to change
broader policy. The objectives of influence must be specified for policy
analysis.
Hayden 13 Craig Hayden, USC Center for Public Diplomacy June 20th, 2013 Engagement
is More Convenient than Helpful: Dissecting a Public Diplomacy Term
http://intermap.org/2013/06/20/engagement-is-more-convenient-than-helpful-dissecting-a-publicdiplomacy-term/
Yet the
ambiguity of engagement also provides cover for policy-makers seeking some relief from the
mandate of measurement and evaluation. One of Wallins arguments is worth quoting at length:
If anything, using the term engagement can sometimes provide the user with a perceived ability to
forgo one of the most difficult parts of public diplomacythat is demonstrating metrics which
indicate whether or not ones efforts are succeeding at influencing the target audience. In other
words, the user of engagement may feel as though they neednt actually explain the effects of
their activities because they are engaging by nature of the word.
America arguably engages states and actors all the time simply by
interacting with them. To be a meaningful subject of analysis, the term engagement must refer
to something more specific than a policy of non-isolation. As used in this article, engagement
refers to a foreign-policy strategy which depends to a significant degree on positive incentives to
achieve its objectives. Certainly, it does not preclude the simultaneous use of other foreign-policy instruments such as sanctions or
to isolate a regime or country,
military force: in practice, there is often considerable overlap of strategies, particularly when the termination or lifting of sanctions is used as a
positive inducement. Yet the
policy that has raised the ire of critics and led them to once more take refuge in
the spurious yet incendiary charge of appeasement. Columnist Charles Krauthammer recently exclaimed, "When France chides
you for appeasement, you know you're scraping bottom." Acknowledgement of America's misjudgments is derided as an unseemly apologia while
diplomacy is denigrated as a misguided exercise in self-delusion. After all, North Korea continues to test its nuclear weapons and missiles, Cuba
spurns America's offers of a greater opening, and the Iranian mullahs contrive conspiracy theories about how George Soros and the CIA are
instigating a velvet revolution in their country. Tough-minded conservatives are urging a course correction and a resolute approach to the gallery
of rogues that the president pledges to embrace.
Such views miscast the essence of diplomatic engagement . Diplomacy is likely to be a painstaking process and it may
not work with every targeted nation. However, the purpose of such a policy is not to transform adversaries into
allies, but to seek adjustments in their behavior and ambitions. North Korea, Cuba, Syria, and Iran would be offered
a path toward realizing their essential national interests should they conform to global conventions on issues such as terrorism and proliferation.
engagement seeks
to change foreign (and domestic) policy of an adversary and to bring it into its sphere of
influence.
Haas and his colleague Meghan O'Sullivan defined engagement as the provision of incentives for a
particular state in order to shape its behaviour in the desired direction. 83 Professor of
Georgetown Univer sity Victor Cha describes engage ment as strategic interaction process to
encourage an adversary to co - operate. 84
EXTENSIONS SUBSTANTIALLY
Investment statistics to add to trade valurs
US Trade Rep 16 Office of the United States Trade Representative 2016 The People's Republic
of China https://ustr.gov/countries-regions/china-mongolia-taiwan/peoples-republic-china
Investment
U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) in China (stock) was $65.8 billion in 2014 (latest data
available), a 9.8% increase from 2013. U.S. direct investment in China is led by manufacturing, wholesale
trade, and depository institutions.
China's FDI in the United States (stock) was $9.5 billion in 2014 (latest data available), up 12.0%
from 2013. China's direct investment in the U.S. is led by depository institutions, manufacturing, and
information services.
Sales of services in China by majority U.S.-owned affiliates were $43.3 billion in 2013 (latest data
available), while sales of services in the United States by majority China-owned firms were $4.4 billion.
MILITARY IS NOT EE OR DE
T - NOT ECONOMIC OR DIPLOMATIC
A. Military engagement is distinct from economic and diplomatic
Resnick 1 Dr. Evan Resnick, Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University, Assistant
Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University, Defining Engagement, Journal of International
Affairs, Vol. 54, No. 2, (Spring 2001), pp. 551-566, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24357749
In order to establish a more effective framework for dealing with unsavory regimes, I propose that we
define engagement as the attempt to influence the political behavior of a target state through the
comprehensive establishment and enhancement of contacts with that state across multiple issueareas (i.e. diplomatic, military, economic, cultural).
The following is a brief list of the specific forms that such contacts might include:
DIPLOMATIC CONTACTS Extension of diplomatic recognition; normalization of diplomatic relations
Promotion of target-state membership in international institutions and regimes Summit meetings and
other visits by the head of state and other senior government officials of sender state to target state and
vice-versa
MILITARY CONTACTS Visits of senior military officials of the sender state to the target state
and vice-versa Arms transfers Military aid and cooperation Military exchange and training
programs Confidence and security-building measures Intelligence sharing ECONOMIC
CONTACTS Trade agreements and promotion Foreign economic and humanitarian aid in the form of
loans and/or grants
CULTURAL CONTACTS Cultural treaties Inauguration of travel and tourism links Sport, artistic
and academic exchanges25
can simultaneously
engage in tactical mil-to-mil exchanges that decrease tension between opposing ships and aircraft .
This strategic diplomatic intervention with tactical military engagement is a two-pronged strategy to unequivocally denounce
Beijings expansionist actions and territorial claims in the East and South China Seas, while simultaneously stepping up mil-to-mil cooperation,
particularly with the PLAN.
NON-economic engagement includes arms transfers and military training they are
military engagement
Haass and OSullivan 2K Richard N. Haass, formerly a senior aide to President George Bush, is
Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution AND Meghan L.
OSullivan, is a Fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution Terms of
Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies Survival, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer 2000, pp. 11335
Taylor & Francis online http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1093/survival/42.2.113#preview
Similarly, limited forms of military engagement are almost always helpful in achieving foreign-policy goals, whether
these aims be modest or ambitious. In societies such as Pakistan, where the military is a key institution in political and daily life, maximising
contact with the armed forces particularly makes sense. If
the transfer of arms or dual-use technology would be counterproductive, programmes like Americas International Military Educational Training amount to sound
investments and should almost never be rescinded as a sanction. Not only do they enable the US to influence the conduct of the military
today, they allow America to build connections with military leaders who may be important political figures later in their careers.
B. Violation the plan is not exclusive. It includes contacts with other nations
C. The affirmative interpretation is bad for debate
Limits are necessary for negative preparation and clash, but the affirmative
interpretation is too big. Inclusion of other nations multiplies the preparation
requirements.
D. T is a voter for pedagogical reasons its the only way we can learn to
rigorously test ideas and respond to rigorous testing