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THE PRINCIPLE
OF HOPE
Ernst Bloch
Translated by Neville Plaice,
Stephen Plaice and Paul Knight
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CONTENTS
PART FIV:6
(Identity)
9 27
928
930
934
Much still open 934 Too warmly dressed 934 Wild, bold
hunt 935 French happiness and joy 937 Adventures of
happiness 938
973
vi
CONTENTS
MAN IN MUSIC
Happiness of the blind loS8 The nymph Syrinx 1058 Bizarre hero
and nymph: Symphonie fantastique 1060 Human expression as
inseparable from music 1062 Music as canon and world of laws;
harmony of the spheres, more humane lode-stars 1070 Tonepainting, work of nature once again, the intensity and morality of
music 1081 The hollow space; subject of the sonata and fugue 1089
Funeral march, requiem, cortege behind death 1097
Marseillaise and the moment in Fidelio 1101
IOS7
CONTENTS
vii
Vlll
CONTENTS
1312
Drive and food 1312 Three wishes and the best 1313 Value-images
as variations of the highest good; Cicero and the philosophers 1315
Stay awhile and highest good, problem of a guiding image in the
world process 1321 Drive and food once again or subjectivity,
objectivity of goods, of values and of the highest good 1325
Hovering and severity with reference to the highest good (evening
wind, statue of Buddha, figure of the kingdom) 1334 Number and
cipher of qualities; meaning of the highest good in nature 1347
55. KARL MARX AND HUMANITY; STUFF OF HOPE
1354
The true architect 1354 'To overturn all circumstances in which
man is a degraded, a subjugated, a forsaken, a contemptible
being' 1355 Secularization and the power of setting things on their
feet 1359 Forward dream, sobriety, enthusiasm and their
unity 136S Certainty, unfinished world, homeland 137 0
1377
1390
PART FIVE
(Identity)
The All in the identifying sense is the Absolute of that which people basically
want. Thus this identity lies in the dark ground of all waking dreams, hopes,
utopias themselves and is also the gold ground on to which the concrete utopias
ar~ applied. Every solid daydream intends this double ground as homeland;
it is the still unfound, the experienced N ot- Yet-Experience in every experience
that has previously become.
The Principle of Hope, Vol. I, p. 316
43
Saying
44
Ruckert
l Bloch has reversed a German saying here which is the equivalent of: 'There's nothing like
starting young'.
929
which the worker is supposed to stay put, while his betters progress to
languages and higher things. However, everything culminates in the guiding
image of the employee, the most faded there is. All education, of course,
is directed towards a guiding image, and it is only from this that the kind
of discipline comes, only towards it that the kind of educational path goes.
The discipline in its laxer form comes from the disintegrating bourgeois
type who has become insecure, in its strict form from the older type who
still imitated or counterfeited a noblesse which obliges. The lax discipline
has also lately been called progressive, one which does not bite anyone
but does not get its teeth into anything either. It makes people superficial
and ignorant under a veneer of knowledge; it is this kind of school which
produces the playboy. Whereas the strict, old-fashioned, shoulder-tothe-wheel school does at least produce the tried and tested man. The
educational path in both corresponds in the case of the technical school to
direct capitalist life, and in that of the so-called humanistic grammar school
almost invariably to the departed, plaster muses which have to be created
around or handed down to this life so that it does not look quite so unlovely
and soulless. But the goal of this preparation, whether it is pursued more
through practicalities or more through Greek verses, always remains the
compliant member of bourgeois society. One who never regrets what he
has learned, but also never makes use of it to find out and to learn what
could be awkward for those who invigilate from above. This schooling
does not stop even for adults, man, says a Roman proverb, and it should
know, is always a recruit. Above everything the well-paid gentleman
beckons, he alone has become the substantial citizen. The Germans also
looked up to the corps-student, * to the officer, yearning for their sons
to attain this glory shining ahead. The last knights jangled through dreams
which add the final polish, through emulation which never arrives. The
average petit bourgeois always has a pious respect for such images, he looks
upwards to a higher, more decisive life. There is nothing in itself contemptible about this look; after all, his secondary school teachers were
not much of an example, and in later working-life the lamb does not exactly rule. However, it depends on the kind of more decisive life, on it
really being higher than everything before. As it is though, education
remains to the end the most conformist of operations, not a single one
of its guiding images is yet one of tomorrow. The latest trend to announce
itself is so-calledsociallyeducational work, moulding people into citizens of
* A member of exclusive duelling-fraternities at German universities.
930
the state and the like. Useful membership of society is aimed at more than
ever here, but it is least useful for the oppressed class, for its own comprehended wilL Rather, this will as class-consciouswill must be prevented,
and so in bourgeois adult education not only blunted knowledge, but also
increasingly sharpened lies are served up. But people can only truly be
educated towards the guiding image of the comrade, as is already the case
in one great country. This is also the only kind of education which is
utopian in the good sense, i.e. which grasps and-learns the old from the
new, and not vice versa, and which does not bring the canonical kind
of wanting and knowing back into what is antiquated or consciously
inhibited. Walking upright appears here, being oneself in communal being, pupils and teachers live ahead, on a continually advancing frontier.
They live where the goal itself is young, towards which the learner brightens
and comes into form.
4S
A man who does not carry within him a kind of vision of his perfection is just
as monstrous as a man without a nose.
Chesterton
There is not one of us who could not also be someone else. A shrub is
content for the time being to remain one. But people can, so to speak,
become anything, incomplete as they are. Dark and indefinite as they are in
themselves, in their folds. A woman who is feeling bad, left alone, becomes
capable of anything, as it were. A man in a precarious situation or suddenly
removed from his previous situation is nevertheless immediately capable of
going amongst the dragons. Examples of this are as numberless as the sands
on which they are built. They fall on the dismal side of look-before-you..leap
as well as on a genuinely amazing side. Of course, some of the ground has
already been prepared here, no person is entirely wax, and nobody is a wheel
which rolls freely by itself. Instead of wax, there are hereditary dispositions,
though more of talent than of character. Instead of the wheel rolling freely
by itself, there is the class, the respective structures of the society and time
into which people with their dispositions are born. And here there are
traditional guiding images of specificbeing, historically shaped, which first
GUIDING IMAGES
931
make the dream of our own role palpable. Good youth, in particular, which
has not been misled, wishes to become like steadfast and forceful human
beings. It is precisely because human beings as such are still undefined
that they need a cross between a mirror and a painted picture when they
look inside. Then, as noble counselor even as obligation, the intensified
image stares back at them of what, according to their disposition and their
time, they ought to become in order to be full of a peace that is not only
inner peace.
But this directing is possible only because no one is yet like himself.
Our core remains dark and indefinite, does not know its name. But equally
it is definable; in terms of attitude, within the will which appears in an
ordered form, this means morally definable. Only because of the underlying wax is so much pressing possible in education, and so much forcing
into the mould in later life too. But also it is only becauseof the unconcluded
definability of men that so many of their possible faces have already been
able to appear socio..historically speaking, and so many new definitions
still lie in the future. Definition considered both as deflnitio and as destinatio
of the human X; there is still room for experiment with man's true face.
Together with the goal for which the attitude and the action logically
corresponding to it occur, in short, for which the character formed in
accordance with the guiding image works. The goal has today become
visible as socialist liberation; and what this freedom contains, a freedom
not merely from but chiefly for, still remains happily open to defining
moral work. In the Americanized countries the guiding image held up
for most people to imitate is precisely the worst and most faded: the
employee. However, in bourgeois terms there have been nobler types and
desirably more appropriate ones, for example in the trades, in the model
of the proficient master craftsman. There have been finer types, even some
which strove for real destinatio, though always with the constant minus
of the food-providing labourer below them. Previous history has thus produced the spell, but also the wealth of those respective canonical types, which
can be distinguished as the respective guiding images which are moving
ahead. The warrior, the wise man, the gentleman and especially the citoyen
are figures of this kind. All these guiding images carried a kind of scroll,
a kind of appealing and commanding motto; and a perfect man in any
given age had to be or was expected to be fashioned after them. These
guiding images condense that element in humanly visible, developing
formation which was called virtue in any given age, i.e. behaviour which
is not naturally given to the human creature, but which is his given task.
932
GUIDING IMAGES
933
t In Schiller's Piesco'.
: What to seek, what to flee.
934
no more vanish with it than do all double seductions in its guiding panels.
Guiding images, especially guiding figures together with guiding panels
first contain the wishful questions of better specific being in terms of attitude
and morality; they contain the mutual correction of these questions. They
border and structure the line of the old fleeing and seeking questions about
the right way to become like proper human beings, in such a way that
the line is true.
46
HAPPY LIFE
Carmen toJose
If he only knew how, he would set all his sails for a journey to the Spanish
sea of life.
Jacobsen, Niels Lyhne
935
lot early on and soon has the satisfaction of work done. But we can also
start too hastily, and in the evening of the day or even of our life comes
regret at having expended ourselves, tied ourselves down immaturely. If
on the other hand we do not start until the evening of the day or indeed
the evening of life, there is less occasion for regret about hasty or immature
achievement but in return there is little time left and the thought of the
door closing on so much uncompleted work can be torturing. Moreover,
it is good to rest when the work is done, but does work itself intend
rest as its goal? And does not the quiet life enervate, is not exciting, stirring,
and even dangerous life more desirable? In itself, the soft bed seems best,
but a soft body, soft muscles, a soft man too? Certainly not, too much
butter and too much wool are bad, spare the rod and spoil the child.
Nonetheless, domestic bliss and the toughening, the tough and the
adventure-seeking can appeal equally and promise our place; the featherbed and steel both undoubtedly have their lure. There are two paths
here, and it has even been said, in a way which is itself so precarious,
that the comfort-seeker strives for soft happiness, the brave man seeks the
dangerous life. But does not the latter also make its followers happy; where
does it say that only soft happiness is true happiness? This is a question
that already concerns the pupil when he is taken in hand and ends up enjoying tough discipline. And is not danger something by which precisely
the brave man sets no store, which must be overcome precisely by him?
Nothing is then sweeter than to stretch out on the fur, beside the warming
stove.
Wild, bold hunt Yet every situation where the going is tough appeals. The call to the
dangerous life is again being heard, the Nazi has revived it. Of course,
life for the victims of fascism is incomparably more dangerous than for
the murderers themselves. But because the fascist protects exploitation,
happiness is the last thing he can offer his henchmen and petit-bourgeois
fellow-travellers, and so he was obliged to decry it. Here, too, the Nazi
did not invent or create anything, he falsified older virtues or borrowed
on virtues for which the bourgeois conformist as hero, the butcher of the
defenceless had not originally been foreseen. Beyond the murderers an
authentic wishful image of dangerous life is at work: that of the soldierly
life. It is diametrically opposed to the soft, submissive person, the coward
who is never prepared to risk all or nothing. The bold is opposed to that
which is insured on all sides, to the wretch who even wants a guarantee
that his chamberpot will be warmed up. The Babbitt walks only welltrodden paths, and when the world is changing he thinks of his Sunday
trousers. No writer sounded a more dubious call to the soldierly life-will
than Nietzsche, barbarically and decadently heralding in early imperialism,
yet at the same time no one warned more compellingly against the dubious
aspect of 'small-scale happiness'. This kind of thing is simply despised here,
whether it takes the form of the 'happiness of the greatest number' or
of 'miserable cosiness adeux'. Nietzsche guessed well at 'all your fly-like
happiness and buzzing around sunny window-panes'. Of the philistine
he writes with disgust: 'We have our little pleasures for the day and our
little pleasures for the night, but we respect health.' Happiness for him
is womanish, serf-like, mish-mash for the mob, indeed happiness and fear,
as emotions of weakness, are related. They belong to the jackal: 'But courage
and adventure, love of the uncertain, the undared - courage, I believe,
is man's whole prehistory. He envied and stole away all the virtues of
the most savage, most courageous animals: only thus did he become man.' Zarathustra's call thus resounded into the etiquette lessons, into
the age of chastely hypocritical family happiness. He called out art nouveau
- until the colourful-empty, muscular phrases were declared fit in time
for fascist service and the 'superior' as opposed to the good logically turned
out to be the capitalist mob plus murder. But quite apart from this interpretation of Nietzsche, the anti-bourgeois-conformist Nietzsche indisputably
belongs elsewhere. The genuine, upright soldierly bearing was, after all,
never wholly unrelated to the revolutionary one. This is also alien to the
'tick-tock of small-scale happiness' and contentment with it; but only
because of the fact and to the end that great happiness is being sought.
For the revolutionary, the appeal of the dangerous life is not an end in
itself, and abstract love of the uncertain for its own sake even less so.
Nonetheless, revolutionary bearing has far more in common with courage
and adventure than with concern for good living and mahogany cabinets
for everyone. The sofa corner with the slowly smoked cigar may be a
hiding-place but it is not a watchful post. The fact that the adventure
must be solid if it is to be revolutionary rather than putsch-like does not
change the dangerous will in it.
937
If pleasure vulgarizes, and dangerous life for its own sake makes a person
harassed and empty, depth is discovered in joy and in joy alone: 'Desire
seeks eternity, seeks deep, seeks deep eternity.' With Dionysus, this is
no little pleasure any more, no tick-tack or miserable cosiness. No Babbittfeeling of a bad soldier who judges the success of a battle by his wounds.
And is not great desire even called blessed? - it certainly is, and so for
ages it has befitted the wise and the even better, smiling, not seeking
quarrels. It is no coincidence that this smile seems French, constraint has
disappeared from it, precise serenity shines through. But even less intense
joy shares with blessed joy that utopian brightness which even the most
colourfully-spotted beasts of prey lack. Brutality is contrasted by French
happiness, but joy does not contrast with French happiness; instead it raises
the glass of burgundy. If all men had their chicken in the pot and knew
how to enjoy it, this would not result in diminution but in appetite for
more. The advice to despise happiness comes not from the hero but from
the exploiter. It is difficult for danger to cease, although it should. It is
easy for joy to cease, although it should not.
Adventures of happiness
As we know, good days can be dangerous in a different way. They are
reckoned to be scarcely tolerable, whisky is too cheap, there is too much
peace and quiet, too much harmony. The likelihood of such a state is of
course slight, concern about it is premature and sermons against it
reactionary. But, sporadically at least, a succession of good days can seem
simply boring and therefore a danger to happiness and it is a fact that
too many cheerful things end up being regarded sorrowfully. The reasons
lie not in happiness but in the person who experiences it. In the workhorse,
no longer capable of enjoying idleness, in bourgeois idleness itself, which
corresponds as exactly to everyday bourgeois experience as a cavity to the
shape of the former tooth. On the lower level, the working man feels
too out of sorts to enjoy happiness, and in better cases he does not feel
ready for it. Hence precisely from the will to happiness a new, newly
embracing glance falls on the soldierlylife. It certainly respects the dangerous
life, never for its own sake but in order that it can be applied to happiness.
In order for it to come through the shallows of happiness, keeping all
the mud off it and conquering its depths, which are anyway inaccessible
to merely passive, merely relaxed enjoyment. Dangerous life, as our Being-
939
Beside-Ourselves, never has the last word, but it can have the penultimate
word, in happiness itself and on the way to it. In the outflow of happiness
there are adventures and careers of which the sedentary day or the vapidly
relaxed evening notices nothing. Hence the relation of dangerous life to
the happy life, correctly perceived, is like that of fire to light; precisely
happiness shows the flash of outflowing fire. Where there is danger, rescue.
also grows, * but when this rescue is happiness it grows better beyond
danger. But it must never be forgotten that happiness, unlike rapture,
is a sign that a man is not beside himself but is coming to himself and
to his Own, to our Now and Day.
beside himself with rage, climbing up a pitted wall, exposed to the fiery mouths
of so many cannon: do you think he is there for his own interest? And this
man coming out of his study after midnight, do you think he is studying
how to be an ever more honest man, more content and wiser? Wrong - his
ambition is to teach posterity the metre of Plautus' poetry.
Montaigne, Essays
A decent person
The path to ourselves is also full of ambiguities. It is said that to be free
is to be able to choose between two or several things. But the so-called
free person has very seldom selected the things from which he has to choose.
And then what is the chooser to do after he has made his decision? It
would then be a matter of remaining committed to what had been given
heartfelt affirmation. Of course, the soup is not eaten as hot as it is served, t
which may be good, but also, and this may be less good, a lot of water
* From Holderlin's poem 'Patmos", See also Vol. It P:
112.
r The metaphorical meaning of this expression is equivalent to the English 'Things are never
as bad as they seem t
940
is poured into the wine. The wiser man gives in is one counsel here; this
may even be exaggerated into the highly dubious proposition that a cause
may be recognized more in being combatted than in being espoused. But
this may very quickly lead to running with the pack or even to becoming
a traitor. The other, nobler counsel is to stick to one's task through thick
and thin. It is addressed not to the wiser but to the absolutely loyal man,
the man who is utterly without guile, of course also in the sense that
he suspects no guile in others. But then again this loyalty can be abstract,
can go hand in hand with stubbornness and even - far less loyal to the
cause itself than it appears - with the fool who goes it alone. Thus it
is already clear here that none of these attitudes can be consolidated. Not
even loyalty, as long as it is supplied as the right and substantial kind
by those who have no right to loyalty. And precisely where the cause
is the right one, giving way and giving in can be a means of fighting
it through. He who decides to do this may if necessary give in on small
points in order to gain victory in the main cause. All this must, of course,
be limited to small things and even within this limitation must always
occur only for the sake of the great, the serious. For there are prices that
one does not pay, not even tactically. Such a price is obviously anything
connected with the cause itself, for the sake of which and only for the
sake of which tactical and temporary concessions may be made. The dividing
line here is thin, and the decent man walks along it, if it cannot be avoided,
both cleverly and unwaveringly. Otherwise, as can easilybe seen, the clever
man would not also be the best man who has the last laugh.
941
94 2
suffered rather than acted, all those they led now really had to become
long-sufferers and nothing else.
943
age in which the swift heroic deed coincides so uniquely with the tempo
of bourgeois softening and the softening seems to erode even the law of
becoming, this age encourages the ruling class to all kinds of relativism,
including even uninhibited crime. Gentile, * the Italian quasi-theorist of
fascism, logically replaced historical connections with a 'unity of the pure
spirit', as the actively founding or grounding unity. Its signs are supposed
to be presence of mind and the technique of mass control; the unity of
this so-called spirit lives in the grande animatore, the Fuhrer. Presence
of mind can thus immediately transform an unfavourable into a favourable
tum of events, and control of the massesmakes the will of the mob uniform
at a stroke - whether by brute force or by magnetism. The present, even
objectively, is everything, past and future, inhibitions as well as tendencies,
officially count for nothing in this undetermined, breakable world of chance,
politics is 'creation from unformed primal matter'. In the German version,
the world is not wholly unformed only because the time to be used is
always a time of wolves and the space to be used contains so-called
geopolitical structures which calculation, as calculation of world domination,
despite all 'irrationalism', certainly has to reckon with. The mass movement
here too is pervaded by chance, but by means of the race theory this chance
was also interpreted in terms of a heroically trivialized Darwinism. Thus
a number of speciously lawful lines came into allegedly amorphous world
substance, quite apart from the wholly unfantastic capitalist lines which
were really being followed. Nonetheless, the belief in a generally boundless
will-power and its miracle-working remained; it re-surfaced not least at
the end of the Nazi period, precisely at the graveside. The struggle for
existence rages on endlessly, without legal or other forms of hair-splitting,
with the 'eternal natural right of the stronger' as its sense and content.
This kind of activism, evil activism of course, obviously derives its theory
of the all-powerful 'atto puro' not only from Gentile. It derives it from
Sorel and also from Nietzsche, although in places to a different text. Above
all there is a connection, established through long popularization, with
the main teacher of the technique of power: with Machiavelli. Yet neither
Sorel nor Nietzsche consciously intended their use by fascism; to this extent
their wishful images of power are still ante rem. Sorel's theory of action
was even revolutionary and syndicalist in intention and in 1919, in the
last edition of 'Reflections on violence', he hailed Lenin as the accomplisher; Nietzsche's will to power had already turned away from Bismarck's
,., GiovanniGentile (1875-1944). Italian Idealistphilosopherand Mussolini'sministerof education.
944
empire, and fascism for him would perhaps have been ridiculous and a
painful shame. Nonetheless, both philosophies were usable by fascism; Sorel
in particular, with his political elan vital into the empty, the unpreordered,
influenced fascism. This kind of belief in the will, which is psychotechnological, has already been noted within the technological utopias (d.
Vol. II, p. 683); the belief that the will has no limits. This belief now most
definitely pays off, as the hope of moving mountains by political decision.
'Force individualiste dans les masses soulevees', 'accumulation d'exploits
heroiques' * are, in this still proletarian theory of activity, expected to go
on general strike, at any time, immediately, everywhere. Proletarian
'violence creatrice' together with intuition are to topple capitalism; success
depends solely on the 'etat de guerre auquel les hommes acceptent de
participer et qui se traduit en mythes precis.' t (Reflexions sur la violence,
1919, p. 319). The proletarian element here, however, obviously lies only
in the impulse, not in a clear class content and in the economic-historical
mediations of its path. On the contrary, Sorel, all spontaneity in this respect,
wants thunderstorms everywhere, but nowhere electric power stations,
wires laid. The elan political and its wishful will are therefore so broad
or so empty in their enthusiasm that Sorel in choosing his models combines
movements with quite divergent social mandates. In the same breath he
praises the warlike will to glory of the Spartans and Romans, the revolutionary wars of 1792, the German wars of liberation of 1813; the heroic
storm here seems to be almost sufficient in itself. On top of these come
the 'rnythes precis', probably also archetypes in which Again and Again
appears, history is submerged. A mythical image of freedom takes its place,
is that which enthuses and drives the enthusiastic mass forward. It is that
which gives the strength for martyrdom as well as the courage for vertu,
for the unlimited use of violence, for the inevitable triumph. According
to Sorel, it is only through this impulse in itself that a class becomes a
historical motor; it certainly does not become one through party offices
and manifestos. Sorel with his hope in the power of shock tactics is clearly
attacking not only social democracy, the bureaucratization of a would-be
revolution. Nor is he merely attacking the incorporation of the revolution into liberal Fabianism, into endless chatter, into discussion which is
endlessly putting things off, into parliamentarianism (with 'truth in the
middle'). Rather Sorel is objecting to all so-called schemata which master
'Individualist force in the risen masses' t accumulation of heroic exploits'.
r 'state of war in which men agree to participate and which is translated into precise myths.'
945
and rationalize life from outside, indeed he even turns the dream of the actus
purus against - utopia. This too is rejected as the product of reasoning stipulation, as the invention of intellectuals and literati; not because it contains
too little but because it contains too much science. Engels of all people, with
his progress from utopia to science, is described as a typical rationalist; despite
the fact that Sorel believed himself to be a Marxist. Of course, his Marxism
is denuded of everything except the subjective volitional factor, which he
makes totally absolute. Finally only Bakunin peeps out of this isolated putsch
theory, as well as a Bergson injected into the will: as elan vital made thelic.
The swift heroic act shares with the elan vital rational indeterminability and
lack of content; this is why the myth of the general strike could so easily
be exploited for reactionary purposes. This is why pure belief in will, as action
for its own sake, could both approve of Lenin and pave the way for Mussolini.
Just as Bergson's elan vital could be used in different ways, simultaneously
to justify a return to the Catholic church and atheistic anarchism. In Sorel's
call to violence there is so little trust in any co-operative element in history
that history does not even appear amorphous, as it later does in Gentile.
Rather for Sorel it is the same as matter for Bergson: sinking life which finally
petrifies into a caput mortuum. History left to itself is nothing but decay
and decline; consequently even from here nothing approaches from the will
to power but that which calls it up: the enemy. 'La deterioration, c'est le
sew mouvement dans Ie monde'; * here is the extreme antithesis to Fabianism,
which, with arms folded, anticipated a cheap, indeed a gratis sunrise. But here
also is the most untenable antithesis to the historical-dialectical factor with
which Marxists are in alliance. Anarcho-syndicalist energy thus inevitably
becomes spasm and minority; for in the face of external tendencies to
deterioration movements towards greatness would always be forced, and
only movements towards chance would then be natural. The day of radical
negation, of sovereign assertion, would thus require no ripening, for example
of productive forces; it would always come in time to dawn and to break
in with violence. The stroke against the current would supposedly always
be necessary; thus the proletarian appears here with regard to the fate of
decline as fate himself, as the blind workhorse of the necessary transition.
As for pure violence, the western bourgeois unfortunately always had far
more of it at his disposal than the proletariat; thus the actus purus became
not general strike but coup d'etat.
The strong man must always be careful to maintain his power. For this
'Decay is the only movement in the world:
purpose any means will do, what is sought is merely the best choice and
application of these means. The main theorist of this cold and not, as in Sorel,
hot-blooded dream of violence is and remains Machiavelli. Every form of
fascist trickery has prided itself on Machiavelli, though without 'proletarian'demagogic detours. Yet shabby dishonesty is utterly alien to Machiavelli's
grand style, and unscrupulousness could also be studied elsewhere, among
the Jesuits for instance. Besides, Machiavelli is no hypocrite, he invoked
neither an old nor a new morality, he omitted' considerations of morality
from the world of violence of which he wrote. It had never been there
anyway, and now the mask falls too; what is taught is the technique of pure,
irresistible success. Machiavelli's book is about the prince, not the man, and
it is simply a theory of the art of conquest and domination. Morality has
no place here because it serves no purpose; it has no more place than absentmindedness in fencing or the order of columns in the building of fortifications.
No admittance to this site for unauthorized persons; and for Machiavelli
moral considerations have always been unauthorized in the power sphere
with which his 'Prince' is concerned. The rationalized technique of political
victory, this is the subject of this book of methodology, a book which is
not so much cynical as artificially isolated. And if, as in this specific case,
the victory is that of an Italian nation-state, Machiavelli even abandons the
virtue which in itself, outside this purpose, he holds most dear: republican
virtue. In the 'Discourses' on Livy he is a fanatical republican, in the 'Prince'
he posits princely absolutism. For this appears to him the best machine of
violence (especially against the Church) in the national conflict of interests.
But the art of fencing of the will has here too an apparently lawless world
before it, one on which, for this very reason, the more disciplined will can
impose itself. In two ways, according to the humanly visible or conversely
anonymous disposition of the adversary: either by intrigue or by iron
manliness, by virtu. All these guiding panels themselves presuppose a world
of will-matter which is not disciplined but drive-based and therefore
controllable. Intrigue, which deals with a humanly visible adversary, can
at least still observe the emotions which it plays off against one another;
indeed, calculation is the essence of the intriguer. However, the rest of
the works of people and of history, the anonymous world, is so thoroughly
emotion-ridden that it does not even represent a mechanism consisting
of emotions, a mechanism which would be calculable if not comprehensible,
but merely - a wheel of fortune. The antithesis of virtu is fortuna; in
the face of which the only counsel is to use one's energy and strike
regardless. Hence Machiavelli's contempt for the dilettante, 'who performs
947
his task half-heartedly, with half-cruelties and half-virtues'; hence the Either
- Or: Virtu ordinata or the unsupervised world of chance. The world
becomes a battlefield between virtus-ingenium and fortuna: 'Fate is mighty
where no power is ready to resist it, and it rolls on relentlessly where
there are no dykes and dams to check it' (11 Principe, 1532, ch. 25). Thus
the new bourgeois man of action appears most vigorously in Machiavelli
but even more the pure power-hope in the chaotic background which this
presupposes. Distrust of objective tendencies connects Machiavelli with
fascism, just as it abstractly connects the beginning and the end of the
bourgeois era. In both cases the world is seen as a pile of passions and
contingencies; with the difference that in the Renaissance the concept of
its law was still knocking on the door whereas in fascism it is thrown
out of the door. Furthermore, Machiavelli wishes to be Roman in his
virtus, like Cato.Sulla, Caesar; but in his fortuna, which is typically anarchic
and alien to man, he is not at all Roman but medieval. Precisely Sulla
felt himself to be, and called himself, Sulla Felix by virtue of the special
connection he believed he had with Fortuna-Tyche, which for the Romans
and the Stoics was still the same as providence, indeed grace. Precisely
in the heyday of Rome the element of chance had increasinglybeen thought
away, felt away from Fortuna; the changeable fortunes of war, where the
fate of empires could hang on an unoccupied or occupied hill, also seemed
to have been eliminated in the Pax Romana as necessity. It was only in
late Rome that, for obvious socio-political reasons, Tyche, and especially
Ananke, the once so highly rated necessity, were demonized. It was not
until the Middle Ages that Fortuna was completely reduced to the wheel
of fortune, the capricious up land down of the world; as in Machiavelli.
All that remain are caprice and approximation, a world-woman who needs
the whip, a wheel of fortune which can be stopped by energetic action.
The swift heroic act everywhere presupposes this Fortuna, just as Fabius
or the hesitant man of action conversely presupposes the mills of God,
secularizedinto a spirit of progress which grinds by its own power. Things
are in a bad way with the latter though, as we know. Indeed the Fabian,
with his lack of subjective factor, first invited the technician of violence
on to the scene. This time no Prince, but a gangster who stops the wheel
of fortune. And the answer to the double question of the best form of
political action is: neither non-violent hesitation nor cunning abstractness
of violence, but violence concretely mediated, as the 'midwife of the new
society which the old carries in its womb'. This decision by Marx is
comforting; it does not, like the impotent vacillators and Fabians, demand
of history a virgin birth, nor does it, like the advocates of violence, regard
history as a barren whore. There is the great moment and the fainthearted
generation * which is unable to grasp it; perhaps there is also the reverse.
But only when strength and the ripe opportunity coincide, a double stroke
of good fortune, with men ready for action and the time fulfilled, does
the cause have the blessing of history, which makes victory inevitable.
This is then not the victory of the tamer or even of the idle belief in progress
as such which will simply dry all tears of its own accord; here is necessity
at the same time obeyed and controlled.
I
949
earthly delights call, on the right above him heavenly delights, on his left
evil flames and roars, on his right the good shines and calms. These are
the two souls that dwell in Faust's breast *, the earthly and the heavenly,
the soul of the body and that of his noble ancestors, of the super-ego which
comforts spiritually. In erotic terms, with so many interesting or banal
variants, this is the wishful tension between Carmen and Elisabeth. And
even here the crossroads image still holds good because not only earthly .
delights entice but also the inscription promising rest, the joys of the mind
and peace. Above all in the north, in the world of bad weather and of
cooler desires or at least of more barren springs, there is a converse enticement: to return to the cell, where the lamp glows cheerfully again. The
cloister is less ascetic here than in the south, but on the other hand the
northern type can find carefree sensual pleasure as difficult as asceticism,
especiallysince capitalism and Protestantism have deprived him of all naivety
and holiday potency. This is why here the advice to follow the path of
pleasure can contain just as much renunciation and just as much propaganda
as the advice to enter a monastery in the south. Nietzsche, for example,
when he urges profit zealots but also brooding Fausts to become 'laughing
lions', certainly had the incipient imperialist age on his side, with its mandate
and transition towards the irrational, but his Dionysus-Apollo antithesis,
occurring in the north, presents the Dionysian as equally non-given and
celebrated it as a distant, even tropical wishful entity. And this further
meant that even the full creature for which the Dionysian stands does not
here seem self-evident, so that men need merely to rise above it, as something
given, to attain peace of soul; but the Dionysian, too, is utopian. Precisely
Nietzsche, with his Dionysus-Apollo antithesis, gave new utopian life to the
tension between sensual pleasure and peace of soul, which had become
philistine and commonplace. And he gave it, not to the frenzy, as a glowing
fermentation, but against his will also to the Apollonian light, because this
contains the conquered Dionysus within it; both have to be worked on,
both are incomplete. The incomplete Dionysus, in Nietzsche's work, is that
which rebels against reduction, domestication, suppression of wild drives.
It is the supposedly Primal, consisting of blood, night, frenzy, cymbals and
the beating of gongs, but this pre-logical god is also the becoming-unbecome
god. As such, he is only now supposed to posit spring: 'He who has become
wise from old origins, behold, he will at last search for the sources of
the future and for new origins' (Zarathustra, On old and new tables, 25).
Cf. Faust, Part I,
1112:
950
Thus the Dionysian wishful image does not end with the beast of prey and
colourfully spotted regressio, it also knows the lust of the future, stands
beside an enigmatic god of becoming. It has incomplete sealedness within it,
but this does not of course disappear in Nietzsche's image of Apollo, because,
contrary to the agreement and the historical evidence, Apollo is completely
omitted from the process of Becoming. Apollo for Zarathustra-Antichrist
is merely the patron of taming and reduction, all perverters of instinct
and slanderers of life are close to him. Socrates and Jesus are slandered
and reduced along with this Apollo, and Apollo becomes pale intellect,
domesticating moderation: all this is supposedly only the decline of life
and of the still unlived golden resonance in the human creature himself.
Nietzsche thus removes the Apollonian wishful image and its god from the
sun, which is forever being highly praised in Zarathustra: 'When I created
the superman, I arranged around him the great veil of Becoming and made
the sun stand above him at noon.' The sun-god Apollo in Nietzsche is
therefore not used as the expression of the light which shines in the sky
above the frenzied sea, as the language god of Becoming - 'like the sun,
which talks the sea into reaching its height'. But by introducing the guiding
image height-sun-noon over the sea, Nietzsche had to make Apollo the
spokesman of Dionysus after all and thus made him the opposite of mere flat
intellect. Apollo is the 'abyss in the heights', one who contains the abyss
of the depths and who, like it, is incomplete. The Greeks had as unexhausted
a feeling for the image of Apollo as for the Dionysian, they clothed it
in Nietzsche's veil of Becoming as dialectical ambiguity. Not without malice
towards the philistine masters of moderation, the Greek legend says that
when Apollo was born an oracle prophesied to his mother that her son would
one day be given many names; he who strikes from afar, this name which
is certainly neither relaxing nor relaxed was his first. In fact even today
the naming, the categorial history of Apollo is still uncompleted, indeed
it is the Dionysian ferment, the ferment of the will itself which continues
in the clarification, in the always transfinite determination. Precisely the
excess of frenzied possibility and indeterminateness which is signified by
the word Dionysus indicates how much subject-illumination, how much
- Apollo, still remains to be done in men. The Dionysian fire and its wishful
image, like the flame, is both still and moving, but the Apollonian light
has careers far beyond the standstills of reduction or of historical fixation.
Hard though the tension between flesh and spirit is, it has become, in
this form alone, tedious. This is due to the fixity of each one, only the
choice has not been fixed, but it always seems to be one between the same
WILL TEMPI.
CONTEMPLATION~
SOLITUDE
951
two paths. It is just this which seems philistine, like a change which
alternates only between known quantities, seeing if the coin turns up heads
or tails. Nietzsche was mentioned above because instead of pleasure of
the senses - peace of the soul he posited the more utopian Dionysus-Apollo,
yet the rigid choice remained. Again and again one guiding panel has been
played off against the other, again and again the creaturely panel has been
smashed by the moral or conversely, in would-be paganism, a so-called'
liberation of the flesh from the spirit has been brought in, literarized. Again
and again attempts have also been made at synthesis, so that morality is
possible and developable not as a break with, but as a blossoming of the
human creature; for example, in contrast to Puritan and Kantian dualism,
in the works of Shaftesbury, Rousseau, Schiller. However ~ this blossoming
theory also proves narrow and static by limiting the human creature to
mere so-called egotism and morality to mere so-called altruism; after which,
in supposed harmony of interests, two blurred guiding panels can easily
be made into one. Dualism, on the other hand, retains the sharpness of
a crossroads, makes no combination out of it, but it pays for its interpretation of the creaturely or the intelligible man with even greater statics
of both and with an antithesis kept completely undialectical. As a result,
the two souls that dwell in Faust's breast merely rub narrowly and falsely
self-righteously against each other; hence Kant's dualism is sour, Nietzsche's
dualism wild. Hence an isolated, antithetical Dionysus gives off little more
than fermenting will-matter, though with the exhortation of the fire. Hence
an isolated, antithetical Apollo finally seems devoid of content, and his
purity, abstracted from all abyss, lives only in pale skies. In all, it is clear
that Dionysus and Apollo are far from being grasped in sufficiently
processual, processual-utopian terms. They are, like all earlier and similar
antitheses, reified. They are still not in the utopian current to which men
in body and in spirit are called, have not passed the mere vestibule in which
they linger. The vestibule to still-unknown self-hood, self-identity, where
there is no more division. The very fact that there is a choice between
these guiding panels, and that neither choice satisfies, points to the lasting
X with which both are struggling: the incompleteness and the incognito
of the human essence. Only as themselves incomplete, not as fixed answers
which can be played off against one another, are the alternating concepts
of flesh-spirit, Dionysus-Apollo thus also meaningful. They form not a
crossroads but an intertwined experimental path, and the sought and wishedfor goal does not coincide with either of the alternatives. Except in the
dialectical resolution of both, in the Dionysian determined in Apollonian
952
terms, in the Apollonian which has the entire Dionysian content. This
kind of thing can only even begin to happen in a society which no longer
behaves competitively, not even in the choice between the pleasure of the
senses and peace of soul. Where wholeness appears and melts down reified
particularities, and where partial elements of a moving wholeness no longer
contrast and struggle with one another as fetishes. Ultimately the whole
question of the relation between natural and moral man is class-historical
illusion, and as such transparent and already antiquated. Neither is the
pre-domesticated type of man so wonderfully complete that he only needs
to be unpacked and unleashed, nor has domestication in historical class
society, despite the many names of Apollo to which it has advanced,
established a morality so perfect in content as to justify suppressing
everything in the human creature which does not correspond to it. Even
the new kingdom which Jesus' sermon against the old Adam and about
him has opened up has not yet revealed the human incognito to the extent
that there is now no doubt about our final and essential face. Now as
before it still appears in a glass darkly," and Paul impresses on his Christians
that they too have yet to be changed into the 'open face'. Man is by
no means, as the catechism hoped, an angel riding a tamed beast; for it
is neither settled that the human X of determinability is a beast nor that
the currently valid norm image of the rider is an angel. Thus precisely
Apollo's utopia, nurtured on the unopened and on Dionysus himself, intends
this third term, beyond the sterile sensuality-morality pair and the anxious
choice which dualism left between them. And on the path to this still
only approaching third element, that of undistorted Being-With-Ourselves,
Dionysus is regarded as nothing but the caretaker of that which is burning
and unresolved in man; he remains the dark fire in the abyss. Apollo
is regarded as nothing but the continuing determination of fermenting
matter designated as Dionysus; he remains the abyss on high, the abyss
brought up on high. Both remain unfinished, as is the human content
which they intend and to which - here in the will and the flesh, there
in the spirit - they are moving. Man himself has not yet been found, either
as Dionysian or as Apollonian, indeed his incognito is still so great that
the Dionysian and the Apollonian song and wishful image before him are
both right and wrong. Drive-will and spirit oscillate, and that which they
953
reciprocally form, in dialectical wholeness, will itself have only one name.
It is the last name of Apollo, but also the first name of Dionysus; after
which both alternatives disappear.
954
9SS
the form of the - sacrifice of the mass. Although of course the love which
never ceasescame closer and closer to bourgeois efficiency towards the end of
the Middle Ages. In subtle transitions to homo oeconomicus, to homo faber
and to capitalist industry, where of course love certainly did cease. Nevertheless, the old alternative did not disappear at all in the new conditions,
always undergoing far more concrete modifications than the inward-static
alternative between flesh and spirit, worldliness and spirituality. It now runs,
as a double voice, through the bourgeois person's day - all the more so
because the ruling class had now abolished the maxim that work degrades.
This is the Protestant or workday line of ever-striving effort; though close
to capitalist efficiency, it nonetheless comes from its better times. Significant
here is Lessing's observation on truth: that it is God's alone, and that the
striving for truth is the prerogative of man alone and remains desirable for
him alone. But next to or above this runs the Sunday line, a Catholic one,
even where no Catholics have followed it; along it the old primacy of contemplation and vision, of the fruitio veritatis as the highest good, applies. This
thoroughly theoretical consciousness, with its equally theoretical content,
therefore culminates in Spinoza, even more so ultimately in Hegel; even arnor
Dei here is understanding, and the last word in wisdom is again only the
mind which knows itself to be mind. And yet even with these essentially
contemplative thinkers, as bourgeois thinkers, active 'fortitude", the
'practical mind' come right up close to the ethereal sphere of contemplative
intellectuality, gaining it for the first time. For bourgeois production and
the bourgeois world of work no longer allow Mary or contemplation unquestioned primacy over Martha or the life accomplished in activity. On the
whole, the workday line cannot be mediated at all with the Sunday line in
class society, especially as interest in work has"increasingly dropped out of
the working day and the art of rest and of fulfilling contemplativeness have
increasingly dropped out of Sunday. Revolutionary movements certainly
do not permit any relieved stretching out on a bed of ease, even though their
goal is nothing but life beyond work. Thus the ambivalence between practical
and theoretical virtue also shows how much experimentingly unfinished
material still lies in both. How little one or the other already contains a sheer
human content capable of the answer. How intensively the dark glass in
which the human incognito looks at itself again and again puts Martha and
Mary one behind the other, behind each other in the mere foreground.
Even the frequently low forms in which this double life can appear are
connected with this. These would not be possible if activity or contemplation already clearly contained that which is man's. Both Martha and Mary
956
appear distorted in capitalist existence, but they are also still capable of
this distortion. Active life has become the drudgery of the exploited and
the incessant bustle which profiteers make for themselves. It is even a selfdeception here that the capitalist really acts and decides in his business.
He is tied to unfathomed and uncontrolled movements of commodities
which stand opposite him and permit only the taking of chances. The
contemplative life, on the other hand, is based largely on a system of
sinecures or, equally dubious, on alms, and thus, imagining itself to be free
intelligence, it adorns the alleged freedom from interest of pure theory. But
in reality this is highly interested, namely in the justification of existing
conditions or in withdrawal into the antiquarian museum. Consequently
the difference on both guiding panels spins emptily and both point in
capitalism to an empty, an ever emptier land. Consequently Marxists, as
lovers of humane contents and their promotion, have become especially
suspicious of vita contemplativa. For them the world has far too long merely
been interpreted in different ways; whereas the duty of science, as conscience, is to change it fundamentally, i.e. from the finally moving
foundations. At the same time, however, this Marxist decision contains
a way out of the undialectical dualism which has so far kept spellbound
even the vita activa - vita contemplativa guiding panels. A new level is at
last reached in Marxist terms, that of revolutionary practice; it is already
preparing the resolution of the workday-Sunday duality. And it would not
be revolutionary practice at all if it did not contain contemplation as well as
action as elements, united and resolved in the oscillation of theory-practice.
Nowhere is there more genuine theoretical objectivity, greater emphasis on
intellectual virtue than in Marxism, nowhere is the decision, on the basis of
cognition and its staying power, more actively put into effect. The low
types, the caricatures which have equally trivialized and degraded Martha
and Mary alike, especially in the capitalist area, now disappear. How many
wrigglers stand or stood under the merely active guiding panel, how many
crude and intellectually empty individuals: types incapable of a minute of collection, acting from a worm's-eye view and acting only because of it. As if
there were no other insight than that which leads to a rapid turnover, or as
if the Milky Way were there to be turned into butter. On the other hand,
how many spineless types stand or stood under the merely contemplative
guiding panel, how many intellectually incestuous, educated nonentities:
types incapable of a decision, collectors of unsystematized, unflowing,
aimless knowledge. Even when it is systematized, this kind of contemplation, if it remains detached, dispatches that which is its own into the
957
indifference of the museum; it still contains vision, but only of things which
have become corpses. Bertram, the disciple of Stefan George, attacks the
cheaply active, the bustling riff-raff when he asks: 'Who made the noble,
slow, exalted vision/Into the swift rescuer's glance? is this already death?'
- certainly not, but death is closer to degenerate vision than to degenerate
activity. On the other hand - and Marxism is fully aware of this aspect
of the problem of cultural inheritance -, on the other hand past ages were
not without the only sublime kind of contemplativeness. The expression
of concentration, which is or was so closelyconnected with vita contemplativa, is captured in Holbein's painting of Erasmus, the expression of studious
elapsion time and again in Durer's CSt Jerome in his Cell'. An element
of the Thomist primacy of the intellect appears, undischarged precisely
in theory-practice, as does an expression of wisdom, precisely in the restful,
rest-assigned manner, which Dehio describes in Durer's so highly collected
depiction that has elapsed from 'Melencolia' itself: 'He (Ierome) sits, a
small figure, in the background; if all the lines of perspective did not lead
to him one might miss him; but his spirit is communicated to the whole
room, immersing everything in it in contentment and peace: one seems
to hear nothing in this holy silence but the rustling of the pen as it moves
over the parchment, the animals are asleep, and the skull, looking almost
friendly, promises a deeper, final rest.' The language of the monastery
is in Durer's engraving, the language of the studious cloister, the language
of the humaniora and of their university, which, preciselyfrom the perspective of activity, are closer to Marxism than all the shoddy pragmatisms
of profit. And its practice itself has life beyond work in its foundations
and therefore a depth and a rest which does not pale in comparison with
Jerome's. The whole relation seems so complicated only because, even in
and precisely in theory-practice, rebus sic stantibus it is still copied from
the old dualism of practical and theoretical virtues. This very dualism is
ultimately groundless or the reified division of mere elements; in existence
without forced labour and in mere exemption from forced labour the entire
question of precedence disappears. Just as a classless condition leavesbehind
it the creature-discipline, Dionysus-Apollo antithesis as it advances in selfmovement, self-identification, so also the tension between theoretical and
practical virtues. The good part, ultimately, is chosen neither by Martha
nor Mary, it is the authentic element which shows activity its centre of rest
from which it comes, to which it moves. Thus in Greek legend the men
of action Achilles, Asclepius, Hercules and Jason at least had as their tutor
the centaur Cheiron, the allegory of wisdom and action in one.
Bloch is echoing a German saying here, the equivalent of which is 'It's every man for himself'.
f As well as 'misery', the German 'Elend' can also mean 'exile', and Bloch obviously has
this resonance in mind here.
959
exile comes on top of this, the result is a monk in hell. Ovid, in exile
at Tomi, wrote only one important work, the "Tristia", and spring on
the Black Sea inspired him only to a begging poem to Augustus. It is
the affirmed splendour of the age and the society which makes solitude
here on the whole black, which cancels out or at least suspends its narcissistic happiness. All these states are enough to make one sell one's soul
to the devil, and thus extremely undesirable; they ought to be called
abandonment, not solitude. However it is different, crucially different, when
solitude as voluntary, as an authentic wishful image, namely offreedom from
disturbance, finds its introverted ground. It is precisely here that narcissism,
with which Freud regards the body-ego as being primarily filled, announces
itself: a mottled self-examination withdraws from objects to the ego. The
wish for a subdued external world may appear subjectively all the more
urgent, objectively all the more valuable, the more concentration protects
a lamp which burns with a more than mere inward light. Solitudo musis
arnica," says a classical proverb; in its illumination another archetype is
also at work, that of the nest, of incubation, of safely maturing
development. Rural seclusion, winter which reinforces it, the quiet of the
house and the night add to this a powerful wishful dream; and the lamplight
shines in it as a literal aura around the manuscript. Writing in the country,
writing at night, unite the southern and northern landscape in the same
pleasant chthonics of production: Horace's Tibur, Cicero's Tusculum, even
Nietzsche's Sils Maria, despite the worlds between them, have become
allegories. Actual poetic creations of solitude do not quite belong here,
as in George, with his claim that the heights are lonely, as in Rilke, with
his communication that the depths are lonely. But at least from Epicurean
or Stoic withdrawnness and the manifold Studio 'around it, praise of solitude
began also in more modest cases, combined with collection and again with
longing for vita contemplativa. Of course the praise ofsolitude depends not
only on the disposition of the person who knows how to use it but equally
again on the state of the social world within which the solitary person
prospers. If a subject feels attracted and summoned by the tendencies of
this state or if the state is even affirmed as such, then solitude is as closely
linked to the time as an atelier to the city of Paris. If on the other hand
the time is felt to be downright hostile, and seems to have no place in
it for the person who thinks he is superior to it, the result is solitude
as the happiness of escape, as asylum. To some extent even Tibur,
* 'Solitude is friend to the muse'.
Tusculum, Sils Maria had this character; it became abstract and exclusive
in the Robinsonades of the eighteenth century, Communion with plants,
animals, nature, books helped the solitary individual to forget people, i.e,
society as it was; no court ball could compete with this. Even the agents
and proprietors of corrupt social Being then fled into coquettish hermitages
and solitary bowers; and non-agents all the more so. This age blossomed
in more or lessjustified, more or lessself-righteous narcissism. In I7ss,johann
Zimmermann's famous work 'On Solitude' appeared, it was translated into
almost as many European languages as 'Werther' later was. And it preaches
a democratic kind of withdrawnness, as Tusculum even without Cicero in
it. This both long-winded and excited book devotes its tenth chapter to the
especially fervent young men of the time, to their disgust with boring
company, the taste and inclination for dignified aloofness, the 'unhurried
escape into the enjoyment of deserted nature, where the soul resounds
endlessly'. This sensitive solipsism, a strange mixture of inactivity and
enthusiasm, formed an alliance with the individualism of bourgeois society
which was breaking through, with the urge to freedom of the capitalist
economic individual. Bene qui latuit bene vixit" - this late Roman maxim
applies to all declining societies, but in the eighteenth century another element
was added to this isolation: the economic atom pathos, the person pathos,
which both fled and cancelled out an old collective. The retreat had of course
always been older, more powerful, the Christian tradition of inwardness,
this feeling which pierced not so much the outer world as itself. Before and
after the rebellion of the eighteenth century it was above all the Lutheran
Christian who had his dwelling here. The solitary soul and its God, in the
overall, now specifically northern and wintry solitude, form the essential
location of Christian adventure and salvation. And so precisely the will of
the last truly Protestant Christian, the existential recourse of Kierkegaard,
is subjectively and objectively one of solitude, indeed it is the Christian,
exhaustion of it. Never before had its narrowness been so desperately longed
for, never before enjoyed with such meek vanity, never before had the attempt
been made to provide it with such a wide arc to the existence of the human.
From the perspective of solitude, all Kierkegaard's moral questions are
monological; they have as their unreflected foundation the privateness of
the small rentier, but their Object is an enormous one: to be as an individual
in necessary solitude yet at the same time to be with the Absolute. To understand oneself to be in existence - this slogan calling to subjectivity would not
"The man who has lain low lives well.'
men lived sociably, formed a group. The individual here was the outcast,
and in times of utter wilderness this meant that he was condemned to
death. The tribe was the mainstay of the body, the content of the scarcely
developed ego. Consequently a self-centred body-ego stands at the organic
beginning, but at the historical beginning stands community. And at times
when the community is threatened, the wishes directed towards it are
just as fervent as those for solitude. Wishes for security, which then need
not necessarily even conflict with solitude but include it, at least in the
small warm circle of friendship. This is also the most important element
in love based on permanence and habit; thus most marriages break up not
from lack of love but from lack of friendship. This develops later, but
here it is, as Werther says, that 'which bears fruit instead of withered
leaves'. Even the individual who rejected large social bodies celebrated and
idealizedthe collective in his small circle. Where society had become suspect,
the wishful image of friendship emerged at the same time as that of solitude,
not as an escape from society but as a substitute for it, its better garden
form. Towards the end of the eighteenth century the subtle Christian Garve
wrote his double or alternating reflections 'On Sociability and Solitude',
and friendship won the day over seclusion: 'Air when unchanged always
becomes mephitic; the temperament which is not changed by external
sensations, of which those which come from people are always only the
strongest and liveliest, always becomes rather sad.' And although friendship
at first wished to replace the collective, it clearly, unlike solitude, became
associated with it, especially in times of unbroken belief in the polis. The
most elaborate celebration of friendship is that of Aristotle, a philosopher
who defined man as a zoon politikon, indeed saw the ethics of friendship
as definitely flowing into that of the state. Admittedly he wrote no utopia
of the state, but he did write one of friendship, with an image of beauty
which further elaborated friendship in its then existing form. The eighth
and ninth books of the Nicomachean Ethics are devoted to this concrete
idealization; here the zoon politikon is above all and primarily in friendship seen as a human one. For friendship, as the pillow and archive of
With-Us, it is essential 'that all wish one another well and that this mutual
benevolence does not remain hidden'. The latter means that friendship
begins where it proves itself, i.e. in most cases, where it goes to some
expense; which is why Aristotle, both in the Nicomachean Ethics and
even in his Politics (II, S), quotes a proverb which was later often used
for monastic communism: 'Friends hold everything in common' or 'Friends'
goods, common goods'. Yet this equality as an element of friendship does
not leap beyond the small circle; Aristotle recommends private property
for the simple reason that otherwise the virtue of - generosity would
disappear. The circle of friends itself, because of its completion, is in any
case smaller than the smallest polis: 'Friendship in the perfect sense cannot
be with many, any more than one can be in love with many at the same
time.' And friendship, as social completion, ranks higher than love. 'For
there is also love of the inanimate, of wine and gold; friendship, however,
exists only between people; it presupposes reciprocation.' Finally the ideal
of the small collective even provides the bond for the large, in an astonishing
manner: 'Friendship is also that which maintains states and which is closer
to the legislator's heart than - justice. For harmony is clearly related to
it, and it is the main goal of rulers, whereas they endeavour most to banish
discord as hostility' (Nicomachean Ethics, VIII, I). What justice can merely
demand, friendship freely grants; it brings about that harmony in which
violation of mutual rights no longer occurs and so there is no longer any
occasion even to think of justice. Again, as with the principle of inter
amicos omnia communia, Aristotelian utopia runs into the circle of friends
before the state; political agreement, an undisputed good which not even
slave-owning society could produce, found its place of shelter in friendship.
And soon also its place of declamation; as in Cicero's 'Laelius de amicitia'
or Castor and Pollux as a Golden Age for two which could be relived
at any time. The three qualities which Aristotle attributed to friendship:
benevolence, harmony, beneficence, made it very clearly utopian; accordingly friendship between more than two people mostly lasted only in groups
which were themselves of utopian character or of utopian intent. It existed
in alliances, sects, conventicles which attempted not merely to replace the
collective but to model it on a smaller scale or to facilitate it in regional
form. Hence the dream of friendship in all anarchist and federative utopias,
in the breaking down of the social structure into acts of mutual help. Into
small, self-governing communities where all members know one another
and the fine liqueur flavour of old friendship runs peacefully through
everything. A cut-price version of this longed-for brotherliness still appears
in Philadelphias of nothing but small settlements, in the neighbourhood
ethic of early America: the feudal world had been left behind, the struggle
for existence was even more with the wilderness than with people. The
collective seemed still almost tangibly to be made from the material which
the Bible, on a not wholly unrelated, peasant-democratic foundation, had
called the neighbour. Of course, in America it soon turned out, despite
a remaining community gesture, that all this could not survive in the face
966
changed, after it. It is even improbable that the particular sharpening which
the exaggeratedly individualistic era has brought about will disappear
without trace. Even when laissez faire, laissez aller has been unlearned
except as a memory, a sound lad, a grown character will be unwilling
to accept tutelage. Even when personality is no longer the greatest happiness, it will certainly not see itself as a misfortune or - a living colour
in the social space - be felt as such. Greatness is by no means necessary
in order for a developed individual to regard himself as distinctive, as
indissoluble. Around every single person there is a colourful cloud of
feelings, hopes, which he feels in himself but only rarely in others, although
they are also surrounded by it; and around every single person there is
a Quale which does not survive when added up in the group. Of course
it goes without saying that it does not survive in the groups of mere
capitalistic functional association. But there is no doubt that part of the
very human life-light around the individual is especially lost where a so
to speak organic collective appears solely as a herd. As fascism has shown,
the raging of the crowd is not always sublime; here too it depends on
the people who compose it and how much, in independently formed
judgement, they know. In corpore there emerged here, from absolutely
extinguished individuals, individuals deprived of responsibility, not only
a fool but a beast which was in every sense nameless, namelessly terrifying. And as part of the process of bringing him to his senses the individual
himself must be shown a mirror so that he can see what he looked like
then. So that he can grasp by his own efforts how his human face was
destroyed at that time and how it can be reborn. In an utterly different
group, one which preciselydoes not consist of zeros and the panic of brutes.
Dubious though ego and nothing but ego is, the merely general can
be equally paltry or equally terrifying. The ego-being which is still mainly
current today comes from the entrepreneur, but so too does the mere empty
non-ego, and, as the Night of the Long Knives showed, even when raging
it is useful to the entrepreneur. Thus the collective as such, independently
of the individuals above whom, indeed against whom, it rises, cannot simply
be played off against individuals per se. First of all, the most barren kind
of generality, that of the soulless business concern, thoroughly corresponds
to the ego which has degenerated into mere private enterprise. If the
capitalist ego is not beautiful, the capitalist collective, which also exists,
is even less so; it is futile to give this word a golden resonance because
it forms a numerical and thus often illusory antithesis to private capitalist
industry. It forms an antithesis to it in so far as factory labour is collective,
to the contrast between rich and poor, between lords and serfs, gluttons
and starvelings; as such it is simply the expression of the revolutionary
instinct, in which and in which alone it has its justification. Or else it
has arisen as a reaction against the bourgeois call for equality, draws more
or less correct, more far-ranging demands from this, serves as a means
of agitation to stir up workers against capitalists with the capitalists' own
assertions, and in this case it stands or falls with bourgeois equality itself.
In both cases the real content of the proletarian demand for equality is
the demand for the abolition of classes. Any demand for equality which
goes beyond this inevitably lapses into absurdity' (Anti-Diihring, Dietz,
p. 129). And even more sharply, turning towards a coming, positively
differentiated order of freedom: 'The axiom of equality is ... that there
should be no privileges. It is therefore essentially negative, declaring all
history up to :DOW to be bad. Because of its lack of positive content and
its out-of-hand rejection of all previous history it is equally suited to being
set up by a great revolution, as in 1789-96, as for later system-devising
numskulls. But to claim equality = justice as the highest principle and
ultimate truth is absurd. Equality exists merely as the antithesis of inequality,
justice as that of injustice, both are still tainted with the antithesis to the
old history to date and therefore with the old society itself' (l.c., P: 427).
This clarification removes any possibility of confusion with levelling from
the classless collective; such levelling would in fact be the dictatorship of
mediocrity. And levelling down to an existing proletarian world is also
eliminated. Marx warns against this static perspective when he writes:
'When the proletariat wins, it will by no means thereby become the absolute
side of society, for it wins only when it resolves itself and its antithesis.'
The classless collective does of course justifiably have preponderance over
its individuals because it turns their faces in a common direction and is the
marching order in this direction. But it is the individuals who provide the
weight for this preponderance; thus the ideal collective is never again one
of the herd, the mass, and certainly not of the business concern, it works
precisely as inter-subjective solidarity, a many-voiced unity of direction
of wills which are filled with the same humane-concrete goal-content.
970
then the old forms will also be changed with the new content. The ego
is to be retained but not the so-called unity of person of which the bourgeois
individual was so proud. Instead it turns out that precisely the person is
open, just as a good gardener, precisely because he is good, does not always
make up the same bouquet. No ego is already so fixed in what it is and
in what it can do that its core cannot be renewed, that it cannot surprise
itself at its edges; or else it becomes its own epitaph. Likewise the collective,
after achieving its socialist content, will have a fundamentally changed
form. It need hardly be stressed that this will have nothing in common
with functional associations, let alone with the state in bourgeois society;
for in the latter generality existed only in abstract form and as a phrase.
The bourgeois state, allegedly above party politics, is in reality the repressive
apparatus of the ruling class, as has become clear. And because the repressive
apparatus was always present, corresponding to the division of labour and
the class structure, even the greater generalities which were made possible
by the tied economy of the pre-capitalist era cannot provide a model for
the collective. Since Novalis and, more well-foundedly, since Saint-Simon
it has become common to look nostalgically at life as a whole in the Middle
Ages. Indeed there have even been dreams of moving towards a new Middle
Ages precisely via socialism: a futile dream, and where it was not futile
it arrived in clerico-fascistic fonn only as an attempt to establish a corporative
state, not as collectivization. However, in the classless collective repression,
an essential element in every class-based and therefore ostensible generality,
will no longer have any occasion or any object. Accordingly, even from
this perspective a new social generality will not exclude the new individuals;
on the contrary, after classes have disappeared, individuals on their way
to a commonalty friendly to man will for the first time find space - there
are many mansions in this house. * An arc will be described between I
and We, will be described when the collective mode of production has
finally rebelled against the private mode of appropriation and exchange;
when the individual is no longer the individual capitalist or an obstructive
quibble. When instead the collective has truly become total, i.e. when
it embraces new individuals in a kind of community which has never before
existed. Never has the salvation of the individual been worked for more
intensively than in Marx's 'Kapital', and from the - Totum as it also applies
to the individual person. It is only from here that the struggle begins,
against the division of labour and against the stunting of human beings
'In my Father's house are many mansions', John 14,
2.
971
which it brings in its wake: 'Not only are specific partial tasks divided
among different individuals, the individual himself is divided, transformed
into the automatic mechanism of a partial task .... Life-long specialization
in using a partial tool becomes the life-long specialization of serving a partial
machine. Machinery is misused in order to transform the worker from
childhood onwards into part of a partial machine' (Das Kapital I, Dietz,
p. 378 and 443). And after completing his analysis of the capitalist factory
collective it becomes a matter of life and death for Marx 'to replace the
partial individual, the mere bearer of a social detailed function, by the totally
developed individual for whom different social functions are modes of
activity which alternate with one another' (l.c., p. 513). And again
and again this totally to be developed individual requires the Totum of
a society in which individual interest is not only granted by the general
interest but, in its substantial goals, coincides with it. Only then will the
fine phrases which class society has coined about the dignity ofthe individual
or about the generality of true morality also become meaningful. There is
the longing for independent Being-With-Self which the Cynics tried to
satisfy by modesty in their needs; it will no longer need a barrel. There is
the birth of humane, culture-saturated individuality which occurred in the
circle of the younger Scipio (it is here that the word humanitas was first
used), it was repeated, mutatis mutandis, in the ideal of the person in
the Renaissance, in- English and German classicism; this self-esteem, existing
only on an individual level (persona proprie singulis tributa, says Cicero *),
will nolonger need anaristocracy. There is, on the side of generality, generality
in the commandments of Stoic, Christian and Kantian morality; general
both in the fact that they are equally binding on all and in their classhumane goal. Kant established the most formal but also the most radical
guiding panel of the moral collective in the categorical imperative, in the
moral law which commands without exception. The generality of the
juridical law, which bourgeois society had established, bureaucratically
established, to replace the chequered class and local rights of the feudal
period, was here morally enhanced. On top of this, most important of
all, came the guiding image of the citoyen, as a tribute to general humanity
in every person, as the collective commandment of the good or citoyen
world in the empirical world. Seldom has generality spoken more sublimely,
seldom has the principle of general legislation in the maxim of every will
been more rigorously anticipated. Yet at the same time it has never been
* 'personality is attributed correctly to individuals.'
972
973
48
I,
Chorus
974
off his chains and has almost filed through the prison bars cannot be greater
than mine was as I saw the days dwindling and October approaching.'
Thoroughly dissatisfied, the departing son sought a life that was more
commensurate with him, equal to him.
975
on it. Werther's suicide, however, is only one side, the so to speak passive
manner in which the fullness of youthful dreams is paid for. The erotic
poetry also had in it social prose, at least as a setting: as disgust with a
very particular world, one represented by bourgeois conformists and by a
frivolous, shameless aristocracy. This politically directed disgust, not only
self-destruction for utopian love, is youth in Werther; thus immense bitterness, occurring around 1770, mingles with socially aggressive Sturm und
Drang. With aggression against a hostile society in which love, personality,
strength, authenticity, freedom, beauty, premonition were blocked and
frustrated. Goethe, for whom the erotic Werther experience was scarcely
present any more when he wrote 'Poetry and Truth' (it was only the
experience described in the 'Marienbad Elegy' which evoked again the
'much-lamented shade'), - even the courtier Goethe also recalls the Werther
era politically in the thirteenth book of 'Poetry and Truth'. He talks of
the disgust which everything regularly and compulsively recurring can
cause, and sums up: 'In such an element and such an environment... ,
tortured by unsatisfied passions, certainly not spurred on to important
actions from outside, with the sole prospect of having to drag on in a slowmoving, spiritless bourgeois life, we came in our uncourageous exuberance
to accept the idea that we could if need be put an end to our lives at will
if they did not suit us any more and thus we managed to get through
the tribulations and boredom of the days scrappily enough. This attitude
was so universal that "Werther" had the great effect it did because it
struck home everywhere and openly and lucidly presented the inmost nature
of a sick, youthful delusion. ' The collision of the utopian feeling was thus
not only one within the world of love, and the feeling itself was not only
erotic. The tears which the young wept over Werther came from hearts
troubled on all sides. They were wishes unsatisfied, activity inhibited,
happiness prevented, suffering embittered. Suffering at their own inadequacy
in the face of their own waking dreams and at the inadequacy of the world,
suffering 'at fate, the old dumb rock' as Werther himself calls it.
und Drang, in protest. Thus the fervour of youth was joined by the new
and special fervour of a time of change, by bourgeois-revolutionary unrest
which rose up against serfdom, regulation, despotism and 'uri-nature".
The Sturm und Drang writers as a whole had the good fortune to be not
only subjectively but also objectively as old as their age and to feel themselves
in tune with the tendencies of the finally awakening German bourgeoisie.
If, in Lessing's words, physiological youth may be intoxication without
wine, then in 1770 it was more than that: the external situation itself
provided youth with its own urgent cause for intoxication, indeed almost
too much cause, namely for intoxication which was often still without
conception. A bourgeois revolution seemed to be getting under way in
Germany, which did not then come after all; and with the country's low
level of capitalist development, it did not use the calculating, regulating
intellect. It appealed to wild-vague feelings of freedom and patriotism,
irrational fanaticism which came naturally to a still semi-baroque, i.e.
pietistic petit bourgeoisie and also to youth. Strong emotional accents were
also to be found among the politically clear-headed, long-since rational
Third Estate in France; Rousseau brought them precisely with decisive
impetus to the masses and they spurred particularly intensely to revolution. However, in economically backward, politically unschooled Germany
the emotions did not automatically ally themselves with the bourgeoisofficial Enlightenment which often became stolid immediately after
Thomasius, but turned in their expression against it. Against the barrenness
of the old, of the Gottsched era, * above all of what seemed to be the same
wig, the same regulations that they saw in the despotic police state. Of
course it was only the amalgam of a regimented conformist bourgeoisie
and of regimenting duodecimo despotism which the Sturm und Drang
opposed. In reality the Sturm and Drang in its entire content is wholly
part of the Enlightenment, even though it rejected this term for the reasons
given above. It is its most active part and is completely allied to it in all
its themes: the education of youth, freedom, humanization of the legal
system, Natural Right and so on. The rejection of intellect overlooked
the then progressive role of the bureaucracy and of general law as a whole;
but a wild Apollo and the liberation of the bourgeoisie merged in a unique
immediacy in the young Germany of the time. Hence also the richly varied
ensemble which was nonetheless, under the militant heading of 'nature',
* For a discussion of Goethe and the reactionary German scholar and writer Johann Christoph
Gottsched (1700-76), see Vol. I, pp. 424-5.
977
felt to be uniform: the sentimental alongside the old German; the protest
against the pigtail alongside archaism; the democracy of the popular song
alongside Hamann's solitary storm-Christianity, with strife, clouds,
lightning around the red dawn. Seldom had so much 'Lord, make space for
me in this narrow breast' appeared, so much shaking at the bars in man,
so much youth as would-be lion-god, so much anti-philistinism per se
uncertain whether breaking out into wilderness or the bright sun, for both
lay in the Sturm und Drang. This was the German, highly German turning
point, mixed time of change which surrounded Goethe's youth - a
bourgeois revolution, despite the lack of a bourgeoisie behind it, despite the
burning unclearness. From a narrow phenomenon, confined to the avantgarde and youth, emerged this exaggerated but also comprehensible category
of Sturm und Drang, as that of youth and utopian overfullness together.
Hence the enterprising man lived here, before setting about a very
different kind of business. The blokish, as it was called, becomes in Lenz, *
utterly lost to himself: 'Thus he dragged out his existence' , and in young
Goethe, utterly and completely healthy, driving him to write: 'Leapt from
bed like a madman reeling,/Never before so full of soulful feeling.'
Something powerfully overexcited, seeking a different space, rages and
complains in Klinger: 'I want to stretch myself across a drum to gain a
new dimension .... Oh if I could exist in the space of this pistol until
a hand fired me into the air. Oh vagueness! How far and how astray you
lead man' (Sturm und Drang, I, I). Something utopian, far more humanly
sore and impetuous, ferments in a movingly genuine way in Maler Muller,
the rider from the Palatinate: 'With how many inclinations we come into
the world! And for most of them to what purpose? Seen from afar, they
lie, like the children of hope, having scarcely entered into life; they are
instruments whose sound has faded, that are neither used nor understood;
swords rusting in their sheaths. Why is this being with five senses so
limitless in feeling and so restricted in his power to achieve? When the
evening often bears my imagination aloft on golden clouds, there is nothing,
nothing I cannot do! I am the master of all the arts, I stretch, feel high
up, feel awakening in my breast all the gods who divide this world in
* 'Lenz": Georg Buchner's story about the madness of the poet and dramatist Jakob Michael
Reinhold Lenz (1751-92). After meeting Goethe in Strasbourg, the real Lenz attempted to
follow in his footsteps, imitated his poetry, and even tried to court Friederike Brion. See also
Vol. I, p. 301.
t Friedrich Maximilian Klinger's play 'Sturm und Drang" lent its name to the eighteenthcentury literary movement.
978
glorious lots among themselves like booty. Painter, poet, musician, thinker,
everything that Hyperion's rays kiss into more life and from which
Prometheus' torch steals heat, I long to be yet cannot; in my soul I vanquish
all, yet I am a mere child when I begin the physical execution, I feel the
god flaming in my veins who hesitates under the muscles of the man.
Why this impulse without satisfaction? Oh they must all come forth, the
gods pent up within me, come forth with a hundred tongues and proclaim
their existence to the world! I want to blossom out fully in all my tendrils
and buds, fully, so fully! There are stirrings like a sea-storm over my soul,
they consume me utterly. What then? Shall I dare to reach out for it?
I must, I must get close to it! You idol in which my inmost soul is mirrored!
Who cries it out! Skill, power of intellect, honour, glory, knowledge,
achievement, power, riches, everything, to play the god of this world the god!' (Life of Faust, Monologue). Something utopian, the 'new dimension', wild-vague yet conjuring, a republic without cowards, exclaims itself
in Schiller's 'Robbers', seeks partisans for revenge, freedom, nature: 'No,
I can't bear to think of it! - Am I to press my body into a corset and
bind my will in laws. The law has slowed down to snail's pace what would
have been the soaring of an eagle. The law has not yet produced a great
man, but freedom hatches out colossi ~nd extremities ... Put me at the
head of an army of fellows like myself and Germany shall be a republic
to make Rome and Sparta look like nunneries.' Certainly this is not
Goethe's part, and even more' certainly revolution in 'The Robbers'
appeared only as a kind of poetic arson with a guilty conscience. Anarchic
irratio even in the later Sturm und Drang showed the backwardness and
indeed the thwartedness of revolutionary consciousness in Germany at that
time. But the revolutionary-utopian emotion as such is unmistakable, its
strength works its way through the braggadocio, its subjective absoluteness
is clear beside the unclear goal-setting. From the beginning Goethe's
'titanism' had, in 'Gotz' and 'Egmont', its surveyable material, which
was made liberal in the former, and was national-revolutionary in the latter.
On top of this came symbolic understanding of the mythology of rebellion,
of the long-suffering hut unrefuted enemies of Zeus. Thus Prometheus,
inherently already the Gotz von Berlichingen among the gods, became
Goethe's god, the true demiurge of man, the all-willer, all-dreamer, the
rebel of light who brought fire to men, who is indeed himself fire.
Prometheus is the blazing element, the considerer of the future, he is raging
resignation on the rock and that immortal hope to which a Hercules comes.
He is the victim whose liver, the organ of prophecy, is gnawed to pieces
979
in Tasso was madness is here, in far lower characters, the misery of the
wandering player's life, the hollowness of aesthetic illusion. But when
the hero, taught by experience, returns to active, real life, one which is
truly praisable and thus praised, then - with obvious repugnance - it is
not into a philistine existence such as that of Werner, that of the practical man and man of experience who has never known the element of
exuberance, whose practice is therefore spiritless and whose realism is itself
the most incomplete. Admittedly in 'Meister' only the "TheatricalMission'
contains a lingering trace of Sturm und Drang, but it is this which keeps
the hero - however average he may be ;. . alive and which keeps philistinism,
which is both unfree and unartistic, away from Wilhelm. Thus the wild
Apollo lived on for a long time, even when the god, in Goethe's middle
period, had partly turned into classical marble (but not during Goethe's
symbolic old age). It was the many-toned category of freedom which kept
exuberance alive, which destined it for "Gotz", for 'Egmont", for 'Faust'.
In the long polar winter as which the Enlightenment and the Sturm und
Drang regarded all feudal history, the effect of the wild Apollo was like
that of the sun at last beginning to rise from below the horizon. 'Air
of heaven - freedom! freedom!' are the last words of the dying Gptz;
and Egmont, the national-revolutionary hero, dies with a vision which
hurls the entire ocean in tyrannos: 'Brave people! the goddess of victory
leads you! And as the sea breaks through your dams, break and pull down
the walls of tyranny and sweep it away in drowning waters from the ground
which it usurps.' Rage and hope, these were and are here the two utopian
emotions of a sharper kind, and they govern all others in the consciousness
which feels itself to be full of a new figure.
Intention of sublimity,
Faust Gothic and metamorphosis
But the whole man must sound, and at that time he was whole only when
he was writing. What was fermenting in young Goethe looked out at
fermentation, tried in a related manner to assure itself of it creatively. Here
especially was an extremely dawning Being Ahead and calling across, from
the Across itself:
An inexplicable sweet yearning
Drove me to wander over wood and lea,
perhaps fate will break me in the middle of it and the Tower of Babel
will remain bluntly uncompleted. I want people at least to say that it was
boldly conceived and, if I live, my powers, God willing, should reach up
to it.' Production in this power for the Unbecome already sees the end,
which articulates and brings home; the morning red which saw so much
new world slipping away from and arising within it already contains the
built-saved element and Lynkeus, who declares it at the end of Goethe's life:
The sun is sinking and the final ships
are sailing gaily harbourwards.
A heavy barge here slowly slips
along the channel to the wharves.
The flags are brightly fluttering
from rigid masts where rigging climbs;
in you the bos'un counts his blessings
and fortune greets you in highest time. *
The highest time is that of the fulfilled moment, and around this, around
the opening up of its sign, unloading of its content, all these faces of creation
were moved or positioned, around the utopia of the fully stated Here and
Now. Every production intends an element of the seventh day of creation,
as the statement of the previously unsaid, the human hearing of the
previously unheard. And 'Wanderer's Storm-song', very close to the source
of Goethe's production, is arresting both because the storm carries away
and because it abates, around a continually creating centre, around the
'brightly shining, warmth-giving fire' of the house, around 'inner warmth,
warmth of soul, centre! .... heart of the waters, marrow of the earth',
in man and in nature.
External images had to respond to the inner ones, otherwise neither
emerged. For the young Goethe, a 'thin and meagre environment' was
not suitable for this reciprocal echo. The older Goethe recalls this significantly in Book Six of 'Poetry and Truth': 'This much however is certain,
that the vague, far-reaching feelings of the young and of certain primitive
peoples are alone suited for the sublime, which, when it is to be excited
in us by external things, formless, or shaped into intangible forms, must
surround us with a greatness which is too much for us.' And with similar
deviation in the eighth book of 'Meister': 'The inclination of youth to
mystery, to ceremonies and to fine words is extraordinary and often a sign
* 'Faust', Part II, 11143-50. These lines are spoken by Lynkeus, the watchman.
of a certain depth of character. In these years one wants to feel one's whole
being moved and affected, even if only obscurely and vaguely. The youth
who senses many things believes that he finds a great deal in a mystery,
puts a great deal into a mystery and that he is bound to have an effect
through this.' This refers to the so-called hermetic societies, to Rosicrucianism with which Goethe came into contact as a student, to the sal
philosophicum and the world of Fraulein von Klettenberg, * but it refers
equally to the dash of confusion without which young productivity would
find no form at all. Or only the slick form of the gallant period of the
time, or the epigonally polished form of the classical age or even the falsely,
i.e. banally naturalistic style, which are all mere cliches, not forms of reality,
which is much-intertwined, richly edged. Sublimity and legitimate mystery,
as the answering counterpart of his own 'cloud trail and far-radiating Too
Much', the young Goethe discovered only in works which included clouds,
forests, intensifications, fruitful darknesses: in the poems of Pindar and
the plays of Shakespeare. Hence even Goethe's statement in his remarks
on Diderot's 'Rameau', which applies to far more than Shakespeare and
Calderon, unmistakably referring to the necessary barbarization in Faust,
the deeply humane, not at all classicistic-imperialistic sounding statement:
'To remain courageously at the height of these barbaric advantages, as we
will probably never attain the classical advantages, this is our duty.' In
architecture, Goethe's harmony with the Gothic, then most definitely considered barbaric, had long since awoken at the sight of Strasbourg Cathedral,
its forest world, its tremendous aspect as Humanum: 'Few have been privileged to create a Babel idea in their souls, entire, great and even in its
smallest part necessarily beautiful, like trees of God; and fewer still have
then found a thousand willing hands to dig the rock, conjured up steep
heights on it and then, dying, said to their sons: I remain with you, in the
works of my mind; complete what I have begun, build it into the clouds!'
(On German architecture, 1773). Subject-object immanence in all this as
far as it goes out, even in those truly protoplastic elective affinities where
production andearth-spirit help into, indeed exchange placeswith, each other:
And when the storm in the forest roars and creaks,
The giant spruce collapses bringing down
The trees around it, crushing boughs and trunks,
A fall that thunders hollow from the hill,
You lead me to the safety of the cave,
* See Vol. II, p. 642.n.
t Cf.
production does not require the grinding of colours and the joint efforts
of masters and journeymen in the workshops. Much as poetry in every
point includes handicraft in the sense of technical skill and knowledge,
craft handed down, further developed by the master himself: the imagination here is far more thrusting, outgoing. For unlike the plastic arts it
has the long road of time on its side and along it the adventure, even
in the mediated sense, of a fullness of action moving onwards. It is this
which is carried on by poetic ability itself and which is both inscribed
on and pre-ordered in it. The poetic rules of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries certainly restricted the poetic imagination, but they have a very
different origin from the old rules of the handicrafts. And it was Shakespeare,
the star of the highest height, who produced a very light-winged symbol
of poetic ability: Ariel. Pro spero in 'The Tempest' has his magic wand
but the best helper is Ariel, who loves his master:
All hail, great master! Grave sir, hail! I come
To answer thy best pleasure; be't to fly,
To swim, to dive into the fire, to ride
On the curl'd clouds: to thy strong bidding task
Ariel and all his quality.
Ariel is the pneuma and metamorphosis who can even make the world
shoot beyond its respective entelechies, with thoroughly delectable raptures.
Ariel, the most graceful of all the spirits of freedom, plays on Shakespeare's
fairytale level and thus he phantasmagorizes and helps to bring about a
cheerful ending almost limitlessly. At Prospera's command he causes the
imaginary shipwreck, changes into storm and fire, he joins the butterflies
and swallows, changes into a water nymph, He creates the music which
Ferdinand hears, with all the uncertain topics peculiar to the purest timeart: 'Where should this music be?' asks Ferdinand, bemused. 'I' th' air
or th' earth?' It is this freedom of Ariel by which great poetic abductors
have violated the laws of time and place for the sake of richer or more
concentrated encounters. So that Shakespeare's Hector speaks of Aristotle,
and Theseus can be connected with Oberon and Titania. So that we see
Goethe's Faust and Helen married in a Gothic Sparta after Faust, as a
Norman duke, has just defended Helen, newly returned from Troy, against
an attack by Menelaus. Thus time and space are enchanted here - a most
powerful interlocking of poetic imagination and - for all their distinctiveness - its intertwining shapes of meaning. Probably no one has yet
thoroughly shaped in art. The Romantics were not far wide of the mark
in feeling close not only to the young Goethe of the popular ballads but
also to the late Goethe with his symbolism or 'the infinity which inheres
in things'; in this one entity Goethe said what they could not articulate,
he achieved where they, for the most part, merely fluttered around or
indeed declaimed. And the imagination itself, that of the popular ballads
and of rich symbolism, retains with Ariel its naivety, without which no
creation whatsoever but only laboured work or flapping comes about. In
this respect Ariel certainly resembles the divine child Krishna in Indian
legend, whose mother happens to open his mouth; inside his body she
sees the immeasurable splendour of heaven and of the entire world; but
the child goes on playing peacefully and seems to know nothing of it.
Such is the naivety with which Goethe endowed even those of his characters
who are most sentimental in the Schillerian sense: Mignon, Tasso and even
Faust. The great poet does not have the alternative of being nature or
not being nature and seeking it - the antithesis which Schiller established
to define the naive and the sentimental writer. But as a great poet he is
nature and will at the same time seek it, namely that which is glimpsed
poetically, which in actions and in characters is immanently driven beyond
the incidental, the faltering and the undecided. What then comes about
is not for example whimsical as in the case of those poets who have made
only half of Ariel, and certainly only half of Minerva their own, as the
ancients used to say, i.e, a whimsicality which does not overtake the course
of things but merely veers subjectively and arbitrarily away from it. Yet
exact imagination such ~s Shakespeare and Goethe possessedis never directed
simply at something which is arbitrarily possible but at the objectively
possible Possible; in such a way that their theatre-lights make characters,
passions and situations not more arbitrary but more consistent, so that
Faust's magic cloak leads to adventures which mediate the world with
its tendency, multiply the world in artistic pre-appearance, but do not
leave it behind. The poetic imagination, leaving nothing half-shaped, thus
endows each of its Objects with the capacity to pursue its metier fully,
its love, courage, suffering, happiness, victory, sometimes even its weakness
and absurdity, and precisely for this reason it is immanent-concrete. Indeed
even Ariel's poetic miracles remain connected with shipwrecks, storms,
fire and the happiness of love in this world and they perfect this world
without fragmentation. This faithfulness to the world despite all superabundance, this superabundance held in check by faithfulness to the world
are the aesthetic measure itself; and if this measure is not adhered to then
990
cases the demonic does not express itself but merely breaks out atavistically.
And not in words; its easiest and most frequent monstrosity-creating
expression- is not even, as one might expect because of its inwardness,
individual, occurring only in and around the strange person, but mass
delirium, although it is usually caused by such persons. This ranges from
the frenzies of the maenads and the berserks to the pogroms of the crusades
and the inverted aggression of flagellants, from the intoxication of battle
to white terror. In all this the demonic does not communicate, not even
when it goes to the masses or even becomes collective. On the contrary,
the old sealedness remains even in its collective eruption; what appears
to be communication is merely infection, and at the bottom of it all is
the same loneliness as mass. The non-manifestation of the sealedis paralleled
in demonic mass delirium by the fundamental absence of intellect, criticism,
self-control and judgement; this is why it is also the perfect time for that
quality least accessible to communication and to illumination: stupidity.
But of course there is also - and this is crucial for the phenomenon stressed
by Goethe - a kind of positive demonism, one which, without losing its
unfathomable and powerful elements, is also adept at manifestation. Its
locations are the liberating revolution and productive genius which gives
shape to the New, celebrated by Goethe as early as 'Wanderer's Stormsong'; its symptom is not intoxication but enthusiasm. Intoxication only
exhibits the urge to sacrifice, whereas enthusiasm possesses the courage
of self-sacrifice, intoxication loses all hold on things and on reality, whereas
enthusiasm possesses consciousness, knowledge of the content of the matter,
communicative loyalty to the goal. Even in art, negative demonism which
remains sinister is met by no glance which it itself casts, but only by an
atavistically numinous element like itself, monstrous rather than aweinspiring, an object of fear not of awe. Whereas positive demonism, the
demonism of light, on the other hand, appears wherever terror is the beginning of the beautiful instead of its end; * where the numinous, like
consolation at the border, is commensurate with Goethe's words: 'Distant
and heavy hangs a veil of awe.' It is therefore this positive demonism which
finally governs the manifold revelations of demonic human and productive
experience in Goethe's work itself.
This is instructive because here yet another tone is added to that of the
harp. Ariel, the light, golden, wafting mode of playing which, even to
Bloch is referring to Rilke's First Duino Elegy: 'For the beautiful is nothing but the beginning
of the terrible'.
991
992
993
994
this in the poem, nor is he her protector and father, he is the man as
homeland, with whom she first experienced warmth, and he is not even
loved as a person but because in him shimmers and operates that which
is longed for as Italy, or rather not even as Italy but as the 'solid house'
which is there. Her only ties, apart from the unreal ones with Wilhelm,
those with Felix and the harpist, are those of a sometimes similar situation,
nothing more. The lonely child among adults feels drawn to Felix, the
other child, the naive to the naive. The isolated creature, marked by pain,
feels drawn towards the isolated old man marked by fate, the musical being
to the musician. There is no motherliness, no womanliness in these relations;
Mignon remains sexless, a completely free-floating subject of longing, even
in her outward struggle against sexual determination, for the right to wear
boys' clothes. That nothing bisexual or hermaphroditic is meant here, but
the sign of a departure from all sexual colouring of longing, is shown
in Mignon's last song: 'And as for those celestial figures,/They do not
ask if man or woman.' Nor is Mignon's longing passive in contrast to
the adventuring-active longing of a Tasso, Faust, even Wilhelm Meister;
as passive longing of this kind it could still exist alongside the female.
Instead, Mignon's is a longing which even in the sphere of love is nameless
as it were, which is therefore altogether disparate to the man-woman relationship. Disparate, but not ascetic; which is why Mignon can be destroyed
by the failure of an erotic relationship with Wilhelm. However, she is
destroyed not by and through eroticism but solely by the total free floating
of her longing, the transparency of her eroticism, the constant unendingness
of her Not-Having and Having at the same time. This state never breaks
out of distance, its emotion can never land on the earth, remains unreal
and always merely a Seeming, never a Becoming towards Being. Thus
the doctor, shortly before Mignon's death, diagnoses her to Wilhelm as
follows: 'The peculiar nature of the good child ... consists almost entirely
of a deep longing; the yearning to see her country again and the yearning
for you, my friend, is, I am almost inclined to say, the only thing that
is earthly about her; both merely reach out into an endless distance, both
objects lie unattainable before her unique nature.' Because of its silence
and its spellbinding being-spellbound this longing, like Mignon's whole
character, unnatural though it is, is still undoubtedly demonic. Natalie
recognized the obsessiveness in Mignon's scarcely developed ego and recalled
it for Wilhelm: 'She told him of Mignon's sickness in general, that the
child was gradually being consumed by a few deep feelings, that because
of her great excitability, which she concealed, she was often and dangerously
YOUNG GOETHE,
NONRENUNCIATION~
ARIEL
995
afflicted with spasms in her poor heart ... But once these anxious spasms
were over, the force of nature manifested itself again in violent pulsations
and now frightened the child by excess where previously she had suffered
because of deficiency.' But again nothing could be falser than to constrict
this kind of demonism to child-women and other kinds of intermediate
beings, to Klingsor's" flower-girls or the soullessly Undine-like] simply.
seeking a soul. On the contrary, Mignon is nothing but soul, and she
roams far into the distance, far beyond the man. This longing always tends
towards the unconditional; thus the subject of longing per se, of nameless
longing, becomes in the delicate image of Mignon a freely rising symbol,
an archetypal symbol rolling from within itself. The late explanation of
Mignon's origin at her exequies by her uncle ex machina is no explanation
at all but a break in the conception of this figure, a transition to another
genus; this does not concern Mignon any longer anyway, she is dead. But
the archetype of Mignon is a living one, the most delicately utopian one
that has ever arisen from youth. And it surrounds, overshoots, all the
seemingly fixed persons and entelechies of the Goethean world. In 'Wilhelm
Meister' it is outside bohemia, outside society, cannot be accommodated
socially, is not perceivable in the Become as a whole. It is primally known
in the radical experience of longing of almost every human being, first
of all in youth, and there it is disparate to everything that is already shaped
as known, has become known. Mignon's archetype is thus precisely
appraised and experienced, therefore not at all romantically extravagant
or, as inexperience claims, even a so-called irony on Romanticism. (What
then are Mignon's songs, which are among Goethe's most typical, most
beautiful?) Mignon's quest does not have or does not yet have years of
apprenticeship, but that does not detract from this very existing, very
delicate prophetic warning which has found a place in Goethe's work,
precisely in this work - speaking an as yet Unknown, Unbecome truly
under the rose. Wilhelm Meister's certificate of apprenticeship, which ends
the 'Apprenticeship', closes with the words: 'The true apprentice learns
to develop the unknown from the known.' Certainly this is Goethean,
but Mignon as a symbol of longing and its content show a tracecirculating
which at least cannot be developed from, is not accommodated in what has
already become known. This is also Goethean, otherwise there would not,
Klingsor's fairytale appears in Novalis' unfinished novel 'Heinrich von Ofterdingen', and
is used by Wagner in 'Parsifal'.
t Undine: a water nymph, also the title of a fairytale by La Motte-Fouque.
besides Mignon, also be the incomparably more defined Tasso, not even
the Un-At-Home of Faust. If this intended trace is called 'unsatisfied every
moment' in other places, full of breaking out and moulding, is called Tasso,
even Faust, then here, where it is quiet and restrained, it is justifiably
called Mignon or the here so little excelling longing par excellence.
It is significant that everything in her comes out in song, and thus only
in this form is not sealed. She sings her songs, she seldom speaks them, and
then only 'with great expression', which holds back everything in it: 'Do
not bid me speak, bid me be silent.' Absolute longing is denied not just love
but friendship, the dialogue in it: CA single oath now keeps my lips quite
sealed/And now aGod alone can open them.' In three songs Mignon sings
out the eros which began everything, in which she ends. 'just those who
know such longing/Know what I suffer' - a burning and a pulling which
follows the beloved into the distance, which pulls much further and is yet
spellbound, powerless, in the Here. Then the Song of Italy, enchantingly
concrete in the opening stanza, description which is pure poetry, phenomenon
which is the teaching itself: CAmong dark leaves the golden oranges glow, / A
gentle wind blows down from deep blue sky,/ The myrtle stands so still,
the laurel high/ ... There! There! /With you, my dearest love, I long to go. '
But it is also an Italy which does not exist or which exists as such only in
her soul, it is etat d'ame, the landscape of this longing itself, its Orplid. *
Thus not only is Italy recognized as this landscape by Mignon, but Italy itself,
the object as subject, sees again and recognizes Mignon as she comes: 'And
marble images stand and look at me: /What have they done, oh my poor child,
to thee?' They are compassionate marble statues, like protectors and fathers,
and in them longing is a support for itself. Not the last, for in the Mignonspace of Italy there is another: the 'hall of the past' in which she is buried,
in which 'life and eternity' are supposed to have blended. Mignon's last song
is about this other space: CSo let me seem till I become,/Do not take off my
dress so white': the white dress is not dissimilar to Faust's 'ethereal garment'
in his final wishful landscape. Mignon's three songs thus sing out three intensifications of longing and a triply intensified reception by their own, ever
more undistracted content. The content remains distant homeland, it is to
this that all wishes in Mignon, the finest, stillest, purest subject of Goethean
longing, are directed; without the by-ways and world-ways of the great, the
titanic Goethean figures of longing. And this shows that Goethe not only,
as he said, always conceived the ideal in female form but also that, as Mignon
* See Vol. I, p. 96.
997
999
the 'Marienbad Elegy', 'Pandora', the Helen and heaven scenes in 'Faust'.
Everywhere here the young Goethe is at work in the old, in a far more lively
way than in his middle period; the seeing poet isjoined by the visionary, the
freshness of emotional expression by the transparency of the knowing expression. Gretchen is not less essential, but she is certainly no more essential than
Helen; the landlady of the Lion Inn in 'Hermann and Dorothea', the
Demeter-like woman, is - unless the reader can understand only the Homeric
in great writing - no more formed than even Makarie, the Uranian woman
in the 'Wandering Years'. The style of old age is itself a Novum, as with
Rembrandt, Beethoven, Plato, so with Goethe. It marks a now quite unexpected Venturing Beyond, a utopian element quite paradoxical for old age,
which precisely because of this circulates in particularly remote, strange and
certainly not rounded-off figures. In 'Werther' the attitude and defiance of
productivity was: 'Why does the river of genius break out so seldom, so
seldom roar in with high waves and shake your astonished souls? - Dear
friends, there are calm gentlemen living on both sides of the river whose
summer-houses, tulip beds and vegetable gardens would be destroyed, who
therefore know how to dam and drain the land in good time to ward off the
impending danger.' The mature Goethe heard and fructified this river by
no means only at its mouth; despite his own summer house, despite his fear
of the July revolution and his aversion to vulcanism (minus his own nature,
Napoleon and Byron). Precisely Goethe's late works disturbed those living
by the river throughout the last century and beyond, those who wanted to
read into Goethe a refined bourgeois idyll or a kind of animalist-cosmic, if
possible vapid classicism, a so-called ball of force. Not only this Georgian *
classicism but also the completely petit-bourgeois classicism of the last, not
yet entirely dead century, is wrecked by the real, i.e . the deep Goethe . The
old Goethe in particular, with his powerful allegory-symbolism, has nothing
in common with this kind of great simplicity, quiet smallness,beauty in retirement, and eternal rest for him is only in the Lord God. But Goethe says of
the evening of his life: 'In the composed mind thoughts arise, hitherto
unthinkable; they are like blessed demons which settle brilliantly on the peak
of the past.' And settle not only in the past, because as every past which has
been great has peaks, it too, with them, like all that rises up and is mountainlike, stands in the future, and all mountains constantly get on well with early
light, new day. Just as the downward and the upward path, when it is a matter
of brightening, of its real Carpe diem, are one and the same. And nowhere was
* Bloch is again referring to Stefan George here.
1000
this present, again precisely this, more intensely experienced than by Goethe.
Because he did not devalue it for the sake of a future which was moving
away from it; as early as 'Werther', the 'great dawning whole' was for
him a path to every structure of nearness, inscribed in this nearness.
49
When Karl performed for him tragic storm-clouds from Shakespeare, Goethe,
Klinger, Schiller and gazed at life colossally in the poetic magnifying mirror,
then all the sleeping giants of his inner life rose up, his father appeared and
his future, even his friend stood new before him as if lifted out of that brilliant,
fantastic childhood period when he had dreamt of him playing these parts,
and even the cloud floating in the sky and the troop of sentries marching across
the market-place were included in this inner procession of heroes.
No wet straw
Yet there is the fear of not being there. And in it the nagging feeling
that what has become of us is not right either. This can manifest itself
as pushiness, but also as strength which makes space for itself. It rises
with a leap out of the monotony which cannot even be well retained.
A quite different colour, undispersed, coloured with its own wish, now
begins and buds. This is what is already meant in the tale of the little
tree that wanted different leaves. They did not take, the foliage was still
not right. It is a matter of the right greening, now, at last.
This requires the strength to get out into the open. In life this is not
so easy, but on patient paper people, characters in fiction, are more easily
impatient. Andersen, in the tale of the tinderbox, tells of a soldier, one,
two, one, two, he comes marching along the country road. Thanks to
1001
a witch he becomes rich, he keeps for himself the rare tinderbox which
he fetched for her. Which he only needs to touch and three huge dogs
fulfil his every wish. The people on the march of whom we are about
to speak all act as if they had, indeed as if they were, the tinderbox. There
are poor devils and great men among them, but they all venture beyond
what is apportioned to them, flare up high like fire. They pursue, in foolish
fashion or in one which concerns us all, the intention which they are and
which they have also set for themselves. The little tree that wanted different
leaves is frequent enough among people, but only a few keep this up so
insatiably through life. In most cases this kind of thing appears more as
fictional painting itself in a colourful light on the wall. But in such a way
that, boldly venturing beyond, it very easily steps out of the book to the
reader, also always without a tame ending. Attempters of living-life-tothe-full, living-to-the-end have their place here, attempting in the sense
of mere tempting but above all of departure, of the Nevertheless against
the Becauseof the habitual and the merely conditioning as habitual. Figures
of this kind travel, remain true to unrest, as long as what could still it
remains unfound. And because this very thing is not there, such unrestrained
characters do not turn back.
1002
and saying timid prayers amidst the faery splendour of winter - a species
of subterranean beings, blind to the brilliance of light, full of dread at
life and its glory. Thus he felt thousands of miles away from them, in
an utterly different clime, in league with the sun and the stars and the
sailing clouds.' Here speaks a type in which the personal, all too personal
desire to escape seeks to be one of power, height, great status, even of
sensuality and money, and all this genuinely, not decoratively. 'Lucky Jack'
is a very upright piece of existence against the ghouls, and one which,
as the sequel shows, is too good and too deep not to go astray in the
capitalist world, unfortunately every world. It is quite different with the
polished figures of living-life-to-the-full at that time, especially where a
by no means still fresh venturing beyond but the incipient imperialist one
was reflected in the personal sphere. As in several wildly stretched or draped
images of artists at the turn of the century: the great actress, the great
writer, below these nothing counts. D' Annunzio's novel 'The Fire' thus
depicts the Art Nouveau hero quite exaggeratedly, in an opaline but
bombastic surge. 'Ah, all that trembles, weeps, hopes and yearningly
strives', says the writer Stelio to the actress Foscarina, 'raves in the vastness
of life.' Even in the vague phrase in which the word cosmic extends the
word modern, the peculiar, the emptily over-filled gong-tone of secession
is at work. All willing to be nervous, a gesture of living life to the full
at any cost, as if it could be bought like this.
What the late bourgeois sought once again had, in the early bourgeoisie,
been truly fresh. Leading one's own life in an unrestrictedly new way,
this was then almost always progressive. The entrepreneur running his
business individually announced himself here, the previously existent became
a burden. Subject, which certainly does not wish to sow its wild oats,
appeared and was varyingly praised in the Sturm und Drang and then in
the period of so-called titanic world-weariness. In tyrannos, certainly, but
there was also in this, with a simultaneous, often dangerously unclear
substitution, the cry: against the philistines. And so on up to early
anarchistic supermen, but also to the new revolutionary revulsion at the
bourgeois juste milieu, especially when it posed as the so to speak normalhuman. The Swiss psychiatrist Bleuler, as we know, defined the model
philistine thus: 'If we had had to create Adam, we would have formed
him syntonic, with a very slight manic complaint, which would have
stamped him as a sunny nature.' How far the dolled-up, let alone the
genuine frontier figures of the still revolutionary, even romantic bourgeoisie
are from. this, how much more like a proper human being even their excesses
10 0 3
appear. Unrestrained demanders and bitter originals found space and, even
more so, no space at the frontier: Hoffmann's conductor Kreisler, Jean
Paul's Schoppe and Vult belong here. Grabbe's plays, without exception,
bring together artists of exaggeration and, characteristically, those who
are utterly guiltless: it is always only external causes, the dull resistance
of the world, through which they are overthrown. These Gothlands, Sullas..
Hannibals, even Don Juan and Faust must be eccentric in Grabbe's plays,
precisely because they rotate so completely around themselves. This is the
time when the life-picture of interestingness arises, venturing beyond the
temperate zone; the lonelier the more decorative, the more tropical the
more it seems subject. But real breaking-out occurs where the writer himself
appears on the scene as if he were fictional, where he comes into the play
not just from the back, with a lantern, like Grabbe in 'Joke, Satire, Irony
and Deeper Meaning'. Where also - far from the reflected man of letters
- the subject cannot cast a comic shadow, but moves us powerfully, causing
us to regret all that is sedentary. The true subject-genius of this period,
Byron, casts his uninhibited figures not only in literature, he is so much
those figures himself that it is almost only the verse which distinguishes
Childe Harold, even Manfred, from their astonishing lord. The same melancholy, the same rich despair, the same solitary boredom moves formlessly
among these forms; and the same genius of enthusiasm is flung against
the mist. A man formed from disdain, pleasure and the drive to be abroad
comes to meet himself from his figures in the mirror, in a world completely
freed of rabble. Byron's Venetian harem and even more so his death in
Missolunghi could be sung. Almost every figure is repeated, yet none is
typical, all have the ardent individuality which can stand itself until the
end. 'Eternal spirit of the chainless mind!' his hymn to freedom exclaims;
although of course the chainless mind is always in league with solitude,
as is its Manfred with the high mountains. Individual fullness of life of
this kind inevitably creates the stranger. 'From my youth upwards',
Manfred confesses,
1004
and only a storm-laden sky can accommodate such despair. Of course the
defiantly solitary, too, the further away they moved from their clear social
adversary, inevitably turned out ambiguous. Admittedly they had not yet
become the barbaric-elegant, live-life-to-the-full figures of the fin de siecle,
paving the way for a refined fascio. * But this continuingly individual kind
of venturing beyond could become simply anti-social; as far as the criminal
with the nerve, the Stirner] and the Nietzsche to pose as a destroyer.
Even before this, Lermontov's Petchorin and then Dostoevsky's
Raskolnikov and Dolgoruky had superbly epitomized these characters, they
too derive from an after-image of the Byronic, combined with the cult
of N apoleon. Yet the seduction of that which was meant by the Byronic
did not cease here, any more than the brilliance of a radical personal specific
being. With the system of individual enterprise, bourgeois society first
produced the taste for adventurous and gigantic subject-stimuli; and at
the same time these appeared to it to be 'unbourgeois' when measured
against the real citizen, the bourgeois. And a Manfredian tone, both gloomy
and splendid, carried over even to the last figure of this kind: Thomas
Mann's composer Adrian Leverkiihn. It is now time to tum to the originals
of venturing beyond: Don Giovanni and above all Faust.
1005
serve it for the best. Time and again the cavalier tackles another lady,
hurts, amuses, forgets.
The audience itself is plunged abruptly into the action, right into the
middle. Here we have no hero slowly planning deeds, entangling himself
in them only gradually. Instead Mozart opens with Don Giovanni in his
prime, in the prime of his sins. Hence the first scene: Leporello dashing to .
and fro, dismal night, uproar in the house, Don Giovanni storms down the
stairs, is seized, flings the woman aside, the escapade has gone wrong. Donna
Anna has not succumbed to him, or not yet, the abduction fails, the Commendatore throws himself between them, a grey-haired old man, still daring.
Screams, a duel, murder, escape, grief at the father's death in tones almost
plucked from madness, a vow of revenge - what suspense! Like a surge of
blood the music rises, violation, death and guilt remain along the way. And
at the same time as the cavalier's advance the retrograde movement also starts
up, one which is no longer diverted and for which, in the graveyard, at the
highly disturbed banquet, no sentry is a match. Against the quest and the
enjoyment of the Now the past gathers, against the sword the stone now rises,
absolutely antithetically. Their tone-figures were already in the overture: their
first tones are the past or the guest of stone as the deep majestic voice which
rings out at the beginning; there follows, contrasted as lightly and frivolously
as possible. brilliantly rapid pleasure in the form of the flashing violin run
which here moves away from the stone. In other respects too the Don
Giovanni tone-figures and those of the other side are sharply differentiated
in rhythm and melody; they relate to each other in general as do movement
and memory, action and Becomeness. What goes with the stone is music
of faith, of a past which Don Giovanni never enters, which thus comes
towards him from outside and buries him.
But after the first escape the cavalier is fresh again, fresh for many things.
He entices Zerlina with the sweetest song that has ever tempted a girl. 'Ah,
lasciate mi andar via', the girl pleads. 'No, no rests, gioja mia', sings the
seducer or unconditional dissipation. * Life itselfis thrusting at Zerlina, and
its castle is not far from here, it is Cythera. A demon of pleasure glows in
the champagne aria, in the solitary presto which is exactly appropriate to him.
The cavalier becomes forgetful to the point ofcallousnessin the disguise scene
with Elvira, and unrepentant, matter-of-fact to the point of sublimity as he
pays the bill before the Commendatore's statue. But all this Carpe diem takes
placein a spaceno longer free, Don Giovanni's path darkens with the suffering
* 'Oh, let me go.' 'No, no, stay, my joy.'
1006
of others which now no longer remains behind him. More and more clearly
the tension between the sword (penis) and the stone becomes the basic
structure, thus it stratifies itself. The line of this antithesis now runs through
all the manifold complications, intermezzi and fight-scenes, buffooneries
and serenades; indeed it orders the complex interweaving of opera buffa and
tragic opera which makes Mozart's work, in this respect, the musical
equivalent of a Shakespearean work. At the end of the first act the counterblow comes: the banquet scene presents it for the listener, with an
incomparable counterpoint between the joy of life and blood revenge. The
music is in C major, but not all rhythms and chords are consonant with
it - not the stiff trio of the conspirators, not their rock-like homophony.
Don Giovanni himself is not affected until the chorale which resounds into
the graveyard from the Commendatore's statue; and in the encounter when
the guest of stone appears, the clash between the two tone-figures finally
occurs. The structure of the overture is thus reversed in the action of the
opera: the majestic andante of the first theme now stands at the end, comes
from the end towards the cavalier. 'Don Giovanni, al cena teco m'invitasti
e son venuto", * the guest of stone calls out, and' finds Don Giovanni undaunted. There is no music dramatically more effective than this, none with
such precise antiphons. As we have seen, the champagne aria, its almost
spaceless presto of pure intensity, is the most appropriate figure for Don
Giovanni. But now the starry space of the Commendatore's song looms,
in Mozart's broad intervals, and with an accompanying world-law which
crushes the individual. Against the demonic force of nature, erupting here
as boundless hetairism in an individual, another, later demonism arises: that
of law, with crime and punishment. Because the force of nature no longer
appears nameless but manifests itselfin an individual, because law measures
it by the standards of the order which has become and not for example by
its strength or its beauty, the sexual force of nature itself appears as hubris,
though of course in its precise sense as Dionysian. Don Juan becomes the
most brilliant wishful image, the guiding image of seduction, the most unquestionable erotic power-person. And as such, though a man in his potency
and precisely because of this, he belongs with the women's god Dionysus,
who has rebelled against marriage and order. The sword and the stone met
on equal terms in the No! and the Yes! of the final scene, and the No to
restricting morality does not capitulate. Its unconditionalness does not repent,
does not mend its ways, chooses rather destruction than this: no longer to be
'Don Giovanni, you invited me to dine with you and I have come'.
1007
1008
1009
character all the dimensions which Mozart's music needed in order to depict
the villainous as well as the utopian-moving element. The villainous as well
as the utopian-moving element, we said, an antithesis therefore, and here
the far from clear aspect of this kind of venturing beyond and unrest, here
Mozart's Don Giovanni problem arises, as that of a strangely speckled tiklnism.
Is Don Giovanni as Mozart portrays him a wolf or a human face among
nothing but masks? Does he belong entirely to the society of the ancien
regime, as its most immoral representative, or is there a trace in him, in
his erotically explosive turmoil, of an element of return to nature? Does
Don Giovanni, if he is recognized as an explosive phenomenon, epitomize
mere blighted nature which breaks forth, itself corrupt, from collapsing
feudalism, or does he provide unadulterated, in itself musical and thus
certainly not corrupt nature for Mozart's music? Is Mozart's Don Giovanni
therefore simply ancien regime and rococo or does this turn against itself,
not only in his downfall, in the final act and the threats which prepare
for it, but in a kind of pre-Byronic manner of the hero, who cannot bind
his will in stunting laws? But again Don Giovanni's frivolity contradicts
this, even more so the exploitation of feudal monopolies for the love register,
monopolies not connected with Priapus and Sturm und Drang but with
velvet, silk, castle, beau; as in the case of Zerlina when the gracious master
steals her away from the peasant Masetto. Doubts enough for a single
character and about it, especially for the most brilliant guiding image of
orgiastic and hence of Dionysian venturing beyond the limits.
Since time began pleasure has after all only been for the gentleman, who
does not work. An adventure leads the rich man to a bar, it lands the
poor man in prison. And before 1789 Carmens, girls from the common
people, were always possible, as were a few adventurers, but Don Juan,
who is brilliant in every way, had to be presentable at court precisely for
this reason. And this side of the seducer, that of the aristocratic lecher,
unquestionably appears in Mozart too, although it again is very crossed.
The abandoned Elvira speaks for all the dishonoured and deceived when
she calls on-the gods of revenge and the burning flash of lightning, although
it is Don Giovanni himself who, without revenge, within desire, storms
most powerfully. At first the libretto and music in Mozart are against
the seducer, still contain much of Moliere's interpretation, which saw Don
Juan as a roue only. Consequently the familiar revolutionary accents are
heard only from the peasant Masetto, his antagonist, and perhaps also in
Leporello's surly grousing, according to which his master would be sure
to end up on the guillotine. In the case of this libertine it seems hopeless
1010
and futile to talk of revolt, against tradition, against bigotry, for the Natural
Right of passion. The French Revolution, the bourgeois-moral revolution,
was clearly meant for Masetto, not for a privilege or Natural Right primae
noctis. The beau is not repressed, he has only his utterly unrepressed
lasciviousness behind him, the people are behind him only to avenge their
ravished daughters. So this is one aspect of Don Giovanni, deriving from
Moliere and partially preserved in Mozart's work. Yet against this stands
the other Don Giovanni, the forceful nature, very much after the hearts of
the bourgeois Sturmer und Dranger, Mozart certainly celebrates him, in
the champagne aria and above all in the final scene, and was not the French
Revolution, apart from its often resentful bourgeois morality, also versed
in burgundy and free love? Did it not have beside its Robespierre its Danton,
a veritable lion of pleasure and a highly popular one too? Has not thisworldly pleasure, so popularly at home in France anyway, been an ancestral
part of materialism since Epicurus and Lucretius? In fact the image of Don
Juan changed precisely through the French Revolution; the aristocratic
lecher now completely joined the ranks of the free or of the ver sacrum
against the mumbling priests - as with a democrat such as Lenau, an anarchistic rebel such as Grabbe, and the kindred genius of Byron. Instead of
the cold egotist, the bringer of joy or the absolutist of a single boundless
feeling now appears; Byron's 'Don Juan', certainly intended as a satire
against cant, reaction and bigotry, precisely for this reason ('to sail in the
wind's eye') can identify the Titan ofjoy:- 'There's not a meteor in the polar
sky/Of such transcendent and more fleeting flight.' With the Romantic
transformation his affinity with all other types of defiancenow also emerged,
i.e. not merely of insistence on individual specific being but on an unconditional drive aiming at the unconditional. Don Juan's affinity with Faust
emerged, the radical love-drive in the former, the radical drive for knowledge
and experience in the latter. Indeed the two passions did not even remain
separated from each other and thus confined to their respective types: Faust
is completely organically connected with the Gretchen material, and Don
Juan, at least in Lenau's deep version, displays a drive for knowledge. What
he is simply seeking here is the One, the idea of woman, and his empirical
unfaithfulness is the highest faithfulness to love, i.e. against the being with
whom he could stay. Lenau depicts Don Juan as being as universal in his
way and as in need of landing as Faust: 'The mind which seeks to grasp
all things must feel/Imprisoned and forlorn in each detail; -/This is what
makes me thirst eternally/And drags me from woman to woman fatally.'
And so this other Don Juan rushes through 'The magic circle, so immensely
1011
wide,/Of lovely women, all the charms they hide' ,just as Faust journeys
through his world circles; both in pursuit of the moment which does not
tum to disgust or boredom once it is entered. Though, of course, Don
Juan's stops on this quest are both more numerous and more incomplete,
indeed more incompletable. In Spain alone he makes one thousand and
three such stops (Kierkegaard very acutely points out that this is an uneven.
number), and as for the end, it comes through Don Juan's death alone,
not through a presentiment of a highest happiness, as we know. Nevertheless, Lenau's Don Juan, in his magic circle of women, provides - though
in a far narrower field - the unmistakable counterpart, one which has since
been clearly worked out, to Faust's drive for fulfilment. The eccentric
Grabbe even coupled Don Juan and Faust in a single play, dividing the
two souls in Faust's breast among two unconditional absolutists. Grabbe's
Don Juan became Faust in the region of 'the south of life' ,Grabbe's Faust
is Don Juan 'in the cold zone'. The memory of Moliere's courtly villain
has thus vanished altogether: 'Oh tropic land of hottest powers of lovell
Oh magic wilds where deepest passions move!' - this is not the court
of the ancien regime or the joys of vice seen through the eyes of bourgeois
morality. A curious shifting indeed, a shifting of the beau to become a
titanic bohemian, ambiguously titanizing against the reduction which has
come about and is known as the bourgeois. It was precisely against the
latter that the new image of Don Juan rose up, above all E. T. A.
Hoffmann's: as yes to joy, no to embourgeoisement and to all the statues
of an extinguished past. This is the most prominent motif of this figure,
one which even combines Carpe diem with impietas towards the dead
(father, ancestors). The living to the full of the Now, the standing stream
of happiness are sought, not abdication of the most natural of all excesses
in the face of tradition, habit, Becomeness and alienation. Don Juan and
Faust seek instead, in boundless setting forth, the moment when at last
wedding could be, at last high time. * The lightning flash in which Don
Giovanni appears and remains is certainly not the brightest light for the
incommensurate in man, but it is the most dazzling.
1012
outside is to be well and truly collected and prepared in this nearness. This
unites the figures of unrest as soon as they make and have space around them.
En route to fullness they are equally world-experiencing, churning women
and everything else up in search of what can still their longing. Most visibly
the maestro of unrest, who now appears at the peak above and in the midst
of all others: Doctor Faust, or unconditionalness which is both intensive and
extensive. He is the venturer beyond the limits par excellence, yet always
enriched by his experience when he has ventured beyond it, and finally saved
in his striving. He thus represents the highest example of utopian man, his
name remains the best, the most instructive. This hero had certainly not
seemed destined for such a role, on the contrary, the first Faust-book condemned 'the arch-sorcerer who tried to grow eagle's wings to explore the
secrets of heaven and earth'. The later puppet plays were no exception either,
they performed the execution of his sentence to hell in a manner which,
though moving, was also forbidding. And the Ur-Faust of 1587* was not
the later Sturmer und Dranger, the free, questing, unconditional man, he
was caricatured as a Catholic scholastic. The presentation, though not the
hero, of the first Faust-book was Protestant, in the dark Lutheran sense.
Luther had taught the complete unfreedom of the will and he hated 'foolish
reason': both were meant to appear as forbidding as possible in the sorcerer
Faust. Faust, with his haughtiness and his scholastic diabolical knowledge,
was even meant to serve as the exact black foil to Luther, the plain, god-fearing
man of faith, and this in the same town, Wittenberg. Obviously it is a long
way from here to the Faust-image of later Protestantism, to the affirmed excess
of the thirst of will and the thirst for knowledge. An ideological scene-shift
took place, corresponding to the emerging individualistic economy, which
was delayed in Germany. In England, where no more feudal barriers stood
in the way of entrepreneurial activity, the re-interpretation of the sorcerer
was easier. Marlowe's Faustus of 1604, though the jaws of hell also await
him, already appears not as a sinner but as a kind of complex martyr. The
martyr of his intellectual excessiveness, his denial of God, his will to the unattainable; in short, the conquistador in Faust found sympathy. But Lessing
was the first to conceive the plan of transforming the 'in aeternum damnatus'
into a salvation, indeed into a triumph; also the motif of the wager by which
the alliance with the devil is kept hanging in the balance, so to speak, this
* 'Historia von D. Johann Pausten", chapbook which appeared in Frankfurt in this year.
r Bloch is giving the first publication date here (of the contested CA' text). Marlowe drew on
P. F. (Gent)'s English translation of the 'Historia' and wrote his play possibly in the late 15805,
but certainly by 1593, i.e, the year of his murder.
1013
t Cf.
IOJ4
cellar and on to 'free people on free ground' and beyond, but - to remove
all doubts about its equally totally outside-world character - the striving
and resolve for the highest existence is kept in line with that of nature.
Above all with its morning, its significant morning:
You, earth, were also constant on this night
And at my feet refreshed you breathe anew,
Now you begin with pleasure to surround me,
A strong resolve is moved and stirred by you
To strive for highest existence constantly. *
Thus for Faust there is no longer any subjectivism in self-fulfilment but
an eye-opening of the world he has thoroughly experienced; hence the
complete outward look in the inward look, indeed in-dwelling of the Faust
subject. The incognito of the driving content in the spacious gallery of
states and attempted final states which Faust strides through just as it moves
through him: this existing incognito is here extended from the person
to the world and at the same time circumscribed with world-figures. Faust
in the magic cloak which carries him through the air lives and ventures
beyond everything which has been granted to him out of the most concentrated and extensive will for the moment - the same will which determines
the wager. The Faustian centre goes through world and heaven, both work
in progressive mediation as symbols around it, but of course in the end
neither the world nor its heaven yet enclose this eccentric centre.
So this ego is everywhere on its way, does not remove its cloak till the
very end. Faust tests himself, learns en route, a route constantly animated with
Objects. He extends his selfboth to the existence which is apportioned, could
be apportioned to all men, and to comradeship with wood, meadow, storm,
me, star. He who ventures in all directions attains the infinite; thus the subject
enters ever new world-circles and leavesthem both enriched and - unsatisfied.
The action of Faust is that of a dialectical journey in which every pleasure
attained is deleted by a separate new desire which awakens within it. And
every attained arrival is refuted by a new movement opposing it; for something
is missing, the fair moment is yet to come. From his experience in Auerbach's
cellar Faust realizes that pleasure debases, in the Gretchen tragedy love gives
rise to guilt, and war irrupts into the Helen of Troy scene: nothing unconditional is at its goal. The final scene-on earth is prophetically capitalistic,
describing the foundation of land mingled with robbery and murder - 'My
'Pausr', Part II, 4681-5-
lOIS
1016
is not the infinite, neither the bad infinite, as eternal, empty, formal
continuance, as flight over the restricted, which, as Hegel says, 'does not
gather itself within itself and cannot bring the negative back to the positive',
nor is the unconditional aspect of striving a content-based infinite which,
when called God, is supposed to be located somewhere in a strange
transcendence. The purely human drama which Faust finally stages and
in which he experiences a presentiment of the highest moment is, on the
contrary, morality of the end; for all end, if there is anything substantial
going on in it, is morality. That which is conceived as God or highest
good, for Faust too, as in every genuine intention of the unconditional,
tends towards the regnum hominis. It is this unconditional aspect and
its re-connection with human nearness which emerges at the end of Faust,
and which leads Kant to say: 'God and the other world are the only goal
of all philosophical investigations', but also leads him to conclude: 'And
if God and the other world were not connected with morality they would
be of no use.' It is because the Faustian moment lacks a supernatural
background that the utopian-humane character of nearness emerges so unmistakably. Regardless of the heavenly sequel or the higher spheres or
the higher unrest: for even in the transcendental high mountains of the
Faustian heaven, Gretchen carries the moment with her. Goethe, in the
Eternally Female, describes both the eros which began everything and the
loveliest Humanum in which the element of unrest of the all-beginning
symbolizes a landing. In the goal-content of Faust's wager Goethe thus
identified the human-worldly final problem per se; the adequation of the
most deeply intending, intensifying, realizing, into the Here and Now
(the fulfilled moment) of its content. The moment is the That-enigma
of being which itself is hidden in every moment as this moment and which
finally wishes to urge itself on to its What-solution or content-solution.
'Stay awhile, you are so fair', spoken to the moment: here is the metaphysical
guiding panelforfull existence and without hinterworld. To shudder is the best
part of mankind, i.e. when the figures of unrest harmonize with the cantus
firmus of Hie et nunc in the world, in this intended - Nunc stans.
1017
1018
FULFI~LW MOMENT
1019
1020
such a way that he gives the shades blood to drink and now, as if they
were departed souls, they give an abbreviated account of the remembered
world. * The sole location is the universitas litterarum, the main theme
is the sequence of lectures, which journeys into the process of the world
like the universitas into the universe. From self-knowledge the primal
knowledge of the universe is supposed to be developed, the world of
numbers opens up, the world, fuller in ideas, of the philosophical Idea,
the various branches of knowledge appear with their world, theology,
law, physics, medicine, and finally the study of the fine arts. The entire
progress takes place within the framework of study, or more precisely
of the construction of a primal knowledge which on its way through the
faculties is supposed to remember and unfold itself. The sequence of the
faculties is so disposed as if it recapitulated an idea-sequence of the world
itself; the subjects of scholarship become the same as opened writings,
indeed mountains in which essentialbeing sparkles. But to return to Faust,
his line is not only that of the paced-out world but of the wager which
strikes into the moment. The perfect moment remains the fundamental
problem of the Faust-subject, the powerful moment which no longer pulls
him into alienation. But here the newness of the Goethe version also appears,
it appears precisely in what the form of Faust has in common with the
Phenomenology in so many ways. In what it also has in common with
Schiller's wandering poem and with Schelling's transparent pedagogy and
at all points with the merging or succession of Sturm und Drang and the
Erziehungsroman. The Stay Awhile, spoken to the moment, is as original
as origin and its end itelf, it remains the unique, so long uncomprehended
metaphysics of the Faust poem. So that light is shed on previous philosophy
only from the content of the wager, no longer vice-versa. Even meanings
striking powerfully into the existere are illuminated more by Faust than
Faust by them; .here the wager has a monopoly. The journey to the spheres
itself, in which Faust transforms and identifies himself, is related to the
Phenomenology, and the Faust poem has in this a philosophy of its action,
but in the philosophy of its core the relation is reversed: Hegel's Being-ForItself is illuminated and made important solely by the backgrounds of the
wager. The form of action in Faust is legitimated in Hegelian terms, i.e.
by the constant dialectical relation of consciousness to its Object, by which
both continually determine each other more precisely until an identity
Cf. Homer, 'Odyssey', Bk. II, where the shades cannot speak to Odysseus until they have
drunk the sheep's blood.
1021
between subject and object is developed. But the core dialectic of the
Phenomenology is legitimated only by Faust's self-fulfilling intensity and
morality of the intended moment; it is only 'here, strikingly, that what
Hegel posits as the superior knowledge of Being-For-Itself proves itself.
It is only the wager which makes Being-For-Itself cancelled reflection or
involved reality; it is only on the path to the moment that Phenomenology
really becomes that which Hegel celebrates: 'Progress to this goal is
therefore inexorable and at no earlier stage is satisfaction to be found.'
Phenomenology, outside mere mirror-consciousness, becomes an appearing, namely of the Absolute in self and world, it becomes in reality 'the
path of the soul, which passes through the series of its fashionings, as
stages staked out by its nature, so that it may refine itself into mind,
attaining by the complete experiencing of itself the knowledge of what
it is in itself' [l.c., p. 63). For Faust the act, most emphatically the act
of pursued identity, is not only at the beginning but also at the end.
Kierkegaard, and before him Schelling, criticized Hegel for his merely
conceptual processing-out of self from immediateness; an exaggerated
criticism, for within the cadre of the Idea Hegel never talks of anything
but the fact that mind becomes for itself, comes to itself, unites with
itself. It is not Kierkegaard but the central key-phrase 'Stay awhile you
are so fair' which cancels out the eternally distant thought of consciousness.
It not only interprets but ignites, which is what the Phenomenology
ultimately wants of the course of consciousness: 'By driving itself on to
its true existence it will reach a point where it casts off its appearance,
of being burdened with the extraneous, which is only for it and as
something different, or where appearance becomes identical with essence'
(l.c., p. 72). The Faust plan, in its constantly recurring sequence: topical
Now - historically ramified sphere of figures - informed yet unsatisfied
existence, this subject-object-subject plan is the basic model of the dialecticalutopian system of material truth. And the event" of the moment, of the
all-driving, all-containing moment, remains the conscience of this plan;
the attainment" of the That or of the striving itself. Goethe's poem described
its content together with the speculationof the time and above it; it describes
the stages in the world tour to the fulfilled moment, i.e, to a world like
Being-For-Itself. Equally it is in the content of the Faust wager and only
in it that the precisely striking metaphysics of nearness at which venturings
beyond the limit aim is described. A metaphysics which is no longer duped
* Bloch is playing here on 'Ereignis' (event) and 'Erreichnis' (attainment).
1022
'des Pudels Kern': a colloquial phrase meaning 'the heart of the matter', but Bloch may
also have in mind the poodle in whose guise Mephisto first appears in 'Faust'.
t 'Faust', Part II, II9S3.
102 3
Lenau, Faust
For the hungry man it is more than right to long for food. The man who
is freezing wants to get to the stove, the lost man to his house, the traveller
looks forward to seeing wife and child. But when the wandering father
of the house is called Odysseus or something similar, the return does not
become so clear, nor that everything is finished now he is in his own bed
again. The lost man was not only the long-sufferer, he was also the voyager
who had seen the cities and lands of many peoples, Calypso and Nausicaa
as well. Silly interpretations have seen the moral of this story in the fact
that an honest father despite all dangers always strives to return to house
and home. But Daumier depicted this Odysseus wearing a night-cap, sitting
beside his pointed-nosed wife, his helmet and sword hung up as decorations
on the wall - et habet bonam pacem, qui sedet post fornacem *. Homecoming is certainly an important category; all the greater, though, are
its perils and corruptions, similar to those of rest. If Ithaca were not a
symbol, it would be a problem, and Homer brings down the curtain on
it, once the master of the house has re-asserted his rights. But the legend
did not remain silent, it worked on in a kind of Flying Dutchman motif
about Odysseus, a late, wild, unknown Odysseus. According to this legend,
Odysseus does not even return safelyto Ithaca but sailsout further, into the
uncharted, he makes his previous fate into the metier of his character. This
astonishing twist appears in the Divine Comedy (Inf. XXVI, 11. 79-142);
the reluctant long-sufferer thus attains a far from reluctant daring, indeed
he becomes a sea-Faust. Virgil asks the figure enveloped in flames about
the end of his earthly life. Odysseus replies that he found no rest after
he left Circe, neither affection for his son, nor filial piety towards his old
father, nor the love of Penelope had overcome him:
'and the man who sits behind the stove has found peace'.
1024
1025
despite heavenly headwinds; so he was condemned to sail the seas till the
end of time. Odysseus, the captain of Hubris, dies, but in Dante he is
the first titanic man, derived from the knight, not the long-sufferer. He
is the first to emerge from the monomania, above all from the unconditionalness which later appears in Don Juan and Faust, which casts its comic
,
shadow in Don Quixote.
This voyager is strange, indeed he not only has his own gnarl in him.
For together with Faust a real person is also foreseen here: Columbus.
Neither the Homeric Odysseus nor its later Hellenistic and Roman interpretation gave rise to either of these. The Homeric voyager was of course
extended, M. Terentius Varro wrote an 'Odysseus and a half' who went
on wandering for a further five years. Lucian made the phantast Odysseus
vouch for the authenticity of the Vera historia, his travel satire about
fabulous western lands. But this was all satire, not admiration, the literary
after-ripening of the long-sufferer was that of a Munchhausen, not of an
extravagant courage. In Homer, too, Odysseus again set off on ajourney,
this time certainly not voluntary, to fulfil the task which the seer Teiresias
had given him in Hades (Od. XI, 119ff.): to set out once again with an
oar on his shoulder and to keep wandering until someone asked him what
was the strange corn shovel he was carrying, and then to make a sacrifice
to Poseidon. But what he tells Penelope, reminiscing, and announces as
yet another parting (Od. XXIII, p. 267ff.), although it also means ajourney
into the very distant, the unknown, does not refer at all to sea-faring,
let alone the desire to track the sun, as in Dante. Instead, the journey
is to a country so alien to sea-faring that its people take an oar for a comshovel, and above all there is no hubris whatever at work. On the contrary,
a powerful god is to be appeased, perhaps even his cult is to be spread;
that is the main motif of this conformist expedition (d. Dornseiff, Odysseus'
letzte Pahrt, Hermes, 1937, p. 35Iff.). There is therefore no connection
whatever between the rural passage in Homer and the purely maritime,
highly billowing passage in Dante, unless, as Philalethes supposes, it is
the formal one (Gottliche Komodie, German translation, 1868, p. 199, note
22) that Dante darkly blended Odysseus' descent into hell with the later
journey Teiresias prophesied he would make. This so-called blending,
however, brought the above-mentioned Novum of a sea-Faust, to see the
world and fathom all, even as far as the mountain which no living man
may enter. Whereas Homer's Odysseus returns from his mere Poseidon
wandering to old Ithaca again, and death comes to him, in accordance
with Teiresias' prophecy, as a wealthy ruler and father in the midst of
1026
his people (Od. XXIII, 28Iff.). The Odyssey itself was almost unknown in
detail in Dante's time; in Dante the new picture of an Atlantic explorer leapt
into the general picture of this seafarer. Non plus ultra was written on the
Pillars of Hercules, Dante's Odysseus passes beyond them and thus, highly
astonishingly, he is an anticipation of Columbus' voyage. That this Odysseus
- discovered America, so to speak, is clear from his course, though not yet
from the term mondo senza gente, which in medieval geography was applied
to the entire supposedly unpeopled world south of the equator. Thus also,
of course, to deeper Africa; in 1291 an expedition led by Vivaldi of Genoa
sailed beyond Ceuta to circumnavigate Africa, and was lost. Dante may
perhaps have attributed this contemporary heroic exploit to his Odysseus.
But quite apart from the westerly direction, di retro al sol, the stressed
boldness of the dream-voyage, the five months of solitude and the failure to
sight land all conflict with the Africa theory. Finally, the fact that Dante
located Mount Purgatory on an island contradicts this theory; the giant continent of Africa, which even then was believed to be one mass of land even
in its southern part, could not possibly rise up like a mountain from the sea.
The land of Purgatory lies on the other side of the globe, only this distance
is appropriate to the boldness and venturing beyond the limits with which
Dante endowed the later Odysseus. No news of the discovery of America
by the Greenlander Leif Ericson three hundred years before could have reached
Florence; even in Greenland it was soon forgotten. Yet there was in classical
Rome a striking attempt to reach beyond the known world, in a passage of
Seneca, often cited by Columbus (cf. Vol. II, p. 773). The passage from the
chorus in Seneca's Medea was demonstrably known in Dante's time: 'Venient
annis saecula seris/Quibus oceanus vincula rerum/Laxet et ingens pateat
tellus/Thetisque novos detegat orbes/Nee sit terns ultima Thule.' The future
centuries which Senecamentions are assigned to Dante's Odysseus: 'in which
the ocean breaks its chains and the earth opens up, when the sea-goddess Thetis
reveals new lands and Thule will no longer be the outermost limit of the
earth' . Odysseus himself broke the chains which would have made him a king
in a obscure corner, a retired sea-captain so to speak. He not only has this
impatience to seethe world, he is this impatience, it contains his own definitive
being-here. Life here too becomes the same as sustained venturing beyond
the limits, per seguir virtute e conoscenza; thus in the midst of the medieval
world Dante gives the early bourgeois catchphrase: trepassar del segno. *
* 'To venture beyond the limits'. Dante calls the Pillars of Hercules 'Ercule segno in the
'Inferno' (XXVI, 1. 108).
10 2 7
1028
with this so famous and so general diagnosis the question must be asked:
what is the specific nature of the thought which pales here, and above
all in what period does its paralysing quality emerge? It is a time which
is 'out of joint', i.e. the difficult time of contemporary transition with
its uneasy mixture of the bourgeois and the neo-feudal. Man was beginning
more than ever to be a wolf to man, and perspicacity taught men to trust
court circles as much as they trusted rattlesnakes. The pale cast of thought
quoted above is certainly not that of the fresh bourgeois Ratio at the same
time, not that of Renaissance ideas such as those of Bruno or the highly
unparalysed Bacon. Hamlet's philosophy does however largely correspond
to the moods of night, indeed of nothingness, which typified mannerism,
the disjointed style of life and art after the Renaissance, in the midst of
the Baroque. The consciousness of death as being very close to life was
part of mannerism; these allegories of memento mori lit by the pale cast
of this thought belong here. One of them, a head portrayed as divided,
the left half a living face, the right half a skull, accurately reflects Hamlet's
world-picture, the same that again philosophically justifies the melancholy
man's being locked within himself. For against the death background of
life there can be no permanently meaningful setting-out, no action; the
place of fulfilment which at the same time devalues everything is then
none other than the graveyard. Here at the same time the neo-medieval
element in mannerism manifests itself in Hamlet's attitude, i.e. no liberation
by the materialism germinating in the bourgeois Ratio but on the contrary
a religious horror at its own irreligion. In other words, the extinguished
other world sends only its coldness across to the poorly demystified; it
increases its distance now even cosmically from the real, the meaningfully
realizable. Thus the reaction to the unclerical approach which Shakespeare's
prince learnt at his universities is nothing but a double memento mori,
totally devaluing life and action. Hence the sole final prospect is 'how
a king may go a progress through the guts of a beggar' or: 'Imperious
Caesar, dead and turned to clay,/Might stop a hole to keep the wind away.'
World-matter here certainly does not smile at man with sensory freshness,
as in Bacon, indeed in Bruno; on the contrary, it is what Bruno bitterly
rejected, 'a cesspit of chemical substances'. This belief, which has now
become entirely negative, utterly paralyses any surfacing into being-here:
'0 cursed spite, that ever I was born to set it right!' And not only the
private revenge for his father but also the existing plans to reform the
world come to a standstill; world-weariness even prevents any possible
approach to the achieved Here and Now, to presence in being-here. This
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too pointed, too tearing. They have nothing unless they have everything,
and this is something different from the universe, indeed it is not even
necessarily contained in it; abundance is not unconditionalness. The
everything towards which the venturers beyond the limits push is not the
universe of Pan to which Shakespeare's profusion belongs, with repletion
everywhere. However true Schlegel's assertion that the lost earth could
be reconstructed from Shakespeare's works, the adventurers of the unconditional, precisely because of this Pan-like quality, are not to be found
in this hugely animated space. But the marginalfigures of the unconditional
are all the more intensively depicted: Hamlet and Prospero, sealed will
in the former, groundlessly sparkling delight in beauty in the latter, and
both before the night, i.e. before the silence which Shakespeare saw for
Hamlet and for Prospero around the world stage; now darkening the
venturing beyond the limits, now surrounding it with the most colourful
dreams, indeed amusements. But the insatiable is missing, Prospera means
the favoured, prosperous, he is no wrestler. True, Prospero in particular
has often been compared with Faust; the magic wand, wisdom, the founded
community of happiness and worth lent themselves to this comparison.
But Prospero's Faustland appears entirely without questions and temptations, no devil sticks his nose into Faust's solitude, no bliss is wagered
for the sake of the darling veritas, existence comes as a gift after an escape
and remains in fairyland, never emerging from it. Here no Richmond is
needed either to right wrongs, no Fortinbras to establish reality; Shakespeare
no longer assigns them this function. His three last plays tum to 'romance',
i.e. to the fairy-tale solution, as if all were well, to aesthetic grace.
'Cymbeline', "The Winter's Tale', 'The Tempest', in constant dreamappearance, provide magic means of making the impossible possible. This
magical element, in 'The Tempest', is precisely fictional being-here,
appearing-here become as it were spotless, dwelling easily beside each
other. Prospero and his daughter Miranda flee their homeland, where wicked
men have usurped power, they escape to a solitude where virtue as existent
can preserve and also prove itself. The chosen place is a distant island,
in keeping with the old utopian tradition, but not of course to praise and
imitate the original goodness of the inhabitants. This Shakespeare had
undertaken even in 'Cymbeline', indeed there the drama as a whole was
constructed on the contrast between corrupt civilization and unspoilt nature.
But not even in 'Cymbeline', let alone in 'The Tempest', is unspoilt nature
equated with the common people. Caliban, the savage, is also the ingredient
of the mob, differing from an animal only in his wickedness. Precisely
1031
the land of beauty, in its stressed lightness, knows the common people
only as ugly, just as in 'A Midsummer Night's Dream', where the antics
of ghosts and spirits are similar, it serves only for the boorish scenes and
the artisans are not even enchanted on Midsummer's Eve. Admittedly,
Prospero's former minister Gonzalo praises a natural state, free of property,
civilization and letters, but Prospero's brother and of course also the usurper
of his throne observes that this state would produce only idlers, whores
and knaves. Prospero himself regards Calibans as born to drudgery, for
him the ideal state in which the blossoms of culture are preserved and
its diseases purged can only be built on total inequality. But even this
reactionary, scarcely tolerable attitude, stemming from Shakespeare's
courtliness, is ultimately sustained by aesthetic dream-appearance, by the
realm of Flora which in 'The Tempest' both conceals and blossoms all
around the real Here and Now; Goethe, in the Helen of Troy scenes, with
similar aesthetic autarky, posits very similar injustice, against the chorus.
Pro spero has his books with him, the finest creations of noble minds, and
only beings with such minds are invited to partake in the new alliance.
People who are themselves like works of art form their exodus to another
drawing-out, to the extract: art at its goal. This noble ideal includes the
common people only if they recognize the moral law, which is pleasantly
binding; for the good is also part of the beautiful, of kalokagathia * in
the land of romance. The marriage of Miranda and Ferdinand adds to this
prospect the High Pair, art and moral strength marry. And Prospera's
art as such always comes at the end, as a stage of glowing appearing-there,
in a resounding world. Thus drama and music are at work again and again
in this intended blossoming all around of high and highest moments. Dreamappearance emerges hovering, and in it, though not enterable in corporeal
form, a beautiful land of elapsed lightness, served by the airy spirit Ariel. Art
at its goal, not as appearing pre-appearance, is at work here; for as in Hamlet
all appearance is a lie and the rest is silence, even here. But appearance,
precisely in its aesthetic perfection, provides this groundlessly sparkling
joy in beauty, which is here all the more rare and precious as it occurs
against the background of utter silence, sleep, night. Artistic fullness is
here nothing but a trump-card against nihilism; its silence here is not at
all devaluing, indeed no longer nihilism but incognito. Yet of such a kind
that every step from the unconditionalness of artistic fullness leads from
the Flora-realm of its Here and Now to something which is unmediatedly
* A combination of the beautiful and the good. an ancient Greek educational ideal.
103 2
non-human. Thus venturing beyond the limits comes to its end here, the
unconditional, which is attainable by men, rises up as an aesthetic magic
island in the ocean of incognito. Hence Prospero's final words of wisdom:
And, like the baseless fabric of this vision
The cloud-capp'd towers, the gorgeous palaces,
The solemn temples, the great globe itself,
Yea, all which it inherit, shall dissolve,
And, like this insubstantial pageant faded,
Leave not a rack behind. We are such stuff
As dreams are made on; and our little life
Is rounded with a sleep.
Dreams everywhere, nothing but gulls, as even Falstaff says, and even
the noble circle, precisely this, is rounded with a sleep. Is then this powerful,
glittering-dark world-picture a legacy from Hamlet's hopeless-total dream,
from his hopeless hope, his utopia suspended within itself? Yes and no;
yes because no breakthrough occurs; no because the above-mentioned lack
of meaning still does not devalue the magically airy goal-appearance.
Hamlet's graveyard melancholy does not come up to or close to the rapid,
flashing evanescences on the magic island; Prospero is so far from being
melancholic that even his renunciation effervesces. Spirits stage this performance, the baseless fabric of this vision, and then dissolve again into
air, indeed the paradise which they cause to appear has no foundation or
permanence: nevertheless, the Ariel-world in which Prospero and his
followers live can be called a Stay Awhile, a staying in a Land of Appearance
which, though fleeting, rests in its beauty. This is no victorious foothold
such as Faust sought, far beyond the related spirits of the fields and the
air in the Helen of Troy scenes; the Nike of existence has no absolute
foot on Prospero's island. Nonetheless, even Prospero's renunciation would
not be so indifferent to the transient, and his wisdom would not be so
cheering in the face of the cheerless, if the dream-appearancewhich emerges
here did not likewise have its potency. Indeed it finally becomes clear that
the enigmatic lightness even in Prospero's renunciation is certainly not
attended on only by airy spirits and theatricallarks, it is ultimately farfrom
mere dream- and magical-sphere. Even the melancholy of the farewell when
Pro spero lays down his wand does not enter into the sleep with which
he says that our little life as well as great art is rounded; on the contrary,
in the seriousness of renunciation the seriousness of amusement remains.
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1035
to make up for what he has missed, where an entire life, till then tepid, is
to be exchanged. Where a love appears which makes everything new again,
but also a goal which can be approached not only unmediatedly but also
undistractedly. And it is already evident here that because such unmediatedness
can also present itself at times as if it were undistractedness, the matter is
not simple, there is more to it than caprice. Action which is merely
unmediated is abstract and nothing else, and its downfall mostly seems
ridiculous. But if it also partakes of undistracted action, then it presents itself
as abstract-moral and its downfall mostly appears moving. But of course
mediated-balanced action is capable of also being objective-moral and thus truly
venturing beyond the limits, not into what is empty or expired. It is lessheroic
in its stance but more manly in its thrust; it has lessblossom, but more fruit.
Nonetheless, unmediated dreams, precisely in so far as they are undistracted,
constantly lure us on. For they act not only as a warning but also as a reminder:
never to take things as they are. Although, at the risk of a failure which is
avoidable and therefore ridiculous, things certainly must be taken as they
are, i.e. with experience, acting with worldly wisdom, concretely. The
unmediated, the headlong rush at obstacles, has its disadvantages, its honour
and its youth: the mediated, with circumspection and mastered experience,
has its advantages, its dignity and its maturity. Whereas the latter leads, the
former misleads, hut also shows undaunted courage and a fiery conscience.
At this point we may therefore cast a very penetrating glance at Don Quixote.
Of all unconditional dreamers, he was the most inflexible, thus his actions
are as laughable as they are great, he is at once a warning and a heartening
reminder. Unworldly, old and utopian, he pursues an image that has partly
passed away, partly never been.
1036
know; the man who could never see the joke became the joke for others
wherever he went. The noble dream fitted him badly and the world,
unlovely as it was, never even tried the dream on.
Everything about the foolish hero is half-baked but, within these
limitations, decisive. As he appears to himself more than he is and can
do, he is restlessly overdoing himself, he stretches himself taller than he
actually is. He immediately awards himself three counts' titles one on top
of the other; Don Quixote is not troubled by the slightest doubt about
his vocation. But this vocation was taken only from books, they first gave
voice to his inexpressible longing and its contrast to the express banality
around him. When the spark of folly started to burn in Don Quixote's
brain, it was caused by a spontaneous combustion of accumulated reading
matter. With the result that even after his fantastic departure the emotions
became literary, indeed sometimes consist of nothing but over-subtle
emulation of scenes he has read. Thus Don Quixote, when presented, in
a pause between deeds, with a good opportunity to mortify himself for
the sake of his beloved, deliberated whether it would be better to follow
the example of Amadis in his melancholy or Roland in his frenzy, finally
opting for Amadis and his elegiac solitude after all. Thus the Junker was
brought even further back into the past, to the belief that chivalric gestures,
images of combat, images of love, images of loyalty, social forms, were
still valid in his own very changed period. The caballero on principle always
sets off without money, not just because he has none but, as he tells Sancho
Panza, becausehe had never read in any story of a knight-errant ever paying.
The principle of cash payment is thus everywhere opposed by a great heart,
of yesteryear and taken from the anatomy of chivalric romances. It is his
misfortune to believe knight-errantry and its ideal to be compatible with
every economic form of society. But the old spear in the domestic umbrellastand or even the lance-holder could no longer serve for the best, even
if wielded with the greatest vigour; what in the thirteenth century was
the spirit of the age became in the sixteenth century a spectre, a harmless
phenomenon reduced to a mere game. If Don Quixote had been just the
vigour and not also the ghost of the old era, Jensen would have been right
in his novel 'The Wheel', where he interprets the hidalgo precisely the
other way round, as an - American left behind in Europe. Thus he is
out of place, he says, not because he wears armour but because the old
world no longer knows what to do with energy and adventure: 'The Goths
have moved OD, are clearing forests in Connecticut and Rhode Island, only
Don Quixote, their brother, still livesin Europe and so he becomes strange.'
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1038
giants, half a barber's basin glinting in the sun becomes Mambrino's helmet.
The chivalric wishful dream is crammed full of winged horses and winged
lions, of burning lakes, floating islands and palaces of crystal. This ventures
beyond mere social anachronism, it is also archaic-utopian, permanently connected with the anachronism of a future world, one which is thus more
noble and more colourful. Existing facts as such, even when they are not
completely altered by the fantast, simply weigh nothing compared with
the magic-utopian entity that solely constitutes truth here. Thus Don
Quixote remains incurable even by experience, all the more so because
it often confronts him in exaggerated, even coordinated-negative fashion,
in the shape of endless thrashings, dupings, swindles and disappointments.
This wretched reality is no match for the dream-layer, the only enlightening
one, which lies buried and waiting: 'For you must know, friend Sancho,
that heaven put me on earth to reawaken the Golden Age in our iron
age' (I, Chap. 20). On one occasion experience gave the knight such a
severe battering that his whole body had to be covered with plasters and
he could hardly move with back pains. But in the attic of the miserable
inn he had crawled into there now appeared a cow-girl, sneaking to a
mule-driver to indulge in her usual nocturnal pastime with him, and Don
Quixote stretched out his hands to receive the consoling maiden: 'He
immediately caught hold of her shift, which, although it was of sackcloth,
seemed to him like the finest and softest batiste. The glass beads she wore
on her arm shone for him with the brilliance of finest oriental pearls. Her
hair, only slightly inferior to a horse's mane, to him was like strands of
finest Arabian gold, the brilliance of which eclipsed the sun, and her breath,
which smelt of the stale salad of the previous night, brought the scent
of spices and fragrant aromas to his nose. In short, his imagination depicted
her to him as that princess in his books who, overwhelmed by love, came
to visit her wounded knight injust such jewellery and finery'(I, Chap. 16).
As Don Quixote is at his most perceptive when he is most unrealistic,
his imagination still does not swerve from the hallucinatory golden image
even when another dreadful and interminable thrashing brings home his'
mistake. But instead of recognizing the mule-driver who had come in and
struck the love-smitten knight such a fierce blow on the chin that his mouth
filled with blood, he invents the figure of an enchanted Moor under whose
protection the cow-girl princess stood; and the inn itself, which the day
before he had taken for a castle, 'with four towers and silver-gleaming
battlements, which did not lack the drawbridge and the deep moats and
all the accessories with which such strongholds are always depicted' becomes
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1040
are. And when the knight, soon afterwards, struck by stones from
shepherds' slings, is lying on the ground in a most pitiful condition and
might now be convinced of the reality of the sheep and the shepherds
which Sancho saw, he is not convinced at all. On the contrary, again and
again he introduces a sorcerer as a new drug: the sorcerer is envious, has
turned what were squadrons into flocks of sheep, but he can do nothing
to stop them reassuming their former shape a little further off. Their true,
real, human shape, the only army worthy of engaging with chivalric utopia.
Indeed the hope in which Don Quixote travels has no petty objects at
all; it does not perceive them, or else it suffuses them with gigantically
transforming hallucination. Medieval land of legend on all sides, a fixed
world of a traditional and rigid kind, with utopian spirit nonetheless casting
around in it.
The Junker becomes utterly effusive in the case of the woman he has
imagined for himself. This too is partly read, acquired through reading,
but only in its general outline and the role the beloved plays for him.
Dulcinea's role is to be the perfect maid, at the same time protectress and
voyeuse through whom the knight can look at his deeds. It is part of
the all-encompassing dream, and also of the fear of awakening, that Don
Quixote never seriously wishes to see Dulcinea. In courtly love in general
sexual vigour had waned, as it has in this epigone. In courtly love no
woman was considered perfect except the one who had never been possessed;
this hoping at the gate, enjoyment without empirical reality, becomes
grotesque in Don Quixote's case; for he has intercourse only with Dulcinea's
image. What he praises about the knights errant is precisely their idolatry
of love in which the fair lady remains unattainable: 'Love is as essentially
natural and proper to them as the stars to heaven' (I, Chap. 13). With
stars there is no hasty rencontre; which means that everywhere else Don
Quixote feels close to the reality of deeds, albeit to his own conception
of it, a predominantly contemplative exception appears only in the case
of Dulcinea. He even avoids the lady when she is supposedly nearby, on
the pretext that she has banished him and he is not yet worthy of her
beauty. He is so far from being keen on the Being-There of his dream
that he can completely disregard the hideous sight of the real Dulcinea
in Toboso. He even remains remarkably cool when a supposed Dulcinea,
veiled and in torchlight, is played before him in all her radiance at the
Duke's palace. His dream-beloved is so beautiful that even the features of a
theatre princess are nowhere near good enough, pearl eyes are inadequate,
only those of an idol will do: 'Dulcinea's eyes must be like green emeralds,
1041
finely slit, with two rainbows for brows' (II, Chap. II) . Here everything
inhabits the interior of a reflexive though overpowering utopia, a fantasizing
which spurs, carries away, consumes and replaces the thirst for action,
and when we hear the words Tieck puts in the mouth of the troubadour
Jeoffroy then we hear Don Quixote's confession: that he has never seen
his beloved, but when he does see her then the reality must surpass his
premonition, as with all beauty when it one day appears unveiled to our
disembodied eye. Except that in Don Quixote's case the premonition itself
already uses a disembodied eye and thus has no organ for perceiving reality
where Dulcinea is concerned, nor indeed can any merely real woman
anywhere be classed with the dream-star Dulcinea. In fact ultimately we
see that on the whole Don Quixote has his existence proved in the waking
dream, his vigour, too, occurs only within that dream and also the energetic
desire-to-be-present in the significant moment occurs exclusively in the Ideal,
seen as existent. Don Quixote's hope-world is for him already so to speak
the real world, namely that of chivalric legend and its ladies; it is only
in and on this world that Don Quixote can impose his presence, a presence
which - with this limitation - is certainly extraordinary. Thus in reality
even Dulcinea, la femme introuvable, is not after all so much the contemplative exception she appears to be; but rather Dulcinea is also presence
in the dream, if only in the untouchable dream of the star. It is just that
the fear of awakening at this point, that of the fantasized highest fulfilment,
is also the most active; so that wicked sorcerers at this point must serve
as an explanation and a device to keep the land of legend intact. A land
of legend which the knight-errant never leaves, which seems to him the
natural, the already natural state of things. The moment in Faust's sense,
as the landing of something unconditional and its intention in the present
unconditional, for Don Quixote, during his utopian period, does not exist
at all as an object of intention but always as supposedly real in the paradise
of his fantasies which hallucinate the intended as already fulfilled. It is
touched on only once, though in a deeply moving manner; right at the
end of the dream-journey, paradoxically right in the middle of the
catastrophe of awakening, on his death-bed. Thus, when an empirical selfidentification finally breaks through in place of that which was permanently
suffused in an antiquarian-utopian way, the dying knight says: 'I have
been a fool but now I have come to my senses, I was Don Quixote de
la Mancha, but now I am Alonso Quixano the Good.' Alonso el Bueno:
it is the quietest, most heart-rending name; not just a delusion, also an
incognito in him is cleared up in this death-scene. Till then the present
1042
had been everywhere and nowhere, i.e. the illusory present of a buriedexisting, transcendent-existing heaven in the dream. Its reality: legend-utopia
asBeing andBeing already as legend-utopia had, as noted above, for the Junker
only been temporarily suspended from view by abnormal incursions of
enemies and demons. Even Dulcinea, la femme introuvable, does not need
to be sought, let alone wooed, she does not even need to be discovered;
only the obstacle must be removed that has come between the loveliest
Here and Now and its knight. The perfectly achieved is available, in the
waking dream and the antiquarian-utopian world that has come down to
it and is suffused by it. Don Quixote thus re-established for himself a relation
which had become utterly untenable, the relation between anticipation
and past, between an unparalleled power of hope and the now deaf heaven
of a now dead class world. The heroic feat of goodness, the gigantic dream
of a future world, was layered into the superstructure of the Middle Ages,
into a fixed, simply prevented, other world. The result was a caricature
of utopia - a pathos to itself, a comedy to others, in practice a history
of the thrashings suffered by the abstractly unconditional. Quixotry is a
bearing which learns nothing and acknowledges nothing changed, which
is never mediated, which fails to see that medieval times have shifted, even
in Spain and especially in its healthy people who are so fond of laughter
and alive to irony, and therefore because of its abstract idealism it is the
caricature of a phantasma bene fundatum and of its constitutive content.
That content is goodness, indeed a golden age, as Don Quixote himself
says, but the road to it is paved with the craziest and most battered abstractions the world has ever known. It is this, this collision, which constitutes
Don Quixote's madness, from this stems his tragi-comic fate. He is the
greatest utopian in fiction but at the same time the travesty of a utopian;
and Cervantes first, foremost and ostensibly has subjected him to nothing
but mockery. But this mockery certainly does not have the last word,
Don Quixote remains a too moving example of utopian-active conscience
for that, one of the initiators of utopia, with huge cloud-castles over the
plain; but the mockery makes clear what a merely abstract dream triggers
off and releases. Self-exaggeration, antiquarian reading and its imitation, hope
with its head in legends, vigour in permanent abstractions: all this in the first
place combines to form a warning against the utopian knight of the lions.
Every dream which skips over things and keeps itself vague belongs
to him. Thus every will to a life which ventures beyond and a full existence
can see in the example of Don Quixote its danger zone, the perspective
of a crazy downfall. It is not the overhauling which constitutes the delusion,
1043
but this: that the overhauling goes into the vacantlyexaggerated, disregarding
the obstacles, unallied with the driving forces of the age before it.
Monuments to Don Quixote could stand in all bohemian quarters, he is
the patron of inadequate, of self-deluding greatness. But this Don Quixote,
transformed from the harmless into the reactionary and then into the
reactionary-terrible, also lives on in the dizzy, politically fraudulent
masquerades of modern times, in political romanticism asa whole. In historical
costume and the knight's armour which no longer comes to the aid only
of the distressed, on the contrary. Here the feudal magic charms: loyalty,
honour, leader, allegiance, are not compatible with the socio-economic
tendency, but rather with tinsel and deception. Even Sancho Panza, at
least the earlier, easily misled Sancho if not the later governor Sancho with
so much sound common sense, even Sancho Panza, as the believer as well
as the object of the deception, has his place here, transformed to suit the
times. It is no accident that the homespun-crafty petit bourgeois became
the squire of the maddest man; it is precisely his utopia (he always has
a vision of a purse of doubloons before him and he wishes to get at it
in the quickest, shortest way) which makes him the Hegeman of delusive
romanticism. A homespun character alone is no safeguard against folly,
indeed because of its short-sightedness and gullibility, which stems partly
from lack of education and partly fromunrectified deficiencies, it is especially
likely to fall for false prophets. In the original of Cervantes, Sancho Panza
falls for a false prophet who is himself without guile, a seducer with a
pure soul; in reality, many a decent fellow has fallen prey to impostors
and political mystification. 'The Return of Don Quixote' is the title of
a remarkable masquerade and prophetic novel by Chesterton: his return
aided and abetted fascism, political romanticism became draped exploitation,
indeed chloroform. And yet from a quite different angle, from the angle
of abstract purity, Don Quixote is clearly the patron saint of honest-abstract
social idealists. In so far as they drag the high, usually the all too high,
down into the lower regions, to remedy morally or indeed to overthrow
what can only be tackled economically, in the homogeneous dirt of the
matter. The seven-armed candlestick is not designed to be taken into the
privies of this world, i.e. social ideals cannot be preached among profiteers.
Even if the revolutionary work must always bear in mind the whole and
the highest ideal of its goal in order to be more than reform, the better
society does not come about through fanaticism or ideal propaganda from
above. Not through a pure soul without habitation in the movements of
the world and without knowledge of the less pure interests which move
1044
the world. Thus almost all idealistic social utopians were and are of Don
Quixote's breed, above all those who recalled lost ideals to the conscience
of the powerful. In fiction, Marquis Posa * belongs here, so too, absolutely,
does Gregers Werle in Ibsen's 'Wild Duck' - a Don Quixote figure under
other stars, calling in ideal debts with no eye for the insolvent, indeed vanished
debtors. In history even such great utopians as Fourier and Owen come close
to the world of Don Quixote in terms of their abstractness. As organizers
of a better - though not an antiquarian-better - world to be installed
immediately, with an abstract plan of construction, in the old. Marx took
exception to Don Quixote precisely because of this kind of utopia; he interpreted the caballero as a complete world-view and as its fate. In the sense,
as Marx says, that Don Quixote himself paid for the error of believing knighterrantry to be equally compatible with all economic forms of society. For
which reason Marx also represents Don Quixote as an incarnation of false
consciousness, of the interpretation of the world by abstract principles. And
it is abstractness which finally makes the resourceful Junker unique even as
poetic unconditionality - in instructive contrast to the other dream-figure of
setting-forth, Faust. Faust, too, was restless, world-weary and full of uncertain premonition, but he attempts to come to terms with the regions
through which he travels, he strengthens and instructs his subjectivity by
means of them. His magic-cloak ride through the world proves to be a progressive concretion, the magic cloak becomes the vehicle of finding and
leaving, of thorough objective experience. Nonetheless, Faust's will to full
existence does not yield, it does not capitulate, the great moment is never
confused with its footprints in the dirt, not even with its legend or its
cathedral. Quixotry, on the other hand, almost everywhere remains in the
pre-world, whether of bohemia, of political romanticism, or of idealistic
utopia; the dream does not land here, or only for a short time, when abused
or legendary. It is true that in the dream of the unconditional, especiallywith
Don Quixote, there lives the complete religious conviction that the given
cannot be the illuminatingly true, that above the logic of facts as they stand
a lost and buried evidence is valid in which alone the hope-truth, as world
for us, dwells. But in Quixotry as method even the passion of purity which
seeks to bring out a world in keeping with itself sinks back into the harmless
or overblown, the inessential and the extravagant. The purpose here is not
to practise pedantry on the comic antics of the resourceful]unker, except
for that which Cervantes himself practises in his countless humorous
* In Schiller's
1045
torment, nastiness and disappointment in this world. Don Quixote can nonetheless be understood in individual-comic terms, in the full callous pleasure of
measuring the distance between desire and ability, the direction and the goal.
Seen as a whole, an individual conducting himself gloriously, heroically, goes
under in his exaggerated and foolish antics, a doer without deeds, a quester
without an answer. Because the helpful Junker carries on like this, because
Don Quixote masters nothing, is crushed by the merest bagatelles and yet
ultimately finds that his exaggerated ego goes under in the naked truth of
his emptiness, as his messianic dream does in conjuring the ghosts of history,
this same retarded character, rejected by earth and by heaven, can do nothing
but perform a harmless act, which represents no one, is comic and therefore
humiliatingly indulged, before unmoved nothingness, before the unblinking
lion of fate. Almost everything sublime here turned to folly and chimera, even
though it is the folly of a full existence and the chimera of a messianic ideal.
And yet the last, most telling word about the convoluted man has not
yet been spoken. No figure seems so much of a piece, but none becomes
more ambiguous when contemplated for a long time. The laughter is joined
by the radiance which emanates from Don Quixote, and it is not simply
refuted by the laughter, by the warning. The Junker is a half-wise fool,
a very perforated fool, with patches of light in his head. He acts within
his delusion circumspectly, indeed he sometimes astonishes with his sober
judgements, almost as if the delusion was only feigned. Don Quixote says
on his deathbed, when urged by Sancho Panza to return to further chivalric
nonsense, with the people around him indulgently playing along: 'Steady
on, gentlemen, it's no good looking for birds in last year's nests' (II,
Chap. 74). In this sentence he anticipated the entire later socio-economic
refutation of chivalry. Granted, he spoke this sentence only after he had
come to his senses, but had not Don Quixote known even beforehand
that several of his birds of paradise were notin the nest at all? He took them
from the past, but only because the past seemed more human, more fit
for human beings than a present stripped of all chivalrousness. Don Quixote
did not extract from the feudal age the holy tithe and its ideology as political
romanticism did, he saw the knight-errantry of yore as nonetheless a nobler
guiding image than the budding bourgeoisie. The later bourgeoisie, in
its still revolutionary stance against the 'dark Middle Ages', certainly
transformed Cervantes into a liberal, and his ironic-ostensible intention:
'to hold up to ridicule the fabulous and senseless stories in the books of
chivalry throughout the world' - was made absolute. It is certainly a
1047
1049
1050
IOSI
1052
IOS3
1054
are completed at a very early age and almost as complete is the arena assigned
to them, indeed the fate assigned to them, within the group-like framework
of which, for all their mobility, they behave as if spellbound. Man on
the other hand, seen from the animal's perspective, is a helpless premature
birth with long-lasting malleability, long-obstructed maturation and rigidity,
and just as open as his organization remains his environment, remain the
limits of mankind. The animal is complete when it can maintain the species,
with man the decisive development only begins with puberty. The animal
is actually as if pressed into its surroundings, and the surroundings in turn,
with a correspondence bordering on mimicry, are entered on to the animal's
own design; the human being changes his environment through work,
it is only through it that he becomes a human being, i.e, a subject of
the changing of the world. He can thus lose his connection with the
primeval human subject and even more so with the primeval natural arena
to which animals, each after its fashion, are attuned in such an amazing
and multiply protected way; whereas the human imprint on history is so
old and so powerful that the primeval human subject and the primeval
environment from which homo sapiens started out and has since drifted
away are now scarcely known. The metamorphosis of man, through socioeconomic causes, is the same as the real, irreversible history of mankind
itself. And the 'most highly bred' or front types are not the most decadent as in the animal kingdom but those with the healthiest capacity for
becoming: human becoming, entering into the Novum. These are the
venturers beyond the limits or pioneers, often allied to the best that men
want at a given time or at all times, and its emissaries. They are therefore
utopian types; and in this character they are also united as fictional, as
ideally presented types. The Quixotic and the Faustian is united in a
previously drawn firing-line, despite the differences, clear as in any didactic
play, between abstractness in the former and the workings of the world
in the latter. Only man has the freedom of this transition, one into the
seventh day where otherwise everything rests except him. This is why
animals can be demonic or 'venturers beyond the limits' in the manner
of the dinosaurs of the Jurassic period, venturers beyond the limits into
the monstrous-tropical, but they cannot be - Luciferian, i.e. makers of
consciousness, creators of light, changers of the world. This involves
remaining for a time at the transition, at the bridge of the transition and
of human aurora: this new day beckons to new shores, consequently a
day unlike any other that has yet shone forth upon the world. Man in
society thus forms around him an environment different from what was
lOSS
105 6
1057
VENTURING BEYOND
AND MOST INTENSE WORLD OF MAN
IN MUSIC
51
If I could wish for something, I would wish for neither wealth nor power,
but the passion of possibility; I would wish only for an eye which, eternally
young, eternally burns with the longing to see possibility.
Kierkegaard, The Moment
'Faust', Part II, 6445-8. These lines are spoken by the Astrologer.
loS8
The tone goes with us and is We, not only as the graphic arts merely go
with us to the grave, though they previously seemed to point so far beyond
us into the severe, the objective, the cosmic, but as good works also go with
us beyond the grave; and this is precisely becausethe new, no longer pedagogical
but real symbol in music seems so very low, seems so much only a fiery outburst
in our atmosphere, although it is in fact a light in the most distant, but the
innermost heaven of fixed stars.
159
of a scale. This, i.e. music, began modestly, it came about only with the
invention of the shepherd's pipe or panpipe. This handy instrument, which
could be carried anywhere, comes from a different social class than the noiseproducing, frighteningly cultic musical instruments. Used mostly by
shepherds, the panpipe served for closer, more human feelings and their expression. It does not have to deafen or perform magic like the twirling stick,
cymbals, or the magically painted, itself magically worshipped drum. On
the contrary it remains, apart from pure entertainment, on the level of lovelonging and, where traces of magic remained, of love-enchantment. The
sound of the shepherd's pipe, the panpipe, or of the syrinx as the Greeks called
it (it means the same in all these cases),is supposed to reach the distant beloved.
Thus music begins longingly and already definitely as a call to that which is
missing. Among the Indians of the Rocky Mountains this belief is still
widespread today: the young Indian goes out on to the plain and laments
his love on the panpipe, at which the girl is supposed to weep, however far
away she is. The panpipe has sincecome a long way, it is the primeval ancestor
of the organ, but far more than this: it is the birthplace of music as a human
expression, a sounding wishful dream. To this not only an Indian beliefbears
witness but - precisely in its place - one of the loveliest tales of antiquity.
The origin and content of music are charmingly and allegorically indicated
in this tale. It was told by Ovid, who relates the following of the Arcadian
pipe and its content (Metam. I, 689-712): Pan was disporting with nymphs
and chased after one of them, the tree-nymph Syrinx. She flees from him,
she sees her way blocked by a river, she implores the waves, her 'Iiquidas
sorores', to transform her, Pan grabs for her and finds nothing but reeds in
his hands. During Pan's lamentations for his lost beloved, the breeze produces
sounds in the reeds, and their harmony moves the god. Pan breaks the reeds,
longer, then shorter ones, sticks the finely graded pipes together with wax
and plays the first tones, like the breeze, but with living breath and as a lament.
Thus the panpipe came into being, playing gives Pan the consolation of a
union with the nymph ('hoc mihi conloquium tecum manebit'*) who has
vanished and yet not vanished, who remained in his hands as the sound of
the flute. Thus far Ovid; memory of primeval times, of the primeval history
of music, as a pathos of lament for the absent, is intended in this tale, makes
it unsentimental and, along with true allegories, matter-of-fact. Quite apartfrom Pan, even geographically the panpipe did not originate in 'Greece but
in Eastern Asia in the third millennium B.C., it rapidly spread across
* 'this conversation with you will continue forever".
1060
the whole earth, especially among pastoral tribes. But gracefully and deeply
though the need for music is indicated in this tale, it describes just as truly
the small, momentous invention of music as human expression. Precisely
in the contrast of the syrinx with cult instruments and sound instruments,
with noises of the dull, screaming, howling, rattling kind. Into this cultic
world of sound the instrument now enters, which causes a well-ordered
tone series to be heard; and with the unity of syrinx and nymph Ovid
described the goal towards which the tone series moves, which has always
been a drawing of lines in the invisible. It is a contradictory-utopian goal:
this pipe-playing is the presence of the vanished; that which has passed
beyond the limit is caught up again by this lament, captured in this
consolation. The vanished nymph has remained behind as sound, she adorns
and prepares herself within it, plays to need. The sound comes from a
hollow space, is produced by the fecundating breeze and still remains in
the hollow spacewhich it causes to resound. The nymph became the reeds,
the instrument, like her, is called syrinx. Only even today it is still not
rightly known what music itself is called and who it is.
1061
its head and carries it out in a bizarre hero, in a strange Helen. The
programme outlines the intention of the composer and the outermost,
as it were still extra-musical, doors of the work: a young artist sees the
girl who embodies in her person all his dreams. The beloved image never
appears to him except accompanied by a musical idea, a theme passionate
but noble and shy in character; this melody forms the idee fixe, one both
pursuing and pursued. The countersubject to the main theme comes in
the central movement, this second theme does not appear, as is usually
the case, in softness, but as blurredness, sleep, standstill. Out of the shrill,
often spasmodic developments the idea of the first theme returns, at first
darkened, sinking into ever deeper notes, then with great magnificence,
but always the magnificence of a mere image of longing, which has become
sharp and significant, vanishing. The return of the theme in C major at
the end of the first movement is happiness, but happiness unattained, it
is the star, but like the star in the distance. And Stella leaves the first
movement, entitled 'Dreams, Sufferings', goes through the scherzo, 'A
Ball', through an adagio, 'Scene in the Fields', which is certainly unique,
through the march-finale: 'On the Way to the Place of Execution', through
the fugue-finale: 'Dream on a Sabbath Night'. The scherzo brings the
theme into dance rhythms, the adagio transforms it into solitary recitatives,
into dialogue in audible fields - a voice alone, the other no longer answers,
complete stillness - there is distant thunder below the horizon. There is
a tremendous plain between the melos of the theme and the distant, sealed,
disparate thunder; in this adagio Berlioz produced a pastorale which is
equalled only in the mysticism of Chinese landscape paintings. The march
of the fourth and the bacchanale of the fifth movement, with a double
fugue consisting of Dies irae and witches' sabbath; cut to pieces and play
havoc with the theme; finally the beloved melody appears once again, rattled
off on the clarinet, limp, dirty and common. But always, even in the final
movement, Stella remains both absent and musically present. She sounds
even among the grimaces, the bacchanalian death-knells, the parodied Dies
irae with which the 'Symphonie fantastique' ends. It is the unenjoyed which
fills this great colportage of music; the Not-Yet, indeed even the Never,
likewise has its most characteristic existence from the air-roots of sound.
The pneumatic mesh of sound forms the location of the idee fixe or the
jungle through which the hunt towards it goes, Voices, which to others
are silent, Merlin hears gliding past; Berlioz, also one of the magicians
among composers, makes them loud. The above-mentioned drawing of
lines in the invisible in Berlioz becomes shrill, and the lament for Syrinx
1062
demonic. Here that which is absent, indeed unconditional, dwells not in the
finale, which is the most dubious part of every symphony anyway. It is
in the faint thunder of the scene in the fields, in the answer which is no
answer but which contains the unfound answer in the context which the
significant pause before the thunder produces in this coda. And this with
fine adagio and its evening-like, long-drawn-out, distantly defamiliarized
heath of sound, with a rest which is not silence.
1063
of the tension of the fifth and now make a more complicated cadence, i.e.
history of music. Social tendencies themselves have been reflected and have been
uttered in sound material, far beyond the unchanging facts of nature and far
beyond the merely romantic expressivo. No art is as socially conditioned as
the supposedly spontaneous, indeed mechanically self-righteous art of music;
it teems with historical materialism, precisely with the historical kind. To
incipient free enterprise corresponds the dominance of the melody-leading
treble and the mobility of the other voices,just as cantus firmus in the middle
and graded polyphony corresponded to societydivided into estates. No Haydn
and Mozart, no Handel and Bach, no Beethoven and Brahms, without their
respective precisely varied social mandate; it extends from the form of the
performance right to the characteristic style of the tonal material and its composition, to the expression, the meaning of the content. Handel's oratorios
in their festive pride reflect rising imperialist England, its aptness to be the
chosen people. No Brahms without the bourgeois concert society and even
no music of 'new objectivity' , * of supposed expressionlessness, without the
gigantic rise of alienation, objectification and reification in late capitalism.
It is the consumer class and its mandate, it is the emotional and goal-world
of the respective ruling class, which in each casebecomes expressive in music.
And at the same time music, by virtue ofits so immediately human capacity
of expression, has more than other arts the quality of incorporating the
numerous sufferings, the wishes and the spots of light of the oppressed class.
And again no art has so much surplus over the respective time and ideology
in which it exists, a surplus which of course certainly does not abandon the
human layer. It is the surplus of hope-material, even in the resounding
suffering occasioned by time, society, world, even in death; the 'Strike, 0
longed-for hour, longed-for hour, strike' of the Bach cantata goes through
the darkness and, as sound, by the fact that it can be there, gives an incomprehensible consolation. Expression ofa human content is therefore clearly not confined
to the Romantic, as if this were everything and everything else mere tonemachine. As if only Beethoven, in some of his slower movements, and then
most exorbitantly Wagner, had added this element to music: so that expression
in Wagner in places turns into a true sale, a selling-off of soul. Instead
it turns out, as will now have to be shown, that pre-Romantic music intended,
in connection with social content, an expression which confesses itself far
more naively than the modern. For the Greeks regarded even the panpipe
cr.
as exciting, the lyre as idyllic, the Dorian key was regarded as powerful and
well-disposed, the Lydian as female, as that of passive feelings. Then the
vocalises* and jubilations of medieval music, they were not only flourishes
and melismatic sweeps, they overhauled precisely the word for the sake of
an utterly exalted expression. Hence Augustine says of the jubilus of the
hallelujah: 'When man is moved in the exaltation of joy, after a few sounds
which are not part of language and have no real meaning, he breaks into a
rejoicing without words, so that it appears that he is moved in such a song
ofjoy but cannot put into words what moves him.' Even the recitatives of
Peri and Monteverdi, in the first operas around 1600, took up medieval
vocalises and tropes, precisely as expressive. And the earlier, so much more
complicated art, the contrapuntal mesh of movement of the Dutch, certainly
did not preclude an expression sui generis, namely the late Gothic-Christian
one. That which is criticized in the work of the Dutch contrapuntalists as
'artificiality' or even as 'show-score', that which has been called the
formalism of decadent late Gothic, may be partly so only because its reanimation, in purely technical terms, has not yet been achieved. josquin
wrote a motet for 24 voices, containing a sixfold strict canon in every one of
the four parts, and nonetheless his contemporary Luther, in other respects an
enemy of scholasticism, says: 'Josquin is the master of notes; they had to do
what he wanted; other composers have to do what the notes want to do. '
This sentence can only refer to the rule of will and of expression which
permeated Josquin's gigantic filigree or many-tiered gigantic construction.
In the work of Palestrina and of Orlando di Lasso, as the harmonic style
begins to emerge, the unity of anima christiana and its tonal structure,
Raphaelite in the former, early Baroque in the latter, is quite evident. Indeed
Bach, the most learned and at the same time the most deeply soulful music,
makes the antithesis between expression and canon meaningless. Utterly
wrong though the romanticizing which occurred in Mendelssohn's rendering
of Bach is, equally an understanding of Bach cannot be achieved by mere
dead dismissal of Romanticism, as if nothing remained after it but reified
form. Bach- certainly cannot be used by interested enemies of all meaning as
lattice as such, let alone as a model of the apparatization which late capitalism
has certainly achieved. Here this 'new objectivity' in relation to Bach
reproduces with a supposedly positive significance the judgement which
was common half a century after Bach's death and which in fact submerged
him as the greatest musician. The judgement that Bach is mere music of the
* Vocalise: a musical passage sung on one vowel.
1065
1066
Passions may not even appear extravagant: 'From the viewpoint of pure
music, Bach's harmonizations are completely mysterious, because he does
not set out in search of a sequence of tones which forms an aesthetic whole
in itselfbut allows himself to be led by the poetry and the verbal expression.
How far he dares to depart in this endeavour from the natural principles of
the pure movement can be seen in the harmonization of "Should it ever be
that punishment and pain" in the cantata' 'Who will redeem such a wretched
man as me" (No. 48), which as pure music seems almost unbearable because
Bach is trying to express the entire wild pain of sin in the words ... Rather
than resigning himself simply to writing beautiful music for the text, he
attempts the possible and the impossible in order to discover a feeling in the
words which, multiplied by a certain heightening emotion, becomes portrayable in music' (A. Schweitzer, '}. S. Bach', I9SI, pp. 403, 408).Although
this is written still too powerfully under the spellof neo-Romantic expression,
Schweitzer is completely right in terms of the centre, in that of the ruling
musical precept of language. Indeed on top of the expressive power of the
individual tone-sketches which Schweitzer quotes in especiallylarge number
comes not least that of true tone-paintings, particularly in terms oflegendary
diffusions of emotion. Modulations of key frequently occur purely for the
sake of reflecting mythical processes ofjubilation, most clearly in the theme
of the Resurrection. As in the music to the 'Et exspecto resurrectionem
mortuorum'" in the Mass in B minor, the exspecto appears hesitant,
doubting, the bass sings six notes down the scale, then comes a stop, and
now follows the transformation which confirms the expectation: the keys
run through their modulations from G minor to A major to D minor to the
D major of a vivace allegro in which the trumpets come in, Bach's invariable
tone-colour of victory. And the primacy ofexpression merely operates more
covertly in Bach's purely instrumental music, which is not opened to emotion
by any text-world. Certainly the fugue contains no lyrical-emotional, but
instead dynamic tension of expression, it is compressed in the theme, the
exposition raises the theme contrapuntally up to eight voices and resolves
it victoriously. So here too there can be no question of observance of laws
for their own sake or even of a formalistic isolation from the Humanum which
at that time carried a heavy burden but protested all the more hotly in the
heights. Equally expressive in its nature, although in its final expression still
unconquered, is the crystal-music in the organ fugues, with all their crystal;
it is here least autarkical of all. And the more worldly works from Bach's
* 'And I await the resurrection of the dead. '
1067
Cothen period, above all the Brandenburg Concertos, their magnificent and
elegant structure, their variations and their thematic intensification of fullness,
display a highly sociable-dynamic expression; it does not blossom out of arithmetical sums, Thus expressionis also part of pre-Romantic music, is immanent
to good musical form and pinned only on bad musical form. It is not blown
into good musical form by expressive performance, rather the rendering, however much it has to make the spirit of the lines and forms sound, finds it in the
lines and forms themselves, and of course only in these. In the forms not
as reification and an end in themselves but as means towards a word-surpassing
or wordless statement, ultimately always towards the shaping of a - call.
When people go into the meadows of Biedermeier" , the sentimental voice
often breaks in. It exaggerates or overheats greatly, emits soul free of charge,
is effect without cause. It is found in Romantic music, only in this, but
significantly never in its well-worked passages. And it is not desire for expressionlessness but for genuine musically-founded expression which objects to
an addition which makes the nymph Syrinx greasy and the ancestral
desiderium in music cheap. Yet better origins of this falsefeeling are certainly
not lacking, they are probably connected with a warm popular tone as the
popular ballad began to disappear. The damage begins as early as the intonation of the count in the last act of The Marriage of Figaro: '0 Angel, forgive
me'; it continues in Florestan's 'In the Spring Days of Life' . It culminates,
among other things, in the prize-song of the otherwise so robustly-powerful
'Meistersinger', it makes itself deeply felt in the 'Recordare Jesu pie't of
Verdi's otherwise so thoroughly authentic Requiem; finally it presents itself
with all the heat of the cello, if not cynically, in the heartfelt tone of the dyer:
'You are entrusted to my care' , in Strauss' 'Woman without a Shadow' .
All these are mere side-examples, but in pre-Romantic music their pastoso
would have had no place at all, and in Romantic music it is a danger. In
Wagner, for example, in many passages, particularly in 'The Ring', shrill
or with Wotan-mellifluousness, for all the genius. The unique expressive
advance, the sleep-motif, Erda-motif in 'The Ring', the madness and
Midsummer Day motif in the 'Meistersinger', and so many treasures, deep
insights, the unrest-homesickness power of this music and of its articulations
were too often paid for by long indulgence in autarkical sing-song rhetoric.
Among great poets only Schiller was dogged by the spell of a lopsided.,
Biedenneier: the period of bourgeois culture in Gennany before 1848, characterized by its
domestic style. See Vol. I, p. 324".
t 'Holy Jesus remember'. From Thomas de Celano's thirteenth-century sacred poem 'Dies
Irae", the text for the 'Requiem'.
~o68
expressiveness, one which by no means coincides with pathos, not even With
false pathos. The alien element is manifold, it lies in the meaningless languor
of the Romantic violin tone, in the bombastic, threatening songs of Wagner
heroines, it is everywhere effect from affects or affect from effects.
Undoubtedly the music of high Romanticism was particularly at risk here,
and undoubtedly there were causesfor this which in more progressive regions
have at least been seen through and are no longer affirmed. The social cause
was the broad bourgeoisie of the large towns with its need for amorphous
nerve-stimulation, and on top of this above all the petit bourgeoisie with
its cut-price consumption of feeling. Technically, the psychical, all too
psychical alien element was promoted by middle parts used in pictorial rather
than plastic fashion, by heavy instrumentation, rhythm which was
languorous or over-heated on principle. Tchaikovsky is frequently an entire
monument to this kind of espressivo (not forgetting the first act of The
Valkyrie). But of course such extravagance is neither the real expression of
Romantic music nor even in this music is its real expression divorced from
great technical structure or pinned to it. Expression is and remains so much
the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem of music that good music shapes
it as necessarily as bad music trumps it up and makes the espressivo into its
opposite: meaninglessness. All unformed, illegal expression in Romanticism,
which discredited it, is not under discussion, the mere body-heat, stableheat, cow-heat of music, as Thomas Mann says, which lacks strict regulation
and delight in laws. This is the refuse of Romanticism, not the classicism
which Romanticism represents precisely in music. The quartet in 'Fidelia',
the quintet in the 'Meistersinger', contain canonical-Romantic expressive
music; both, for this very reason, are also the best-constructed. It is just
as impossible not to hear their voice-control because of their spiritualization
as it is conversely impossible not to hear the pathos immanent for example
in the Crucifixus of Bach's Mass in B minor because of its magnificent contrapuntal miraculous construction. It is true that Romantic music has sometimes
also given its expression literary signposts which are superfluous (Beethoven's
Pastoral Symphony's title) or which in fact do not lead to the best (elaborate
programme symphonies from Berlioz to Strauss). But even here an intramusical business was still being run: music was to be educated through
the already given imaginary sequence to ever greater expressive definiteness.
It was of course again a danger that music, contrary to its latent expressive
power which goes far beyond all known words, was interpreted as the
mere illustration of literary aids to imagination. However, even here and
all the more so in all higher settings of texts to music, the textual expressive
1069
But no one has yet heard Mozart, Beethoven, Bach asthey truly call, name, teach;
this will happen only much later, in the fullest after-ripening of these and
of all great works. Hence without the veil over the ears and throughout
music at its own time and place, the veil which is there because the tone
does not yet have or allow to be heard the full speaking light of its
understanding. Among the arts, music has a very special juice, * suitable
for the invocation of that still wordless something which is added instrumentally to the song and in the sung word may also penetrate to its undertone
and surplus. The utopian art of music, in its polyphonic fonn still so young,
is thus itself moving towards its own utopian career, of thoroughly
developed exprimatio (in the and instead of the sentimental or even
* Cf. 'Faust' Part I, 1740.
I
1070
~NTURING
BEYOND IN MUSIC
1071
1072
has entered into the unsound machinery of art, like Saul among the prophets.
The subject status of music in the quadrivium of medieval university courses
remains influential here: music, together with arithmetic, geometry and
astronomy, consituted a science. It was the Pythagorean, mathematicalastronomical theory of music which gave this art its place in the quadrivium,
which indeed exalted it into a very superior, cosmically regulated science.
According to this view, music was anything but a shapeless roaring or
warm foggy fulfilment; on the contrary, Kepler connected it to the heavenly
bodies, to the realm of purest revolutions, to the most objective realm
in the world. Here it does not surge from feeling but pours down from
the planets, primarily on to the earth and only then on to men: "The work
and the destiny of the earth-soul is to stimulate the perspiration of the
earth, so that rain may be produced and the earth moistened for our benefit.
To this work it is driven by the stimulus of the aspects, as it were a heavenly
music; it does not do a stroke unless heaven calls the tune ... But the reason
for the comparison of the astronomical aspects with music is that the circle
divided according to aspects and the monochord divided according to
harmonies have the same divisions' Qohannes Kepler in seinen Briefen,
1930, I, p. 289f.).Thus while music in the sense of mood is lodged entirely
in vagueness, music in the sense of proportion, the art of composition,
has from the earliest times been mathematicized. While music as mood
is supposed to cease to be music once it has .been arranged comprehensibly, and therefore passed over into plastic art, into poetry, music as form,
as proportion, is supposed to become all the more itself the more it expresses
itself in accordance with laws and is cosmographic. While music as mood
remains in the shaft of the soul, indeed seems the most chthonic of all
arts, so-called musica mathematica becomes completely Uranian, lands in
heaven. These are therefore utterly different controversies than those
between expression and form, although they are related to them, on a
higher theoreticalleveI. And the effect is that the great sophistication of
musical craft particularly easily becomes reified at times when expressive
contents are rare. It has been said that the composer combines in his person
the shaman and the engineer; but only the engineer, now that Romantic
exuberance is discredited, seems more modern. Thus precisely the craft
of music is denied its expressive mandate, it is utterly allied with the physics
of sound, though this is highly developed. Not only melos without
expression arises as a problem here but - from the perspective of the ideal
and the image of perfection of the autarkical canon - melos without ego at
all, music based on laws. Again and again the Pythagorean, indeed the
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p. 846.
174
that between expression and good form, which in reality are one and gladly
stand by each other. Likewise music as a harmonic-contrapuntal world of
laws only conflictswith music asa utopian existence-soundwhen the world
of laws, i.e. the specific perfection of its means, has been reified and made
absolute; when the goal-image: best musicis lost in musicwithout an epithet,
in the mere self-guaranteeof melodic-contrapuntal consequence; when the
counterpoint has become a kind of auditory formal fetish. But the moment
this making absolute is avoided and neither musicin which nothing expressive
can be felt occurs nor the science corresponding to it is rampant in which
nothing revealing can be thought of, then the sodeepandfar-aiming intention
of music blossoms out and sets out on its way preciselyin its theory ofform.
Against the merelywafting, againstthe unlocalized warmth of tone, the craft
then mediates definitely a world of laws, not an automatic one but that of the
Mozartian, Bachian, amdBeethovenian humanities which have not yet become
the canon but havebecome canonical. And here even the last transparencyof
a craft made absolute: the cosmos-reference of music, i.e. the harmony of the
spheres secularized againand again,ultimatelyno longercauses damage,indeed
has to servefor the best. For the best and the pre-depictive, which precisely
also causes nature to sound as a - pastorale, in a humanely signficant way.
Thus the tone now goes out a long way, and it has armed itself for the
journey. The formed tone hasprecise rule and finn understanding- for which
painters have always envied it. The musical craft was of all guild trades the
earliest to be rationalized, it consisted not only of empirically tested tricks of
the trade and professional secrets of the masters. The art of measurement and
the rule of true proportion with which Leonardo and Durer experimented had
already, mutatis mutandis, long existedin the musical canon. One mainreason
for this salutary rationalization was the classical tradition which introduced
music as a science. Thus music becameone of the sevenartes liberalesof the
medievaluniversity and was included in the quadrivium. * Certainly a high
pricewas paid for this tradition, through the exaggeration of numericalproportion, and it was almost without connection to musical practice, indeed
Pythagorean speculations were a hindrance to this practice. Nonetheless, the
traditional rationalization was a blessing for the polyphony which began in
the eleventh century; it was not Pythagoras but rather the closeness to the
scholasticmode of thinking and teaching which made possiblethe miracles
of subtletyconstructedby the Burgundian-Flemish contrapuntalists. Painters
The higher division of the seven liberal arts in the Middle Ages. The quadrivium consisted
of the mathematical sciences, i.e, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music.
1075
made their empirical way through the workshops, stonemasons had their
lodge, with an often mysterious interweaving of the art of measurement
and Gnosis passed on through oral tradition, but at the same time as richer
polyphony its rational books of theory are already found, a 'Speculum
musicae' by Jean de Muris, by Jacob ofLiege in 1330, as well as an 'Ars nova'
and'Ars contrapuncti' by Philipp of Vitry. And a connection appeared which .
so far has not been pursued at all and yet maintains the proud rationality of
counterpoint even today: the connection with scholastic logic, ormore precisely
with itsforms of combination. It is significant that Boethius, the same writer
who in his' Ars musica' handed down the Greek science of music, translated
and commented on Aristotle's Logic for the same world and in many cases
for the same people. Abelard praised Boethius as the epitome of all insight
in matters of music; and although this judgment changed in the contrapuntal
centuries after Abelard, it was supported by the authority of the various conversiones and contrapositiones of a proposition in logic which Boethius had
likewise been the first to mediate. The difference between rules of art in
counterpoint and rules of truth in logic did not stand in the way of this crossconnection. For apart from the status of musie in the quadrivium as one of
the seven artes liberales, scholastic logic had long since ceased to be
1076
serves. And now again we come to the most famous support of the entire
musical delight in laws: theharmony of thespheres anditsdaughter, thecosmic
theory of music. For there is in its mythical-utopian archetype yet another
essence besides that which the half..P ythagoras, namely the ostensible
correlate of mere laws of music as such, has become. And the task is now
to break open this other essence in a humane way, in a connection, itself
broken, with the cosmic theory of music. This theory ruled for all too
long, but it taught the work of music to think very highly of itself. With
the Pythagorean prohibition of the third and the sixth it hindered the
development of music, but it provided the music which arose in spite of
this with ambition towards a tremendous correlate. It is incurable astral
myth, but it gave the dream of musical perfection a counterpart to what
the supposed canon of the world structure had been in architecture for
so long (cf. Vol. II, p. 714ff.). Indeed whereas this latter canon (right
up to Solomon's temple) often operated only poetically or in secret schools,
the music of the spheres, precisely in scholastic Ratio itself, from its
beginnings until far beyond it, was assigned to earthly..learned music as
its ideal model: 'Early medieval musical theory was as faithful a follower
of the music of the spheres as the Pythagorean school itself... Thus the
proposition of the Church Fathers that church music came from God and
had its model in the singing of the heavenly hosts found as it were
philosophical support' (Abert, Die Musikanschauung des Mittelalters, 195,
p. 154). The Solomon's temple of music was called the song of the planets,
from Augustine onwards the song of angels; the intervals, which the
Pythagoreans had equated with the distances between the planets, now
corresponded to the ordines angelorum. Although even in Christianity
the connection with the planets never broke: Ambrosius, who founded
Christian church music, taught precisely the mysterious music of the
universe as the prototype and model of earthly music; he said that King
David had introduced the art of psalmody (the heavens sing the glory of
the eternal God)" in imitation of the music of the planets. The Carolingian
scholar of music Aurelian of Reome, one of the most influential renewers
of Greek keys, certainly established a connection between the eight keys
and the planetary movements; hut at the same time his musical discipline
taught: 'In hoc (sc. cantandi officio) angelorum choros imitamus. 't Thus
the framework of music became a cosmic as well as a holy one, with
Cf. Gellert, Geistliche Oden und Lieder, I7S7.
r 'In this [i.e. the discipline of singing) we imitate the choirs of the angels.'
177
these sublime sound-figures of memory: 'The sun resounds with its old
song/Competing with its brother spheres.' * And natural science, which
removed such gods from the world, was in its early stages still deeply
embedded in Pythagoreanism. Kepler himself, one of the shatterers of the
old world-picture, clung to the music of the spheres, even described it
according to the counterpoint of his age. In Kepler, the 'lyra Apollinis
vel Solis' has become a Baroque orchestra, in full polyphony: 'The planetary
motions are therefore nothing but a continuing harmony ... all in a sixvoiced movement as it were' (with the six planets as individual voices)
'organizing and interrupting the infinity of time with these notes. And
thus moreover it is not remarkable that man, the imitator of his creator,
has arrived at the understanding of this polyphonic music which was sealed
to the ancients, so that in the brief fraction of an hour he-depicts the constant
flow of world history with an elaborate polyphonic structure of sound
and thus enjoys, in the sweetest feeling of bliss, something like the creative
joy of God in his work, a feeling which music, imitating God, imparts
to him' (Harmonices mundi V, chap. 7). Finally, as might be expected,
the Romantic philosophy of nature made a further contribution to the
old magic of heaven, most audibly in Schelling: his 'Philosophy of Art'
seeks 'to fix the highest meaning of rhythm, harmony and melody'
astronomically once again. Here, rhythm and one-voice melody such as
the classical world possessed are assigned to the world of the planets, whereas
harmony and counterpoint, as supposedly intricate movement, are assigned
to the - comets. But otherwise the entire astronomical theory of music
is renewed again here, though of course it was already as alien to contemporary music as it was cosmically constructed: 'On the wings of harmony
and of rhythm the heavenly bodies hover; what has been called centripetal
and centrifugal force is nothing but - rhythm in the latter, harmony in
the former. Borne up by the same wings, music hovers in space, in order
to weave an audible universe from the transparent body of sound and tone'
(Werke V\ p. 503). Therefore, the history of the harmony of the spheres
remains the history of the canonical structure of the world in music, and then of
the Solomon's temple in music, hence of the most highly intended formutopia. Of course this form-utopia is utopian only as one remote in space,
its wishful dream is regarded as already existing in another place. Wishful
time, and consequently real utopia, enters into these variations on the
harmony of the spheres, into the supposed harmonic completeness of
* 'Faust't Prologue, 2.43-4.
1079
creation, only in so far as its wishful space is not thought of as being filled
with the music of angels per se but with the music of a future Jerusalem.
This occurs in older accounts of - a happy death, where the departing
soul, passing away in a state of grace, believes he can hear the joy to come
singing from the Beyond. This lives on in the various references to - musical
miracles until well into the Baroque, one which stands for many others
being in the book 'On the three seculis', 1660, by the Joachite and
Rosicrucian Sperber: 'When in 1596 a chapel without a door was
unexpectedly found in Jerusalem, a lovely harmony was .heard within,
like an angelic or heavenly musica. Thus there was no doubt that the
new saeculum and the joyful time would then begin in a few years, when
with eternal joy of heart we will hear the entire heavenly musicam of
which the earthly is only the beginning.' And in connection with this
we recall, in a region which is certainly not heretical, the above-mentioned
exclamation of Pius IV on hearing Palestrina's Marcellus Mass: 'Here a
John in the earthly Jerusalem gives us a sensation of that song heard by
John the apostle in the heavenly Jerusalem, prophetically enraptured.' (cf.
Vol. II, p. 833). An epigonic echo of this kind is to be found in Pfitzner's
'Palestrina', at the end of the first act, where the creation of the Marcellus
Mass is portrayed: one angel's voice, then several, then dizzying depths
of angelic choirs sing the movement to the 'inspired' composer. A truly
still believed background of heavenly enthronement is intended in
Bruckner's majestic triads, a reverberation of cherub voices seems to be
reflected in the octave leap, divided into fifths, which runs through his
Te Deum. And now: the hypostatized mythic element in the astral as well
asthe Christian-astral wishful orientation is clear beyond all discussion, although
even theoretically it still has not died out to- this day. Nevertheless, the
positive aspect in this incurable astral myth of music should not be denied,
the positive element which denotes its breaking-down, humane-utopian
breaking-open and this only. The positive element of a very greatly
conceived form-correlate of true music should be correctly estimated, but
with concrete-utopian rejunctioning into macranthropos. There certainly are
stars in music, but they are stars which have formed only as human names.
There certainly are sublime orders in harmonic theory and counterpoint,
but they are called Mozart or Bach or Beethoven, and their substance is
the existere expressed through these categories, in the close medium of
sound. There certainly is a transparent relation, if not of harmony then
of rhythm and of counterpoint, but it does not operate from some detached
structure of these forms itself, let alone from the so long believed-in music
1080
of the universe, but from the great composers and their All, which has
objectified itself in these forms. After such objectification has occurred,
a counterpoint can certainly be applied, not to a kingdom of higher laws
but to the sounding-utopian subject-object content as it is articulated by
Mozart or Bach or Beethoven; - by virtue of this inward force a universe
also sounds. And the supposed world-temple which resounds as music?
It was useful because it prevented this seemingly so subject-bound art from
becoming sounding privateness. Precisely this is the best for which the
harmony of the spheres did serve and could serve: it wrested music from
the mere inner light, especially from mere psychology. But if even architecture according to 'cosmic proportions' never let people forget that it was
primarily and ultimately oriented to social needs and human proportions,
then this was even more true of music which, like no other art, is related
to the latent subject and to the object which entirely corresponds to it.
The language sought and intended in music therefore lies much further
beyond existing designations and even beyond the Becomenesses designated
in them than any other art. It overhauls the settled known facts of the
contents of feeling and every already clear, fixed Becomeness of scenery;
it does so even where music, in the song, the oratorio and the opera, seems
merely to provide an accompaniment to a text. Music reflects reality in
the aura-appearances of its 'naturing' which have not yet been controlled
or grasped in pictorial or even often in poetic terms. What skilled music
thus conveys, in utterance as emotional as it is illuminating, is intensive
root, signalled social tendency, or - in the varied pastorale - a newly
de-reified world of nature overheard as a sound-figure. Thus music, even
as the delight in laws of composition and precisely as such, talks the
premonitory language of that which fills the human and the humanly related
bosom of all existence, therefore belongs largely to the thrusting unrest and
dawning possibility in realitate. Here music is undoubtedly just as much
threatened by mere animal blood-warmth with regard to its intensiveness
as by all too great openness, by a still general lack of clarity with regard
to its gigantic horizons, but both precisely are the (provisional) dark side
of its expressive virtue which ventures forward so deeply and so far. And
above all: from the Gregorian chant onwards, music is applied to the
tendency to moral order and to a harmony which sounds up - even without
the myth of the spheres and the stars. Music therefore, historically and
objectively, proves itself to be essentially Christian art, its harmony of
the spheres breaks down and at the same time reveals itself: towards the
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registers, by night-sides of nature. After which via the Wolf's Glen * music
this ghostliness and magic culminated in Wagner, now hardly in curves
of movement at all but in ferment, thunder, phosphorus, glow and urge.
Hence the no longer graphic but birth-giving or adjacently floating foggy
and spring music, the heavily rumbling storm at the beginning of the
'Valkyrie', the rough-decorative ride of the Valkyries, the fire-magic. But
hence also the primal beginning like the E flat major triad of the streaming
depths of the Rhine from which the music of the Nibelungen rises, or
the glittering-murmuring, confused-jagged music of the Erda scene, which
is one of the most powerful audibilities of the subterranean. All these are
vaguely illuminated places, imitations of nature from something surging
and towards something dreamt-of and mythical: despite the 'naturalism'
with which Hans Sachs taps on Beckmesser's shoes and Alberich's dwarves
on their anvils. In Wagner, tone-painting remains essentially chthonic,
the light in which it takes place is the glow of fire from the depths and
this remains more powerful even when it overflows into the popular jubilation of spring or into the spring light of the meadows. In contrast again
to late-Romantic nature-tones or tone-natures, which are located far more
on the surface or in the light. As in Strauss, the master of the surface,
for example in the strange sounds of his 'Don Quixote' , which represent
the bleating of the flock of sheep. As in Mahler, the master of cosmic
Christmas, even in spring, when he allows the voices of nature to break
in, always with a ray of hope or the light of a saviour. Uniquely nonWagnerian, despite all the Romantic affinities, are the high Alps here in
the first movement of Mahler's Sixth Symphony, which is otherwise so
highly tragic: over an underlying bass keyless chords, third inversions of
the seventh chord which alternate with triads, interspersed with cow-bells,
flutes, drums; a tone-image of the solitude of nature high above. Wagner's
relation to nature is nowhere attuned to these Aeolian harps, but neither
to a signal of liberation which breaks the spell of nature. For almost all
the characters in Wagner belong after all to the volcanic world of the
drives, to the Schopenhauerian will, they act and they speak from this
dream of nature. Not only the magnetic Senta and Elsa, also the rutting
poetry of most of the Ring characters, even Eva and Walter belong to
the glow-worm which finds or does not find its female (in the words of
Sachs himself); at this price the - converse of music of the spheres was
achieved here, namely music from the belly of nature. Men here are of
The Wolrs Glen: a scene from Carl Maria von Weber's opera 'Der Preischutz".
the same lineage as unilluminated nature, which acts and sounds through
them, sounds in unheard-of surging or undulating flames. Thus in harmony
with the painting of the elements through music, Wagner's musical
characters all too often become 'dancing ships, unresistingly taking part
in the suffering, the struggle, the love, the yearning for redemption of
their sub-human sea and over which, at every decisive moment, instead
of encounter with one another and instead of the depth of their own fate
only the world-surge of the Schopenhauerian will passes' (Geist der Utopie,
1923, p. 110). At this price, then, there occurred in Romantic music the
lastingly curious phenomenon of an imitation of nature 4S excavation ofnature,
namely as tone-painting only of its night-side.. Bach had made the soundfigure of visible or congealed nature audible, in fluxu nascendi, as noted;
Romanticism painted natura naturans not as diagram, but as phosphorus .
At any rate the sub-real as pre-real was also in Bach; it is well described
in Goethe's famous words on Bach: 'I expressed it to myself as if eternal
harmony were conversing with itself, as may have happened in God's bosom
shortly before the creation of the world. So it also moved within me, and
it seemed as if I neither had nor needed ears, least of all eyes or any other
senses.' But precisely this latter regressio or excavation is far from being
chthonic; its ear is not Schopenhauer (by whom significantly Bach is not
mentioned at all) but rather Hegel (who significantly praises in Bach precisely his 'robust genius'). The excavation of nature in Romantic music,
in Wagner oriented even theoretically towards Schopenhauer and his ground
of will, operates quite differently. What is painted and reproduced here
is the wild marrow of things pure and simple, and what drives up from
this is then, however, only the inhuman world again, the Norn world,
the fate world, from which this music knows no way out. When Siegfried,
himself a child of nature, breaks the spell, even here he is only accomplishing
a pre-determined fate. If Parsifal stands out against the rest, then it is again
and again the general world-will which is changing; with that voluptuous
sound of harps and bells, with the sweet theatre of bliss which, even beyond
kitsch, still belongs entirely to the world-libido. Natura naturans in
Romantic music thus becomes natura naturata once again, endowed with
the better splendour which heardness gives, with the archaizing utopia
which is characteristic of regressio in the dreamt-of myth. This rebirth
of existing world also occurred in accordance with Schopenhauer's philosophy of music, or more precisely with the world-correlate with which he
provided music. Music here admittedly grasps the root which is sprouting in
dark seclusion, but it ends in the portrayal of the unilluminated world-tree,
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soul, if it has received the right education'. The Church Fathers adopted
this strict ethos of music, now re-oriented from the goal-image of a disciplined polis into that of a salvation-bringing civitas Dei. Here music was
always regarded as dangerous and hence requiring supervision; there are
'songs of the devil' (they are described as if they were a Tannhauser
bacchanale), there is 'true music', namely healing, purifying, praeludium
vitae aeternae, as Augustine extols it. The image of David, who cured
Saul of madness by his playing of the lyre, runs through the entire patristic
and medieval ethics of music; 'true music' supposedly organizes the rapport
with the salvation of the world in Christlike reproduction and imitation.
Pseudo-Justinus lays down the following guidelines for moral, psalmodic
music: 'Music awakens fervent longings, connected with pleasant sensations,
soothes evil emotions aroused by the flesh, banishes bad thoughts inspired
by invisible enemies, irrigates the soul so that the divine goods bear rich
fruit, makes the pioneers of piety fit to hold out in dangers, and for the
holy becomes a cure for the distress of earthly life.' The supreme purpose
of the singing of the psalms became the compunctio cordis, the repentant
remorse of the sinner, but also conformity with the music of angels; thus
'true music' seemed to implant the greatly longed-for in the turbulent
soul. Likewise the tone-relation, with ethical change and effect, guides
entirely towards human grounds, the self-portrait is put forward as one
which pulls upward into the realm of essential being, as one which draws
out our essence. And no great composer proved himselfcloser to this than
Beethoven, his music is pervaded by moral passion, by that will which
is a will to Becoming Bright, not to mindless life. Hence Beethoven's
confessions: 'Few people realize what a throne of passion every single
movement in music is, and few know that passion itself is the throne of
music'; or: 'Few attain this, for just as thousands marry for the sake of
love and love in these thousands does not even reveal itself, so thousands
have dealings with music and yet do not have its revelation; as with every
art, high signs of morality underlie music, too, all genuine invention is
a moral advance.' And thus this art which is closest to men, beside the
chaotic, the darkly burrowing element in which its form of inwardness
is certainly not lacking, and which houses itself in myth-nature, definitely
shows the human face which rises up above the spell; music shows it
precisely also in the great moments of the Romantic-spellbound relation
to nature, and despite itself. The world-root which sprouts on in music
is ultimately the human root of a world-being adequate to it, a human
root which is certainly utopian-tending, not archaic-fixed. And the creative
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Monotony would be more likely to induce sleep, and even the famous
expressionlessness which has been talked into new music by the abovementioned New Objectivity would not produce a shock. This shock is
more of a response to the absolutely abandoned than to the approach of
an uncomprehended future, not explorable by any habit. Schonberg's
'Theory of Harmony' from the period before twelve-tone technique already
reflected this as follows: 'Melody closes with New, Infinite or Unfulfilled',
harmony ceases to communicate land of departure, but also the goal
of the journey. Even the achieved twelve-tone technique, by acknowledging the equality of all tones and making every chord possible, no longer
knows a tonal point of reference and therefore knows no tonic homeland
in which, as in the sonata, cadence and theme have already been located.
No theme, as the background of a recognizability, can be placed at the
beginning, as in the sonata and especially in the fugue: music becomes
a kind of existence which forms itself only as it happens: "Hence", Krenek
rightly observes (Ober neue Musik, 1937, p. 89), 'hence the design of the
new music has something fragmentary about it, with all the consequences
of sadness and unsatisfiedness of the impression which the fragmentary
leaves behind.' But hence also the hard existence of an Infinite in this
Unfulfilled; twelve.. tone music, in its most authentic technical nature,
represents both. Schonberg's music thus definitely remains expression, in
particular it remains the expression of the subject-state of this transitional
age, a state which is unclear but is not denied or repressed. If the atonal
era has not removed this espressivo (an example of this is Schonberg's
monodrama 'Expectation'), then neither has twelve-tone technique,
however rational its principles of construction. It too is 'weather music",
not 'machine music' such as that which, along with rigid neo-classicism,
is intended by Stravinsky. Schonberg's art is emphatically not the familiar
machinism of this age, masked with equally familiar neo-classicism; on
the contrary, it reflects the hollow space of this age and the atmosphere
brewing in it, noiseless dynamite, long anticipations, suspended arrival.
Schonberg's music is thus certainly not uplifting, indeed it has been criticized
for lacking the capacity to express the sublime as well as for its obvious
incapacity to express the officially approved, run-of-the-mill stuff of aesthetic
enjoyment. It has even been said that the only keynote which remains
in this music is that of despair, indeed of that merely temporary and
ephemeral despair which reflects the hopelessness of the bourgeoisie and
ultimately its interest in sapping all will for change among its victims.
But all this is itself incurable exaggeration; the only truth in it is that
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this music, which by its boldness and Ratio alone differs from total nihilism,
is full of the scars of a hard, far from paradisial period of transition, but
is equally full of the undefined or still undefined spark-figure of its face.
If this face had come out socially, then Schonberg's art would also
immediately be more intoxicated with beauty and simpler; however, for
this, music must form an alliance with moralities which are muscular in
a very different way. Rebus sic fluentibus there is in this work a completely
honest and productive, a time-legitimate light, the only light through which
the germinatingly substantial element in new music can thrive at all; in
the hollow space with sparks. The new music, even before it was conscious
of itself, shows mastery in the expanse of motif-based relations, in the
unhoused power of roving chords; its expressive character was one of
complete openness. Already in Schonberg's first string quartet and in his
first chamber symphony the music develops in such a way that it detaches
itself from its point of departure. Motif-based relations become the vehicles
of the context, the theme material arises freely from the germ cell of a
single idea. In the three piano pieces, especiallyin the third, even the motifbased connection ceases, no theme is repeated, new themes are constantly
coming in. In the monodrama 'Expectation', thematics is altogether abandoned, here begins the fundamentally athematic style which Alois Haba
and his school have since developed further on the basis of a retention
of atonality. But the twelve-tone technique, even with sequential structures
as in the second chamber symphony and its unhappy mysticism, does not
lose complete openness forwards; the retrogression of sequences is quite
different from thematic recapitulation. Sonata form with this recapitulation
is sealed off to twelve-tone technique, and the attempt from the wind
quintet onwards (which also appeared as a veritable sonata for violin and
piano) to renew the sonata form remains superficial compared with
Schonberg's orchestral variations. Of the old forms only variation and suite
correspond to the straight line, without circle, towards the New, Infinite,
Unfulfilled. And it is only from here, from the fragmentary-infinite that
the opposite of the shock now also occurs: namely a reunion with the
new-born Old, newly-heard and used into openness. Here there is no
variation technique and not only the deliberate radical release of a purely
contrapuntal polyphony, but music, which is only forming, from its
expressive content even has a form-relation to the last classical-Romantic
artistic aspiration and the law according to which it did not begin, but
ends. In so far as this artistic aspiration, that of the sonata, as one of set
thematic exposition and of its confirming recapitulation, is the most alien
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p. 1057.
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together with the art of the diminuendo and crescendo, the path to the
sonata style became free. Instead of terraced dynamism, which was based
on the sequence of a contrasting but in itself immobile forte and piano,
came curved dynamism, and with it the atmospheric essence. But then,
very much later, in Beethoven, the objective principle of construction of
the sonata, the double thematics and its conflict, was brought to maturity,
one can also say to consciousness. Thus the sonata ab ovo already detached
itself from its forebears, the orchestral suite and the Bachian concerto,
especially from its opposite: the fugue, by virtue of its weather-like quality,
by its performance in dynamic curves. The weather-light by itself alone
would of course have become chaotic or, as the language of Sturm und
Drang is missing in the music contemporaneous with it, with the exception
of an astonishingly early musical prefiguring in Stamitz, it would have
become merely the medium of musically-composed hysteria. On the other
hand, the incipient social antagonism was sublimated to the conflict of
the two souls in one breast, a conflict which was certainly contemporaneous
with music, and: it became dialectical in the sonata. As we know, in the
latter the main theme in the fundamental key is followed by a softer,
melodious, contrasting secondary theme (in dull symphonic composers like
Schumann this is often merely a kind of oil-stain). The development is
the product of a thematic discord, of aberrations, of highly-charged excesses;
the recapitulation, with the principal key now restored, leads back to the
first theme as to a victory. In the Eroica 'the two principles' of the thematics
are thoroughly set to work, the antagonism supplied by society is here
at the same time one of the very blasting away of the barriers which first
led to the conflict, or of the French Revolution. The Eroica thus for the
same reason became the first conscious and the most perfect sonatasymphony. Its first movement in particular is the Lucifer world of the
Beethovenian sonata, and hence not the will of the entrepreneur, which
sets free its subject at variance with others, but the highest overshooting
beyond this, and from a much older layer: the Promethean will. The afterripening of Beethoven, which more than with any other composer enables
us to apperceive explosion, music of revolution, has its ground in this
legitimate titanism. It was only later that the subject of the sonata could
pass over into an elan which had become clever and ambiguous, like that
of Siegfried in the' Ring of the Nibelungen'; until in Strauss' 'Don Juan'
and especially in 'Ein Heldenleben' only the zest of the entrepreneur came
to light and disposed of all Promethean overshooting. But the genuine
subject of the sonata: in musical-technical terms this means the power factor
1094
1095
fugues, with two and three themes, these themes are never set antithetically,
and the dynamic exposition remains seamless, without impatience. Certainly, the lower tension and the more intense composure reflect an order
of society divided into estates which as such is past and far from canonical.
Certainly therefore the fugue form, by overcoming dynamism without
having known it, ranks lower than the sonata as reality; and the sonata,
with its erupted dialectic, surpasses it, as noted. But it is equally striking
that the fugue, precisely within the sonata form, was able to break away
from its old ground and that it then contains no pacified continuo whatever.
The fugato, which only approximates to the fugue form, produces or can
produce a restless rigid effect, most uncannily in the fugued chorale of
the armoured men in 'The Magic Flute'. A new expression is formed here,
it continues in the fugato of the funeral march in the Eroica, which would
scarcely have been written without Mozart's example and, now absolutely
a dynamic cortege, is not quietas in fuga. It is even more curious that
the fugue form proper, when used in a symphonic context, also develops
a powerful element of impatience, namely feud, as in the fighting fugue
in the 'Meistersinger' and the veritable bickering fugue in Strauss' 'Sinfonia
domestica'; both fugues, moreover, are especially learned and complicated.
Or within new music itself: Berg's 'Wozzeck', this extremely atmosphericdramatic work, has inventions and passacaglias built into it, and precisely
the singing voice which is heightened to the highest dramatic expression
is dynamically involved, without any stylistic incongruity at all, in the
exposition of a double fugue. The fact that this is possible indicates how
much the after-ripening of the fugue form brings out an element in the
fugue which is not confined to composed, revealed structure, with Dux
and nothing but Comes in the voices. And the old fugue itself, the art
of the fugue masters, not of the fugue schoolmasters, the organ fugue of
Bach, filled with sursum corda? Its final expression, as stated above (Vol.
III, p. 1069), is still unconquered, and if it contains composure, then it
is the paradox of a heaven-storming composure, one without drama but
with the building of a tower. Therefore even if the fugue has no impatience
1096
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miracles of music with regard to their object are also the deepest; they
roam and aim beyond time, therefore also beyond passing away. And it
becomes clear in the true - finale, yet again: music excavates its treasure
on that gold ground of a most distantly-immediate mindfulness which
strikes into the most closely Intensive and to which literature and painting
are only applied: the treasure of intensive essence.
J098
1099
1100
requiem, with Dies irae for Pizarro, with Tuba mirum spargens sonum * for
Florestan. This world of spirits is not sealed to music, as the world of spirits in
revolution; the archetype of apocalypse is not sealed to music. Even the
thunderclap in Cherubini's requiem which indicates the bursting of the
universe is not externality for music; music is well-versed in the end. Mystical
brutality is not missing either in Berlioz or in Verdi: in Berlioz it rises in the
trumpets of the apocalyptic horsemen which come crashing down on the
audience from the four corners of the earth; in Verdi in the explosive
drumbeats, the fathomlessly plunging screams of the Dies irae. But now the
contrasting Sed in Verdi, in the offertory of his requiem, the Sed before
Signifer sanctus Michael, sustained for seven bars, and also the heavenly
melody playing around it without triumph, with hope hovering upwards.
Thus music, with a final Baroque, works out despairs and salvations; they
are not tied to the Baroque, nor to the judge-theology of the Church text.
But they are tied to a death-consciousness and to a wishful consciousness of
anti-death, which here stretches more genuinely than anywhere else into
music. As such, now free of the traditional Church text, it last appeared in
Brahms, in the German Requiem. If one seeks musical initiations into the truth
of utopia, the first, all-containing light is Pidelio, the second - with veiled
illusion, at an appropriate distance - is the German Requiem, which sings 'For
here have we no continuing city, hut we seek one to come"] - and below
the chorus a faltering of searching steps, a path-line into the unknown, into
awakening. 'Behold, I shew you a mystery; We shall not all sleep, but we
shall all be changed, In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last
trurnp'T - the mysterious music of these words of St Paul in Brahms'
Requiem brings from within itself the sound of the last trumpet into a
hearing-keenly, into a metaphysical counterpoint of hell and victory, of hell
swallowed in victory. Not without the restraint and, which comes to the
same thing in Brahms, not without the precious depth which as such avoids
apotheoses. Which does not permit evenJubal's harp or Miriam's tone and
sound to make the light easy for themselves or even merely to present it as
consonant. The second movement of the German Requiem takes for its text:
'Therefore the redeemed of the Lord shall return, and come with singing
unto Zion; and everlastingjoy shall be upon their head'; but the music to the
'The trumpet scattering its amazing sound'. This is from the text of Verdi's 'Requiem',
Thomas de Celano's poem 'Dies Irae'.
t Hebrews 13, 14.
I Corinthians IS, 51-2.
Isaiah 51, II.
1101
eternal joy goes in the fortissimo towards G minor and therefore certainly
not towards sheer-radiant consonance. This is because the way Brahms
deals with joy is even more complicated than the way Kant deals with
pathos (and for the same uncatholic reasons), because heaven here has the
salt within it which does not make it conventional or foolish. These are
certainly not pale joys - Nietzsche misunderstood Brahms here - nor are
they 'October light over all joys', they are, in the midst of the doubtful
darkness, far too burning for this. The happiness which becomes a mystery
does of course appear dissonantly cloaked, indeed in itself dissonance may
be its more powerful expression than a triad from the familiar world. Music
here indicates that there is one shoot, no more, but also no less, which
could blossom into eternal joy and which continues to exist in darkness,
which indeed binds darkness within it. This does not mean anything certain
with 'regard to the harshest non-utopia, but a capacity to deny it on its
own ground. Doubtless with nothing .but still drifting sound-formations,
but these contain livelinesses of an end' which would not be possible if
in the end nothing else were possible but transience and death. A freedom
from pressure, death and fate is expressed in the Still.. Nowhere medium
of the tone, a freedom which has not expressed itself and cannot yet express
itself in definite visibility. Precisely for this reason all music of annihilation
points towards a robust core which, because it has not yet blossomed,
cannot pass away either; it points to a non omnis confundar. In the darkness
of this music gleam the treasures which will not be corrupted by moth
and rust, the lasting treasures in which will and goal, hope and its content,
virtue and happiness could be united as in a world without frustration,
as in the highest good: - the requiem circles the secret landscape of the highest
good.
Marseillaise and the moment in Fidelio
There is a work in which the tone quite remarkably charges and aims
at the same time. It is 'Fidelio', the task is to make a call audible within
it, towards it every bar is tensed. Even in the light, open..air prelude between
Marzelline and jaquino there is unrest, a knocking not only from outside.
Everything is geared to future, 'then we will rest from our troubles', every
tone represents. 'Do you think I cannot see into your heart?', Rocco asks
Leonora; and now the scene draws in, four voices construct pure Inside.
'How wondrous the emotion, my heart feels confined', the quartet begins,
1102
andante sostenuto of a song which sings out nothing but its Wondrous,
applied to sheer darkness. Marzelline sings it for Leonora, hope illuminates
the goal, in great danger. 'A rainbow, resting brightly on dark clouds,
shines on, and guides my way', in this light Leonora speaks herself, in
the truest aria of hope, up and down over gloomy movements of sound,
turned towards the star of the weary. The star was already at work in the
timid Wondrous with which the quartet began, it is at work in Leonora's
aria, in the prisoners' chorus, when not only Leonora and Florestan, when
all the damned of this earth look up to the light of tomorrow. But the
star stands dazzling and high in Florestan's feverish ecstasy, as Leonora
herself; to it belongs the visionary exclamation 'to freedom, to freedom,
into the heavenly kingdom', rising up with superhuman cadences,
shattering, fading in powerlessness. Until then the subterranean monodrama
begins, the wildest scene of tension altogether, Pizarro before Florestan,
'a murderer, a murderer stands before me', Leonora covers Florestan with
her body, thus she reveals herself, a renewed onslaught of murder, the
pistol held to Pizarro, 'one more step and you are dead'. If nothing else
happened, from the spirit and the action-space of this music, then the shot
would be the symbol and the act of salvation, its tonic would be the answer
to what is called and the call from the beginning. But this tonic, because
of the necessarily apocalyptic spirit and action-space of this music, finds
a symbol from the requiem, more than this: from the secret Easter in the
Dies irae; it is the trumpet signal. This signal, if it is interpreted superficially,
in terms of Pizarro's earlier instructions to blow it from the battlements
as a warning to him, literally announces only the arrival of the minister
on the road from Seville, but as tuba mirum spargens sonum in Beethoven
it announces the arrival of the Messiah. Thus it resounds down into the
dungeon, into the torches and lights which accompany the governor
upwards. Into the name-, nameless joy in which Beethoven's music no
longer uses a suspension, into the 'Hallowed be the day, hallowed be the
hour', in the transformed courtyard of the fortress. It was an inspired idea
on Mahler's part to play the third Leonora overture between the dungeon
and the final act of freedom, the overture which in reality is a utopian
memory, a legend of fulfilled hope, concentric around the trumpet signal.
The signal now sounds, without the scene, after the scene, the music replies
with a melody of rest which cannot be played slowly enough, the signal
now sounds a second time, and the same melody replies, mysteriously
modulated, in a distant key from an already changed world. And now
back to the freedom act, to the Marseillaise on the fallen Bastille. The
113
great moment is there, the star of fulfilled hope in the Now and Here. Leonora
releases Florestan from his chains: '0 God, what a moment' - precisely
through these words, raised by Beethoven into metaphysics, a music arises
which, in any case a Staying itself, would be worthy never to put an end
to its arrival. An abruptly transporting change of key at the beginning;
an oboe melody which expresses fulfilment; the sostenuto assai of time
which is standing still, which has risen to the moment. Every future
storming of the Bastille is intended in Fidelio, an incipient matter of human
identity fills the space in the sostenuto assai, the presto of the final chorus
merely adds the reflection, the jubilation about Leonora-Maria militans.
Beethoven's music is chiliastic, and the form of the opera of salvation,
which was not uncommon at the time, merely provided the external
material for the morality of this music. Does not the musical figure of
Pizarro bear all the features of Pharaoh, Herod, Gessler, the winter demon,
indeed of the gnostic Satan himself, who brought man into the worlddungeon and keeps him prisoner in it? But more than anywhere else music
here becomes morning red, militant-religious, whose day becomes as audible
as if it were already more than mere hope. It shines as pure work of man,
as one which had not yet appeared in the entire environment of Beethoven
independent of man. Thus music as a whole stands at the frontiers of
mankind, but at those where mankind, with new language and the call..
aura around captured intensity, attained We..World, is still only forming. And
precisely the order in musical expression intends a house, indeed a crystal,
but from future freedom, a star, hut as a new earth.
52
Proverb
1104
I feel1ike one who has done work for the day to retire awhile,
I receive now again of my many translations, from my avatars ascending,
while others doubtless await me,
An unknown sphere more real than I dream'd, more direct, darts awakening
rays about me, So long!
I. Introduction
No talk of dying
How do we shake off the final fear? Today many no longer find this as
difficult as in unenlightened days. The clock strikes, it is another hour
nearer to the grave. But our view of it is diverted or else made artificially
short-sighted. As things stand at the moment, fear of old age has become more
tormenting than the thought of death. Death must not be remembered,
* 'I am going out in search of a great Perhaps.'
1105
cheap images push it out of mind. One of these says that man is snuffed
out like a candle. This can be the case, of course, but not because man
resembles a candle. He does not resemble one before his extinction, is not,
for example, headless, and so the comparison is not compelling afterwards
either. Men have never been anxious to count their ever dwindling years,
yet what is bourgeois and merely lives from one day to the next is.
encouraged, among other things, not to look to the end at all. So everything
is piled back on to a rosy-cheeked beginning, and when this is no longer
there false youth is painted on. Dying is pushed away, not because we
enjoy life so much nor because somewhere we would gladly see or cause
others to see into something coming, not even at this personal closing
point. Thus we live from one day to the next and into the night, no thought
must ever be given to the worst end which is yet to come. The wish is
simply to hear and to see nothing of it, even when the end is here. Thus
fear at least shrinks, becomes flat, like so much else.
1106
were more seasonal than today. Marcus Aurelius even observes in his
'Meditations' that a forty year old man with his eyes open and ina sufficiently high position has seen everything that happened before his time
and all that will happen afterwards because it is the same as what he himself
has experienced. Today the train of events is so very much longer than
our life, the march of history towards the New is both geometrically and
dynamically so different from the naturally declining curve of our life that
no worthy man can still die sated with life in the historical sense. The
grave destroys the witness who has become more curious, and in his short
life he has seen too little of the outcome, let alone the victory, of events
that are already in motion. Like the youth in Wedekind's 'Spring
Awakening' who dies without experiencing thejoys of love and who shouts
with such scornful significance: 'Been in Egypt and never saw the pyramids',
it could appear, mutatis mutandis and at least partially, to many dying
in exciting times that they had perceived and achieved nothing but historical
patchwork. This feeling seems only completely overcome where by sacrificing one's own life for the future cause the subject-based experiencing
of it is deliberately and consciously eliminated from the outset, first and
foremost in the martyr. But even what this most moral person of all rejects
for himself does not deprive others of the right to complain that they will
not be present at the victory, that they will not know themselves to be
unbroken subjects of victory. The fact that the name of the martyr is
enshrined in the heart of the working class does not restore to this name
its eyes, its corporeally present existence - it too lies, a corpse, far from
the intended goal. How far too this suffered martyrdom is from the later
day ofjustice which - if it occurs at all - will be experienced by completely
different people. The world is full of slaughtered goodness and of successful
criminals enjoying a long and peaceful old age; martyrs do not experience
their resurrection, the criminals of white terror are seldom brought to
judgement, in both cases death makes everything irreparable. And even
where something has got into order the final axe falls on happiness, which
was always only temporary. Even the utopian reflected happiness of fairytale
characters lasts only until 'the destroyer of all joys and the sunderer of
all fellowship came to them', as death is called and must be called in the
Arabian Nights, despite Islam and submission. The last fiasco does not
remain a frame or dark ground against which the brief sunny day stands
out all the more consciously; memento mori is bankruptcy in consciousness
itself. Even the hectic joy of living, as in times of plague, is inverted despair
or gallows humour, contains no answer to nothingness, no overcoming;
1107
- desire seeks rather for eternity. What does even the highest moment
mean, the 'Stay awhile, you are so fair' intended in the most central utopia,
when death, without itself being affected, cancels from the capacity for
experience with the greatest command of existence its - existence? So no
enemy seemed more central, none was so inescapably positioned, no
certainty in this thoroughly uncertain life and its formations of purpose
is even remotely comparable with that of death. Nothing stands as
finalistically as death does at the end, and nothing shatters the work of
the subjects of historical purpose-setting so anti-finalistically into fragments.
The jaws of death grind everything and the maw of corruption devours
every teleology, death is the great forwarding agent of the organic world
- but to its catastrophe. Thus no disappointment can compare with its
negative outlook, no treachery shortly before the goal seems to equal that
of exitus letalis. But all the more powerful is the necessity to set wishful
evidence against this so little illuminating certainty, against a mere factual
truth in the world unmediated with man. Thus guiding images of the
after..life correspond to guiding images of life, figure-formations against
the peace of the graveyard to the guiding figures of unrest, and an older,
religious death-magic to the deep death-magic of music. The following
section deals with the varying utopias of death in the great world religions;
these are followed by the no longer so religious image ofdeath. Namely that
which was secularized or rationally modified from the former manifold
beliefs in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the manifold images
of the afterlife mankind has brought to light and into the night not only
its egotism and ignorance, but also the undeniable dignity in refusing to
accept the cadaver. Thus in the chapter on death the inventory of human
wishful dreams also contains certain pictorial, poetic and musical wishful
landscapes of the paradisial, but under a different aspect, related to 'to
be or not to be', as utopian anti-death. To speak only of wishes, there
certainly was and still is here much sticky-shabby desire to cling to the
little ego; Shaw rightly compared this with miserliness. The obscurantist
interest of the ruling classes and their spouting clergy in transcendental
fraud was and is most definitely at work here, intimidating the people
with otherworldly images of terror, consoling them with empty promises,
otherworldly images of heaven. The realm of shades is anyway, as Kant
says, the paradise of visionaries; and it is not just Holy Rome which has
lucrative provinces there. Yet it should also not be overlooked that beside
Rome, in which precisely the worst effusions of transcendental fantasy
proved highly experienced and worldly-wise, there were, to speak only
1108
1109
1110
giving them a safe or comfortable home on the other side. This of course
was to everyone's benefit, as everyone was ultimately gathered to the
corpses. Service to the corpse, the embellishment of its night, were an
invitation to all to protect themselves against the threat to themselves.
The dead man himself had moved into the unearthly darkness from which
all evil and little good came. He was in the night, in the land without
fire and light, outside the round huts, longing to return. But to bar his
return was the purpose of all death rites, including the ancestor cult. The
corpse is carried feet first out of the village so that it cannot find its way
back, or else, as in the case of the bushmen, its nails are cut, hands and
feet bound, even its eyes put out. Sometimes the dead man's hut is also
burnt to the ground; the place he is attached to, where he feels good,
so to speak, must be the grave. Even in German areas tramps were for
a long time bound and buried, to stop them coming back. Though there
is no evidence to date of graves in the early Stone Age, those from the
late Stone Age are all the more numerous, above and below ground. And
the custom of putting food and drink into the grave for the corpse also
dates from this period; so that the dead who long to return or suck blood
are supposed to be replacedby the placated dead, indeed, as is still discernible
in many fairytales, the grateful dead. This food and drink was not of course
intended for the grave, any more than the women and slaves offered up
with the nobles, i.e. slaughtered at their graveside. But all these offerings
were intended for consumption and use in another place, so that the soul
of the dead man did not roam unhonoured about the grave and the village,
and so that the grave really bound the corpse. Its soul, that is here its
last breath, lived on peacefully in the other place, as soon as the body
was given the honour of burial or cremation. It lived on no longer as
a ghost but as a shade, a shade which independently went on living the
life to which the body had been accustomed. Among hunting peoples the
other world too is still the same for all, but among tillers of the soil and
raisers of cattle not even death makes all equal. The distinctions between
rich and poor persisted, with no levelling whatever. Even in the other
world, the best places are reserved for the nobles, the bad and worst places
for the common people. In Tonga, only the chief goes to the blessed land
Bolotu, the common folk. stand in the dark, as on earth. A similardistinction
is made in Hawaii between a heaven for princes and nobles and an underworld for the lower classes. Thus even in the afterlife Elysian and infernal
fields correspond to class divisions, with which they certainly first arose.
Punishment for high-ranking wrong-doers and reward for the poor, though
1111
only for those who were also well-behaved in the ruling class sense, this
wished-for levelling is, so to speak, forced through only later. It is first
found in the feuding, divided clan, where the chief is no longer regarded
as an undisputed head ape who remains such in the other world regardless
of whether he was good or bad. Every dead man was honoured by his
family as an ancestor in any case as soon as he was buried.
1112
at work here. Likewise they extend from Hades, from its highly structured
twilight, to influence life on earth; hence the moral thoughtfulness of the
final hour, noticeable even among the Greeks. When Pericles was dying,
he gathered his friends around him, asked each one for forgiveness for
the wrongs he might have done them and would hear nothing of his deeds
except that he had never given a citizen cause for grief. The Greek hell,
however, darkens the realm of shades most curiously towards the bottom,
predominantly to futile monotony, to the torment of futile repetition of
the same task; as with Sisyphus, Tantalus and the Danaids. The Elysian
fields quietly improve the grey of Hades towards the top, into the congenial
quality of pleasant twilight, the twilight of an eternal spring evening. Things
certainly do not go with a swing in this Elysium, the atmosphere is not
golden as at life's feasts, but silver, i.e. without passions and without
boredom. The Greek heaven was originally intended only for the favourites
of the gods, not for all good people as such. It was not until Elysium
was transferred from the western ocean to the underworld in the post-feudal,
post-Homeric era that it seemed suitable for good people too, as was
neighbouring Tartarus for the wicked. Life in this other world, however
pale, nonetheless seems highly wishful: the dead are thought of as living in
a dream world full of silhouettes, the wicked in the unchanged, inescapable
world of the nightmare, the good in the powerless but also effortless
sweetness of picture-life. And something else, most important of all, makes
the other world of the Greeks meaningful on a different level. For beside
the popular image of Hades another image persisted from the PelasgianOrphic era: that of the mysteries. Its image is the wheel: man rises to
life with the ascending spokes and sinks to death as they descend; but
above all it is not only the same wheel but also the same man who rises,
descends and rises again along with the wheel, the transmigration of souls
is taught here. And purification is also taught, drawing the best out of
revolving death so that man comes through death with his essentialsubstance
intact and returns on a higher level. This happens in the Eleusinian mysteries,
and, with Dionysian accent, in the Orphic mysteries; both sought exclusively
to initiate into death, .not for its nothingness, but for its overcoming.
1113
The aim was to step from Hades into life again, the same person as before,
though now more fully conscious of himself. The Eleusinian rites, the
mysteries of Persephone served to keep alive this consciousness and this
certainty. The legend on which they were based contained, from the first,
as much growth magic as death magic. Corresponding to the unity in
which matrilineal times had revered the earth both as the field for corn
and for the dead; and Eleusis served Demeter, the matrilineal goddess.
When her daughter Persephone revolves between the realm of the dead
and the upper world, in winter below, in summer above, this was seen
as more than a symbol of vegetable growth. It very soon came to be seen
as the wishful image of resurrection: the corn Persephone was also the
human soul stolen from Hades. These correlations, preserved in the
Eleusinian mysteries, are age-old, Demeter herself once held the office of
Pluto, she did not dwell on Olympus as in the later Greek era. She was
the goddess of matriliny, and the grave, which devours all births, was
as much a part of the womb and its world as birth. The earth-mother
as the ruler of the dead was a fearsome and wrathful power, yet this gravegoddess was also the goddess of the cradle of life, a kindly, fruit-giving
mother. Thus the functions of birth and death were still closely intertwined in pre-Homeric, Pelasgian myth, Gaia-Demeter dominated religious
belief, the gods of Homer, the new gods, are the first to belong to the
patrilineal era, they do not preside over birth or over death and they
themselves are remote from death. But preciselyin the Eleusinian mysteries
Demeter was invoked inher old dual function, and her daughter Persephone
was the dying human being, bound to the chthonic cycle. The best now
had to be made of this: the art of death rites, the art of happy rebirth
as the morality of Persephone. Thus the mystes, in the simile of the seed,
were reconciled with death: destruction bears a thousand-fold fruit, it is
necessaryfor a richer recurrence. A comforting alternation of life and death
now begins: Persephone escapes again and again from Hades, though she
returns there again and again; Eleusis taught the transmigration of souls,
a life-affirming transmigration which moves upwards from ever-renewed
immersions in Hades, and which brings with it not just womb and grave
but also grave and birth. According to the belief of the mystes, bodily
well-being is the reward which the mysteries 'bestow for the duration of
life, but the higher reward is the hope they give of a better rebirth in
the time after death. Instead of drinking from Lethe, they drink from the
well of memory of earlier births, this is to pave the way to anew, improved
birth. The transmigration of souls is thus interpreted highly optimistically,
1114
ms
the sun of the earth's lower hemisphere (sol in inferno hemisphaerio), i.e.
the solar principle of the dark earth which, far removed from its distant
home, illuminates the sealed depths of matter' (Bachofen, Die Unsterblichkeitslehre der orphischen Theologie, 1867, p. 26). As this chthonic
Helios, Dionysus now brings the souls out of Hades, without compulsion
to return, but - and this is the second Novum compared with DemeterPersephone - also without the necessity ofbeing reborn. The compelling wheel
of recurrence was affirmed in Eleusis before or outside the Orphic reformation; within Orphism, it is denied. An extended wishful image now appears,
one directed not only against Hades but against Hades and equally against
birth. An ascetic wishful image, though one which is no longer compatible
with Dionysus as the god of spring, the original fertility god. In fact
Orphism, when it did break in, followed the tradition ofa second Dionysus,
a Dionysus himself reborn . This is Dionysus-Zagreus, who was torn limb
from limb by the Titans and who, after Zeus has eaten his heart which
remained intact, comes to life again in the second Dionysus. This resurrected
god has lost nothing of the ardour and joy which he embodies, to which
he leads; in the mysteries he was proclaimed as Dionysus-Iacchus, i.e. the
jubilant one. But he no longer lives in his old body, indeed no longer
at all in the body of death and of birth which alternates with it; XVXAOS
"'IE JlfC1WS, the cycle of birth, as Orphism calls it with a truly Indian expression, is broken together with death. The second Dionysus therefore does
not in any way become transcendental or even Olympian, he remains the
highest fullness of life, but now it is fullness of a second nature, free of
the cycle. And finally the Orphic mystes followed him, the wish becomes
exodus from the (Jwp,a-ufj/UX, from the body-grave altogether, to experience
neither death nor corporeal rebirth; but this exodus never goes into what
is hostile to life, into spirit. Though asceticism was clearly present here,
in connection with the decline of the Greek ecopomy and polis, it is only
hostile to life in so far as it removes the joys of the body from this susceptible, unsteady being and transfers them to the soul. It is wrong to see
Orphic hostility to the body as renunciation; or how could Dionysus be
their god? The body as the prison of the soul - this means here that it
hinders the butterfly Psyche, this upward effervescence. Not the practice
of civic virtues, not discipline nor moral reformation of the character were
required in Orphism, but solely dedication to the orgiastic god. Orphic
asceticism certainly did not involve mortification of the body t on the
contrary it rescued as it were the joys of the body from their transitoryrevolving setting. Though there are unmistakable Indian echoes in the
1116
1117
was certainly also sought here, in the form of strength, seclusion, brotherly
love, but such things were not considered crucial. More important than
the cleansing from sin was the tincturing with that magic substance by
means of which the initiate could be baptized and freed from the mortal
body. Even in the Orphic mysteries, the sacrificial bull representing Dionysus
and torn to pieces and eaten by the Maenads was regarded as the dying ,
year-god who would awake to new life; Dionysus takes those who are
drunk with his blood with him into immortality. Clearly connected with
this were the later 'taurobolia': the mystes stood in a pit above which
a bull was slaughtered, let the gushing blood stream over him and he thus
attained baptism, indeed a kind of pagan communion of hoped-for immortality. Those who were thus baptized subsequently wore their blood-stiff
clothes in the streets and in the shops, partly objects of mockery, partly
of awe. Paul (1 Cor. 10, ISff.) pointed, not without reason, to the analogy
between pagan sacrifice and communion; when he calls the pagan sacrifice
(to which the taurobolia also belonged) 'the table', 'the cup', 'the fellowship
of devils' , this antithesis confirms precisely their correspondence and affinity
in the history of religion. Even Jesus triumphed in competition with the
mysteries not as the Messiah of those who labour and are heavy-laden but
as the 'first among the dead', and his character was 'the resurrection and
the life'. Baptism at that time was on the whole a magical sacrament,
the waters of baptism were regarded as the water of life, Christ redeemed
mankind from death. The Christ of Gnosticism in particular was primarily
the antidote to death; nor were all the faithful by any means regarded
as redeemed unless they had first received the baptism of the dead. There
was a gnostic baptism of the dead, a major sacrament, in the cults of St
Mark the dead man's head was anointed with water and oil, in order,
according to Irenaeus, 'to make him invisible to the archons and powers'.
It was just as ardently hoped that Jesus, too, would provide such a magic
cap against evil after death; even among the Christians of Corinth in Paul's
time a baptism of the dead was still common (I Cor. IS, 29), which showed
why they thought the God of Life had come. In Gnostic terms the baptismal
elixirs were complemented by elixirs of knowledge, not accessible to
everyone and so all the more eagerly sought in the future aeon; the Gnostic
Christ was a learned redeemer. He eliminated ignorance, revealing himself
fully only to the 'Pneumatics', i.e. intellectual aristocrats, or we might
almost say that he abolished death only for doctors of the Ascension. Of
course the gnostic and even the philosophical knowledge of this time was
certainly not divorced from will, emotions and also the agitated, gloomy
IllS
folklore of the age. Proclos, one of the most perceptive thinkers of this
time, collected folk-tales wherever he could find them and, as if the two
went together, had himself initiated into all the mysteries, thus combining
- in a manner that certainly was not intellectually aristocratic - the popular
and the hermetic, both equally inviting, with the distinction of the concept.
Gnosticism, whether pagan or Christian, certainly was not a religion of
the withered classical mind. On the contrary, it was the first and last great
incursion of wishful mythology into the mind, as is proved above all by
one of its strangest yet also one of its most magnificent phantasmagoria:
the doctrine of the soul's heavenly journey.
It followed the baptism of blood, in order to make itself invisible against
dying. Yet it clearly also provided the passport which enabled the traveller
to come unscathed through a journey beyond death which was fully mapped
out, mapped out in good and evil. The story of this ascent or heavenly
journey and the necessity to be prepared for it is as follows: between heaven
and earth lie the seven planetary circles, ruled by evil spirits, the lords
of this world. These are the archons or demons of fate, and in gnostic
terms they were depicted as demons with animal heads -lion, bull, dragon,
eagle, bear, dog, ass; they enslave man and set up a blockade between
him and heaven. This is why the archons in this negatively evaluated
astrology are described as tollmen, as 'guardians of the sorrowful road';
the circle of planets itself appears as the 'fence of wickedness'. Thus the
classical confidence in the world, so powerful and optimistic right up to
the middle Stoics, was now bedevilled. Nero and Caracalla appeared to
be ideologically embedded in star-demons, the defencelessness of the
individual, the engulfing whirlpool of declining late Rome were projected
on to the universe. Not only life itself but even more so its pre-existence
and post-existence, the state of the soul before birth and after death, were
now drawn into the powerful-sinister locality of the archon system. For
when the soul descended from heaven to earth (the moon was regarded
as the gate for descent) it passed the seven spheres, each of which gave
it a part of the spell, for its earthly destiny. After death, the soul in its
ascent to heaven has to pass the same archons (the sun was regarded as
the gate for ascent) and at every stage the old archon, 'the god of destruction
and second death', steps forward, barring its way. Not only the planets
but also the twelve zodiacal signs of the sphere of fixed stars and the twelve
constellations of the zodiac were included among the demons of destruction;
the entire firmament was aset of devil's fangs, the whole universe a tyranny.
Sun, moon and stars are together the fatal sphere, the sphere of destiny,
1119
the sphere of the heimarmene; * the world regent is the devil. This was
the point at which Gnosis deployed its myth of the heavenly journey, in
the technical sense so to speak, as the breaking of the astral blockade. The
mystes was taught the password which enabled him to pass the seven
archons and deprived the 'fence of wickedness' of its power. Some
passwords, consisting of utterly incomprehensible howling sounds, imitated
the names of the respective archons; knowledge of a name, according to
ancient belief, is identical with power over the person named. The specific
doctrine of the password also goes back a long way: in the I2Sth chapter
of the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the god guarding each gate of Hades
requires the dead man to know his name before he lets him pass. Perhaps
this Egyptian tradition is still at work when in the Coptic writings of
Gnosticism passwords are especially classified: in the first rank the solemn
revelation of the demons' names, then the symbols and signs to be shown,
then the formulae and magic words to be spoken to ward off the archons.
And the imagined successful outcome was that the soul casts off the ugly
veils and blemishes it once received on its journey through the planetary
circles. In the later Persian-gnostic system of Mani the soul even casts
off all the determinants of the lower world, not just its definite vices:
to the moon it returns its vital and nourishing power, to Mercury greed,
to Venus lust, to the sun intellect, to Mars courage, to Jupiter ambition,
to Saturn lethargy. Here, too, every archon is watched over by an angel
of the Persian light-god Ormuzd, who does the rest to ensure that the
soul, free of ballast, finds its way home to the primal light. And at the
entrance to this thejust man's own soul comes towards him, 'in the form
of a virgin', who receives him and leads him into the uppermost heaven;
thus in Mani no-one else springs from behind the last planet, but in fact
(later recalled in Dante's Beatrice) the 'form of a virgin', as a pure human
form and heavenly guide. Probably the Persian-Roman Mithras mysteries
not only already furthered the cult of the Sol invictus but also the help
he gave to the dead. The seven-stepped staircase, which in the cave of
these mysteries, in complete harmony with the heavenly journey, was built
of seven metals representing the planetary signs, symbolized not only the
cosmos but the password-journey through the seven planetary circles, up
to Mithras the life-giver. But the perspective always remains most turbulent
of all in Judaeo-Christian Gnosis, in keeping with its total intertwining
of wishful myth against death with world and the Son of Man who is
* 'Heimarmene': originally a concept of fate in ancient Greek philosophy.
1120
better than the world. Among the Peratians, the transition is expressed
in images from the Old Testament; the passage in Hippolitos reads: 'Death
seizes the Egyptians in the Red Sea, together with their chariots; all people
without Gnosis are Egyptians. And this is the meaning of the exodus from
Egypt, namely exodus from the body, which is a little Egypt. The crossing
of the Red Sea, however, means the crossing of the water of transience,
which is Saturn: and the other side of the Red Sea is the desert, where
all the gods of destruction are together with the God of Redemption.
But the gods of destruction are the stars, which impose on creatures the
necessity of changeful birth' (Hippolitos, Blenchos V, 16). In 'Pistis Sophia',
till recently the only extant Gnostic book, a kind of Pneumatic novel,
Jesus himself deprives the archons of 'a third of their power', turning 'their
heads and their course towards half the year, so that they cannot look
upon men' and God alone determines fate as well as ascent. 'Truly', says
Jesus, 'if I had not turned their course a multitude of souls would have
been destroyed, and they would have languished for a long time if the
archons of the aeons and the archons of the heimarmene and of the sphaira
and all their places and all their heavens and all their eons had not been
destroyed, and the souls would have languished for a long time outside
here, and the completion of the number of perfect souls would have been
delayed who are reckoned among the inheritors of the heights through
the mysteries and who will be in the treasury of light' (Pistis Sophia,
ch. 23). Here the password is joined by the gnostic saviour himself, and
he makes this password superfluous, not as a teacher but already as a
Pantocrator, as lord against the archons. Against the same archons who
are believed to be 'Cosmocrators' even in the New Testament, at least
in the Epistle to the Ephesians, though Paul's authorship is not certain.
'Put on the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against
the wiles of the devil. For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but
against principalities, against powers, against the rulers * of the darkness
of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places' (Eph. 6, IIf.).
Thus Jesus redeems not only from sin but also from astrally imposed fate
(which subsequently survived in the notion of Saturn as .the wicked fairy
in fairytales and as the unlucky seven in astrology), he supplants the rule
of the stars, or as Augustine, in the true spirit of the heavenly journey,
stresses: 'Christianity is superior to pagan philosophy because it exorcizes
The word translated as 'rulers' in the Authorized Version is translated 'cosmocrators' in
the German.
1121
the evil spirits beneath the heavens and frees the soul from them' (cf. De
civ. Dei, X). So high and pervasive was the influence of this utopianpedantic image of a journey, the first image that did not lead downwards
into Hades but upwards into the light. The first to elaborate the fantasy
of death not as a sinking but as a flight, protected and sealed too, with
a timetable and highly vivid extravagance. A memory of the gnostic
ascension seems to linger on even into Dante's Mount Purgatory - without'
demons of course but with a graduated ascent through seven gates. In
Gnosis, they open on to the primal light, in Dante on to the Garden of
Eden and the wondrous tree. In Gnosis they are the evil planetary spheres,
in Dante they have long been purified and incorporated, they themselves
constitute the guiding topology. But the soul's seven-stepped journey
through Purgatory certainly survives, closest to Mani's version, even though
the planetary spheres in Dante's Paradiso did not remain those of the gnostic
heavenly journey. And as in Mani, at the end of the journey through
Purgatory a beautiful virgin appears, the woman who leads the soul to
heaven; Beatrice in Dante, Gretchen in Faust. If the late classical period
had produced a great writer, the substance of the heavenly journey would
have been more brilliantly apparent than is the case in the accounts of
its opponents or even the muddled 'Pistis Sophia'. Or even in -several,
partly still extant hymns and liturgical writings, which were collected in
the hymn-book of the Manichaean Church. Yet even as it is, this journeymyth contains one of the most-wide-ranging, though also one of the
wildest, images of adventure against death and one of the strangest liberation
myths against the idea - projected into star-emperors - of fate.
1122
to provision for the dead in the other world. None had so much time
and expense to spare on building tombs, none mapped out the Beyond
with such meticulous love and care. The Egyptians were also the first to
associate moral ideas with those of a good death. As early as the fifth
dynasty, a nobleman emphasizes on his tomb: 'I built this tomb, as my
rightful property, I have never taken what belonged to another, I have
never done violence to anyone.' There were of course indulgences that
could be purchased from priests, magic formulae on the inside of the coffin
or on the sacred scarab which was carved in stone and placed under the
mummy's breast-band. Yet even the magic formulae began with the telling
sentence: 'My heart, do not rise up as a witness against me.' For the first
time in history t a thousand years before the Greeks and more elaborately
than in Israel, the wishful thought appears that the fate of the dead should
not be merely a continuation of their earthly well-being but should depend
on their moral conduct. Judges consign the dead to the good place or the
bad, the divine scribe Thoth records the judgement once the dead man's
heart has been weighed, Osiris himself presides. What was lasting in man,
however, was not only his soul, this inconstant and so to speak still
immature being. It was pictured as a bird with a man's head, fluttering
about at night, a very long way from blessed peace. What is lasting is
the primal image of the bodily person himself, the Ka; this solid entelechy
went with the person through life and entered the other world after death.
It was only for mediation with the Ka that corpses were mummified, and
in a higher form of mummification they were immortalized in sculpted
form: the art of sculpture was regarded by the rich and powerful as an
aid on the path to their immortalization in the other world. The sculpted
portrait contained the Ka and was erected in the burial chamber. Thus
Diodorus writes: 'Greater care is devoted to the dwellings of the dead
than to those of the living; the Egyptians regard the tombs alone as their
true and lasting domicile for all time.' Their aspiration is thus not only
to prolong earthly existence into eternity, but eternal existence itself appears
as life in death, indeed fundamentally so. It was to this end that life itself
seemed, without decrescendo, to mature or rather to become heavy, acquire
dignity; for the child dies shallowly and is barely immersed, whereas the
old man sinks deep, finds death-life, schooled by age itself in the consciousness of death. A culture of death was thus completely sounded out
in Egypt, by deep immersion in death, far below the superficial life-line
and sun-line, down to the perfection of that which man only incompletely
is on earth, down to the living corpse and the depth of age, of the kingdom
of the dead. With the Ka, a utopianized rigidity extends just as much
into life as life is meant to extend into a situationless form. The Ka, which
is gathered to Osiris, was already on earth the chiselled person, the person
of peace, gravity and closedness, who underlies the entire hieratic sculpture
of Egypt. As a dry mummy, stitched up for eternity, the person attains
his first external form, as geometrical rigidity in stone he attains his true
form. The desire to become like stone is, as we have seen, the wishful
landscape of Egyptian art in general, and precisely this 'crystal of death
as foreseen perfection' (cf. Vol. II, p. 723) derives from the desire to become
like the dead person himself, has an inorganic goaljonn. Not only the tombs
themselves, the pyramids and mastabas, are a crystal in which a dead man
dwells, as Hegel puts it, hieratic sculpture also conceives the Ka as
crystalline, in the block-unity alien to movement, absolutely concordant
with the stone. The sense of history, memory, tradition, unprecedented
faithfulness to habit fits in with this very well: Egypt as a whole is the
wishful land of a space without time, of a sacred geometry.
The land to which the dead person now travelled was pleasant but as
it were only rigidly animated. Yet it certainly did not seem lightless or,
as secluded and as mere underworld, averted from the sun itself. This would
have conflicted both with permanently visible calm and with the reverence
which was shown to the sun, the setting, not the disappearing sun. The
kingdom of the dead was bordered by the subterranean waterway in which
the sun-barque, after plunging into the sea, sailedfrom west to east beneath
the earth's disc. For the heaven above the earth's disc was also imagined
as a land with water, with islands, canals and a sea on which the sun,
moon and stars sailed in barques. To this Egypt of the day-heaven corresponded the Egypt of the night-shine of the sun - but of course it
corresponded with gravity, with grave. * The continual, cheerfully depicted
labours in which the common people are engaged in the other world should
not blind us to the living corpses. And the colourful scenes on the inside
of feudal coffin-walls or the details in the Egyptian Book of the Dead about
ploughing, harvesting, sailing and other activities of an otherworldly plebs,
no longer misera but contribuens, cannot conceal the immortality in the
immobile ageing style of death more highly suited to people desired to
be statuesque. Certainly the king receives from his divine father the sign
of 'life', the phrase 'gifted with life' was from the earliest days one of
the Pharaoh's titles. "The hieroglyph of life - not of ordinary earthly life
* This is grave in the musical sense here.
112 4
but of higher divine life - is the ansate cross which innumerable pictures
show the god presenting to the king, often bringing it close to the king's
face so that he can inhale through his nose the aura which emanates from
the symbol. Thereby the gods transmit their unique pneuma, the divine
breath of life, to the kings, their beloved sons' (Cf. Norden, Die Geburt
des Kindes, 1924, p. 119). But the 'life' thus stressed is by no: means
comparable with earthly life, which is mobile and expresses itself in movement, nor does such life suit the Pharaoh as such, who has so to speak
died even before his death, i.e. has statuesquely become space instead of
time. This is why, alongside the 'life' hieroglyph which the god hands
the Pharaoh, another hieroglyph is always set signifying the idea of
'permanence', permanence such, as Osiris, the god who is himself dead,
holds ready for Sesostris IlIon the stele in Abydos or such as Ptah, god
of mummies and sculptors alike, grants Rameses II. And what is highly
peculiar to the Pharaoh is peculiar to every Egyptian who is capable of
understanding gravity and its grave, * peculiar as office and goal, as deathoffice and dignified official death. In order that his 'life' does not flow
out into a dying which is still subject to change but into sacred rigidity,
by the Nile of immortalization. Osiris himself is motionless, he was merely
awoken to consciousness of death by Isis, it was precisely as the most perfect
corpse that he was worshipped along with the sun. This king of the underworld was probably a grave-god even in the oldest form in which he was
revered, later he also came to be associated with the subterranean course
of the sun, as the ruling statue in its kingdom of tombs, its kingdom of
the west. So from time immemorial images of Osiris were always macabre;
indeed the above-mentioned prehistoric fetish of the tree stripped of its
leaveswas applied to Osiris, as his hieroglyph. The official art of the ancient
empire always depicts this god as a corpse swathed in mummy's bands,
indeed the middle empire and particularly the late period even enshrined
Ptah, the highest god. He too was finally depicted as a grave-figure, as
the mummy of a bald priest; thus Ptah, the creator of the world, became
the tutelary god of the royal tombs, finally merging with Osiris. Osiris
himself was and remained 'the first of those in the west', the powerful
magic formulae of his wife Isis freed him from the paralysis of physical
death, but only for him to represent living death, resurrection into happy
death. From the middle empire onwards, the dead person is simply referred
to as Osiris N. N., as if he were the god himself (Cf. Erman, Agypten
This is grave in the musical sense again here.
II 2 S
1126
underworld of the grave, remained instead for a long time man's lot, as
in the Book of Job (around 400 B.C.), though here with a note of
Promethean revolt: 'If I wait, the grave is mine house: I have made my
bed in the darkness. I have said to corruption, Thou art my father: to
the worm, Thou art my mother and my sister' (Job 17, 13f.). The breakthrough of immortality in Judaism came only with the prophet Daniel
(around 160 B.C.), and the impetus behind it did not come from the old
wish for long life, for well-being on earth, now transcendentally prolonged.
On the contrary, it came from Job and the prophets, from a thirstforjustice;
thus the wish became a postulate, the post-mortal scene became an outand-out tribunal. Belief in the afterlife here became one of the means of
allaying doubts about God's justice on earth; above all the hope of resurrection itselfbecame a legal-moral hope. As we have seen, there had already
been a much more elaborate judgement of the dead in Egypt, but a crucial
new element, designed to shake the composure of the rich and of the
masters, was introduced in late Israel. For the basic motif of the demanded
resurrection now becomes threatening, it is to make upfor the absence of
an earthlyjudgement: 'And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth
shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting
contempt. And they that shall be wise shall shine as the brightness of the
firmament; and they that tum many to righteousness as the stars for ever
and ever.' (Dan. 12, 2ff.). This is the moral incursion of the hope of
resurrection into the true faith, independent of the cult of the dead, magic
rites, gods made men; and it is the first incursion. The ostensibly earlier
revelation in some Psalms - notably in Psalm 49, IS: 'But God will redeem
my soul from the power of the grave: * for he shall receive me', and the
verse in Isaiah 26, 19: 'Thy dead men shall live, together with my dead
body shall they arise' - in fact dates from a period as late as Daniel, is
interpolated like the complex of Isaiah chapters 24-27. Yet even according
to Daniel not all, only many will awaken, i.e. only the godly Jewish martyrs
and only the worst bloodhounds among the wicked. Even the latter will
not yet awaken to hell-fire but to shame and everlasting contempt, so
that they witness the triumph of the just. Universal resurrection itself, that
of all mankind, is first pronounced in the picture-speeches of the Ethiopian
Book of Enoch, towards the end of the first century B.C. Some of the
colour of the Egyptian judgement of the dead and the Persian- teaching
of the world conflagration rubbed off here. The Book of Enoch not only
* The word translated as 'grave' in the Authorized version is 'Sheol' in the German.
1127
made Daniel's promise universal, it also introduced into it, for the first time,
the extravagantly depicted sceneof hell, heaven and the LastJudgement. And
the Apocalypse of Ezra in the first century A.D. turns this Last]udgement
into a last revelation: 'For after death, shall the judgement come, when we
shall live again: and then shall the names of the righteous be manifest, and the
works of the ungodly shall be declared' (2 Ezra 14, 35). The age-old Egyptian
idea of the Book of Life in which the weight of human deeds is recorded made
its influence felt here. The scribe-god Thoth who held this office at the
Egyptian Judgement of the Dead returns as the angel of Yahweh, indeed as
Yahweh himself. The record is opened every year on the Jewish New Year's
Day and closed on the Day of Atonement, the highest and most solemn]ewish
holy day. It is a post-mortally focussed day of repentance for which, significantly, there is no textual evidence whatever in pre-exile]udaism, it is not
mentioned in the so-called Book of the Covenant in the section in which the
order of feasts is laid down (Exodus 23). The Book of]udgement myth itself
was, after all, interpolated into an old text, as in Exodus 32, 32. The first
Isaiah also mentions it: 'And it shall come to pass, that he that is left in Zion,
and he that remaineth in]erusalem, shall be called holy, even every one that
is written among the living in]erusalem' (Isaiah 4, 3). This has survived in
Luke 10, 20: 'but rather rejoice because your names are written in heaven',
it continues to resound in the church requiem: 'Liber scriptus proferetur in
quo totum continetur. ,* With the wishful and dream prospect of the justice
of at least a Day of Judgement or Last Judgement and its aftermath gaining
strength, the time of course now came for a reinterpretation of supposedly
earlier accounts. In particular the Genesisaccount of the antediluvian patriarch
Enoch and his translation now aroused great interest; in late Jewish literature
he was regarded as the first of those who had escaped Sheol, indeed escaped
death itself. A 'Book of Enoch ,, a 'Book of the Mysteries of Enoch , was now
written in which the mysteries of the next world, which the patriarch had
seen, were extensively fantasized: the Epistle of Jude in the New Testament
celebrates Enoch, 'the seventh from Adam', as the prophet of the Last
Judgement (Ep. Jud. 14f.). The utopia of resurrection thus finally became
orthodox, despite evident resistance, probably from 'Epicurean' Sadducee
circles ('which deny that there is any resurrection', Luke 20, 27). In Christ's
time a Sanhedrin decree was published: 'Nobody has any part in the future
world who says that the revival of the dead cannot be proved from the
* 'The written book will be brought forward in which everything is contained.' From Thomas
de Celano's poem 'Dies Irae".
1128
Torah.' Hence from the Pentateuch, where there is definitely no such article
of faith to be found: unless in the above-mentioned ancestor cult which,
apart from its magical rites, scarcely went beyond the scale of a localized
grave-cult. Soon very silly images of the end were puffing themselves up,
and some even found their way into the Talmud, as for example a future
Leviathan: 'This is the fish-monster whose flesh the elect will eat after
the twilight of the world and from whose skin a tent will be made beneath
which the just of all races will dwell in bliss'; the sea-beast thus became
a kind of other-worldly manna. One that does not diminish with eating,
which shows that even the awesome giant Leviathan Oob 41, 2-26) will
one day serve the blessed for the best. With renewed dogmatic force,
Maimonides, in the thirteen articles of his credo, ordained the immortality
of the soul and the resurrection of the body. In his 'Orpheus', Salomon
Reinach observes, not quite correctly, that these articles are as far removed
from biblical Judaism as the Catholicism of the Council of Trent from
the gospels. As for the resurrection in Maimonides, there had been emotional preparation for it in post-exile Judaism and, from the time of Daniel
onwards, legal-moral preparation. Above the fear of physical death loomed
the terror of a second death, the damnation which awaited the wicked.
Jesus himself shared this belief, which had become deeply rooted among
the popular classes, and he spoke from within it, as a threatener as well
as a saviour. He referred to the resurrection as a self-evident act, one which
would be dangerous for most (Matt. 11, 24, Luke to, 12); in Jesus' sect,
belief in the resurrection and judgement was part of the doctrine of the
beginning of Christian life in general (Hebr. 6, rf.), The heavens therefore
had to shine all the more radiantly, all the more powerful, over and above
the political promise of the Lord's Anointed, was the influence of the
promise of eternal life. As victory over the second death, beyond the first,
beyond merely physical annihilation, which leaves the soul to heaven or
to hell. Thus from Daniel onwards, finally also under Iranian influences,
immortality was introduced into a drama of the most enormous power,
a not only individual-future but cosmic-future drama; into world conflagration with sheer night, sheer light behind it. All men are present during
this, this is the new meaning of the Day of Judgement, it does not take
place in front of a random last generation and an unpeopled nature. Indeed
the world of the apocalypse in which lateJudaism arriveswould have seemed
futile and subjectless to the faithful if it had not concerned and rewarded
a resurrected gathering of all mankind since Adam.
All the more burning the will to get on the right, the victorious side.
1129
Jesus first appeared as a healer, and it was as a healer, not yet politically
or even as a deliverer from sins, that he attracted followers. He fights
against the first death and the sickness unto it, he first cures the lame,
the blind, the bleeding, he raises a man from the dead. The early, utterly
sorcerous accounts of miracles are filled with such things; not yet with
repentance. This came only later, in sermons, as the heritage of John the
Baptist, and then again in connection with raising from the second death.
Thus these not at all inward but magical-material words are uttered:
'Whether is easier, to say, thy sins be forgiven thee; or to say, Rise up
and walk?' (Luke S, 23). According to the already Pneumatic interpretation of Luke, it was to show people that the Son of Man had the power
to forgive sins that the Jesus of this passage healed, but he was influential
as the bread of life, not only as the forgiver of sins. And he triumphed,
after the baptism into his death, most emphatically as the resurrection and
the life. As the first among those believed to have risen from the dead,
the bringer of the second or heavenly life against the second death or hell.
Redemption from deadly sin was the root or the stem, but redemption
from death was the eagerly sought fruit of Judaeo- and even more so of
pagan Christianity at that time. Hence the word of an as it were sacred
taurobolium: 'Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, hath eternal
life; and I will raise him up at the last day' (John 6, 54). Hence in particular
the definition which, in the least factual and most Pneumatic of the gospels,
summarizes all the signs and miracles: '1 am the resurrection, and the Life:
he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live' (John
II, 2S). What a difference from the classical gods, who are strangers to
death but also to resurrection. They may indeed appear at the last hour,
in Euripides for instance Artemis comes to Hippolytus' deathbed, yet she
certainly does not promise him immortality but a temple and fame after
death, and then the goddess, who has herself never tasted death, leaves
him to die. 'Into thy hands I commend my spirit":" no Greek could say
this to one of his gods. Yahweh of course had till then scarcely been
associated with immortality; and with Jesus we even find the following
outbidding: 'Your fathers did eat manna in the wilderness, and are dead ... I
am the living bread which came down from heaven: if any man eat of
this bread, he shall live for ever' (John 6, 49 and 51). Nonetheless, the
substance of eternal life itself, the substance hitherto posited as unknown, is
now claimed and posited in the Father too, having been made known by
* Luke 23, 46.
1130
Jesus: 'But is now made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus
Christ, who hath abolished death, and hath brought life and immortality
to light through the gospel' (2 Tim. I, 10). Jesus leads a second exodus
from Egypt, away from the spirit of Osiris: 'For he is not a god of the
dead, but of the living: for all live unto him' (Luke, 20, 38). And the
miracle of Easter is believed in, even without the Pauline idea of Christ's
sacrifice, in the incipient communion with this substance: 'For as the Father
hath life in himself; so hath he given to the Son to have life in himself'
(Johns, 26). Precisely those baptized into Christ's death are now also to
be baptized into his resurrection, into the real Enoch or the real 'first among
those who have risen from the dead' . And it is from here that the impulse
or Easter-utopia of Christian art communicates itself, especially, as we have
seen, of organic, meta-organic and Gothic art. It is not the desire to become
like stone, on the contrary: 'The tree of life as forseen perfection, reproduced
in a Christ-like way' (cf. Vol. II, p. 726); this becomes the final wishful
landscape of Gothic art. Life has supposedly escaped from death, although
always only for those justified through Christ, never in the second death
for the damned, never in hell. The latter was in fact made just as inevitable
as heaven; hell and heaven together constitute the locale ofexitus, now completely
universalized. Nothing remains of the whole of creation except the duality
of punishment and reward, of shrieking and singing, of hell and heaven.
As for the moment of entry into one or the other, two ideas, impatient
and patient, stand side by side, although excluding one another. For as
soon as the second of death coincided with the end of the world, man
could be consigned to hell or heaven immediately, not just oil the Day of
Judgement. Hell in particular was thought of as the near future, already
standing behind the sinner's deathbed, with claws open, hungry eyes and
gaping maw. Moreover, in the later Christian era the savage punishments
meted out by courts incorporated and anticipated pure hell; breaking on
the wheel, impaling, quartering, the burning of witches did not have to
wait for the devil. In other ways, too, the Christian other world, as
damnation, obtruded into life on all sides, attics and crossroads, ravines
and the largely uncleared forests were full of ghostly spirits which could
find no peace, of an already immediate postmortal dreadfulness. Dogma
puts purgatory immediately after the end of life, but in Dante heaven and
hell are decisions that have already been taken, a Last Judgement can no
longer alter these iron conditions. The tombs in the Inferno have simply
not been closed, the rectangular sarcophagi in that silent, dismally burning
hall, filled with people and torments, are simply waiting to be sealed for
1131
eternity on the Day of Judgement. Otherwise the end of the world scarcely
adds anything to Dante's brimstone caves or circles of light, the Book
of Life already seems to be opened. True, Jesus himself loads all terror,
all deliverance, essentially on to a future day only, though one which is
close at hand; all the same, there are anticipations of paradise. For the
good thief on the cross, for Lazarus, who is carried by angels straight
to the bosom of Abraham, without grave or resurrection (Luke 16, 22).
The only unanimous point here is that our condition in the future world
depends on our behaviour and our permeation by Christ in this world;
after death the sowing is over, only the harvest follows. And it is absolutely
dualistic: inconceivable torment, inconceivable joy crown short life, in a
contrast which no expectations of the other world, not even those of Egypt,
had previously known, It is the Manichaean antithesis between night and
light, which, as one between two independent super-powers, was rejected
by the Church everywhere else, but makes itself absolute in its other world.
The antithesis had not been so permanent from the beginning, in I Corinthians IS, 21-29 Paul denied the eternity of hell, in Romans 6, 23 he affirmed
it; Origen, founder of the doctrine of purgatory, said that all spirits, even
demons, would one day return purified to God. But the Church, in one
of the harshest of its dogmas, ruled that the punishments of hell were
eternal; precisely the new God of Love concealed in this place a far deeper
quagmire of cruelty than even Ahriman. The state of punishment for sin,
aversio a Deo, was of course always regarded by dogma only as a reverse
image oftransfiguration. If heaven is the transformation of nature into light,
then hell is transformation into the blaze of a world conflagration, so that
negatively transfigured nature constantly feels on the verge of annihilation.
Indeed in Catholic revenge-utopia, hell is attributed to the different sight
of the same God: the damned also apperceive divine love, but, because
they have rejected it, only as loss and wrath (cf. Scheeben, Die Mysterien
des Christentums, 1912, p. 587). Paradise appears all the more sublime,
as vita aeterna above the contrasting dungeons of mors aeterna: 'Eye hath
not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the
things which God hath prepared for them that love him' (1 Cor. 2, 9).
Literal Becoming-God is inscribed on the supreme wishful image against
death, not only in heretical mysticism but in the most correct place of
all so to speak, in the Catechismus Romanus (I, ch. 13, qUe 6): 'Those
who enjoy the sight of God, although they retain their own substance,
put on a single and almost divine form, so that they seem more like gods
than men (tamen quandam et prope divinam formam induunt, ut dii potius
1132
quam homines videantur).' It was through such great images of hope that
the future apocalypse gained victory over the first individual-postmortal one
which allowed the soul to be in paradise this day, * without the end of the
world. The dead are now, apart from purgatory, no nearer the mysteries of
transposed, mythologized revenge- and triumph-utopia than the living; on
the contrary, their bodies sleep against them. The period of advent, for the
living and the dead, ends only with Christ's second coming, even though
the records of the dead have already been logged and the opened book at the
end of the world merely reveals their contents. Doubt in divine justice, which
had been placated in so many ways, now found its final and at least no longer
empirically refutable placation: retribution on the Day ofJudgement. The
Church of course simply used the Apocalypse as an instrument of control
(i.e. as the future image of the ecclesia triumphans), and not as the victory
of the strangled over the great Babylon which it had itself become.
Nonetheless, retribution for all the living after death, for allthe dead after
the last trumpet, retained a wishful revolutionary meaning for those that
labour and are heavy laden, who could not help themselves in reality or were
defeated in the struggle. Postponed ad calendas apocalypticas, the Day of
Judgement was still expected at any hour, and later it carne to be expected
soonest in revolutionary times, during the Albigensian wars and during the
German Peasants' War. Here Christ's Daniel-like sermon sounded different
than in the churches, and so too did the 'Dies irae, dies illa, solvet saeclum
in favilla', t the 'Iudex ergo cum sedebit, quidquid latet, apparebit, nil inultum
remanebit'v [ Nothing will remain unavenged: here Daniel's postulate of
immortality is at work, as a legal-moral and not as a comfortably-persevering
one, and it became great. The crucifiedJesus himself not only rises from the
dead but returns as a judge at the end of time: with the same archetype
that has accompanied so many defeated revolutions. With the cry: we
shall return, with the meaning: as avenger and complete victory.the former
martyrdom will return. This is an arch-utopian archetype, even though
the apocalypse which contains it, with its fixed duality of hell and heaven,
also reproduced and perpetuated the duality of the old class society. Here
the returning Jesus is definitely no longer depicted as gentle and longsuffering, nor are his disciples: 'And I saw heaven opened, and behold
Cf. Luke 23, 43.
'The day of wrath, that day will reduce the world to ashes.' From Thomas of Celano's
thirteenth-century poem 'Dies Irae'. Cf. Zephaniah I, IS.
t 'So when the judge is in session, whatever is hidden will be made evident, and nothing
will remain unavenged.' A further stanza from Celano's poem.
1133
a white horse; and he that sat upon him was called Faithful and True,
and in righteousness he doth judge and make war. His eyes were as a
flame of fire and on his head were many crowns; and he had a name written
that no man knew, but he himself' (Rev. 19, nf.). Death, the old enemy,
is nowhere to be found in the New Jerusalem, not even as a memory:
'And God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes; and there shall be
no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more
pain: for the former things are passed away' (Rev. 21, 4). In Egypt the
absence of suffering and tears coincided with death, the stony bliss of Osiris;
in Christianity the kingdom is preached not to the dead but the living,
and children could be raised up even from stones (Matt. 3, 9). In place
of the Styx, Hades, Osiris, the angel of the Apocalypse shows the purely
organic: 'And he shewed me a pure river of water of life, clear as crystal,
proceeding out of the throne of God and of the Lamb. In the midst of
the street of it, and on either side of the river, was there the tree of life,
which bare twelve manner of fruits, and yielded her fruit every month'
(Rev. 22, rf.), Permeated though it is with Babylonian astral myths, and
thus with inorganic images, the Apocalypse nonetheless contains the most
emphatic equation of basic New Testament categories: Phos - Zoe, light
- life. Beside the hideous quagmire of hell, later to prove so useful to
the Church, stood the highest of all castles in the air, the pure light-castle
of paradise. Christ's Ascension was considered the highway to it; in
Christianity, this Easter myth became absolute, that of the end.
1134
into the warrior's convalescence and the enjoyment of peace which this
other world represents. Before the battle of Bedr, Mohammed told his
troops that none would die without entering paradise immediately:
'Between heaven and us is nothing but the enemy.' As for this heaven
itself: all forms of war, all the eternal hunting grounds and all the battles
of Valhalla are absent from it, yet a heaven of the victorious battle remains,
and it gleams fanatically. Precisely its pleasure, its often-invoked sensuality,
are as insatiable as the frenzy of war, and its repose is that which follows
a hot day. Seven hells open to engulf traitors and the unjust, seven heavens
await the steadfast and the faithful; the wishful quality of these heavens
is only hinted at in the Koran, but legend and commentators later elaborated
it all the more richly, partly in accordance with Talmudic legends. But
as the missionary wars waned and the enjoyment of Arab merchant and
princely capital increased, the paradise of the green flags began to wane;
it changed more and more into a peace which no longer needs victory,
and into a seraglio. Yet precisely for this reason bliss and ardour remain,
as emotions which still clearly come from battle; they ensure that the blessed
ride with fanaticism, not with weakness, into woman and into peace.
Heavenly maidens who never tire receive them, they are borne like thoughts
on sweet winds, and they appear - a sublime motif - in the form of those
favourite women most loved in life. Behind the seven planets are the gates
of the seven paradises, and when they open we find that the highest wishful
dream is the harem. But it is now one of lasting virginity, of ecstasy with
evening coolness and purity: 'On embroidered cushions the blessed rest,
attended by youths with cups, bowls and dishes of the clear liquid which
does not intoxicate and does not make gloomy, with all the fruits that
they desire and all the flesh of birds that they wish for. Attended by houris,
with big eyes like pearls in the shell, as a reward for good deeds. The
blessed there hear no idle words nor sin, only peace, peace, peace' (Koran,
Sura 56). The religious folklore of Islam was tireless in producing further,
more detailed wishful images from those of the Koran. The moment of
pleasure is prolonged for a thousand years, paradise lies in the lap of the
lovely ones, in an embrace in which earthly love merges into heavenly.
Even sleep is enlivened by the singing of angels and by the harmonies of
trees from which hang bells stirred by a wind sent from the throne of
Allah. The music of the spheres is recognizable here and the world-tree
of ancient oriental myth from which the stars hang as fruit or bells. But
towering above all other trees is the tree of happiness, whose trunk stands
in the palace of the prophet, whose boughs extend into the dwellings of
II3S
the blessed; everything the heart could wish for grows on its branches.
This is the garden of Allah: clearly it borders closest on ideas of the earthly
paradise formulated throughout the Middle Ages. The Arab paradise also
became the model for every Cythera, and it is Armida's magic garden
in Tasso. It is the Isle of Venus on which the brave Portuguese land in
Camoes's 'Lusiads', an Elysium which masquerades as Greek, but is
thoroughly oriental. How far all this is from Christ's cool sentence about
the blessed: 'For in the resurrection they neither marry, nor are given
in marriage, but are as the angels of God in heaven' (Matt. 22, 30 ) .
Consequently the Arab paradise lingers on as a counterpart to the Castle
of the Grail in Klingsor's magic garden: the flower-maidens in 'Parsifal'
are the houris before the cross withers them. Indeed even real mysticism
was never repelled by such so-called crudely sensual depictions of the other
world, not even by paradise in the lap of a houri. Because almost more
than the Mohammedan, the Christian and Jewish love of God incorporated
voluptuous images, without wishful maidens but with Allah himself. The
Cabbala heightened the mysticism of the Song of Songs even to the pious
blasphemy of a divine harem: 'In the most mysterious and exalted place
in heaven towers a castle of love; there deep miracles take place; there
the souls most loved by the heavenly king are gathered; there lives the
heavenly king and unites with the holy souls in the kisses of love.' So
says the Book of Sohar in the Cabbala, which nevertheless handsomely
outdoes the so-called crudely material happiness of the Mohammedan
paradise. Matter, according to the Arab notion, is uncreated, therefore
everlasting, Allah is uncreated, therefore everlasting; both thus fill paradise.
Alongside this, however, stood pure doctrines of the soul, immortalities
without resurrection of the body, as in Avicenna; Averroes moreover denied
the survival of the individual soul, allowing only the immortality of a
general intellect common to all men. But these doctrines, half materialisms,
half spiritualizations, did not penetrate into the Mohammedan church,
let alone into popular belief; it was precisely because of its rejection of
corporeal paradise that this enlightenment could be discredited. Its writings
were destroyed, its doctrines were regarded as emanations of the Sheitan,
i.e. the destroyer and death-bringer himself. Allah is he who never sleeps,
and similar enjoyment is had by his disciples, whom he has chosen to enjoy
consciousness of an utterly pure and present happiness. These images of
happiness in the other world retain their characteristic sensual-supersensual
tone, they corresponded to the powerful nature of their founder, indeed
despite all their transcendence they contained more than enough water
1136
1137
the illusory world, which lies at the holy man's feet, which indeed for
him has already passed away. Even paradise, which, according to Hindu
teaching, receives the almost-perfect ones" is finite, along with the 'fivehundred-voiced heavenly music', and it passes away along with the
ignorance to which Samsara owes its existence. Hell, however, is - Samsara
itself, changeful existence, the infinite realm of rebirths, the depiction of
which in Indian art certainly represents the Inferno. Shiva, the demon in
the Hindu trinity, as well as wearing the necklace of skulls, also holds
the lingam as the symbol of procreation, and Krishna, in the eleventh song
of the Bhagavad-Gita, shows to Ardjuna the river of life as a horrific mixture
of the the slaughterhouse and the maternity home, as the jaws of hell which
devour their children, give birth to their food. And it is this pessimism,
now more anticosmic than acosmic, which gives rise to the difference
between the Indian doctrine of the transmigration of souls and its European
revivals, especially in the Cabbala, with its affirmation of recurrence. What
to the Indians appears as hell, 'the repeated transposition of souls', the
Cabbala conversely calls a 'mercy of God over Israel'. A mercy in that
man, through the transmigration of souls, is given more than one life
for the active perfection of his talents. However, this moral-instrumental
evaluation of the birth-wheel is completely alien to Buddhism, which of
course does not recognize any god capable of showing mercy to one
following the path of perfection. Nirvana ends once and for all life and
death, history and rebirth, earthly morality and heavenly reward; true
immortality is the extinguishing of mortality and immortality at the root
which is seen as identical for both: the 'thirst', or the 'urge'. Only
Hinduism knows a number of wishful goals outside nirvana, within world
and world beyond. So that here too the wishes are finally directed towards
repose, indeed the rewards for the holy are graduated according to the
measure of repose. Hindu teaching promises, at the bottom of the scale,
rebirth in a happier position than the present; higher up, rebirth in a creative
paradise, but for a limited time and so that later a birth occurs on earth
again; higher still, absorption with no time limit into the blissful presence
of a heavenly god (Vishnu), i.e. immortality of the individual existence
in the One or in nirvana (though the latter wishful goal is not wholly
orthodox within Hinduism). Buddhism, on the other hand, confines innerworldly and outer-worldly goods to devout laymen; it sees the goal itself
as simply detached from this. Precisely as that radical abstraction which
levels That-Which-Is and theistic illusion - as if they were both the same
- into the appearance of a noise, leaving only the omission itself as truth.
1139
1140
information on the terrors and temptations which recur daily in this interim
state; with the priest interpreting these experiences to him as pure hallucinations. Thus the dead person is freed from his postmortal nightmares, thus
he is above all to be protected from the temptations of a bad rebirth, which
clothes itself in luring appearances, appearances all the more false, voluptuous
and dangerous the closer the soul, in the arc of reincarnation, again
approaches earthly Samsara. Classical Buddhism knew nothing of the
practices of such a Book of the Dead, but the hallucination doctrine of
the ego and of Samsara, which paints delusions for the ego even in death,
is nonetheless classical in origin. And with Buddha the hallucination of
personality disintegrates not with death but with the end of wanting: 'The
complete and utter dissolution, repulsion, driving out, cancellation, extermination of this very thirst, brother Visakho, this is the dissolution of
personality, the exalted one said' (Die Reden Gotamo Buddhos, German
translation by Neumann, I, p. 692). And that which follows this dissolution, nirvana, certainly cannot be equated with, or even interpreted'
in terms of, states of bodily existence, i.e. of the complex of individuation.
Nirvana is not deep sleep, least of all death; for death comes to men anyway,
and exclusively from the will to life. Buddha is not called the one who
has fallen asleep but 'the completely awoken one', and nirvana promises
man no other world either, no divine heaven, has nothing more in common
with the earthly aspect on to death and after-death. It is the wishful image
of wishes forgotten, eliminated at their roots, it is the prize of the man
who has turned away 'who without self-torment, without tormenting
others, has already burnt out in his lifetime, become extinguished, cool,
who feels well, has become holy in heart' (Reden II, p. 160). Deep
sleep can .be enjoyed by the Hindu gods who are part of the world, and
whenever it appears here it comes across as primitive and comic, not
elapsed. What a contrast of values between the unworldly absorbed Buddha
and the Hindu god who has alsobeen slumbering for aeons, but in a slumber
of worldly indolence: his head, his body, his feet repose in the lap of his
women, a lake of milk and sugar flows unceasingly into this god;- it is
as if deep sleep is held up in this godly grotesque as a contrast to nirvana,
which does not recover for anything or in anything. Precisely because of
its acosmism and the incomparability which is founded on it, nirvana is
left so completely vague. In constantly repeated negations which again
cancel one another out, it is described merely as 'dispersal' or 'extinction'
or 'dissolving of illusions' or 'drying up of thirst'. At the very most Buddha
causes a reflection' from an empty water surface or ether to fall into this
114 1
repose; thus nirvana is also called 'inner calm of the sea' or 'blissful serenity
in the unity of the mind'. Yet this last definition is simply confined to
the way to nirvana; it therefore applies to mystical psychology in general,
which is everywhere related, and as 'unity of mind' may remind us of
Eckhart's 'sparks' or 'castle in the depths of the soul', but it certainly does
not apply to Buddha's mystical content. Buddha, despite his teaching that
the 'illusion of not knowing' was the worst of all, rejected all thoughtfulness
in the mystical sphere as detrimental to salvation; the study of nirvana
in particular was regarded almost as heresy by correct Buddhism. It cannot
ultimately even be thought of in terms of mysticism any more, beyond
its mere mystical psychology. In terms which are familiar from the
mysticism of all regions, and which in Europe were formulated above all
by Plotinus, it is called the simple, the uncompounded, above all the
inexpressible. But nirvana is different from the inexpressible of mysticism
if only because, in Plotinus, the Sufis and Meister Eckhart, rapture at 'sheer
nothingness' is ecstatic, whereas nirvana is coolness itself. Thus as an antiwishful image the most remote wishful image is meant to console here,
which men have set up against death or rather against that changeful
existence which includes death as its other side. The apparent reference
to the mere conquest of death is also meant in just the same way, when
Buddha, pedagogically revealing coolness, i.e, without coolness, shouts
to the monks to whom he first brings his teaching: 'Lend me your ears,
you monks, immortality is found'; or when unmistakable jubilation gives
the password: 'Let the drum of immortality boom out in the dark world'
(Reden II, P: 58Iff.). However, this kind of awakening has nothing at
all in common with conquest of death and immortality as a resurrection,
let alone as a life. Here instead is that immortality without mortality and
immortality, which Buddha claims to be the first to have found, as a reposeNovum above death and life and heaven. 'Dried up is birth, ended is
asceticism, the work is done, this world is no more': that is, as immortality in absolute nothingness, wishful overcoming of the worthless
nothingness which life is for Buddha and the fraudulent nothingness which
death represents for Buddha.
114 2
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Youth with the reversed torch and with the newly lighted torch
The further drive was even to make dying beautiful. This was most
successful when death was simply invoked as the brother of sleep. If the
last coat has no pockets, they were now sewn on, and bright poppies put
into them. Upstanding bourgeois consolers took the term 'clocking off'
from manual work and wrapped death in it. Hippel" says that a man will
die just as tidily or untidily as he puts his clothes away at night. Or just
as a good day's work brings sound sleep, so a well-spent life brings serene
death. Above all it had to run true to type, not to fall, so to speak, too
far from the tree; death too remained in a worldly context. Not even death
was to fall from the world of light, if only of the smallest light; it is
homogenized without any cracks. Thus Leibniz in particular had on his
side the Enlightenment's distaste for the crack (in which an element of
the other world was sensed) when he included even death in his law of
unbroken continuity. This law softened even the most abrupt hammerblow: dying now became a mere transition from clear ideas to diffuse ones,
from 'evolution' to 'involution'. Leibniz did allow the individual to retain
memory and self-consciousness in involution (involutio), but his image
of death operated above all as a mere modification of the imaginative life;
for all monads of so-called dead things were also in a state of psychical
sleep. Eternal peace now did not need to wait for a judgement in the other
world, it was, in its way, already in the corpse itself. The analogy of sleep
and extinction also removed from sight the gruesome skeleton, the alldevaluing leader of medieval dances of death. Most influential of all here
was Lessing's essay of 1769 on CHow The Ancients Shaped Death'; this
might also be called one of the most ardent classical polemics against the
Middle Ages. It completes consolation with a cryptic exchange of emblems,
with a farewell to the hour-glass and the scythe in favour of a beautiful
image of the friend: of the genius with the lowered torch. Lessing thus
not only renews the death-sleep equation which in poetry dates back as
far as Homer and in philosophy was available to Lessing in Leibniz'
'involution', he drove the last reflexes of the Gothic out of the image
of death. He replaced- it with a reasonable-beautiful, a classicist image,
an eminently aesthetic one, in which the extinguished torch operates as
immanently as the fall of the curtain at the end of a play. Even though
* Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel (1741-96), novelist of the German Enlightenment.
1144
elegy is not lacking, even though Lessing does not even intend to contradict
the Christian religion 'properly understood': 'Scripture itself talks of an
angel of death; and what artist would not prefer to create an angel rather
than a skeleton? Only falsely understood religion can keep us away from
the beautiful, and it is a proof of true, of properly understood religion
if it always brings us back to the beautiful.' In this way the image of
death more or less made itself into an aesthetic wishful image, into one
with an aesthetic glaze. The terrible mass itself remained, but it was concealed; thus it did not generate horror in its appearance and it seemed,
behind the appearance, to be as good as not there any more. The lifegenius, shown on the classical monuments cited and interpreted by Lessing,
puts out the fire of its torch itself, as if this fire were fading music or
a poem passing into silence. Goethe praised Lessing's treatise especially
because it carried out the equation with sleep precisely towards the
aesthetically calming, indeed the entrancing side, and banished the skeleton.
The genius with the reversed torch, compared with the no longer quite
so beautiful, the decaying corpse, here seems visibly utopian. Death is
beautified into the mildest form of life - an undisturbed, not Greek but
Graecizing wish, a wish unafflictedby any grave fumes, let alone hell fumes.
And it did not even stop at this wish, the torch was to be lighted again.
Although this was certainly in order to shine again in a this-world which
is not left by the dead man. The freethinking liberation from the other
world had already done its work in Lessing's case and even more so in
Goethe's. It was no longer a matter of repeating that there was no soul
or that no soul remained after death; to a fullness of life which wanted
to go on and on stirring, this profession of faith appeared not only rather
meagre after liberation from the other world had been gained, it already,
or again, appeared frightening. It was after all the skeleton again, although
without hell; the extinction of the eternal fire had been bought at the
price of the return to dust of which the Bible, in its older parts, had also
already spoken. The genius with the reversed torch had placed itself before
the terrors of corruption and the utter devaluation which the skeleton,
as the remainder or the core of man, represented. This genius was partly
pia fraus, of the fresh, aesthetic-classicistic kind, but partly also self-esteem,
active self-estimation which did not want to capitulate to nothingness.
And a consequence of this active feeling was that Lessing and Goethe despite
everything once again knew how to promote an awakening: not so much
as that of a pure survival but above all as that of a continuing influence.
An immanent continuing influence of course, the this-worldly character
1145
remains, hell and heaven have no place. But precisely the this-worldly wish,
active and insatiable, drove Lessing on to a much more far-reaching hope
than that of the beautifully expiring torch. It drove him to the wishful
hypothesis of its renewed, ever-renewed lighting, in short to the revival
of a belief which one would least of all have expected to encounter in
the Enlightenment. It was the belief in the transmigration of souls: 'Is
this hypothesis', Lessing asks, 'so ridiculous simply because it is the oldest?
because the human intellect hit upon it straight away, before the sophistry
of the schools diffused and weakened it?' The following paragraphs of
the 'Education of the Human Race' connect to the slow course of history
an equally long-lasting, constantly reappearing soul: 'Why should I not
return so long as I am adept at attaining new insights, new skills? Do
I take so much away with me at once that it is not worth the trouble
of returning?' This was said purely for the sake of continuing influence,
of perfection, but of course there was much in the theories of the time
which accommodated Lessing, which revived the oldest hypothesis. The
doctrine of the transmigration of souls appealed to an age as individualistic
as it was fond of progress, because it combined both aspects throughout
all history. Even Hume, so much more sceptical than Lessing, remarked
in his 'Essays on Suicide, and the Immortality of the Soul' that the doctrine
of the transmigration of souls was the only system of this kind which philosophy could take heed of. Lessing was moreover reinforced in his enthusiasm
from the most unexpected source, namely from the sensualistic Enlightenment, in its physiological-psychological form. Bonnet's 'Palingenesies
philosophiques', 1769, which Lessing knew, had ascribed to the'soul,
precisely because it is connected to the brain and appears only in material
form, the tendency to enter a new body after the death of the old. Lessing
had enriched this physiological fantasy with his own historical, activepostulative fantasy. The birth-wheel no longer appears as one of entanglement, as with the Orphics and especially in India, on the contrary it is
productively affirmed. The transmigration of souls is valued as it was in
centuries closer to Lessing, among the Rosicrucians and the Cabbalists:
as an instrument of being able to do better in more than one life. This
is the active element in Lessing's wishful image, it is the hope-will to
participate in human events from beginning to end. Here in this re-lighted
torch we have the strange fact of a development insatiably applied to man.
But above all the doctrine of tKe transmigration of souls afforded individuals
with Lessing's longing for activity and future the gleaming prospect of
an actual being-present in the epochs of history as a', whole. Thus even
1147
1149
elegy quality with which it had set out in the age of sentimentality in
a much more manly way than Lichtenberg, but it did not shake off the
resignation which indicates how much this connection of the grave to
a very different kind of dead nature cost. The return to nature, in the
lethal version of this return, is affirmed as Lichtenberg affirmed it, but
with an attempted amor fati too. Watchful for the things that would come
or would not come, there lived in Keller the readiness both for a benign,
broad emptiness of nothingness and for a cosmically populated infinity.
The image of the journey becomes new, when the dead themselves are
seen in a morgue, 'where they lay stretched out, people of all classes and
ages, like market stallholders awaiting the morning or emigrants at the
harbour sleeping on their belongings'. This readiness for nothingness in
the coming morning is nevertheless only a readiness for individual
nothingness, with a continuing, all the more confirmed and more thoroughly
embracing universe. This disaffection with short-lived consciousness, this
inclination towards the realm of the dead around life is most movingly
depicted in the count's daughter in 'Der Griine Heinrich' .(IV, ch. II),
who is a foundling anyway: 'The entire transient existence of our personality, and its encounter with other transitory animate and inanimate
things, our flashing and vanishing dance in the light of the world has
for her a soft, faint tinge now of mild sadness, now of delicate gaiety,
which does not allow the pressure of the weighty demands of the individual
to arise, while overall being subsists.' Precisely this remains the background,
the fact that overall being subsists; a cosmic rule through which individual
divergences are corrected, by death. Unless the individual is taken by the
universe into a common infinity, into a journey through the host of stars,
indeed of the galaxy itself. Of course here - an extension of the gnosticDantean heavenly journey to the world itself - the host of stars is also
conceived as a gigantic procession, as excess of the depth-dimension which,
for the individual, on earth, was so restricted. The readiness to go on
this journey appears most sublimely in a prayer which Gottfried Keller
wrote shortly before his death; the moral law and the starry heavensbecome
one here. Here is farewell as an entry into the world, with the world,
into the distant universe as such: 'Great Wain, * mighty constellation of
* This is the constellation of Ursa Major, the Great Bear, referred to in German as 'Heerwagen',
i.e. 'army wagon'. The Plough in the constellation of the Great Bear is sometimes referred
to as 'King Charles' Wain', or 'The Wain', and we have chosen this as an equivalent for
the extended German image of the wagon with its shafts, used by Keller here.
lIsa
the Teutons, before my eyesyou make your splendid way in constant silent
procession across the heavens, rising from the east each night. 0 go there
and come back each day! Look at my serenity and my faithful eye, that
has followed you for so many years. And if I am tired, then take my soul,
so light in worth but also in evil will, gather it up and let it go with
you, guiltless as a child that does not weigh down your radiant shafts
- over there! - I can see far ahead where we are going.' This wonderful
prayer is unique in that it combines intended dissolution in the infinite
universe with a kind of infinite intention of the Where To - but of a cosmic,
cosmomorphic Where To. What a difference between Keller's worldjourney, however romantic, and the old religious background of the
deathbed, 'where', asJean Paul describes it, 'behind the long black curtain
of the spirit-world one saw busy figures running with lamps; where for
the sinner one glimpsed open claws and ravenous spirit-eyes and restless
wandering, but for the devout man flowery signs, a lily or a rose in his
pew, strange music or his double form'. With Keller it is not the person
who continues to have an influence in the universe but the universe which
continues to have an influence in the person, a person utterly polarized,
who does not weigh the radiant shafts down even with his worth. The
journey utopia thus definitely becomes dissolution in the infinite, in one
no longer concerned with life: the Great Wain is universe without consciousness and without a wagon-rack. This is a seduction which does not
even appear only as an invoked counter-utopia to death but which takes
it as the point of departure for the ever-beckoning worship of the stars.
For participation in this glimmering, a participation which Christianity
did not destroy, which indeed announces itself as seduction in the midst
of the Bible. Job took credit for not worshipping the heavenly bodies;
so powerful was their allure, greater than that of the spiritual, the invisible.
'If I beheld the sun when it shined, or the moon walking in brightness;
and my heart hath been secretly enticed, or my mouth hath kissed my
hand: This also were an iniquity to be punished by the judge' Gob 31, 26f.);
but immanence did kiss its hand, and death seemed to seal the surrender.
Landscape, absorb me, this becomes the password here, far beyond the
sleep-simile, the sleep-equation, far into the rigidly great. The equivocation
in the concept of dead, which describes both the corpse and inorganic nature,
did the rest to connect death with the Panic feeling. To locate it precisely
with temptation, not only with consolation in the inanimated cosmos,
as union with it.
So the place where no man is draws us into itself quite strangely here.
IISI
Two testimonies finally make clear what the nature of the equation between
death and Pan is here. One testimony is in the 'Erl King', as there is more
to it than dread and a vain ride for life. And more to it than the demonic
enticement which whispers through the dread, and promises: bright flowers,
golden garments, dance of the elves. But apart from all this, which the
Erl King has to give, there is the - streak of mist, there is the sombre
place, and its weaving entices far more deeply than the Erl King. The
fact that the wind rustles only in dry leaves, that only old willows shine
so grey, this allusion to wind and willows, which ostensibly dispels the
ghostliness and ostensibly drives away the ghostly images of enticement,
instead increases, indeed establishes the ghostliness and the enticement.
For wind, willows, night drive away from the child of death merely the
meagre life that the Erl King offers, and his gold which is itself already
pale; a quite different desire rises up from the scenery itself, the scenery
which is truly dead. The dreaming about the streak of mist is directed
at the longing to become it, it is the incomprehensibly secret landscape
of death itself which makes Goethe's poem so compelling. Behind the power
of the Erl King is that of the elements, is the Styx, where the old willows
stand, is the silence of stones which is thoroughly experienced by this kind
of death-utopia. Holderlin's 'Death of Ernpedocles' gives the other
testimony to this silence, in the flames of Etna. And the dead 'World, the
supposed underworld appears entirely to this kind of longing as the whole
world, as that in light. The farewell to Being Human thus becomes a
farewell to the littleness connected with life: 'Then sacredly, if it must
happen,/The fearful thing, let it happen splendidly.' Before death comes
the hero takes the metaphor of his best existence from the extra-human
world, the purely formed, prismatic world: '0 Iris' bow! Above rushing/
Waters, when the wave in silver clouds/Flies up, as you are, so is my
joy!' His death in Etna completely celebrates union with nature and atones
for the superhumanity which stepped outside it and wanted to outgrow
it. The old unity between man and earth, between earth and heaven burns
in death, as this unlowered torch: 'If now, when too alone,/The heart
of earth laments and, mindful/Of the old unity, the dark mother/Spreads
out her fiery arms to the ether,/And now the ruler comes in streaming
rays:/Then we shall follow as a sign/We are his kin, down into sacred
flames.' The glowing All-One which was to rise up for Empedocles was
certainly felt and thought of as the Eternal-Living, not as a gigantic mummy
or as mechanics. Yet its life is completely without organic metaphors, or
is just so much crystal: the ether opens and is empty of human beings.
1152
These are the images of longing which seek to go through death into
lost nature, into 'Urania's solemn string music', as Empedocles hopes,
or more precisely into the silence in which the unfinished tragedy ends
in Holderlin, All these images, of such differing rank, have their deathutopia in the unityof the unconscious, which nature, especially in inorganic
natural beauty, seems to promise. What is sought is unsundering through
consciousness, un sundering through subject and object: and the inorganic
world, because it has kept out of life from the beginning, seems close to
this. Death is then not regarded as the brother of sleep but rather as the
brother of granite, with night or azure over it, no matter which. The
No to individual-living Being Human thus appears, in all this curiously
neo-Egyptian and yet again equally quite unstatuesque desire to become
like something dead, as an affirmat.ion of pure emptiness without human
beings. Death, part of nature yet a highly unnatural part, which conflicts
with air, light and sun, is supposed in these cosmomorphic extensions
of death - which philosophically go back to Anaximenes and his doctrine
of the unity of soul and ether - to make us into air, light, sun themselves,
even though there is no eye to see them, indeed precisely because of this.
IIS3
pant for death, and yet drawsbacklAs from a stream in winter'. The
nineteenth century approached the lethal return to nature not only poetically
but myth-historically, and in dual form: chthonic as well as Uranian.
Bachofen emphasized both, though the chthonic form most strongly: dying
as homecoming to the earth. The cave again receives, the cave from which
man came, the earth-cradle and the grave. The grave-cult of the matrilineal
order, which is intuitively reconstructed by Bachofen, moves in this cycle:
'The same arising from the womb of matter, the same returning to its
darkness.' Or in the patrilineal order dying becomes an ascent to the stars,
to the Apollonian, though also completely immanent world. The cave
and the earth are now replaced by the Uranian heights, which Hercules
was the first to enter after death, through death. Dying thus becomes
a transition 'to the harmonious law of the Uranian world and to heavenly
light, flame without fire'. Thus there is a return here from Christianity
to archaic emotions, finally even to a kind of solemn battle-frenzy of dying,
with an imagined feeling behind it of being secure below or of being saved
above. A strange sympathy thus entered the old images of the earth and
the sun, as if there had been no Christian other world at all, and it reconciled death with them. But this sympathy came not least from the analogy
between death and the inorganic Unconscious which had been circulating
since Lichtenberg and which culminated in Romanticism (to which Bachofen
belongs). And the so-called All-Life with which Pan was endowed was
still supposed to exclude only the mechanism but not the gigantic encirclement of a primal past, pre-vital as well as postmortal, in which there is
no place for individual life.
It is not surprising that even disenchanted thinking still coloured what
was dead. When nothing but power and matter seemed to be left, the
great corpse was at least presented as naturally beautiful. As the petit
bourgeois began to be uplifted by the Alps, enthused about giant mountains
and majestic mountain ranges, so too his mechanistic world-picture was
poeticized. It had discarded everything but atoms which were lightless
and soundless, and death was dissolution into them, but popular materialist
writers such as Bolsche, even Hackel decked out the essence of the matter
again cosmically, almost pantheistically. And the example which repeatedly
continued to have an effect and was not forgotten by the bourgeoisie
was set by Feuerbach, in a still legitimate manner; he did after all come
from the tradition of monism, and his disenchantments derived their devoted
worldly gleam from here. Individual life, when it fades into the universal,
has in fact gained this universal; clarified, indeed transfigured mechanics
1154
1155
unconscious form to the universe. Someone else who stood out strangely
in this respect was Fechner, no materialist but an out-and-out parallelist with
regard to body and soul. With Feuerbach, man is what he eats, yet at
the end the universe eats him; with Fechner, too, he is consumed by the
universe, but he is equally retained and remembered. From the individual
body he is absorbed into the body of the earth, from individual consciousness
he is transposed into a literal earth-, indeed mechanics-consciousness. This
is the idea to which Fechner's 'Little Book of Life After Death' is devoted,
one of the strangest wishful little books within naturalistic .immanence.
For Fechner's basic thesis: psychophysical parallelism, admittedly sounds
cautiously mechanistic, yet it aims to make the cosmos into which the
dead man withdraws more melodious than the harmony of the spheres.
For, as Fechner says, with scarcely compelling logic: just as there can be
no mind without physical nature, so there can also be no nature without
mind. Indeed the more powerfully the material corpus, as earth, sun,
universe, extends, the broader and higher its consciousness. This was a
pure argument from analogy, based on the human brain-soul relationship,
but through it the earth now became 'not merely a ball of dry earth, water,
air; it is a greater and higher uniform creation'. All mankind is its brain,
all human history is the earth's memory, in which the individual continues
to be remembered after his death and combines with all other memories.
But even if individual spiritual and permanent needs are preserved in such
a mixture of cosiness, psychophysics and philosophy-colportage, the cosmic
aspect so to speak, in which both extinguishing and collecting occur, still
triumphs again. In Fechner's late work, 'The Aspect of Day compared
with the Aspect of Night', 1879, the rivulets converged: 'The same earth
which by the same power binds us and all its creatures to it also gave birth
to them all, receives them into itself again, feeds and clothes us all,
controls the communication between all and retains, for all this change,
a stock which preserves itself and develops through this change itself... On
the basis of the above we must grasp the earth as an essential being superordinated to us both on the material and on the spiritual side, uniformly
bound in a higher sense than ourselves, and hence as a knot which ties
us together with our fellow creatures into the divine bond.' Ties us in
life and especially after death, when death itself, 'the great disease of gradual
stages', has been undergone and higher stages: earth consciousness, cosmic
soul, are entered. This is how far Fechner went, and the distance is great
from the psychophysical archive and pillow to Lessing's and Goethe's
emigrations, to Keller's prayer to the Great Wain, but the line of a cosmic
IIS7
liberation, and repression alone does not give the feeling of a victory. It
is becoming probable that mankind today, in living without the fear of
death, is borrowing on past beliefs, even living on completely unguaranteed
cheques. This dubious loan, which precisely among the freethinkers of
today, with their numerous nuances, means that no strong thinkers are
needed at all, as they were in the eighteenth century, is now becoming .
generally prevalent. The meagre profession of nothingness would scarcely
be enough to keep the head held high and to make it seem as if there
is no end. On the contrary, clear signs indicate that, in the subconscious,
earlier, fuller wishful images persist and provide support. Through the
trace which remained of them, the so-called modem person does not feel
the maw which is incessantly around him and which will certainly devour
him in .the end. Through them, quite unexpectedly, he saves his sense
of self, through them the impression arises that man does not perish but
that the world will one day decide on a whim not to appear before him
any more. Probably this utterly flat courage, capable of repressing the fear
of all earlier ages, is dining at the expense of another. It is living on earlier
hopes and the support which they once provided. And it is very often
living - this is crucially important here - on an expired belief which, if
it evaporated completely one day, would leave behind a horror all the more
helpless. It is only in this oblique and half-hearted way that the person
living from day to day fails to feel his last hour, works without despairing.
but they had disciples and still have Junger. * This is the first sign of how
people can die in the light of the past. But what if a life still seems to
be in order, if business as usual for the time being still seems to be profitable?
Then it is not battle but bourgeois getting-on which lures, with income
without end and without crisis, the exaggeration lures, an exaggeration
which is utterly extraordinary on the present ground, that all dying is
mere illusion, and to its believers this does not appear madness. Disease,
lack of success, the blows of fate, but also the final lack of success: death,
according to this view are all due solely to powerless thoughts; the failure
called dying is merely the price paid for mental weakness. This is the deathaspect of Coue but especiallyof Christian Science, the most genuine religion
of North America. This seeks to plug the leak which causes the human
ship to sink so early; but this leak is not regarded as one in matter but
primarily as one in the smart will. Through lack of belief in the elbow,
in the Jesus of life which is both healthy and businesslike, evil enters into
man, evil which does not exist at all but which corrupts what is. If these
corrupting abscesses burst, however, then sickness too is supposed to
disappear, all along the line, and ultimately also sickness unto death: what
beckons, if not yet immortality in the flesh, is at least long-lived strength
and mental existence against death. This kind of thing, as will be recalled,
has already appeared as a medical wishful image, but now it returns quite
massively, as faith in faith, and yet no longer massively at all but ultimately
as fascist blasphemy. The repression of death, the curing of death by this
kind ofJesus as doctor is the second sign of certainties loaned from a quite
different age. The God of faith-healing, and of the various spiritualists
of today who are more elegantly associated with this, is the God of business,
the God of late antiquity who has degenerated into what is believed to
be the eternity of business: as such resurrection and as such life. Instead
of the life-giving bull's blood which was poured over the mystes, instead
of the magical Last Supper, all that appears here is belief in success. True
entrepreneurial go-getting has no time for sickness and death, its Jesus
will not tolerate bankruptcy anywhere. Which is why America is neopagan enough to replace the lamb, whose prosperity is notoriously low,
with the life-giving bull, the successfulbullyboy. All these are late-classical
traces or borrowings on an Aesculapius-Jesus; but to continue with the
Bloch is punning here on the word 'Junger' meaning 'disciple' and the name of Ernst Junger,
soldier and writer, erstwhile champion of the German military spirit. His book 'In Stahlgewittem' (The Storm of Steel) is one of the best accounts from the German side of life in
the trenches in the First W orId War.
1159
text, which becomes somewhat nobler, there are, thirdly, still traces from the
lethal cosmic sympathy which the last century already secularized, traces which
were therefore astral-mythic. A panicfeeling ofnature, with the inorganic above
all in.itself, as the worldwide landscape of death, is thus the third late bourgeois
sign of the loan. Death is interpreted not as exitus but on the contrary as
introitus of the other, star-clear side: into man who is no longer cow-warm,
unappetizing, tiny. In the way, for example, in which Alfred Brust, in his
novel 'The Lost Earth' which is typical in this respect, has an old man
announce his end to his friends: 'The serenity of autumn is diffused over my
hours. The circle of the sun becomes smaller and the gentle nights increase
their domain. The approaching sea of stars has ventured beyond my limits
and entered into me completely early this morning.' Here it is not the individual who departs, and he does not go on any journey: on the contrary, the
strangest countermovement is thought to be experienced: it is the autumn
which advances towards the individual; it is the approaching sea of stars (of
the winter sky) which ventures beyond the limits of the person and floods the
person. Pan himself thus diminishes life as the autumn diminishes the days
of sun, and death radiates in over the rest like the night crystals of the winter
sky, indeed as these themselves. Lethal astral myth with a more Christian
tinge appears even in America, in Emerson, even in WilliamJames, although
posited as cosmic-spiritual, pan-psychical. Thusjames, in his 'Human Immortality' , posits cosmic consciousness as primary, hence as the seawhich in death
floods over the little sundering which is individual consciousness again: 'All
abstract hypotheses sound unreal; and the abstract notion that our brains are
coloured lenses in the wall of nature, admitting light from the super-solar
source, but at the same time tingeing and restricting it, has a thoroughly
fantastic sound. ,* Therefore borrowing is visible here too, for there would be
no advance of the dying individual into the universe, of the immortal universe
into the individual, ifbehind this feeling there had not once been astral myth.
Together with its typical mysticism: that of being securely housed in and by the
old physis. Which takes the mouldy thing called life, the injustice called the
individual, back into itself. Gaia here, Uranus there, neither are still believed
in as gods, but death still cloaks itself in their superannuated garments.
However there remains, ultimately, a kind of euthanasia which appears
fresh, it can be called vainglorious despair, and its fourth sign does not from
Bloch is giving a condensed version of James's exposition of 'transmissive function' here. His
'quotation' begins, Universal consciousness is the first, the eternal aspect, but our brain is ... "
then follows more faithfully the text of James's lecture, in the course of which James defends his
'abstract hypothesis' .
1160
the outset seem derived from a tradition. Here man runs on ahead of death,
claims of his own accord to be ready for nothingness. Today for many
the time of prevented or latent suicide has come, precisely the bourgeois
classsees its destruction before it, hopeless. Now here, instead of a shunning
of death, at last even a kind of indulgence in dying seems to be found;
with an imperialist mandate, almost as if there were a will to nothingness,
i.e. to the death from starvation and in battle, which is concealed in
nothingess. This is the only thing which fascist society can offer the people;
thus bourgeois philosophers of today have made people familiar .in an
ostensibly original way with the Nihil. They are philosophers of decline,
they combined the problem of individual death with that of their society,
made the mere nothingness of the capitalist future into an inevitable-absolute
nothingness, so that the view on to a changeable world, on to socialistfuture,
was utterly blocked. They preached an addiction to death which thus
supposedly went far beyond the organic-natural, namely through synthetically produced lethargy and finally through war. They also added counterfeit,
gloomy-uplifting wishful images to their nothingness, images which at
first were defeatist and in the end were Mephistophelian. Spengler spoke
of the fatigue 'which the all too alert person feels in all his bones' and
praised it in cast-iron style because nothing else was supposed to be at
hand. Jaspers, not with a historical but with a so-called existential-eternal
approach, provided the following consolation: 'It is not only the way of
the world in time that nothing can last, but it is as it were a will (!) that
nothing authentic should survive as permanence. Defeat is the name of
the experience, not-to-be-anticipated, necessary to be accomplished, that
the perfect is also the evanescent. To become real in order genuinely to
be defeated is the last possibility (!) in temporal existence: it plunges into
the night which grounded it. If the day is self-sufficient, not-being-defeated
becomes an increasing lack of substance, until at the end defeat comes to
it from without as something alien' (Philosophie, 1932, III, p. 110). Here
therefore nothingness, to which sickness, the time-sickness unto death
entrusts itself, looks almost doubly intricate: from being status it is
transformed into an eternal act, namely into that of defeat, and it is even
supposed to be the guarantor of the best - Something, riamely of substance.
The other wishful image of nothingness was formulated by Heidegger,
a much more presentient angel, no longer a comforter but a reconciler
with, and propagandist of, the late capitalist-fascist world, the world of
death. Fear is fear of death, and this occurs not in individual moments
or even only at the last moment, but is the 'basic state of human existence' ,
1161
'the sole What-Is in the existential analytics of existence' (Sein und Zeit,
1927, p. 13). Fear and the pure nothingness into which it overhangs do
not give life its substance but they do give it its dubiousness and its depth:
'Solely because nothingness is evident in the ground of existence can
the full strangeness of What-Is come over us'; the object of science is
What-Is, that of philosophy is nothingness. 'But existence must, in the
world-projecting over-climb of What-Is, first overclimb itself in order from
this height to be able to comprehend itself above all as abyss.' (Vom Wesen
des Grundes, 1929, p. 110); - thus nothingness, for a pure nothingness,
shows a highly complicated face. But this complicated face is itself unoriginal
and loaned, from jaspers' 'comprehended defeat' to Heidegger's 'unguaranteed steadfastness'; and only the particularly interested imperialist mandate
for this kind of affirmation of the abyss or 'absorption in death' seems
fresh. Otherwise even the Jasperian and Heideggerian nothingness is dyed,
decked out with borrowed plumes, precisely with regard to its death-magic.
For of course there appears in all this, once again in perverted form, much
that is Lutheran-Christian: defeat corresponds to the rejection of
righteousness through works, fear corresponds to the old weight of sin,
pre-emptive resolution to submission to the will of God. And together
with the copied Luther a counter-example is mingled: copied Romanticism,
its wishful concept of the night. A night, however, which is no longer
tinged with Liebestod 'drowning, sinking, oblivious down, highest bliss
is found', but with murder. This is the epigonism of pro-fascist nihilism,
of its vainglorious despair, of its quietism for the followers, and of its
apres nous Ie deluge for the leaders.
It is now time to come up into purer air again. Here, finally, is the feeling,
certainly the fresh, not only the old feeling, of living on in one's children.
No man, says the peasant proverb, should leave this life without having
planted a tree, left behind a son. Children take the name of their father,
and the father wishes that they should continue to be his work. But works
1162
of the mind are also calledchildren, works that have been painted, composed,
written, built, thought. Both because of the frenzy of their conception
and because of the pangs of their birth, and of course because of their
surviving permanence. Significantly a successful business, a battle won or
a solid political achievement has never been called the child of its author.
In other words, the effect of such deeds finally disappears and becomes
interwoven, they have no framed shape which survives in characteristic
form. However long the name of their author is remembered, it is not
connected with a work which can be performed again and again, renewed
again and again. Vita brevis, ars longa, empires pass away, a good line
lasts for ever: in these artistic convictions only the formed work has a
place. Only this work, like bodily children, experiences posterity and overcomes the obituary, at least for its readers. Of course this is a consolation
which unfortunately cannot be enjoyed by so-calledrun-of-the-mill people,
unless in a comical, and thus not exactly consoling fashion. In such a way
that even a successfulbusiness, by becoming a firm, can be confirmed and
fixed into an eternal value; as is frequently the case in advertising. But
precisely its bizarre forms indicate that the character of intellectual work
has to be copied here, as in the following ridiculous-instructive examples:
'The memory of the deceased will live on immortally in the annals of
the Naxos sandpaper factory.' Or, from a different original: 'We knew
the deceased's dream to found a new, small metal goods industry in
Czechoslovakia, to lead and to mould it and to make it known throughout the world. With superhuman efforts he surpassed himself, and when
a goal was reached he had already set himself a higher one. This principle
will point the way in our future work, so that we may realize and
immortalize Hynek Puc's sublime ideas.' Even if in this kind of thing
survival in the work is claimed only in order to recommend the products
of sandpaper and small metal factories, not even this would be possible
unless they had been endowed with the sun of Homer. But only brothers
in Apollo will bring, or possibly bring, an abundance of intellectualimmortal descendants into the world. Only for them can the grave still
become the pulpit from which their voices may continue to be heard, indeed
often more piercingly than in their lifetime. Only to them applies the
metaphor or hyperbole that a kind of transmigration of the soul of
Beethoven or Shakespeare takes place when their music and verses resound
in the hearts of millions centuries after their death. Or, as has actually
proven to be true with less great printed works, that writing is a ship
which sails over the ocean of time and unites the most distant centuries
116 3
with one another. Only here does the comical quality of that kind of
continued existence cease with which the annals of the various sandpaper
factories both advertise and console. True permanence in a work and a
legitimized dream of this now spread, even though for relatively few
subjects and even for these unreasonably few only in such a way that they
cannot certainly themselves lead or see before them their life which has,
been pressed like wine into work. A half or even a full dozen volumes
on shelves may represent objective immortality but they bear only a
metaphorical relation to the personal immortality of the old faith. However,
at least for those who are thus privileged an ars longa does come about
which is adorned with the name of their vita brevis; and this even before
passing away. Thus Heinrich Mann spoke of the honours which distance
such age in a highly flattering way from youth, by which it is ascended
like a throne. Gottfried Keller saw the seventy-year-old F. Th. Vischer
and indeed greater figures in a similar light and wrote of them that they
stood in the evening sunshine of life under the entablature of their works
with an undoubtedly secure feeling. Schiller had this saving feeling just
as his illness was beginning: 'I will scarcely have time to complete a great
and general intellectual revolution within myself, but I will do what I
can, and when finally the building collapses, then I will perhaps have rescued
what is worth preserving from the flames' (To Goethe, jrst August 1794).
Goethe, who saw his entire life as gradually transformed into a. kind of
supra-personal state, imagined not only the cosmic survival of his essence
but precisely also immortality in his work which had become historical
and which would remain behind as historical. This not quite four months
before his death in a letter to Wilhelm von Humboldt, with himself as
a historically experienced and arranged category: 'If I may express this
in our old confidence, I gladly admit that at my high age everything begins
to seem more and more historical; whether something takes place in past
times, in distant empires or quite close to me in space at this moment
is all the same, and I appear to myself to be more and more historical;
and as my good daughter reads Plutarch to me in the evenings, I often
seem ridiculous to myself if I should recount my biography in this fashion
and sense.' Such objectification has indeed removed the person's own
existence from transience; even life then appears as work, and the work
appears as elapsion, indeed as the printed situationlessness of a life which
has become essential. And all this, with full legend-creation of the personally
objectified and at the same time historically unsinkable, is condensed into
Faust's famous statement that the trace of his days on earth could not
q
II6S
1166
the new aeon of the work, one which appears only in the history of
civilization. Yet even here a kind of borrowing takes place, from strangely
recent depths of cultural consciousness. There is for example the traditional Roman fame, which transposes itself in highly patrilineal fashion
into the stars. There is an Egyptian element at work in the belief in
permanence, the belief in the work itself, comparable to the survival of
the personal essence (the Ka) in the statue. And, this time a borrowing
which occurs only here: in the pathos of the permanence of the work,
in its height and essence itself, there is undoubtedly the-continuing influence
of the idea of the holy books which orientalizing late antiquity brought
back to Europe or developed for Europe. The Koran and the Bible at that
time or from then on were regarded not merely as life-directing works, but
as works which had elapsed from time, which stood outside transitoriness
which stood in eternity. It was from this model or canon that the modern
idea of classicism first developed in secularized form, hence the unmoving
rainbow of perfection above the waterfall of history. Without this feeling
of classicism or aspiration to classicism, genius would have had no space
within the diminished or vanished hope for survival to expect and to be
granted immortality in the work. This is joined by a secularized continuing
influence, concerning the permanent star of books and the human life which
seeks to cling to it. Permanence appears to arise when events in the book,
as the saying goes, are immortalized, but also when the book makes of
them a departure, an exodus as extract. People die, cities sink into ruins,
empires collapse, but the library has gathered up all the meanings from
transitoriness and therefore - for literary consciousness - preserved them.
The Baroque in particular cultivated this idolatry of the book, as if it were
a new arena, elapsed from death (cf. Benjamin, Ursprung des deutschen
Trauerspiels, 1928, P: 83); thus at the end of all things, apart from the
Bible, an orbis scriptus remains. All this continues to be influential in the
immortality image of the work, the Bible and the reified library continue
to be influential in immortality through the work. But of course very
differently than in the Bible and the Koran, the mounds in which the
defuncti, the no longer functioning, lie and have their huge holiday no
longer open up. Survival thought to be literal, and not that thought to
be in literature, looked very different, gave the dying person a different
fixative of his soul than the metaphorical survival, accessible to so few,
of work that outlasts. Yet this very relative, very metaphorical remedy
against death cannot be annihilated now that the old landscape of immortality has disappeared. Immortality-utopia produces itself anew in the act
1167
1168
person faces death as an equal, indeed forces death to seal precisely this
upright-essential quality. To this extent the tragic image of death, as it
has been immanently developed, still has a select significance, but as, unlike
immortality in the work, this image does not presuppose talent, but
attainable will and attitude, its significance is not intellectual-aristocratic.
Nor is it merely work-based and metaphorical, but - although it is enacted
in a fictional work - a personally effective significance. Even up to the
point that death for the tragic person and his cause is used almost
paradoxically-positively.
Here the hero shows how death can be incorporated into him. He is
not cancelled out in death, although not only his life but also his striving
is trampled underfoot. In human terms he comes into form through this
end, the tragic death works as a chisel. Indeed even the tragic play,* in
which no intense characters go under, comes across as an event which
contains not only unhappiness, beautified by emotion. Instead the emotion
raises the trodden flower or the grave of the noble, the once great individual
into a lament; it shrouds the corpse, makes the corpse-like good. Only
the vulgar goes down into Orcus without a sound, whereas even the
smallest spark of light appears colourful and large in the tears of emotion.
Even that form of tragic play which was developed in the Baroque, in
clear contrast to strict tragedy, makes transitoriness into something rescued,
indeed makes it the condition on which there can be any rescue at all,
namely any 'harvesting' into symbol. The dying person here does not
become statuesque but allegorical, in accordance with Benjamin's insight:
'And the characters of the tragic play die because it is only in this way,
as corpses, that they can enter into the allegorical homeland' (Ursprung
des deutschen Trauerspiels, 1928, p. 217). The corpse becomes an emblem,
indeed all history, as a scene of devastation and only as such, becomes
an emblem in the Baroque: 'Deadness of the characters and departedness
of concepts are therefore the pre-requisite for the allegorical transformation of the pantheon into a world of magical conceptual creatures' (l.c.,
p. 225). The Baroque tragic play thus greets death, as 'the significant
division of a living thing into the disjecta membra of allegory'. But the hero
becomes statue and not ruin, the only statue among ruins, according to the
plastic interpretation so to speak, in tragedy. This can also be expressed as
follows: the complaint against death israised in the tragic play, but isthen dropped;
only in the .tragedy is the case carried through, and though it is lost for the life
* For the distinction between 'tragic play' (Trauerspiel) and 'tragedy' (Tragedie), see Vol. I,
p. 429. and 11.
1169
of the hero, it is won for his character. Accordingly, in tragedy no one may
fall except through his own actions; where this does not happen, for example
in the case of Max and Thekla, the human sacrifices for Wallenstein, mere
tragic play immediately occurs in the midst of tragedy. * Therefore only in
tragedy and in the attitude which corresponds to it, but here inevitably, is
death, which is then certainly not lamentable, supposed to be able to be and
above all: to have to be a value-laden definitivum. A definitivum not of
the end but of conclusion, as that of a character who becomes statuesque in
tragic death. Lukacs, from a still neo-classical position, therefore still without
reference to the actual, socialissue which the hero in his character represents
in each case, developed the notion of this hard, brilliant consolation most
consistently. Without the older images of guilt and atonement, without
an origin of tragic poetry in the idea of sacrifice of laying down one's
life to atone for guilt, but of course also without the pathos of the tragic
hero as a fighter against fate, fate which is hostile to man, hostile to
Prometheus. On the contrary: 'The essence of these great moments in life
is the pure experience of selfhood' (Die Seeleund die Formen, 1911, p. 336).
And death falls from it, like the chisel from the finished statue, indeed
here it is supposed to be irrelevant even beforehand when it asserts its
importance with blood, danger, murder. Genuine drama as form itself takes
its characters' lives, i.e, the undecided, the atmospheric life in mere
experienced reality, 'the anarchy of chiaroscuro' in which nothing ever
swings to the uttermost. Tragedy has no biology and no psychology: 'The
readiness to face death ofthe tragic character, his serene calm in the face of
death or his blazing ecstasy of death is only ostensibly heroic, only the
human-psychological view; the dying heroes of tragedy ... are already dead
long before they die' (l.c., p. 342). According to this view, death is merely
the making-visible of a shape which is already present anyway, in its essence;
just as, for example, Michelangelo already saw the statue in the block and
all his chisel had to do was remove the superfluous material around it.
Or as the late Schelling metaphysicized this chiselling, now no longer as
tragic, but towards selfhood: 'The common notion which regards death
as a separation of soul and body sees the body as an ore in which the soul is
encircled like a precious metal; death is the process of separation which frees
the soul from this matter which encirclesand surrounds it and presents it clear
and in its purity. The other notion would tend more to compare the effect of
death with that process in which the spirit or the essence of a plant is
* In Schiller's tragedy 'Wallenstein'.
1170
extracted ... The death ofa person is then not so much a separation as an essentification, in which only the contingent is destroyed but the essence, that which
man actually is, is preserved' (Werke, IV~, p. 206f.). Almost in the same
sense a Church Father, Gregory of Nyssa, had celebrated death and before
that the mortification of asceticism, as the 'last remedy for the body' , in such
a way that the sin-distorted body is 'recast into its transfiguration' . And Plato,
so inclined to the idea of purely represented genus, observes in his 'Cratylus'
that it was wise of Pluto to wish to associate with men only after their death,
after the soul is purified of all the evil and corruption of the body. All this
borders, in secularized form, on the tragic emergence of selfhood, with death
as forming and, basically, form-appearance of a Being-Essential. However,
in Lukacs' still neo-classical theory of tragedy, dying, indeed destruction itself,
is omitted. According to this interpretation, both are the same atmospheric
chiaroscuro as the life of experienced reality, are verbs and not essentialities.
The mere process of destruction is removed from tragic decisions and
decidednesses, and so also, from pure statuesque immanence, is the Promethean
tension of the hero against fate. Thus the statuesque ultimately leaves out,
along with the atmosphere, the aura of tragic death and its possible
background. It not only skips over blood, murders, tragic gloom, it also
leaves, in 'pure selfhood', no other relief than the back conflict-ground', the
content of the represented cause for which the tragic hero goes to his death,
with naive or considered consistency. This cause may of course be 'pure
selfhood', appearing in the formal consistency of an inflexible character; to
this extent, disregarding the content of this character, even Richard III would
be a tragic figure. But more crucial is the positive-universal, the humanrepresentative goal-content of the unshakeable will, which nails the flag to
the mast of the ship, however it may go down. Also the emblem on this flag
is never that of a mere person alone and of their 'pure selfhood', however
essential it may appear; thus precisely the Marxist Lukacs, taking up Marx's
and Engels' line in the Sickingen debate with Lassalle,* subsequently sought
to bring out the more objective relief of the tragic, with a different chisel.
Precisely the socialcause which the hero in his respective character represents
and for which he endures inhis necessaryactions. So that even 'pure selfhood',
Ferdinand Lassalle, 1825-64, the founder of the German Socialist movement, wrote a tragedy
on Franz von Sickingen, a German Protestant knight who leda nobles' revolt during the Reformation. Lassalle sent the play to Marx and correspondence ensued in which Engels joined. Marx
criticized Sickingen as a revolutionary hero. He wrote to Lassalle suggesting that, like his Franz
von Sickingen, he had placed the Lutheran-knightly opposition above the plebeian-Miinzerian
opposition. Seeletter of 19th April 1859(to Lassalle)and 10th]une 1859(to Engels). See also Lukacs
'Die Sickingendebatte' in 'Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels als Literaturhistoriker' (Aufbau 1948).
117 1
however pure, is ultimately only the vehicle of these social conflicts and
contents: certainly not as a mere ideaon two legs, but in such a way that the
tragic individualascharacteris one finally only because, apart from the fatally
clear mould, he characteristically enacts what iscontained in thesesocial forces.
That is to saythat he characterizes colliding legaland moral orders;thesealone
substantiate the tragicconflict. Either in the case of heroes who represented an
existence, a legalorderwhich was not morallyfinished, which had not descended without a sound into Orcus (matriliny in Sophocles' 'Antigone'). Or in
the caseof heroes of a revolt which has come too soon, of a legal and moral
order not yet objectively ripe in its conditions (Spartacus, Miinzer and - to
remain in the literature of the tragic - to some extent Egmont). These rebels
areabove all the human brothers of Prometheus, of the prototype of the tragic
hero asa canonical hero. And from them the last light is alsocast on to allthe
socially more restricteddefiantsubstance of tragic heroes. The light of the unrefuted quos ego, sealed precisely by death, henceof the hero who is not more
powerful but better than fate with its gods and who as such, only as such,
announces a true 'pure selfhood' aslasting,for hisfollowers. This rebellion has
beenactive from the beginningin tragedy,indeed astonishingly longbefore any
actualrebellion; it canbe detectedin the greatness of the long-sufferer, it forms
the first reserve of man againstgods and fate. And to this extent therefore the
tragic death, which makes the hero and his cause so memorable and so
ponderable,was alsoableto appearasa refugefrom the transitoriness of man,
at leastof the heroic man. And aboveall, like immortality in the work, more
shapedly visible than this, thisrefugepositsitselfasutterly immanent, without
any transcendence. Classical tragedy, of course, manages without Hades, and
even the meadsof asphodel of the blessed would be out of placehere; modem
tragedy doesnot in the least implya heaven. This iswhy the natureof the tragicutopiandeath-consolation couldremainnow that religious ideas havedeparted,
with whose 'non omnis confundar' the receptivityto un-death in death even
here is undoubtedly stillfilled. Nonetheless, the tragic downfall, or rather the
fullness of lifewith which it is endured, has addeda pieceof gold to the black
flagof death in far from transcendental times. Theseare usually perceived only
on the stage, in works of fiction, but far less with illusion, far more clearly in
pre-appearance than the bourgeoiscontemplation of art, which for solong was
or hasremained usual, isable to muster.For thisthe consternation wastoo great,
and that which it is capable of communicating, even of revealing, despite
beautiful dying. Tragedyhaskept distinguishable a subject-space, a Promethean
essence-space, in which the enacted annihilation gainsno admittance, although
it first contributed to the specific appearance of this space.
117 2
1173
with alleluias, they thought that they would at best find a niche in the
memory of their contemporaries and of posterity, enshrined in the hearts of
the working class, but they sharply rejected any hope of a celestial
metaphysics and a Last Judgement in which the righteous receive the reward
withheld from them in life. In short, his belief in a mechanical universe
meant that the red hero, when, as a corpse, he was utterly transformed into
dead mechanism, returned without pleasure but also without pantheism to
dust; - yet this materialist dies as if all eternity were his. This means that
he had already ceased to take his ego so seriously, he had class consciousness.
Personal consciousness is so absorbed into class consciousness that to the
person it is not even decisive whether he is remembered or not on the
way to victory, on the day of victory. It is not an idea in the sense of
abstract faith but concrete community of class consciousness, the communist
cause itself, which holds the head up here, without delirium but with
strength. And this certainty of class consciousness, cancelling out individual"
survival, is indeed 'a Novum against death. No traces whatsoever of a
secularized kind, in the caseof FuCik, Fiete Schulz and so many others, replace
the courage which comes from within themselves or improve on it with ideas
from outside. The communist hero, his 'technique' of holding out against
interrogations, of gritting his teeth against hellish pain, of going to his
death without betraying the cause itself or even the name of a comrade
- this extraordinary power appears to be completely without any borrowing.
It does not use any earlier images of death, it neither fortifies itself through
dissolution in the universe nor through immortality in the framed work,
nor even in any appreciable way through tragic greatness, at least as far
as its formative element, indeed its statue is concerned. Thus red-atheistic
courage in death is in fact original compared with the romantic addictions
of the bourgeois sense of individuality. But of course this originality does
not mean that, even though it needs no borrowing, it could not and does
not enter into an inheritance. One with the strength to win from older
wishful images of a mythologically projected kind an element of unmythological, this-worldly meaning. The Feuerbachian re-functioning (not
rescuing) of mythologically given wishful ideas has, precisely in that which,
according to its calmest manifestation, can be called the Sacco and Vanzetti"
phenomenon, a - theoretically far from adequately understood - practical
aspect. The disappearance of nothingness in socialist consciousness is the
* Nicola Sacco, 1891-1927, and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, 1888-1927, Italian-American anarchists
who were executed in Massachusetts on charges of murdering a shoe-factory paymaster and guard.
1174
II7S
allegorical inscription, among the idylls of Theocritus: but this ego is not,
as Schiller interpreted the text, the exul tan t ego that was likewise born
in Arcadia or will be born there and thus dances. On the contrary, the
ego of the prophetic inscription refers to mors, so even in Arcadia death
is visibly inscribed. The dance of death still takes place in the loveliest place
on earth. All the more visibly because a new earth may be entered into
in the social beginning, because - not least - the contempt for death from
the period of heroic revolution has come to an end. The supra-lethal fire
of social revolution no longer finds sustenance in its product, the classless
society, certainly no longer the same sustenance. In order to investigate
it, the final horizon problems of our existence must first become clearer,
or rather more clearly directed, posed and influenced than is possible within
a concept of nature which remains mechanistic. Secularized velleities from
expired ideology and theology no longer mean anything whatever in a
classless existence, one related to reality. But it is certainly always the
strength of communism that it makes free faith without lies in its critique
of appearance. And therefore also that it counteracts nihilism, in which
the bourgeoisie, in the face of death, can no longer even bring forth its
own wishful images, let alone a possible truth in these wishful images.
Whereas dialectical materialism, as opposed to mechanical materialism,
does not recognize any barrier in its this-world; consequently it recognizes
no pre-determined nothingness of a so-called naturally ordained order
either. An order which has taken from the earlier, divinely ordained
order the idea of fate, of uncontrollable fate and transferred it one sphere
lower, to that of a closed natural necessity. Dialectical materialism instead
emphasizes controlled external necessity, one which, because controlled,
is ultimately exploded; humanization of nature is a utopian final goal of
its practice. And realized wishful images of the death-content will in future
be a central part of it, wishful images, of course, that are constitutive in
the sense that they are mediatable with the tendency and the latency of
the real process. Hence here, too, conclusive negations within socialism
are as harmful as their opposite: dogmatic-fixed fantasizing, Being enshrined
in the hearts of the working class is memory, but historical memory itself
must first be enshrined if it is not to have at its end a finally triumphant
nihilism, namely one of total mechanism. In other words, 'history' must
be founded anew in the physics of a still open Totum, and this to us no
longer disparate cosmology lies in the line of extension of all communist
problems - existentially recognizable in death. Communist cosmology here
and everywhere is the problem area of a dialectical mediation of man and of his
work with thepossible subject ofnature. This is no more than a problem and,
with respect to practical reason, a postulate, "but as such the expansion
of the realm of freedom to death as fate is legitimate. Precisely because
for this entire problem, for anything like a meaningful formulation of it,
a non liquet of the material still exists, no No a limine is predicable; if
there is not yet a positive solution to our fate in nature, there is equally
no conclusively negative solution. Socialism does not think and act with
theologically inherited stopgaps of the bourgeois-mechanistic world-picture,
nor equally does it think and act with mechanism itself and into its flXed
nothingness. Nobody knows what lies hidden in the world outside the
human working radius, i.e. in the as yet unmediated being of nature;
what subject here directs the turnover, whether such a subject already
ascertainably exists at all or already in this form; whether when it is
encountered, ascertained, brought out it can be brought into mediation
with man as the subject of history. All this depends on the development
and the prospects of the human seizure of power, i.e. most precisely: on
the development and the appearing horizons of communism. Theorypractice, when it has put the social utopia right and set it on its feet, has
the remedy for death as one of its final problems. So that the possible
real meaning even of the intention of the death- and final-utopia is examined
and, if this meaning exists, it is mediated with the real correlate in the
world, which prevents this intention from being entirely homeless. Here
the saying applies: non omnis confundar, I will not completely fall into
disorder, i.e. in that which is man's best part. And man's best part, his
found essence, is at the same time the last and best historical fruit. A nature
which not only takes its course with the earth as a dead moon at the end
or even in the stereotyped destruction and formation of stars and thus,
for all its mechanistic change, runs on the spot, can - with hope certainly
not dashed - enshrine this fruit within itself, indeed it can become this
fruit itself and does not need to destroy it.
v.
1177
1179
1180
IIBI
1182
1183
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
53
If you look into the dark long enough, there is always something there.
Yeats
Now faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen.
Hebrews
II, I
What man is not but wishes to be he imagines as existing in his gods, a god
is man's happiness-drive satisfied in the imagination.
Those who charged the Christians with burning down Rome with firebrands
were slanderers, but they were at least far nearer to the nature of Christianity
than those among the moderns who tell us that the Christians were a sort
of ethical society, being martyred in a languid fashion for telling men they
had a duty to their neighbours, and only mildly disliked because they were
meek and mild.
I. Introduction
In good hands
Fear of nothing, nothing at all, is blind. It does not see where the blow
comes from when it comes. Thus the person who fears ghosts feels exposed
1184
~OMENT
on all sides, front, back, right, left, above and below at the same time.
And even from something that seems utterly harmless terror can suddenly
step forth, inhuman. But the ghost remains equally close to the grave,
equally uncanny, when it seems to appear as friendly. Even the man who
feels in good hands and shakes them may shudder when what this hand
belongs to is, for example, dead. He senses an oppressive atmosphere, and
even friendly light around him, in front of him, above him, remains ghostly.
It clouds and smokes, the gaze at it is no clearer than the different kind
of thing which it thinks it perceives and does not perceive. Hence even
horror, which fills the ghost-ridden, never entirely disappears in the
religious, it becomes timidity. And this lasts even where the religious person
does not prove to be helpless or simply dependent. When he ventures into
the strange river, indeed when by magical acts or as a chosen one he makes
himself important. The religious man then stands as it were armed, he
is no longer a squashed worm, he has become at least a servant of his
onrushing idol. Yet even then, even in this mixture of being-on-the-watch
and watchmen there are still storms and rays. The believer can be sensible,
indeed in lower versions he can represent his cause in a ridiculous-banal
fashion and also talk about it in this way. But it is typical of this river
filled with timidity that for the time being it never becomes completely
surveyable.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1185
the saviour's mother died in the golden bed before it became a childbed,
and when her body was dissected to save its precious fruit it was found
to be empty. To make up for this something as unexpected as a - female
Jesus appeared elsewhere, in a wishful dream come true, which buys the
dearest goods for nothing. For the English laundress Anna Lee brought
herself as Christ into the world, as his female reincarnation, and was
believed. Around 1760 the saviouress migrated to the English colonies on
the upper Hudson but, in keeping with her former profession, nothing
more than a holy laundry and a Jerusalem of the immaculate kitchen grew
up around her. Instead of the much more numerous and certainly more
moving male imitators of Christ - one of the last was the Italian coachman
David Lazaretti, to whom the Sabine country people built a church -,
instead of these manifold renaissances of one already born let there appear
here the relatively original image of two saviours of a special kind', from
whose abnormality a new religion was almost made. One of these, however,
was not indisputably possessed but, at least at the beginning and the end,
a half-swindler: Sabbatai Zewi. He claimed in 1648 and then again in 1666,
the supposed year of the end of the world, to be the Messiah (cf. Vol. I,
p. 328), indeed he even signed his decrees in the grandest blasphemous
style: 'I, the Lord your God Sabbatai Zewi, who led you out of the land
of Egypt.' The Jews of the Baroque who believed inhim were feverishly
preparing to depart, but the god of the last days, when danger threatened,
went over to Islam and ended his days as a doorman in a seraglio. Far
less a Messiah and without bankruptcy, but nevertheless a 'latter-day saint',
one truly possessed appeared on the scene in the last century, within Christianity but tending beyond it: Joseph Smith, founder of the Mormons.
Legend gives the following account of the beginning: in a hill near New
York Joseph Smith found at) ancient chest containing gold' plates, the plates
were inscribed with mysterious signs, Smith deciphered them with God's
aid', and the only genuine, the arch-American Bible, the 'Book of Mormon'
came to light. It was Written in the Book that the Jewish Levites had
emigrated as early as the building of the Tower of Babel, but Jesus had
stayed with the American Levites precisely between his resurrection and
his ascension, i.e. long before Columbus, and had given them the true
revelation. The Jewish patriarch Mormon at the time engraved the revelation
in Egyptian (Smith calls it 'reformed Egyptian') and consigned it to
the hill in the state of New York, a kind of spiritual Klondyke. The
content of the treasure-chest - a geographical-utopian motif recurs here
(cf. Vol. II, p. 754), the motif of the buried letter from God or book of
1186
.RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
low level are necessary for this kind of 'initiation' or occult activation it is
difficult to say. There are a few, a very few, serious writings from the Steiner
circle, for example Poppelbaum's biosophical study 'Man and Animal' and
several chemical-astrological boldnesses with imitations of alchemy; but
everywhere else the mere chorus of a hundred thousand fools predominates.
Nevertheless there sometimes also appears a dash of mediumistic disposition,
an atavistic capacity for parapsychic phenomena, above all for atavistic clairvoyance. There can be no doubt that such phenomena and such dispositions
still exist, nor that they rose extremely high in characters like Blavatsky and
the somnambulistic Steiner. Atavistic clairvoyance was linked as it were subterraneously with mythic customs and cults, with world-pictures constructed
on a different state of consciousness from that of today. Thus Steiner was
after all able to touch on elements and secret teachings which from the outside
are almost closed to modern consciousness, however great its philosophical
empathy. Sometimes types such as these, shallow mermaids or minotaurs
of tripod and journalism at the same time such as Blavatsky or Steiner, had
in their consciousness a feedpipe from the unconscious, from the long-past,
not-past. Or" like deep-sea fish, deformed and flattened, but still in a twilight
form scarcelyaccessible to mythological research, old under-, inter- and hinterworlds rose putrefied to the surface. Mingled with strange correspondences
right through the world; with the usual connecting lines cancelled out, with
as it were displaced boundary stones. One example of this is Steiner's pursuit
of the 'sphinx-like element, which still looks with a disturbing interrogation',
through all kinds of popular legends and 'natural manifestations', as far as
that of 'panic terror.' Or even an atavistic-sympathetic analogy between uterus, brain and the firmament. Such (ultimately Paracelsian) flair for
supposed 'correspondences' occurs today only in these theosophical tomes,
in Gnosis for the slightly touched middle class. Less sympathetic, more
cobbled together in the literary sense is the nonsense on world development
out of and about the business of the gods in the world. Here there are not
only religious beings everywhere so that one shudders with awe when one
sees a flower blossoming or especially when a storm breaks; so full is
everything of elemental spirits. Above all the entire planetarium is transformed
into a religious institution, an educational institution in which gods create
and educate, preside over respective ages and the heavenly bodies, as formerly
in astrological nonsense. But then again and again, to supplement the guidance
of the planets with more modern education, in the nonsense-structure of this
not atavistic but cobbled together myth-cosmology - Hackel and evolution
are also to be found, indeed evolution plus gods (at the lectern of the individual
iI88
stages) makes Steiner's world grammar school complete. Let us stick instead
to the atavistic clairvoyance of such types and the curious renewal it can give to
magic which has become hocus pocus but was not so from the beginning.
Let us stick not least to the undeniable fact that such stuff in places forms a
parallel to colportage in literature. Just as this has kept alive, if not paved the
way for, meanings which scarcely occur in good literature, so theosophical
colportage produces tensions, inter-worlds, even archetypes which have been
overlooked; at least it can produce such things if used carefully and as it were
surrealistically. And this precisely because and insofar as theosophical atavisms
are what they are, do not put on airs like the Catholic mythology of the other
world, which in many respects is scarcelyless incredible. Whereas the atavistic
or colportage-like in much theosophy, precisely because of its inferiority,
because as colportage it is not shy, can be put to indirect use as regards insight
into mythical archetypes, wild-mysterious colourfulness. The miracle man is
part of religion, and whoever omits him willieam nothing ultimately adequate
about it. In the wishful and dream space of the unconditional, all-surpassing,
which remains even after the subtraction of religions, he no longer has any place,
but at the edge of this space nothing is less relevant than civilized feelings,
definitions sterilized without astonishment. Even a miracle-man as dubious
as Apollonius of Tyana * is closer to the religious sphere than Melanchthon, t
and even more so Jakob Bohrne is unspeakably closer than Schleiermacher.
Theosophical colportage does not have a single point seriously in common
with the men of the mystery cults, let alone with the Christian mystics of
ancient times. Nonetheless it can show what's what and where many a hubris
broke into what was not built for it. Where Rabbi Low struggled with the
archetype of Astarte and where the guardians of the threshold were feared, in
short where the subject was armed when it penetrated behind the cuttain into
imagined worlds beyond. This has nothing to do with 'Christ-impulse' but
it does have to do with the atavisms and fermenting images, the interim kingdoms and graven images which preceded it. And the young Goethe learnt more
about the Faust magic from the Rosicrucians than from Nicolai! for example.
* Apollonius Tyanaeus (c. 4 B.C. - 97 A.D.), a Pythagorean philosopher and reputed magician
from Asia Minor, whose life and miracle-working have often been compared with those of Christ.
t Philip Melanchthon, 1497-1560, a German humanist who collaborated with Luther and wrote
'Loci Communes', the first great Protestant work on the principles of the Reformation.
t Christoph Friedrich Nicolai. 1733-1811, critic and novelist of the German Enlightenment, also a
bookseller. He published a parody of 'Werther': "The joys of Young Werther'. Tormented by
apparitions of the living and the dead, he submitted to a bizarre cure: leeches were applied to the
end of his spine. Goethe derived the Proktophantasmist (Rump-visionary) from this incident which
appears in the Walpurgis night scene in 'Faust', Part I, thus taking literary revenge on Nicolai.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1189
1190
exaggerations which Romanticism gave to this, come into being anonymously, but religions are at least ordered and, if they arise anew, founded by
a named person. Holy men are placed at the beginning of the religion, they
have not only charisma like primitive magicians or even later miracle men
but productivity. Here too belong the older types, predominantly orderers,
they are founders, though to a lesser extent, even without a new god. An
authority as penetrating as frazer finds no exception to the rule that all great
religions have been founded by impressive men (cf. The Golden Bough, 1935,
IV 2, p. 159 et seq.), Now of course there are remarkable gradations in this
impressiveness,gradations of lesseror greater, of more blurred or more distinctive intensity with which legend has handed down a genius religiosus. Thus
for example Cadmus seems faint, Orpheus hazy, Numa Pompilius all too
solemn, little shape emerges with them. They mark a beginning which is
affixed to them, but they stand outside their faces, their not quite human
faces. And the mythical originators of the Egyptian and Babylonian religions
are incomparably more unassailable than Moses or Jesus. They get by almost
without a historical core, are mere signs of a religious beginning, whereas
Moses or Jesus have a face and through all the legend they hand down an
uninventible, real bearing. They themselves entered into the religion which
bears their name, as historical individuals by their appearance they changed
a previous religious content. However, the fact that the more ordering
originators of Egyptian and Babylonian religion, and also of ancient Chinese
and ancient Indian religion, do not stand out anything like as distinctively
as Lao Tzu or Buddha, let alone Moses and jesus, does not disprove the rule
that religions, unlike folk ballads and ancestral epics, have founders.
There are three reasons why some founders are handed down more
indistinctly, are also themselves more indistinct. And the same reasons
at the same time indicate why the founding of religions is only truly freed
with Moses and Jesus. Firstly, the indistinct founders usually lie a long way
back in time, legend names them and at the same time shrouds them. There
is no written record going back to Cadmus, Orpheus or Numa Pompilius
or even one which indisputably comes from their period. And without
this such first teachers can easily become characters in a wandering fable
which goes from place to place and blurs even an originally distinctive
local face. Secondly, founders of religion remain less distinctive if, as primarily orderers and formulators, they stayed essentially within the tradition.
If they do not mark a point at which the wave which had been running
until then breaks, where an opposition to the previous cult is set up, in
short where a new god is taught. An example: the Egyptians honoured
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1191
two very solemn founders of their religion, Imhotep, a priest of the dead at
the beginning of the third dynasty, and above all the divine scribe Thoth.
Both remain legend, indeed Thoth is almost entirely mythical; neither is
-even a head taller than the religious tradition which they mark. However if
another Egyptian proclaimer, Pharaoh Amenophis IV, prophet of a one and
only god, of the sun-god, had prevailed with his solar monotheism, then
the point of radical change would have been there and Egypt would have
had a distinctive originator of religion, not just a rarefied or mythical one.
Thirdly, of course, even Amenophis IV, the heretic, could scarcely have
attained the distinctiveness of Moses or Jesus; for this final reason, namely
that natural religion, such as that which existed in Egypt, in Babylon and
even in the Vedas, makes the founder figure ipso facto less manifest. For where
gods appear as natural beings, where the human has not significantly registered itself in heaven, no man as a teacher of salvation can clearly enter
heaven. He disappears behind natural-mythic determinations or is even
replaced by them: the Babylonian prophet Oannes thus rises only as a fishman from the sea; Thoth, the legendary Egyptian first teacher, becomes
identical with Thoth the moon-god. Indeed it is the not wholly brokenthrough background of natural religion, or, in Buddha's case, great acosmism in the same place as the cosmos, which causes Lao Tzu and even
Buddha - distinctive though he is and powerfully though he appears in
his glad tidings - to seem slightly more mythical or indeed to become
more mythical than Moses and Jesus. A founder is of course everywhere, but
he becomes very clearly manifest only where he sets his new god against traditional customs, against natural religion empty of men; above all where
he and his followers cling fanatically to him. It was thus that Moses and Jesus
first emerged, were believed in as saviours, not just as mythical teachers,
not just as pointers towards salvation. Although the name of Orpheus,
and also the names of natural-mythic orderer-founders, right up to the
cosmomorphic Confucius, even Zoroaster, the messiah of astral light, are
mentioned together with the gods, they nonetheless remain behind them,
relate externally to them. The Dionysian founder turns tofroth before his
nature god, the astral-mythic founder fades before him, and even Buddha,
the great self-redemption, sinks at the end into the acosmos of nirvana. Moses,
on the other hand, forces his god to go with him, makes him into the exodus.light
of his people; Jesus pervades the transcendent as a human tribune, utopianizes
it into the kingdom. But whether distinctive or not, whether pervading nature
and transcendence or not: words of salvation are always spoken by human
beings. And men in the hypostases of gods spoke nothing hut longedfor
1192
future, one which in these illusory hypostases was of course itself only illusorily
graspable. This illusion, in some invocations to the gods, indeed to the
kingdom of god to come at last, could be one which, instead of reconciling
people to given reality and its ideology, regarded it as a delusion and allowed
no peace to be made with it. But for such protest, summoning, utopian..
radical and humane, prophets are needed, not formulators of a ritual, even
though the prophets only replaced the old God..illusion with a new one.
With Moses andjesus this new illusion also contained unreality, but apart
from simply mythical unreality it sometimes also contained a quite different
unreality, one of what could be or at least of what ought to be, which
could thus be understood as a pointer towards utopian reality. There is
therefore a functional' connection between growing se!fcommitment offounders
to religious mystery on the one hand and.the actual proclamation, the miraculous
abyss become human on the other side, that of glad tidings. And the growing
self-commitment is finally grounded in that specific venturing beyond with
which every religious act begins and in which the productive act leaves
all other departures or pre-appearances behind it. This specific venturing
beyond, the more mature religions become, proves to be that of the most
powerful hope of all, namely that of the Totum of a hope which puts the
whole world into rapport with a total perfection. If the nature of this perfection, with less prominent or cosmically fading founders, is outwardly and
essentially astral-mythic in structure, then just as it originated from a
despotic mandate as an ideology of domination, indeed consecration of
domination, it may in its design particularly easily join forces with social
despotism, even with patriarchalism, i.e. with thorough-going dependences
from outside, from above. Ecclesiastical compromise is then not necessary
at all here; on the contrary, the genuine foundation of religion itself, as
in Egypt and Babylon, leads back to and leads on to the ideology of domination. The utopia of perfection, radical and total though it is in its religious
form, through its content here becomes mere supreme ideology. But where
venturing beyond, thanks to plebeian movements, protests, hopes, thanks
to prophetic, not at all conformist but contrastive founders, penetrated
decisively into future and into the Totum of a community, the religion
which resulted could .become a conformist ideology only through later
ecclesiastical compromises (or subtleties of interpretation). Jesus' sermon, an
eschatological one, certainly made no peace with the 'present aeon'; this is
precisely why it also made people most sensitive to mere lip-service and
ecclesiastical compromises. It was considerably more important for it than
for other religions to be a contrast, as it began definitely as a social movement
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1193
among those that labour and are heavy laden; and it gave those that labour
and are heavy laden an impulse, a sense of their worth and a hope which mere
oppressedness would never have been able to find, or at least did not find
in this way for four thousand years. But this impulse comes from the most
powerful secessio plebis in montem sacrum, * here venturing beyond in toto
at last became - orthodox. And if the maxim that where hope is, religion
is, is true, then Christianity, with its powerful starting point and its rich
history of heresy, operates as if an essential nature of religion had finally come
forth here. Namely that of being not static, apologetic myth, but humaneeschatological, explosively posited messianism. It is only here - stripped of illusion,
god-hypostases, taboo of the masters - that the only inherited substratum capable
ofsignificance in religion lives: thatofbeing hope in totality, explosive hope. Aut
Caesar aut Christus: with this war-cry a different kingdom dawns from that
of domination, also from that of the oppressively awesome on which religion
as myth, especially as astral myth, pinned its apologetic appeasements, its
not yet explosive hopes. The strength precisely of an explosive perfection
was a growing and a rich one, so too, undeniably, was the depth of the
projected wishful creation of gods, which corresponds to the intensity of the
human commitment, Every religion has founders, this means at the same
time that religion in its invocations, even sometimes under the cover and the
dominant ideologies of the masters' and star myth, was a most serious attempt
at the name of all-embracing perfection. An attempt with elements of frenzy
or of calmness, of the anthropomorphic or of the cosmos, of Promethean
rebellion or of hypostatized peace; and the religions of protest represent at
least the most human projections and hypostases into awesome dimensions.
1194
nothing'" says the Bible, and is certainly not being misanthropic. 'For my
thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways' , says the
God of the Bible and he is here certainly not being portrayed as a demon.
This remoteness, precisely this dread of the threshold is part of every religious
response if it is a religious response at all. Rudolf Otto is right from this
perspective and, be it noted only in this one respect, when he cites the 'utterly
different' as a sign of the religious object and the 'shuddering-numinous'
as the aura of the saint. The early Karl Barth is right from this perspective
and, again be it noted, only as this antidote, when he puts forward the
outrageously illiberal proposition that 'the divine says a constant No to the
world.' When he teaches that 'The reality of religion is man's horror at
himself', and: 'Infinity, which we men are capable at best of conceiving, is
measured against our finiteness and is therefore itself merely infinite finiteness' (Der Romerbrief, ~940, p. 252, 286). That which is believed to
be God is here, as completely unmediatable despotism, kept remote from
human participation ('federal theology'), but at this grotesque price the Humanum, the Cur deus homo is also protected from the triviality to which
an all-too sociable liberalism has reduced it. The Church, says Barth, has
constantly betrayed god to man, i.e. to the attacks and thought-movements
of the unpenetrated, untranscended creature; against this Barth calls on the
deus absconditus, who is not after all identical with the despotic God. Religion,
and particularly Christianity, amounts instead to turbulent subjectivity and
its interest in the object of worship; Barth's extreme-heteronomous credo
looks as if he is trying to remove the son of man as mediator f and therefore
Christianity itself, from Christianity. But despite this non-human grotesque,
one which ultimately does not even preclude a priest of Moloch but would
have justified his being one, despite this abuse of the Tertullian and originally
far from obscurantist or utterly irrational credo quia absurdum, Barth's
theology does contain a significant admonition. For it fanatically defends a
reverence and a sphere which precisely in the subject-relation of religion are
so easily lost, right down to the vapid psychologism or the priggishness which
the educated philistine substitutes for this reverence. The illiberal element
of taboo theology, after thorough detoxication, in thorough command of
its Humanum, can and must be won over for religious or meta-religious
humanism; not so that the latter should become irrational but precisely the
opposite, so that it does not become stupid. Only in the deus absconditus
is the problem maintained ofwhat the legitimate mystery of the homo absconditus
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
119S
is about, of what the community contains of kingdom in its ultimately commensurate sphere, one not. psychologized, not secularized. True though it is
that the so-called mysterium tremendum can be suitable for the ideology of
authoritarian reaction and its despicable irratio, it is equally certain that the
inapplicability of immanent-familiar categories is a first criterion of the
religious layer. How little reactionary irratio needs to be connected with this
criterion is shown by the simple fact that it is by no means confined to
obscurantism and despotic theism, on the contrary. Hence Spinoza, definitely
a rational pantheist, says: 'Furthermore, to speak also of the intellect and
the will usually attributed to God, if intellect and will belong to God's eternal
essence then something utterly different must certainly be meant by these two
characteristics than what is usually meant by them; for the intellect and will
which constituted the essence of God would have to be utterly different from
our intellect and will (a nostro intellectu et voluntate toto coelo differre
deberent) and could be the same in name only, just as the Dog as a heavenly
constellation and the dog as barking animal are the same' (Eth. I, Prop. 17,
note). And this remains decisive: the Utterly Different also holds good for the
ultimate humane projectionsfrom religion. It is only the Utterly Different which
gives to everything that has been longed for in the deification of man the
appropriate dimension of depth. The Utterly Different gives to the hubris
of Prometheus that true heaven-storming quality which distinguishes the
Promethean from the flatness of mere individuality and from the feeble
humanization of the taboo. The Utterly Different with its unfathomed depths
penetrates into the hubris ofThomas Munzer, transforming it into rebellious,
kingdom-inheriting mysticism: 'As must happen to us all with the coming
of faith, that we men of flesh are to become gods through Christ becoming
man and therefore with him God's pupils, taught and deified by him. ' Thus
this numinous element in the regnum humanum itself, instead of unmanning
capitulation to sheer heteronomous sublimity and its Above, which is regarded
as such because man is not found in it, contains on the contrary that Utterly
Different which is itself utterly different, which cannot have too great or
too overwhelming an opinion ofwhat is man's. Such powerful astonishment,
when it penetrates into the contents designated as religious which keep a space
free for it, does not view their approach as oppressive but on the contrary
as - miraculous. The inapplicability of immanent-familiar categories to the
religious sphere, precisely this leap reveals itself as the highest human utopia
when Paul says: 'Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into
the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love
him' (I Cor. 2, 9). The miraculous as the Utterly Different with regard to
the objective religious world is here clearly the most characteristic mysterium
ofjoy, triumphing in the religious hope-content of man, i.e. that which
explodes itself into the Utterly Different. And Christianity stressed the mediation between the subjective religious world and the taboo of the previous
objective religious side - a mediation which is here called kingdom, the
kingdom of God. But now something Utterly different arises more than ever
in the object of the subjective side, namely the mystery of spatiality around' the
highest object: the religious subjective side is also invested with this, with the
mysterium of the kingdom. God becomes the kingdom of God, and the
kingdom of God no longer contains a god: i.e. this religious heteronomy
and its reified hypostasis are completely dissolved in the theology of the community but in one which has itself stepped beyond thethreshold ofthepreviously
known creature, ofitsanthropology and sociology. This is why precisely the religion
which proclaimed the kingdom of God in the midst of men (cf. Luke 17, 21)
has preserved the Utterly Different most resolutely against the old Adam
and the old becomeness: here as rebirth, there as new heaven and new earth,
as transfiguration of nature. It is this border-content of the miraculous,
therefore of the totally removed, which makes even the best human society
the means to a final purpose, the final purpose of the totally removed, which
in religious terms has been conceived as the kingdom. And this quality of
never having been attained reveals itself even in the best of societies, as the
uncancelled frailty of the creature, the uncancelled unmediatedness of
surrounding nature; - consequently it also stands against all the partial
optimism of several social utopias which have fallen out of the Totum of utopia.
Certainly the wishful image in all religions, and even more powerfully in those
of the messianic invocation ofhomeland, is that offeeling at home in existence,
but one which does not see existence as confined to its clearly surveyable and
so to speak local patriotic ranks of purpose. So that religion, in its constant
finalrelation to the last leap and theutopian Totum, amounts to more than ethicizing and blander rationalizations, amounts to more than morality and clear
surveyability even in Confucius, its strongest ethicizer. The wishful content
of religion remains that of feeling at home in the mystery of existence, a
mystery mediated with man and well-disposed to his deepest wish, even to
the repose of wishes. And the further the subject with his founders of religion
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1197
of a new mysterium. And the decisive point: even in the most distant astralmythic visions, in estrangements which had degenerated almost completely
into apologetic alienations and ideologies of a despotic-static Above, at the
utopian end, and thus identifiably, an unknown human element also spoke,
spoke out, itself and the unknown in and before it. Numen, numinosum,
mysterium, even No to the existing world are never anything but the secret
Humanum itself. Let it be noted: that which is secret, still hidden from itself,
distinguished by the leap of the Utterly Different from the known Humanum
and its immanent-familiar environment. The contents in the unfathomed
depths of existing which have never appeared are, in the religious ineffabile,
given the sign that they are not forgotten and are not buried. They are given,
firmly in the Bible, the hope, always kept open, that a time and a space of
adequateness has been assigned to them in utopian form, conceived as
kingdom. And just as the religious self is hardly congruent with the existing
human creature and just as religious security hardly coincides with positivism's
smug self-enveloping in the empirical content of life, so the religious idea
of kingdom, in its intended scope and content, does not completely coincide
even with any notion of kingdom in social utopias. Among the chiliasts, the
notion of kingdom posited, recognized and demanded their ways as preparation of the final leap - it appears in the gospels not as heavenly other world
but as new heaven and new earth, but it contains in its anticipations an
absolutum in which contradictions other than social ones are to cease, in which
also the understanding of all previous connections changes. What Engels, in
an early critique of Carlyle, says about the kingdom as a construct of inwardness and of sanctimonious priests certainly remains true: 'Once again it is
the Christians who by setting up a separate' 'history of the kingdom of God"
deny all the inner substantiality of real history and claim this substantiality
solely for their other-worldly, abstract and moreover fabricated history - who
through the perfection of the human species in their Christ view history as
reaching an imaginary goal, interrupt it in the middle of its course' (MEGA, I,
2, 1930, p. 427). Yet this rejection is, even in religious terms, so true that not
least Joachim of Fiore would have agreed with it, indeed most passionately:
however for this reason, precisely for this reason, social history and social
utopia, even an attained classless society, are separated from the summum
bonum of the religious-utopian kingdom by the leap which the explosive
intention of rebirth and transfiguration itself posits. The kingdom remains the
religious key concept, in astral religions as crystal, in the Bible, with a total
outburst of intention, as glory. There is in all these unconditionalities a boundlessness of longing whose hubris extends beyond even that of Prometheus
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1199
and whose 'I will not let thee go, except thou bless me' does not go under
in the humility of the concept of grace. For even grace, even if it is supposed
to be far from the power of the human will and not to come from the
merit of works, its concept comes after all from the hope of a leap and
of the recognition of being able to be prepared for the most perfect. Hence
precisely that unmistakable non-passivity even in the thickest god-forms
of religion, hence the superadditum of most tremendous insatiability in
every religious shudder, even when it seems to waft down from above. Hence
the ultimate transformation, convertibility of the astral-mythic alien
mysterium into the mysterium of a citoyen of the kingdom and of its paradoxical relationship to becomeness. Hence finally above all the most powerful
paradox in the religious sphere so rich in paradoxes: the elimination ofGod
himselfin order that precisely religious mindfulness, with hope in totality,
should have open space before it and no ghostly throne of hypostasis. All
of which means nothing less than just this paradox: the religious kingdomintention as such involves atheism, at last properly understood atheism. As long
as the latter does not merely drive out superstition to replace it with just
as much of a feeble negativum as the superstition was a dubious positivum.
But insofar as atheism removes that which is conceived as God, i.e. as
an ens perfectissimum, from the beginning and from the process of the world
and instead of a fact designates it as what it can only be: the highest utopian
problem, that of the end. The place that has been occupied in individual
religions by what is conceived as God, that has ostensibly been filled by
that which is hypostatized as God, has not itself ceased after it has ceased
to be ostensibly filled. For it is at all events preserved as a place of projection at the head of utopian-radical intention; and the metaphysical correlate
of this projection remains the hidden, the still undefined-undefinitive, the
real Possible in the sense of mystery. The place allocated to the former
God is thus not in itself a void; it would only be this if atheism were
nihilism, and furthermore not merely a nihilism of theoretical hopelessness
but of the universal-material annihilation of every possible goal- and
perfection-content. Materialism as the explanation of the world in its own
terms has only in its mechanical form failed to touch even marginally on
the place of the earlier god-hypostasis; but it has also failed to include
life, consciousness, process, the switch from quantity to quality, Novum
and dialectics as a whole. And even mechanical materialism, at least in
Feuerbach's version, must leave a special space in anthropology to accommodate the religious projections there, in their 'origin and object.' It was, as we
shall have to show, in Feuerbach's case a flat, a fixed anthropology, one
1200
which was not only ahistorical and asocial, abstract and general, but over
and above this one of scarcely extended human presence; but for all that,
Feuerbach's anthropological critique of religion did touch on religious
contents as if they were by no means mere nothingness as in nihilism. And
genuine materialism, dialectical materialism, cancels out precisely the
transcendence and reality of every god-hypostasis, but without removing that
which is intended by ens perfectissimum from the last quality-contents of
the process, from the real utopia of a realm of &eedom. Something fulfillable,
something expectable by Virtue of the process is certainly not denied in dialectical materialism; on the contrary, its place is held and kept open more than
anywhere else. This means that the kingdom, even in secularized form, and
all the more so in its -utopian-total form, remains asa messianic Front-space even
without any theism, indeed it can only remain at all, as every 'anthropologization of heaven' from Prometheus to the belief in the Messiah has increasingly
shown, without theism. Where the great world-ruler is, freedom has no space,
not even the freedom - of the children of god and not the kingdom figure,
the mystic-democratic figure to be found in chiliastic hope. The utopia of
kingdom destroys the fiction of a creator-god and the hypostasis of a heavenly
god, but not the end-space in which ens perfectissimum contains the unfathomed depth of its still unthwarted latency. The existence of God, indeed
God at all as a special being is superstition; belief is solely that in a messianic
kingdom of God - without God. Atheism is therefore so far from being the
enemy of religious utopia that it constitutes its precondition: without atheism
messianism has no place. Religion is superstition wherever it is not what in
terms of its valid intention-content it has increasingly come to mean in its
historical manifestations: the most unconditional utopia, utopia of the
absolute. Non existence, non-becomeness is the real fundamental definition of the ens perfectissimum, and if it had become it would not be different
from its kingdom, hypostatized as God. The hypostasis of God in religions
which posit it (Taoism and especially Buddhism do not posit it) is, when
it means a creator or a ruler of the world, nothing but unknowingness,
indeed anti-knowledge, and for a sense of religion which considers itself
too good or even too deep -to offer outmoded scientific consciousness or
even bogeyman nonsense, this hypostasis is at very best the mythologized
governorship of a hope such as All Saints' Day for all - without masters.
Thus the history of man's consciousness of God is certainly not the
history of God's consciousness of himself - but of the highest possible
Front-content in each case of an existence open in its Forwards, in its
Above, in its depth. All higher religions are thus themselves fed by the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1201
earth - andof heaven, too; so that notonly the earth but also the intended heaven
should not become stupid. The promise the numinous made, the messianic
aims to keep: its Humanum and the world adequate to it are not only the
thoroughly unfamiliar, the thoroughly unbanal, but the distant coast in
early morning light. And it was a long way until the founders themselves,
with human latency, entered into the name of their God. Until the history
of ideas of God ran from fetish to star to exodus light to the spirit of
kingdom and ran outvUntil from the projecting of a divine darkness and
heavenly throne belief came close or will come close to the incognito and
the Stay Awhile. All religion was a wishful undertaking mingled more
1202
John s,
19.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1203
due. Both without religion, but both with the corrected, undischarged
problem of such tremendous winged creations of humanity. Varying winged
creations, even incompatible with one another, even those with quite obvious
fools' paradises nearby, but preciselyfull of attempts on the uncommon sense
- according to the human-social horizon. Cadmus, Orpheus, the Olympian
gods of Homer, the Egyptian sun of the dead and Babylonian astral myth,
the Chinese Tao, Moses or the exodus, the emphatic god-men Zoroaster,
Buddha and Jesus therefore describe precisely the growing commitment ofthe
founder to theexperimental gladtidings ofan ens peifectissimum; and the social
mandate for this penetration and the human substance of its perfectum always
correspond to each other. In the astral myth the founder disappears, his god
is the complete outwardness of starlight; in Christianity the founder becomes
the glad tidings itself, and his God finally disappears in one single humane
All Saints' Day. Where hope is, there indeed is religion, but as the absolute
content of hope even in its intention is still so unfound, there is also such
a varying fund of imagination in religions as attemptings of the utopian
Totum. However, all are ultimately allocated to this Totum, and, being
religions, to the Totum as that Utterly Different which equally, in view of
the humaniform transformation (kingdom creation), means that which is no
longer different at all, but longed-for authenticity.
1204
the Greeks this figure became clearer, became Cadmus; the foreign parts
from which he came were in this case, and in this case only, Phoenician.
Among the Greeks Cadmus was regarded as the man who taught them
agriculture and writing and to honour the gods. But he is not commemorated
beyond this, the names of such bringers of salvation are simply there, as
if they had ended the shift from animal to man. The news of medicinal
plants and ways of healing left the Ram or Cadmus who first brought
it far behind. The power of the mistletoe is here more important than
the man who draws attention to it.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1205
in his account of the Orphic places of worship (which did not spread until
the seventh and sixth centuries), says that the statue of Dionysus was always
erected next to that of Orpheus. If the singer was torn to pieces by the
maenads because of his lament for Eurydice, he was for this very reason also
considered the personification of Dionysus, who was also torn to pieces. He
was torn to pieces by Titans, but his heart was rescued by Athene, and from
it the new Dionysus arises, the one who is re-produced from his dismembered
limbs, from the variety of changeful existence. Orpheus, however, kicked
open for believers the gate to this god, one who at least stood in natural life,
as its voluptuous phallic lord. What applied to death in the Orphic rites applies
to the salvation intended here as a whole: it does not fall outside sensualpassion
but completely into it, into one which has become super-sensory. Clear
asceticism is the path, but the goal and the content are enthusiastic fullness;
the Orphically promised eudaemonia is passion towards the above. Man is
supposed to free himself from his evil Titanic inheritance and return pure
to the Dionysus whose heart has remained alivein him; yet precisely the other
inheritance, that of Dionysian frenzy, thus remained alive in this creature
of heart, not of light or of intellect, who had been rescued from laceration.
It tallies with this that the Orphic mystery among the Locrians and on the
island of Lesbos led back to completely hetairan modes of life. Even the
proclaimer of the thus resolving, i.e. dissolving Dionysus did not himself
need to have a distinctface, indeed was not allowed to have one. He was
completely absorbed into the untied life that was to be all that remained when
Hades and the Apollonian day were both overcome. The fabulous Orpheus
was no more seen in it than his god; in frenzy, to the sound of gongs and
cymbals, the eyes roll up. The Dionysian saviour disappears as soon as he
has saved; such frothing away is part of frothing salvation.
1206
i.e. the unpriestly, the chivalric, then the urbane gods. They certainly did not
name, or even make, the old folk-gods, of whom Herodotus scarcely seems
to know anything. Not the chthonic and the Orphic gods, let alone the animal
gods, which later shrank to become the eagle of Zeus or Hera's cow-like
glance. And indeed, what a way, what a forgetting and brightening, from
the uncanny owl-like creature which haunts the Erechtheion to Homer's
Pallas Athene. And this way is marked by the decline of the Pelasgian priest
and magician caste, by the emergence of profane, chivalric classpoetry, which
takes possession of the gods in Homer. In Hesiod this occurred in a nonchivalric yet equally unschooled fashion: the shepherd of Askra romances and
broods from his folk religion, not from magic circles. Only indistinctly do
Pelasgian-magical figures such as Kalchas, Tiresias, loom into the chivalric
world, Kalchas who ordered Iphigenia's sacrificial death, Tiresias, the seer
who had been a woman, who knows how to handle blood and who summons
the shades from the underworld for Odysseus. Chivalric class poetry has
overlaid all this, the world of patriliny has overlaid the chthonic world, with
the effect of making the taboo an Apollonian one. It became a taboo of the
refined-religious surface, which does not want to know anything too deeply;
even Poseidon, with the rage and the unfathomed depth of the ocean in him,
is now part of the ambrosial midday. Indeed it is significant that Dionysus
is ignored in Homer, asis Demeter, the dark earth-goddess; for they are priestgods, and above all gods of the depths. 'When golden Eos unlocked the
eastern door/Of the benighting pole and the heavens dawned with grey light'
- this day put an Apollonian end to all these impenetrable beings; they now
wear the mask ofbeauty, or at least ofurbanity. Kalchas, Tiresias, Orpheus,
were covered-over; even the Orphic renaissance of the seventh and sixth
centuries, strongly though it was connected with what remained of peasant
and folk religion, did not cancel out the city gods. They were real city gods,
as at home in Athens as the chthonic numina before them had been in a cave,
spring or mountain; the entire underworld was incorporated or conquered
by Apollo's tripod. The Acropolis, ruled by Pallas Athene, the goddess not
born of woman, stands as a mountain temple for polis gods which has become
thoroughly Uranian: Zeus, Apollo and Artemis had their altars, Hephaistos
had his castle rights and civil rights, Aesculapius lived in a chamber in the
rock, even Pan lived in one of its grottoes, which were occupied throughout
with urban demi-gods and heroes. And what Athens on its castle-rock
gathered beneath it, the same Apollonian Homeric system of gods was
repeated on Acrocorinth, in the valley of feasts at Olympia, even in demonic
Delphi; Gaia and Saturn were gone, Zeus ruled. So Homer and Hesiod did, in
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1207
fact, cum grano salis,create the gods of the Greeks, i.e. as radiantly humanized
gods, walking in urbane light. But yet again, even these announcers, precisely
these, still stand outside their annunciation, in the same way that as epic writers
they stand outside their poems and do not intrude on them. Hesiod appears
as a warner, but never makes the claim to be a sent, let alone a conquered
part of the higher world. Homer stands completely opposite his day-gods
with their frank serenity as an epic poet, not as a guest at the table of the
Olympians themselves. If the latter have become a reflection of the Mycenean
court, a reflection which did not go through any priestly caste, their formulator still does not talk of them with greater personal sympathy than he talks
of Achilles, Agamemnon, Odysseus. And so in fact Herodotus' assertion (II,
53) that Homer and Hesiod gave the gods their names, allocated offices and
arts to them, and even created the Greek theogony, is only correct insofar
as through these poets the Olympic pantheon now definitely took the place
of the dark or twilit local gods. Nonetheless, Homer is a founder, precisely
one of illumination; whatever the Orphics Xenophanes and Plato may have
had to say against his so-called frivolity. To his heaven there is not only an
access depending on the dead man's rank, but the Novum, far from
mysterious, of a familiar-confiding humour now appears. The terrible behind
the mask of the beautiful remained, here Nietzsche in part saw correctly and
discovered the depth in this superficiality, the consciously overlaid element
in this local-humane beauty; behind the gods is Moira, in them is the
numinous. But by virtue ofa mask of beauty resembling man and of Mycenean
culture it was mediated with Moira, as through a mysterium of externality.
The barbaric magician had disguised himself with a lion's face or that of other
natural demons to show the divine as present in his body; the Greek godcreator aims at the opposite: he changes his gods into-Apollonian human form.
But of course the edge of the mask always remains, over which a far from
art-religious ground overflows, overflows with blood. As in its sacrificial
rites, which were as characteristic of Greek as of any barbaric religion: the
temples were full of holy slaughter. The priest poured blood all over the
magnificent marble altar, and the noble simplicity, the silent grandeur of the
gods' images was surrounded by the smoke of burnt sacrificial animals - a
slaughterhouse for Olympus, which lived on more than just nectar and
ambrosia. Something monstrous, something inhuman at least in its proportions is sometimes to be found even in Homer; as with Ares 'who covered
seven hides of land when he fell' (Iliad, XXI, 407). And Moira, fate over man
and gods, remains, it does not at all accord with the Apollonian day. Mortal
fate marks the place where the Apollonian gods abandon man; Athene herself
1208
says that not even a god can help the man he loves 'if the Moira of death has
chosen him as its sad victim' (Od. III, 238). The gods retire when Moira
appears; the moment Hector is destined to die, Apollo leaveshis side to make
way for Moira, which, as a god, he knows but cannot avert from his protege.
Here is the limit of the Apollonian gods, they belong to life, to beauty, to
the day, and where this ends Olympian aid, indeed existence, also ends (cf.
w. Otto, Die Gotter Griechenlands, 1929, p. 339f.). Moira is that power
from the pre-Homeric cult of night and earth which could not be defeated
by the chivalric gods and the gods ofbeauty; thus it reigns behind the victors,
who are victors only by day. Indeed the entire Olympus, though it knows
no death itself, lies only as a narrow realm of beauty before the abyss; with
the blessing that it covers up the prospect of Moira during brieflife and felicity.
But at this price the art-religion of the foreground now flashes all the more
brightly, with gods as knights who have ascended into the heights and light
of externality. Moira, which is not externality, is for this very reason' not
another god hostile to the gods but simply the power of the bottomless, of
the inexorably pre-determined abyss for every figure and its career. Nor does
Moira mythicize for example uncomprehended, uncontrolled natural powers
per se but - in relation to men - primarily the natural power of death and
thus of thwarting-blind destiny as a whole. Thus Homeric religion has no
mediation whatever with Moira, not even the enigmatic-superficialmediation
achieved with the numinous of the day-gods by means of the mask of beauty.
Therefore ultimately, the founding element in Homer was an illumination
in art, it could and had to be this, one of epic shaping, with precisely the
penetration but also precisely the distance appropriate to the epic. To this
uniqueness of a founder-attitude a religion of sheer day-sculpture, of brief
day-of-man-sculpture therefore ultimately corresponds; a religion in which
everything unformed or, here, unformable is passedover in silenceor ascribed
toMoira, The power of these glad tidings, which penetrate so far and no
further, is that of the deified beauty ofHfe and of depths pushed to the edge,
still concealed at the edge. From suffering, from Dionysus, indeed from
Gethsemane much can be cited against this art-religion so rich in omissions,
yet a first Humanum did dawn in it. It escaped from the animal gods, the
Egyptian stone gods, the Babylonian star gods, having failed to overcome
their pressure, even intra-mythically, by a subject. For the possible subject
intended in Prometheus still had despotism above itin Zeus.just as Zeus in
tum was subject to blind Moira. But Homer's undeniable illumination made
the gods of Greece tend towards joy, the taboo became anthropomorphic.
A characteristic, lastingly remarkable tributary joined this in Roman
-RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1209
religion. The holy was here immediately connected with the most reasonable
actions and virtues, it dwelt in them. Instead of art, Rome thus presents the
Novum of deified concepts, not in the manner of serene brilliance as with the
Greeks but dry-serious and believed. The Greeks also deified abstractions such
as Nike, Dike, Eirene, Hygieia, in Hesiod there is a goddess Eris, a double
goddess, the destructive goddess of quarrel, the good goddess of competition.
But this kind of thing remained subordinate in Greek art-religion, above all
it did not attain the practical seriousness of the peasant and later the state
religion of the Romans. The legendary founder of Roman religion, Numa
Pompilius, was remembered primarily as having as it were cleared the woodgods Picus and Faunus and abolished human sacrifice; just as Romulus
founded the urbs, so Numa founded the law which applied to it and to it
alone. And the gods of this purpose later swallowed up the original spring,
tree and animal cults, just as they added the great natural forces to those of
the urbs, which grew from a rural town into an imperium. One of the most
primeval Roman numina is the genius, i.e.'the seed to which man owes his
existence, which goes on procreating through the son and reproduces the
race. But this god is already, unlike in the phallus cults, one of useful procreation and of its idea; he is the birthday god of every Roman citizen as such.
Ideas of labour andof function such as Saturnus (sowing), Ops (work in the
fields), Terminus (boundary stone) are also among the oldest Roman gods.
These are all gods of peasant Rome and signify the immediately useful in
general. They are peasant activities epitomized in an abstract concept (such
as Consus, the harvest god, from condere, the gathering in of the harvest);
they are functional gods. More mediated abstracta occur in the noble upper
class, in the patriciate, which already from the sixth century onwards stood
above the rural and urban citizenry; the actual state religion was shaped by
this class. In Rome the patricians, the urban incorporated knights and strict
bearers of the state function, played the part that had been played in Homeric
religion by the class of local princes and nobles, with whom the gods, as
Phaeacians of the highest order, had been mediated; but there was.of course
no space for Phaeacian gods and gods of beauty in Rome. Now functional
gods truly began to branch off from Numa's foundations, including some
of quite astonishing functional abstraction. Quietude, tranquillity, had its
altar, as did Occasio, the goddess of opportunity, who was portrayed with
a forelock and with the back ofher head shaved. Concordia had a temple dedicated to her as early as 367, after the end of the class wars, Spes was given its
first temple after the first Punic War, Honos after the capture of Syracuse.
Mens Bona received its temple after the defeat at Lake Trasimene; this in
1210
particular is a numen which does not occur at all among the Greeks, nor is
it identical with the concept of sophrosyne. A cultic realm of theologized
abstracta thus arose, full of holy-dry exaltedness, with no parallel in other
religions. It is very understated to regard these religious images, in Mommsen's
words, as being 'on an incredibly low level of contemplation and comprehension' . On the contrary, there is here a mystery of externality which is related
to the Greek mask of beauty but conceals the unfathomed depths in a far more
remarkable manner, surrounding them with the extremest reasonableness.
Hence Usener in his 'Names of the Gods' quite appropriately recognized the
religious power and the problem in such apparent platitudes; namely that
'the excitable religious feeling of antiquity was quite capable of exalting even
abstract ideas to divine status'. This applies above all to the Roman gods,
and to the most peculiar of them all: the double-headedjanus, He is the functional idea of the door which opens on two sides; he is the beginning, the
morning, and the month ofJanuary, in short he is the divine abstraction for
opening per see Even the three Capitoline gods who seem to coincide with
the three main Greek gods: Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, are least of all the beautiful
divinities of the Greek polis, with their slight quarrels and eternal serenity,
with nectar, ambrosia and blessed privateness. They are, as Mommsen
brilliantly observes, above all abstractions, powerful, powerfully governing:
abstractions of domination, of moral discipline, of understanding. Admittedly
Jupiter is also defined in terms of nature, as the visible firmament (sub love
frigido is the poetic term for cold weather), but essentially he is the firmament
only because this, like Rome's rule, spans all countries. Certainly, other lords
of heaven were at the same time political gods; most impressive of all was
the Babylonian Marduk. He too was a god of empire, not merely an astral
world-ruler and, another Jupiter, he held the title of Bel matati, ruler of the
lands. But Marduk was after all, in the especially high-flying mythological
reflexes of Babylon, primarily the astral ruler of the world and only as such
an imperial god, whereas the Roman Jupiter was from the beginning identical
with the empire as such ..He presided over urbi et orbi, Rome and the globe,
but primarily over Rome, with whose potentia he was identical, and only
as such over the globe. Jupiter is thus the epitome of rule, just as juno is the
epitome of moral discipline and just as - Occasio is the epitome of the
favourable opportunity. This too is Apollonian religion, not in the senseof
the Muse and her heaven, certainly not, hut in the sense of reason of state;
Rome established the Novum of prose in religion, indeed of prose as religion.
Yet precisely the numinous in this conceptuality remains so powerful that it
even constitutes one of the most experienced origins of - Christian allegory.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1211
1212
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
121 3
the world. But all this in the religious sphere; which means that rebellion
here has as least as much inscrutability as Zeus claims for his tyranny, indeed
more. Hence Greek tragedy. too, remained a cult; and all its heroes, after
being masks of the torn Dionysus, became masks of Prometheus. Even
Oedipus in Sophocles. the passively suffering man, stands above his fate, and
the serene holiness around the old man at Colonus is almost as if illuminated
by that no-longer-Zeus, that grace a l'homme which the man-shaping,
world-warming will of Prometheus had in mind. And it is not only Dionysus
as torn to pieces, but also Dionysus as fermenting within himself, not
yet articulated, who rebels in the tragic masks of Prometheus: a collisionful
pathos as a whole against heaven as it had become till then. Intended to be
performed as part of the public worship in the sanctuary of Dionysus.
Attic tragedy, most emphatically in Aeschylus, becomes anti-Olympian
prophecy. Nietzsche. in 'The Birth of Tragedy", praises 'the astonishing
boldness with which Aeschylus put the Olympian world into his scales of
justice', and the scales fall in favour of Prometheus, the 'glory of activity'.
This is the truth of this matter and the ground through which Prometheus,
through his poet Aeschylus, became as it were the founder of his own
religion, one which of course did not blossom out. It had to remain
unblossomed in the spirit of its rebellion, firstly because a social mandate
such as that of Moses against the Pharaoh, of Jesus against Caesar, was
lacking. And secondly because the founding of this religion is completely
postponed, i.e. became only the contemplative drama of a rebellion myth.
For the greatest irruption into the other world which occurred beforeJesus the
Greeks had only the allotted roles of a poet who was no prophet and of a
demi-god who was not a man. Thus only tragedy remained for Prometheus
as his religious location, though connected with the rite of Dionysus. Defiance
of Zeus, this is the metaphysics of tragedy, a warlike one, which even in the
destruction of the hero nails to the mast its No to the old order and its deeper
Yes to a different era, to a new heaven. It is a magnificent hubris and more
than that: one purified by suffering, deepened by genius, which annihilates
the old connections between guilt and fate. Even though Prometheus himself
is destroyed, he represents something which is better than the Greek gods.
Among the Olympians, significantly, only Pallas Athene, the goddess of
reason, was believed to be a friend of Prometheus; and she is the only power
who goes together with him here.
Nonetheless it is surprising that the Greeks did not honour this helper in
need more highly. Even in poetry he did not receiveanything like the consecration which his rank would lead us to expect. Aeschylus celebrated the tragic
1214
cult of Prometheus, but for Hesiod and Pindar as well as for Virgil and
Horace he is a scheming rebel and the withdrawing of fire by Zeus is a
measure of wise foresight. Even the Cynics, otherwise no friends of the
Olympian system, attacked Prometheus, though as a bringer of culture.
As Dio recounts, they interpreted Prometheus' punishment as ajust pointer
to human self-destruction as a result of man's longing for external goods
and pleasures. Plato, however, relates in the 'Protagoras' that Prometheus
certainly did not bring men all arts from heaven, certainly not the most
important of all for their civilization: the art of government. Prometheus,
who wanted to bring all heaven down to earth, could not even bring half:
'Thus man received that knowledge which is necessary for everyday life,
but he did not partake of the knowledge of government; for this was with
Zeus, and Prometheus was not permitted to enter Zeus' dwelling, which
was guarded by his terrible sentinels' (Protagoras, 321 D). Law and ethics,
teaches Plato, the utopian of regimented, indeed Uranian order, are
with Zeus, and it was Hermes the messenger, not Prometheus the rebel,
who first brought them to all men. And in slave-owning society only
suffering Dionysus was felt to be the primal image of tragedy, not, as
it rightly ought to have been, the rebellious Prometheus. Towards the
end of the classical era the rebel was even completely forgotten, he disappeared behind the far more sought-after figures of salvation or of
Asclepius; Prometheus is now only the shaper of clay, not the bringer
of light. Indeed in Plotinus' work he becomes a kind of lower world-soul
as a whole, he is said to have played a part in the creation of Pandora
and to have sent her to Epimetheus. Plotinus even reverses the roles of
Zeus and Prometheus; at least in the case of Pandora, who, as Plotinus
claims, had also been made by Prometheus: 'When it says that Epimetheus
rejected the gift of Prometheus, does not this mean that the choice of a
life in the intellectual world is better? The creator of Pandora is bound
because he is as it were tied by his work (the creation of the physical world)
to this work; but this bond is external, he is freed by Heracles, and this
means that despite his chains he still has the power to free himself'
(Enneads IV, 3, 14). Prometheus, originally a rebel against the lord
of the world, thus finally, in a crazy transmutation, becomes the creator
of the world as a whole and the ruler of the world himself; and, in the
gnostic version, this soon afterwards came to mean the - devil. Only the
Church Fathers, from the negation of Zeus, from the new world era,
honoured the light-bringer and deposed him by making him superfluous
in the face of the new Lord. 'The true Prometheus', say both Lactantius
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
121 5
and Tertullian, 'is God.' Thus at least among the Christians Prometheus
became - a full god, instead of the demi-god of tragedy and its cult; he had
in fact first bidden men to burn the false idols. By opposing the supreme god
of the pagans, he seemed to be opposing this idol only, not Yahweh: for the
Church Fathers the man-god Prometheus stood for the good, against Zeus.
Until, that is, he went on practising his arts against the new Lord too, against
the Yahweh ofthe Church, notonly against Zeus. But this happened after a social
mandate against authority had finally emerged, even against its maximum
in the other world. Prometheus, who in the ancient world remained a demigod, became for the modern era an all the fuller religious-atheistic symbol.
So that at the end of the entire history of religion to date the sentence by
Marx could be written and still stands: 'Prometheus is the noblest saint and
martyr in the philosophical calendar.' The revaluation began with Boccaccio,
in accordance with the emerging bourgeois-individual consciousness; Scaliger
and later Shaftesbury adopted the Titan as an 'alter deus', at least as applied to
the poet, who is equally supposed to create beyond what is given (cf. Vol. II,
p. 812). But above all Bacon, though mainly from his technological-utopian
dreams, had again powerfully recalled Prometheus: Prometheus, saysBacon,
with a tone never heard before, is the inventive human spirit who establishes
human control, intensifies human power to a limitless degree and raises it
against the gods (De sapientia veterum, XXVI). * The utterly revolutionary
transformation, unleashed by the revolt of the Sturm und Drang, then
occurred in Goethe's Prometheus fragment, with at the same time a thematic
after-ripening such as no god has ever found. With a mixture of Sturm und
Drang, the complaints ofJob and the tragic knowledge that men are better
than their god. Shelley's 'Prometheus Unbound' then completely followed
the lead of this fragment, the Titan becomes the French Revolution, but Zeus
is given all the features of a Manichaean Satan. Even the later, reactionary
Schelling here, profoundly, brought out the oppressed element without which
'there would be nothing eternal in man'. The oppressed individual is the productive subject who seesthrough his alienations: 'Prometheus is the thought
in which the human race, having created the entire world of the gods from
within itself, returning to itself, became conscious of itself and of its own
* Bloch is quoting directly from an unreliable German translation of 'De sapientia veterum'.
Although it is consistent with Bacon's view of Prometheus, the translation he quotes bears little
resemblance to Bacon's Latin original. It seems to bea loose interpretation of the following passage
describing Prometheus: 'He, desiring to benefit and protect his own work, and to be regarded
not as the founder only but also as the amplifier and enlarger of the human race, stole up to
heaven ... '. See Spedding, Vol. VI, pp. 668-9 (Latin); p. 745 (English translation).
1216
fate, and felt the disastrous element in the belief in gods' (We:rke 12, P: 482).
Prometheus is thus the god who signifies disbeliefin God, or hubris, which
is here so far from being irreligious that it originates from the subject of
religion itself. Thus Prometheus is most emphatically different from the Greek
images ofgods, with the beauty which takes part in undreamt-offeasts, with
the unfathomed depth before which the anthropomorphic, not anthropocentric beauty is placed. Titanic, but titanic for men and through them, in
an unblossomed religion of Greece: in that of rebellious-humane salvation.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1217
1218
god of death, became the world-god and the cult of Osiris was transferred to
him, The majesty of death is always Egyptian, and the highest order of
becomeness is and remains the crystal; Egyptian religion is most profoundly
the adoration of the crystal. Only Babylonian religion, so far inferior to Egypt's
silence, still bordered in its specific astral cult on this geometrical quality.
Just as the star borders on the crystal and the cycle ofchange on the stereotypy
of unmoved repetition. So if the pyramid, with a corpse at its centre, stood
by the Nile, by the Euphrates the stepped tower rose up, dedicated to the
seven planets and the houses through which the sun moves.
Accordingly the teachers of such distant circles also look weird. They too
are regarded as immemorially old, have unusual bodies, are surrounded by
strange non-man. Babylon's astral religion even presents especiallymonstrous
founders, unfamiliarly put together. Such as the fish-man Oannes of whom
the Baal priest Berossos recounts, very late, around 280 B.C., but on the
strength of legends which had been preserved. Oannes, .the disguise which
the founder assumes, was originally a god of the depths of the earth; as
such he rises up from the sea, as such he teaches of the origin of the present
world, of the struggle with the dragon of the abyss. Other fish-men and
composite beings are also to be found in the legend of the first Babylonian
kings which Berossos handed down, they add to the knowledge of Oannes,
Grotesque founders certainly, but despite their chthonic origins they are
immediately classified in cosmic-astral terms: Oannes belongs to the zodiac
sign of Pisces, it is from this sea that he now truly comes. And the glad
tidings ultimately refer to the god of Jupiter, the planet of happiness and
of victory, a god who soon came to be identified with the dragon-slayer
Marduk. Only one somewhat anthropoid figure, the sun-giant and hero
Gilgamesh, appears as a not quite astral saviour, he has just defeated the
bull of heaven and attained the water of life and the plant of immortality,
only to lose them when returning to earth, and thus he himself suffers
death, despite all his deeds, without heavenly resurrection. Hence only
a star god puts himself flawlessly into heaven, only Marduk, shining down
in the planet Jupiter, is the redeemer. And after his victory over the dragon
of the abyss Marduk gains power over the new era and world: on New
Year's Day, his feast par excellence, he receives control over fate, the tablets
of destiny, the book with seven seals; from his place" of worship the town
of Babel = Bab-iI, heavenly gate, grows, and under Hammurabi Marduk
becomes the god of the empire. As god of empire Marduk in the period
after Hammurabi absorbed the entire ancient Sumerian trinity of gods:
Ea, the god of the seas and of the hidden wisdom from which Oannes
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1219
had proclaimed, Anu, the god of heaven, Enlil, the god of the world.
As the god of the New Year Marduk is also the god of spring or of the
deliverance of mankind from sickness and misery. A great deal of salvation
and of glad tidings of victory all at once, yet it all takes place high above
men and outside them, not merely in heaven but in a primeval past in
heaven; New Year's Day is always only the commemoration of this, posited
as completed, or at best the repetition of it. A different hoping is undeniable
in Babylon, also in Egypt, qua glad tidings; a prophecy of blessing after
a great catastrophe goes into the future as a Humanum. Yet because of
the complete extra-humanity and non-temporality of the Babylonian foundation of religion, because of the complete identity of the god of repetition
with the saviour, this hoping moves only within the cycle of becomeness,
indeed in a fixed celestialclock. Marduk-Jupiter is at the same time identical
with the zodiac sign of the bull in which the sun had stood since the
founding of Babylon around 2800 B.C.; thus in the calendar system of
the age of Taurus he becomes the ruler of the morning- and the spring
point of the sun's course; thus he becomes the long-existing point of spring
fixed both in custom and in astral myth, the point from which the constellation again and again rises up. On every New Year's Day, at every
investiture of a new king, the saviour-god appears as the same being, only
in different astrological constellations. The glad tidings of Babylon always
go back to victory of the star-god Marduk over MummuTiamat, the dragon
of the abyss; thus they are and remain trust in a law from above to below,
in a star-law. The earliest cuneiform sign for god was, significantly, a
star, likewise even in ancient Babylon the rudiments of religious astrology
already existed and were then developed by the Chaldeans. In the sky the
primal image of order rules, Marduk, pasturing the star gods, maintains
it as a good order; happiness, bliss, well-being on earth are merely its
cosmornorphic likeness. This perfected astral myth, even as teaching, contains
nothing human, its gospel lands in star gods, in accord with their good
cycle, in wariness of their harmful cycle. It goes without saying that this
is just as much founding and human projection into the world as all
religions, but its will-commitment and self-commitment contains a subject
that seeks entirely to be present only as object. The mysterious path here
goes outwards, into stone and cosmos, and neither in Babylon nor in Egypt
does it tend to turn back towards the subject. The basic teaching of astral
myth is that the world below is as the world above; thus even man is
only the image, only the copy, of the upper and thus external world. So
this astral Above left no substance whatever for religious subjectivity, it did
1220
not even leave it enough to be nailed to the Caucasus. Indeed wherever the
ruling being has been brought to the pure object side, the religious archetype of Egypt and Babylon always continues to exert its influence. Not only
in astrology as developed by the Chaldeans on Babylonian soil, in contact
with the old" star religion - a system of unavoidable dependence on outside
and above. As such, astrology mythologized order versus freedom, always
with stern light in the background, as is still recognizable in Campanella's
social utopia. Even where there is no talk at all of stars of fate, Babylon
remains, a kind of rotating drum of repetition empty of human beings
and alien to history remains, determining from above, even only from
outside, especially in predominantly heteronomous world-views. The astralmythic is thus to be found in every form offatalism, even in christianized,
indeed even in mechanistic fatalism. In return Babylon and Egypt on the
other hand, as not only the most unswerving religions of despotism but
also the most remarkable religions of estrangement, for the first time
brought sublimity into the religious sphere - precisely by the extremely
spatial contraposition of the astral-mythic to all too subject-based anthropomorphization. There is in its absence of human beings the pathos of extreme
outwardness but also the still mythic corrective of an order without wliich
subject and time only flail about and consume themselves. Crystal and
stars certainly were once glad tidings, even though the founders inevitably
became droll or faded in comparison with this pure astral face of their
selves. Astral myth presupposes hierophants, it allows no proclaimers to
turn the sun god's head, turn it towards man; just as the hieratic buildings
of Egypt and quite clearly of Babylon sought to achieve their perfection
purely as reproductions of a cosmic stereoscopy. Even the labyrinths of
Egypt of which Herodotus writes were intended to be far more than stylized
intestinal or cerebral convolutions, they sought in their galleries to imitate
the course of the heavenly bodies, i.e. to be cosmomorphic; and how much
more so did the Egyptian temple path, the Babylonian planet tower. Proclaimers and:worshippers vanish into forms and teachings which have piled
up the divine both colossally and geometrically; this is the sign of strict
astral myth and its long-believed salvation.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1221
in the mean are related in kind. This is bourgeois in an older sense, one
which does not yet have any unmeasured profit drive. Thus the moderate
attitude, alien to adventure, Waspraised particularly among peoples without
a warlike upper class. Anyway, preached decency, along with savage
corporal punishment and more preventive than it, is to be recommended
to keep the masses in check. People love the tried and tested, the balanced,
the straight line in things, they are reverential towards moderation. This
manifested itself most consciously in China, at the end of its feudal era
of course, around 700 B.C., in the midst of anarchic confusion which
dragged on until about 220 B.C. It was then that China first became civilian,
a new class of lords emerged, i.e. a new form of ground rent. The patriarchally structured family remained, but aristocratic birthrights disappeared,
apart from the emperor there is no hereditary aristocracy. Even the emperor
and his mandarins (a new educated nobility) no longer acted like the 'lords'
of the chivalric-feudal era but as the despotic 'parents' of a formally liberated
people. Holding court turns so to speak into holding measure; the form
of life is patriarchally tamed throughout. The sought-for mean was
formulated in religious terms by Confucius, himself a reserved, never a
fanatical man. As a moralist he seems unwarlike like no other: 'Better
to be a dog and peaceful than a man and live in discord.' Li (the law of
manners) becomes a form of devotion, Yen, (humanity) here means custom
or tradition. A wise man does not concern himself with wild or dark things:
'What the master did not speak about were unnatural appearances, deeds
of violence, disturbances and spirits' (Lun-yii VII, 20). Likewise: 'To treat
spirits with awe but to keep one's distance from them, this may be
counted wisdom' (Lun-yii VI, 20). Instead the emperor now moves into
the holy middle, the emperor of the post-feudal; patriarchal-centralized
'state based on the rule of law' and its circumspection. To formulate,
indeed to consecrate this, Confucius personally went back to the past,
as if the theology of the new, patriarchal-absolute state were mere
'reform'. Confucius disguises his own ideas as the codex of the feudal
gentleman, he sticks sentimentally to traditional customs, nothing is to
be restored but the 'way of the old kings', nothing is to be regulative
but the old documents of the Shu-ching and Shi-ching. But in truth
Confucius became the sage of the new patrimonial bureaucracy; he
anticipates its no longer hereditary but academic organization, its pacifism
and rationalism. With post-feudal society a post-feudal world of gods appears
and, despite remaining natural religion, this has in its centre something
as eminently human as the morality of the emperor and his measure-keeping
1222
FULFIL~ED
MOMENT
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
122 3
1224
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 2 5
1226
category of East Asia; nonetheless it is, unspoken, the most easily comprehensible. As the religious category of wisdom, as harm-ony with the deep
repose which fulfils wishes by forgetting them. As chiming with the great
Pan, who makes everything earthly small and yet is himself nothing but
smallness and fineness, nothing but intentionlessness and stillness. And
because disturbance by person completely disappears, astral myth advances
even more extensively than in Confucius, but the astral myth of the Lao Tzu
world is the strangest of all: it contains nothing but the light breath of
a cosmic space everywhere; its universe is unextendedly infinite, solemnly
small. Cosmos presents itself as inclinedness in immense shyness, as the
paradoxical dream of being humane without having much that is individually human to show for itself. A certain undistracted access to the dream
background of this intentionlessness is given by that Chinese landscape
painting which, though for the most part it developed much later, under
Buddhism, nonetheless shows the alert, bright stillness of the Tao, not
the deep sleep of nirvana, which cannot be painted at all. Symbols of an
existing, not for example of an objectless, world-extinguished silence rise up
here, deep in a Tao culture which has survived, in the work of Liang Kai,
Ma Yuan, Hsia Kuei, all around 1200 A.D., so long after Lao Tzu, and
everything speaks world symbols of stilledness. This appears now as a bare,
dead branch, now as a boat surrounded by reeds at moonrise, now as a
house roof beneath a tree or as a waterfall or a collection of rocks, with
a person at the edge, himself a solitary and collected, a gathered-in figure,
absorbed in contemplation. This is breath of Tao in its infinite-finite being
at home, expressed through the landscape painting; and Lao Tzu preached"
precisely this repose, this unweighty weightiness. Preached in the inconspicuous, which keeps the universe going, which keeps it in repose. The
differences from Confucius are therefore considerable; they are the differences
between the purest mystic among the founders and the most devout
rationalist among them. Confucius sets the measure, which is easy to keep,
Lao Tzu the simple, which is hardest to do. Confucius is historical, is
fond of quoting the ancients, Lao Tzu is tired of history, does not give
a single historical example, and to him the ancients are excellent only because
of the savour of their Tao. This, however, is in every time, i.e, in nope,
it is the primal beginning in antiquity and in the present, the incessant
as the unending. And, like history, so traditional morality, which for
Confucius is canonical, is for Lao Tzu worthless, even degeneration: 'The
Tao was abandoned and so there were morality and duty .... the states
fell into confusion and disorder and so there were loyal servants' (Ch. 18).
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1227
Likewise: 'Morality is scarceness of loyalty and good faith and the beginning
of confusion, forethought is the illusion of Tao and the beginning of
confusion' (Ch. 38). Rule, example and codex as a whole, so highly rated
by Confucius that the theory of government and metaphysics were identical,
are superfluous, indeed harmful, in Lao Tzu's Tao. This lives in the instinct
for what is right, the only one which man was left with and which goes
through the health of the whole world; it lives more precisely in the instinct,
if the term can be used, of a mystical democracy: 'If princes and kings
were capable of being its guardians, then all creatures would stand beside
them as its guardians. Heaven and earth would unite to make sweet dew
fall, the people would of themselves become good, without needing anyone
to command them' (Ch, 32). Such glad tidings, of an all-resolving grace,
are far removed from the ideology of the family state; the authoritarian
state; despite the transitions to be found in much of Confucius' advice,
despite the superiority which he accords to grace over dignity. In Lao Tzu
all that is luxuriant and magnificent is left behind, the seductively mild
art of wisdom appears, Tao - long since not only in heaven, long since
close by - is its quiet god, a god full of contrast ideology against anarchy
and the 'state based on the rule of law'. This shows itself most clearly
at last in Lao Tzu's central idea (only verbally does he have it in common
with Confucius): in the principle ofnot-desiring, not-doing (wu yu, wu wei),
in this quiet centre of the Tao itself. Not-doing is praised from time to time
in Confucius, too, as the maxim of government of biding one's time, but
in Lao Tzu it becomes fundamental. In the realm of Tao nothing is done,
the putsch of intervention disturbs its rule, deprives it of its recuperative
powers (convalescence per se, the act itself which does not even always
presuppose sickness) of the receptive stillness in which they take effect.
This is not quietism in the European sense or even in the sense of the
hymn: 'Lord, lift the wagon alone'; the repose of Tao is both more
naive and more radical. More naive because it contains an element of
unpriestly health, a trust in the restitution of the well-built from itself;
more radical because this trust relates to the constant world-rhythm, not
to God's providence and its acceptance. Despite all the characteristic
quietisms to be found precisely in the composure form of oriental wisdom,
it would be wrong to equate not-doing, in Lao Tzu's version, with not
having an effect; on the contrary, it is not-doing and this alone which is here
regarded as producing an effect. Doing here is contrasted with liveliness,
ripening, thriving, which is organic spontaneity and which alone is turning
out well: 'The higher life is without action and without intentions,
/
1228
the lower life acts and has intentions' (Ch. 38); 'One can attain the kingdom
only if one remains free of busyness. The very busy are not destined to
attain the kingdom' (Ch. 48). In this aversion to mechanical-abstractdoing,
chthonic memory speaks unmistakably, belief in the earth-mother, giving
and guarding; long-lost matriliny continues to have its effect in the maxim
of not-doing as spontaneity in repose. And it is not without reason that
Lao Tzu's life-Tao thus reproduces, sublimates images from the earlier,
matrilineal period in China: for Tao is the ancient name for an animalshaped world-mother. Thus not-doing achieves its contact with Demeter
in the Tao: 'The spirit of the deep does not die, this is the eternally female.
Endlessly it pushes forward and is yet as if persisting, in its working it
remains effortless' (Ch. 6); 'It walks within the circle and knows no uncertainty, it can be grasped as the mother of the world' (Ch. 25); 'A great
kingdom must keep below, thus it becomes the point of union of the world.
It is the female in the world, the female defeats the male by its stillness'
(Ch. 61). Thus Lao Tzu's not-doing is definitely connected with a kind
of co-ruling effectiveness: by virtue of its alliance with the pulse of the
world, by virtue of its aversion to abstract mechanics which operates
without contact to nature as mother. But the correctly understood teaching
of not-doing also contains a maxim which in the end can be so far removed
from quietism as to be no stranger at all to concrete action, which indeed
justifies revolution as a breakthrough into that which is due and right.
It is the maxim: the way is begun, complete the journey; and in this sense
Lao Tzu declares not-doing to be a chiming with the concrete efficacy
of the world: 'If Tao is honoured and life valued, then no commandments
are needed and the world goes right of itself' (Ch, 51). He even speaks
on one occasion of the doing of not-doing (wei wu wei), by which he
means precisely the establishing of conformity with the world-rhythm,
with its powerful-still beat. The fragrance of tea runs through this religionuniverse, so far from violence, crudeness and noise; anti-Barbarus has here
become religion in the most worldly way, the mother landscape of ruling
and healing. Indeed the peacein which the doing of not-doing moves causes
Lao Tzu's Tao, without it falling somewhere out of the world, even -to
appear as that complete fullness of inconspicuousness which means that
the strongest may be seen in the weakest, the most important in the
meanest, almost the absent. Therefore Lao Tzu included this among his
many similes for the Tao: 'Thirty spokes meet in a hub; on their nothingness
the usefulness of the wagon depends. Clay is shaped and vessels are "made
from it; on their nothingness the usefulness of the vessels depends. Doors
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1229
and windows are cut in the wall to build a house; on their nothingness
the usefulness of the house depends. Hence: being gives possession nonbeing usefulness' (Ch. II). Of course this non-being is not acosmic either,
it is no more nirvana than world-secluded absorption in intentionlessness
was; even Tao as emptiness lives, as the simile of the wheel's hub says,
in the middle of the world. And its non-being is not contradictory, not
even disparate, to being, on the contrary it signifies again and again the
inconspicuousness of true being, mild and without taste. The emptiness
of Tao is that of the non-separate, but also again and again that of the
unseparated and of that which is returning from separation: 'Great fullness
must appear as if empty, thus it becomes inexhaustible in its effect ... purity
and stillness are the measure of the world' (Ch. 45). As such fullness and
stillness, Tao emptiness rules throughout the world; emptied of world
yet precisely filled with nothing but world. The glad tidings remain
cosmomorphic: 'Man models himself on the earth, the earth models itself
on heaven, heaven models itself on the Tao, and the Tao models itself
on itself' (Ch. 25); - thus cosmic harmony provides a hold. Although
Tao also stands above heaven, it is not transcendental, rather it swings
through all the after-images of its model, in incessant distributedness, in
a rhythm which for Lao Tzu is both the origin and the norm of what
is right. As such a being of world and of nearness, the Tao, precisely also
politically and theologically, is a god, but so without all magnificence that
it is not a god at all in the common meaning of masters: 'It clothes and
feeds all creatures, and it does not play the master' (Ch. 34). Only a single
passage in the Tao-te-ching (Ch. 4), and this moreover a corrupt one,
talks of a highest ruler (Di), whether he is to be understood as the god
of heaven or simply as the emperor-god of the highest antiquity; yet in
this very passage" the highest is described as caused by the Tao and the
Tao as earlier. An unpathetic world rhythm demands no 19~d, and nature
itself is in Lao Tzu such an old culture that it does not need to play the
master. This Tao, if it were so, would not allow any man to be ruined;
it would be the world without fal~e paths. Richard Wilhelm, who has
probably come closest to the Chinese religious text, wants to render Tao
as 'Being-For-Itself' (Tao te King, I9IS, p. XX), with a Hegelian term
which here, however, must not presuppose a process, as convalescing presupposes illness. Nonetheless the Tao does contain dialectic, not merely that
of the constant self-cancellation of its attained determination but the dialectic
of walking in a circle, of the flux in Being-Far-Itself: 'Always in flux, that
is, far away; far away, that is, returning to itself' (Ch. 25). But above all Tao
12 30
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 31
the dead hand of the Egyptian church (Gen. 47, 22 and 26). So not even the
so far distant story ofJoseph constitutes a precedent for resolving Moses and
the exodus into legend; even though the hitherto known Egyptian counter"
account of these events is incomplete and questionable. There were Egyptian imperial chancellors of Semitic origin, and the clay tablets of Tell al
Amarna, which were pot discovered until 1887, prove that Canaanite kings
asked the Pharaoh for help against invading 'Ibri'. However, Moses has been
surrounded even more liberally than]oseph by that wreath oflegends which
mythological research, especially on Babylon, has woven. Yet no people has
so far ever told of the days of its slavery and humiliation without historical..
real reason, so to speak voluntarily. No people has so far spun completely out
of nothing details of its liberation and being led out of this slavery, or confused
the struggle between the spring sun and the winter with its own. Yet
mythologists, especially those of the Pan-Babylonian persuasion, expect us
to believe this of ancient Israelite history, just as, with even greater fantasy,
they expect us to believe it of the story ofJesus. For them, because of the
basket of reeds in which he was saved from the wrath of the West Land
Pharaoh, Moses was pre-disposed to appear analogous to an entire mythic
group of young sun .. or spring-gods. Like Moses, the Adonis-, the Horus..
and the Jesus-child were pursued by the giant of winter, like him, too, the
various young sun-gods were concealed in a narrow hiding-place, a box or
a cave. Even the work of Moses, the exodus itself, was dismissed as a solar
legend, of Babylonian origin: 'The deliverance from Egypt, in terms of the
world-year myth, is deliverance from the dragon of winter' Oeremias,
Babylonisches im Neuen.Testament, 1905, p. 120). In the ears of the PanBabylonians, even the drowning of the Egyptians in the Red Sea sounded
reminiscent of motifs of the struggle with the dragon, the fight which
Marduk fought with the underworld demon Tiamat. Finally, unlike this PanBabylon, incomparably more serious, indeed with the great achievements
of philology, a radical critique of the Bible sought to erase Moses from history.
Not always as a living person but as the person who proclaimed a new god,
who originally founded a religion. According to a so..called Kenitic hypothesis
(cf. Budde, The Religion of the People of Israel until their Banishment, 1900)
Moses borrowed the idea of Yahweh from the Kenite tribe, into which he
had married after his flight. The Kenites had their pastures on Sinai (perhaps
the now-extinct volcano), and Yahweh (probably meaning: he who wafts,
he who blows) had been worshipped among them as a volcano god since
primeval times. If Yahweh himself is a plagiarism, it is not surprising that the
ten commandments are not supposed to belong to Moses and to the children
1232
FU~F.~LED
MOMENT
of Israel either. According to W ellhausen, the radical exaggerator and an tisemitic epigone of biblical criticism, the decalogue comes from the Canaanites.
Jewish priests. he says, adopted it in Canaan, together with the ritual commandments; only much later, only after Cyrus, were the ten commandments
attributed to Moses, their entire content, not just their formulation, is
interpolated (cf. Wellhausen, Israelitische und judische Geschichte, 1901).
And in the end, in all too radically dissolving biblical criticism, nothing more
remains of Moses and ancient Israel than a wild bundle ofreligions, completely
without a centre, of holy stones and trees, of diverse local gods, ancestor cult,
human sacrifice, Canaanite rites and late Babylonian legends. Thus the
founders of the Jewish religion were the prophets, and Moses, Yahweh,
exodus, the decalogue there and then are no more historical than Abel and
Cain. But now something remarkable happens: precisely where biblical
criticism annuls the later assimilations and back-datings of the priestly codex,
where it has discovered genuinely extraneous elements in Mosaism, precisely
here the originality of Moses becomes more evident than it was before the
triumphs and even the extravagances of biblical criticism. Just as the theory
of evolution does not blur the difference between man and animal but on
the contrary makes it far more recognizable than before, so the Bible appear~
even more original and unique now that its extra-biblical sources and elements
have become fairly well-known. Perhaps, probably Moses adopted the god
of Sinai from the Kenites, but the god did not remain what he had been. Quite
unquestionably the decalogue, not to mention the ritual code, contains late
interpolations from Canaan, but the concise main body has no equal in
Canaan, in the entire world. With Moses, a leap in religious consciousness
occurred, and it was prepared for by an event which is most opposed to
religions till then, religions ofworldliness or of astral-mythic fate: by rebellion,
by the exodus from Egypt. Thus, and not for example as Nimrod or as a
hugely prominent medicine man, Moses became the firstheros eponymos, the
first name-giving originator ofa religion, ofa religion of opposition. Other, later
religions of opposition, such as the warlike religion of Zoroaster, the acosmic
religion of Buddha, are understandable for Europeans only in terms of the
exodus-archetype. Just as -the founder-figure Moses is the prototype of all
who stand not on the margin of their teaching but within it, messianic.
An enslaved people, this is the need here which teaches people to pray.
And a founder appears who begins by slaying a taskmaster. Thus suffering
and rebellion stand at the beginning here, from the outset they make the
religion a path into the open. The god of Sinai, adopted from the Kenites,
through Moses did not remain the local god of a volcano, he became the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 33
spirit of the exodus. The volcano god is set in motion, and his character,
except for certain choleric-eruptive features, is changed. The local god is
raised up from his ground, through his theurgist Moses he becomes a cloud
anda pillar of fire, which moves with a race originally unknown to him
from Sinai into the untrodden, into the splendour of something untrodden.
And just as the god of exodus is Mosaic, not Kenitic, so the main body
of the decalogue preserves a creation of Moses, not a moral code of the
Canaanites or, even more far-fetched, of the ancient Babylonian king
Hammurabi, whose Book of Laws of around 2100 B.C. has about as much in
common with the decalogue as the corpus juris has with Kantian morality.
The decalogue contains interpolations, undoubtedly; the commandment
not to covet one's neighbour's house is meaningless among Bedouins, as
is the commandment to honour the Sabbath. Both presuppose sedentariness
and the ordered workday of the Canaanite farmer, indeed the making holy
of the seventh day did not happen until much later, in Babylonian exile,
it is Chaldean in origin. However, the unbroken community ethic which
Moses formulates did not exist in Canaan. For it stems from primitive
communist conditions, which 'had not yet been completely eradicated among
nomads but certainly had been in the agricultural civilization of the
Canaanites in which a class system had long since been formed. A sentence
such- as: 'Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself' (Lev. 19, 18), such
a concentration of the ten commandments into one, has, even in the
primitive commune, only its still unconscious beginning; the making
conscious and the almost glaring exemplification is the work o~Moses.
As such it was also borne in mind by Israel, not just in the midst of tanaan
but against the Canaanite economy itself, which was now adopted by the
Israelite conquerors. A new entity now penetrated into the existing kulak
morality and Baal religion of Canaan, and, despite. all receptions, it never
completely capitulated (cf. Vol. II, p. 497f.). The Nazarites, from Samuel
to John the Baptist in his nomad's hair tunic, the prophets closely connected
with them, with their view of the period in the desert as the 'bridal period
of Israel', as the time 'when Israel was a child' (Hosea II, I), derive their
memories and their power from the Mosaic foundation, from decalogue
and exodus god. Without Moses the prophets would be without ground,
even the morality of the prophets, sublime and universalistic though it
became, shows the still influential impulse of the exodus-leader and his idea
of the holy people. Through the commitment of Moses the content of salvation' changed, a content which had constituted the completely finishedexternal goal of pagan religions, especially the astral-mythic ones. Instead
12 34
of the finished goal there now appears a promised goal that must first be achieved;
instead of the visible nature godthere appears an invisible godofrighteousness and
ofthe kingdom of righteousness. But if not prophecy then did not the Book of
Job (after so little that was good in Canaan, after so little fulfilled promise)
add to the religion of Moses something completely different, namely the
negation of itself? As rejection of its glad tidings, as rebellion - and now not
only against Pharaoh or Baal and Belial but against the Yahweh of ostensible
righteousness himself. Certainly this is the content ofJob's revolt; neither
the tame correctnesses and traditional harmonies of his friends nor the storm
in which Yahweh announces his disparate sublimity can rescue faith in
the righteousness of the once so magnificently proclaimed-proclaiming god.
A theocracy which has become inhumane no longer makes any impact
on a subservient mentality which does not want to remain limited. And
yet even the Book of Job, although written so late and geographically
on the edges ofJudea, remains genuine Old Testament or Moses in contraMoses. Well before Job not even the priestly version of the Bible text
could suppress or wipe out the memory of the subversive characteristics
in this text, even just the murmuring of the children of Israel, the measuring
of Yahweh's deeds against his promise, against that highest definition which
Isaiah finally gave him; that he is the Holy One of Israel. But the murmuring
was the measuring of God against his ideal: all this is found laid out in Moses
himself, in the man of the water of strife (Num, 20, 13), of doubt that Yahweh
would deliver his people (Exodus S, 23), of the prayer to Yahweh, that he
himself and not merely an imperfect angel should lead them into the Promised
Land (Exodus 33, IS). Moses insists on Yahweh instead of the angel, with
kiddush hashem, the making holy of the name, on him who has become
face: 'If thy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.?" But the
face is still far above the righteousness which Job so denies in Yahweh, so
that almost nothing remains of him but the old demon of Sinai. 'Prince of
the Face' is significantly a later title of the Messiah, of the intended leader
to the final Yahweh or to the finality which Yahweh was believed to represent.
No religion has passed through so many layers of sublimation, of utopianization
of its god as that of Moses, but all these layers are inherent in the concept of
his God ofExodus himself. The God of Moses is the promise of Canaan or
he is no God. The rebellion ofJob, the Hebrew Prometheus, also stems from
here and this is precisely why it has an utterly different fierceness, an utterly
* Exodus 33, IS. The Authorized Version gives 'presence' where Luther gives 'Angesicht': 'face',
The Hebrew is 'panim'.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 35
different substantiatedness from strife with God in any other religion. Exodus
in Job becomes radical: not merely as the measuring of Yahweh against the
ideal of his righteousness and the kingdom of his righteousness but as the
exodus from Yahweh himself into the unknown Canaan of which he was the
unkept promise. 'I know that my blood-avenger is living and will at the
end rise up above my dust. The witness of my innocence will be by me,
and I will see my deliverer from guilt for myself, with my own eyes I see
it, and DO other' crob 19, 25-27, after Bertholet's translation, using the
conjectures *): the Messiah religion in this text, which, probably for good
reason, has come down to us in corrupt form, abandons Yahweh too - for
the sake of its utopia. But if Moses had not proclaimed God in Canaan,
Canaan in God, then Job would have neither language for his accusation
nor light for his rebellious hope. The impulse of Moses holds the entire Old
Testament together, including Messianism, which appears late or rather is
pronounced late. This too, indeed precisely this, is latent in glad tidings whose
proclaimer brings himself and his people into it, with exodus and promise
of the land, land of the promise.
12 36
makes allstatics futile: 'God said unto Moses, I will be who I will be' (Exodus 3,
14). * In contrast to the interpolations of the Law and of Baal, it is hereimmaterial
how late such a highly messianic definitionwas insertedinto the original text.
For, complicated though it looksboth linguistically and conceptually, it springs
in its spirit not from any priestly code but from the original spirit of exodus
itself. Eh'je asher eh'je, I will be who I will be, is a name which despite its
ambiguity and interpolatedness reveals Moses' intention, doesnot cover it up.
Yahweh's self-description is ambiguousbecause the verb hajafrom which eh'je
is derived can mean both to be and to become, and it is interpolated because
only later theologycould haveput suchan enigmatic word in place of the word
Yahweh, which it was forbidden to pronounce. Nevertheless the addition here
is autochthonous, i.e. the interpretation of a realintention, the sameintention
which caused the local god of Sinai to move into the futurum of Canaan, as
hisdistant homeland.To gauge the uniqueness of this passage, compareit with
another interpretation, or rather the late commentary on another name of god,
that of Apollo. Plutarchrecords (De EI apud Delphos, Moralia III) that the sign
EI was carved above the gate of the temple of Apollo at Delphi; he attempts
a numerological-mystical interpretation of the two letters but finally comes to
the conclusion that EI means granunatically and metaphysically the same, namely
Thou art, in the sense of the timelessly unchangeable existence of God. Eh'je
asher eh'je, on the other hand, places even at the threshold of the Yahweh
phenomenon a god of the end of days, with futurum as an attribute of Being,
This end-and omega-godwould havebeena follyin Delphi, asin everyreligion
where the god is not one of exodus. However, God as time is in tension with
God as beginning or origin, with which the Egyptian-Babylonian influenced
teaching of the creation in the Bible begins. The Deus Creator of a world
represented as very good and as complete, and the Deus Spes whom Moses
proclaims to his people, do not become completely identical until rabbinical
theology (and later the Credo of the Christian church). The prophets on the
other hand - which is so important and remains so essentially true to the conception of the God of exodus - seldom mention the god of creation and then
almostonly as the intending scene-setter for man: 'For thus saith the Lord that
created the heavens; God himself that formed the earth and made it; he hath
established it, he created it not in vain, he formed it to be inhabited' (Isaiah
4St 18). Although this goal-description, as one of the kingdom of God among
men, isalready present in the Mosaic storyof the creation, it is uniquely reinforced
"
* Again, we have translated directly &om the German here. The Authorized Version gives 'I
AM THAT I AM', but clearly the future aspect is crucial for Bloch's interpretation.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
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123 8
the situation became more and more hellish. The image of a last leader thus
emerges, becoming sharply defined from the second century B.C. onwards,
after the oppression by Antiochus and the war of the Maccabeans. The
dream culminates in the Roman period; Messiah is the secret king, the
anointed of the Lord, the restorer of the kingdom of David. As such he is a
national revolutionary-leader, with romantic radiance, but at the same time,
in the sense of the prophets' universal Zion, ruler in a new period of time
altogether, in a kingdom of God. Thus, in the messianic religion, as well
as the hoped.. for king from the family of David a hoped.. for higher Moses
rises up. The ten plagues, the destruction of the Egyptians in the Red Sea,
become apocalyptic: the precondition for the coming of God's rule is the
annihilation of the power which now holds sway on earth. And the national
revolution itself, despite its smallness, becomes entwined with worldchange, with the new heaven, the new earth. The Messiah-image was multiplied even more powerfully, far beyond such a cosmic Moses, by that of a
divine first man, in accordance with an idea common to Jews and Persians
at this time. In Ezekiel, a contemporary of Zoroaster (c. 600 B.C.), this
divine human form first appears, full of wisdom, in God's garden of Eden,
powerful as a cherub (Ezek. 28, 12ff.). In the famous vision of Daniel
(c. 160 B.C.) the ancestral messianism even puts on this flesh: 'One like
the son of man came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the ancient
of days, and they brought him near before them. And there was given
him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations and
languages should serve him' (Dan. 7, I3f.). The idea of the Messiah was
given its learned formulation in God by Philo, an Alexandrian contemporary ofJesus: the divine first man - the first-created Adam, who is formed
in God's image (Gen. I, 27) and not of dust (Gen. 2, 7) - is the Logos,
the first-born Son of God, indeed the 'second God'. He is no longer just
the anointed of the Lord but an inner-worldly or a man-god. In fact the
other god, the unrecognizable god of heaven, increasingly relinquishes his
pillar of cloud and fire, his exodus and saving power to the Messiah figure;
the Messiah, despite his subordination to Yahweh, is regarded almost as
equal to him, but as the good God, the helper and the good in God. This
is a theological transformation which goes far beyond the sublimation of
Yahweh that had taken place until then; for in the shape of the Son of Man
as a second god it is directed at trust in Yahweh alone. Even though the
latter, through unrecognizability and transcendence which becomes absolute,
moves ever higher: precisely the disparateness of this distance deprives
deprivation of the being to which it could pray. All too great sublimity
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
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1240
and may have retained them after their return, it is in the first place far from
established that these ideas had not previously radiated from Palestine to Iran.
The ancient Persian religion, a natural religion which largely coincides with
the ancient Indian religion, excludes messianism, this eminently historical
religion, just as much as messianism is intended in Moses and already steps
forth bodily in the first Isaiah over a hundred years before Zoroaster: 'And
there shall come forth a rod out of the stem ofjesse, and a branch shall grow
out of his roots' (Isaiah n, I): this passage t which is not interpolated, and
the verses which follow itt definitely contain the messianic idea, even though
they do not, not yet, refer to a divine first man and his return. But then
the authentically apocalyptic developments of messianicreligion, which begin
simultaneously among the Persians, the Jews and not least the Chaldeans,
appear as a work which may have been common to all but in which only
the Jews had all the power of suffering and therefore all the seriousness of
hope on their side. For the Persians under Cyrus, the Chaldeans under
Nebuchadnezzar ruled a world and their god did not need a future in
order to be victorious; thus a significant document, the magnificentgrateful Behistun hymn of Darius, shows how they managed even without
a Saoshyant. Judea, on the other hand, was in such a bad way after the return
of the Jews that it was here for the first time that the belief in the Messiah
became wholly one of explosion and not only of crowning apotheosis. Thus
philological antisemitism here comes almost more to grief than with the
Kenite Yahweh and the decalogue. Reitzenstein from his knowledge of
Iranian mythology observes, at least neutrally: 'It is not that Jewish ideas
of the Messiah are borrowed per se; hopes of a saviour king and a blissful
age whose duration they do not wish to limit arise independently of one
another among the most different peoples and influence one another in
individual features in literary communication' (Das iranische Erlosungsmysterium, 1921, p. 116f.). And Max Weber gives a summary which even
breaks out of neutrality and, rightly, seesmessianism inherent in Moses and
in the prophets themselves: 'The peculiarity of the Israelite expectation is
the increasing intensity with which, whether it be paradise or the saviourking, the former was projected from the past, the latter from the present,
into the future. This did not only happen in Israel; but nowhere else did
this expectation move into the centre of religiosity with such obvious constantly increasing force. The old Berith (Covenant) of Yahweh with Israel,
his promise in association with the criticism of the miserable present made
this possible; but only the force of the prophecy made Israel to this unique
extent into a people of expectation and of waiting' (Gesammelte Aufsatze zur
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1241
12 4 2
Zoroaster also acted thus, on the path to a brighter sun than that which
already burns. This emphatically human founder nonetheless again takes
part again in nature-mythic movements, comes in part at least from ancient
Persian movements, yet expresses in them his utterly different saving quality.
Zoroaster certainly lived, around 600 B.C., the very wild and dense legend
around him began to form only eight hundred years later, in the earlier
Avesta. The Gathas, the collection of Zoroaster's sayings, show a sharply
vivid man, surrounded by doubters, answering them reflectively. The
incipient legend, too, is produced by the palpably powerful impression of
a historical person; Zoroaster inspired people to spin fables. Even in the
most bizarre legend he himself has a human destiny, not that of a fish-man
or moon-scribe. As power and serenity embodied, 'allied with light', this
founder pierces the fables of the Zendavesta and not least its priestly, often
desolate formulae. The legend says that when Zoroaster was born he immediately let out his happy laughter, the world of the good god cried out
for joy with him, the evil spirits fled. An archangel leads the youth to
the glory of the god of light, there he receives the true teaching and the
mysteries of the great division are revealed. 'I made a creation of beauty' ,
Ahuramazda-Ormuzd, the god of light, tells him, 'and Ahriman made a
second creation, one which is man-destroying, made death, winter, sluggishness, from which poverty follows, inexpiable action.' Again and again
there is the antithesis between the winter giant and the god of spring (among
Germanic tribes this is Thor, who smashes the ice with a hammer). This
is the nature-mythic antithesis per se, it was Babylonian, in the struggle
between the dragon of the abyss and Jupiter Marduk, it was ancient Iranian
as well as ancient Indian; the Indian sun-god Mithra is in any event identical
with the Iranian Mithras and the god of light Varuna with Aburamazda.
But while in Babylon the dragon of the abyss is defeated by Marduk tight
at the beginning of the world, with Zoroaster, the exhorting, forwardrelated founder, this does not happen till the end of the world. History
thus enters into astral-mythic statics, the whole world becomes history,
namely a scuffle in which Ormuzd and Ahriman are entangled. After a
glorious life, the Zoroaster of legend falls in the struggle against Ahriman.
But at the end of each of the three millennia which the world still has to go
through after Zoroaster's death, a new prophet grows from his seed, which
is guarded by spirits. The last millennium brings the end of all things, and
with it of course also, as an element of final tension, the threat of Ahriman's
supremacy. But according to the highly chivalric legend the Zarathustra
laughter with which the first Zoroaster had already entered the world grows
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 43
to the same degree. The name of the definitive prophet, from the seed
of Zoroaster, the name of this last Zoroaster is Saoshyant, which means:
coming helper. United with him is Vohu mano, which means: spirit of
truth, one of the genii of Ormuzd, and thus, in purification of men and
of the world, Ahriman is defeated by Ormuzd, the gigantic clinch of two
almost equal forces breaks, the hybrid world, shadow world of day and
night ceases. A new one begins, 'free of age and death, decay and putrefaction, full of eternal life and growth'. Zoroaster thus wins as 'the ally of
Ormuzd', he is the first and the last who, with all who belong to the
light, can return to this light. Thus he shows features analogous to the
Jewish Messiah, not to the suffering Messiah who in Jewish legend is
described as the son of Joseph but to the victorious Messiah, the son of
David. Zoroaster, too, bears a name familiar from the Bible, 'one like
the son of man' (Dan. 7, 13); he is Gayomard, which means the bright
first man, as he was from the beginning with Ormuzd. And the last
Zoroaster, the Saoshyant, stands like the Messiah at the end of the days,
the lord of the separation of the good and the evil, of the Last Judgement.
Even the Christian idea of the paraclete (helper, comforter) has one of
its origins in the Saoshyant: the 'spirit of truth', the name by which the
paraclete is prophesied by Jesus (John 16, 13), is Vohu mano, the spirit
of the last Zoroaster. Despite all this of course the nature-mythic intertwining remains, even with such a powerful, most visible entrance of the
founder-person. Zoroaster rejected the ancient-Iranian, Vedic nature religion,
dispatched many of the old gods to hell, consigned the fiends as well as
the genii to the dependent retinue of Ahriman or Ormuzd. However, astralmythic statics, through having so much person, so much world-history as
Last judgement forced into it, is not completely abolished in the teachings of
Zoroaster. Hence the firmly fixed moment of Ormuzd's victory, which is
due after three thousand years. And just as the future here is not open, is not
truly new, but has been set a closed deadline, that which appears in it at
the end does not seem a Novum but the filled quantum of the alreadypresent
light which has merely been blocked and restricted by Ahriman. Thus
the huge person-commitment of the founder, striking through the world
as threefold lightning, is just as hugely and definitively interwoven with
the external heaven. The Jewish apocalypse also, and even more so the
Christian one, draws the cosmos into it, but as a cosmos which is collapsing,
behind which the kingdom lies. The Persian glad tidings do not contain
this break in nature, they remain despite all their exodus in the old space;
consequently for them light is not so much a symbol of good as good
1244
WISHFUL IMAGES OF
TH~
FULFILLED MOMENT
is a symbol of light. But astral myth did not therefore remain the same
as in ancient Babylon or even among the Chaldeans, whose star-worship
extends so far into the Zendavesta. If the seven main lights of heaven are
worshipped, they are worshipped as allies in the struggle, not only as
directors of fate. And if in Zoroaster history is again engulfed in nature,
nature too is engulfed in the path of salvation of an eminently moralized
history. Precisely in the dualism of night and light, Zoroaster perceived
nature as the place of two armies, as a human battleground. The believer,
instead of standing far below, or in fact outside, as in the astral cult, now
puts on the armour of the light-god, just as the light-god in turn needs
believers. And it is not surprising that the teaching of Zoroaster, by virtue
of its dualism, could cultivate intolerance particularly well. When, from
224 A.D. onwards, the Sassanid dynasty regenerated Persia militarily and
nationally, the Mazdaic church which evolved at that time from the
remnants of the Zoroastrian tradition was as tightly organized, indeed more
tightly organized, than the state. It cultivated a strict hierarchy, a scrupulous
ritual and above all a dogma which enabled detailed distinctions to be made
between orthodoxy and heresy. This church, like all others, completely
denied the utopian nature, i.e. the messianic character of its Zoroaster.
It abolished the cosmic-utopian scuffle and thus determined even before
the appearance of the last Zarathustra that, and how, light (the Mazdaic
church) and darkness parted.
Until a new teacher came into the midst of all this rigidity, came precisely
from the old kind. His name was Mani, he was born in 2IS A.D. and crucified
by Mazdaic priests in 273 A.D. In 242 A.D., the year of the coronation
of Sapor I, the second Sassanid king, he made his first appearance in public,
giving the Shah a document on the reform of the Mazdaic religion. Given
the fortress-like development of the state church, it was already too late
for this, but it is significant that with his first work Mani definitely began
to have an effect on Persian soil, as the renewer of Zoroaster. Not for example
as a Chaldean or as an apostle of the Christian heretic Marcion or even,
as has also beep claimed, as a pupil of the Greeks who knew his Plato well
and his doctrine of the wicked soul of the world. It is more likely that
Mani may have been connected with the curious Mesopotamian sect of the
Mandaeans, which his father had joined, among whom he grew up. The
Mandaeans were fanatical believers in the Son of Man, the saviour of the
last days and the world-conflagration; in all their writings the son sent
by the light-father into the depths is the object of their expectation. Not that
the Mandaeans recognized Jesus as this son, on the contrary they regarded
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 45
taken prisoner, was numbed, forgot his origins. To free him, primal light,
which in Mani is also called by the highly Mandaean name of father of
greatness, sent a second ambassador, the 'life-spirit'. He manages to rouse
the first man from his benumbed state and lead his spiritual being back into
the world of light - but not his helpers. To free them, the light spirit now
performs his second rescue-act: he kills the helpers of darkness, from their
corpses heaven and earth are formed. The light spirit therefore operates as a
demiurge, but in such a way that heaven and earth are created by him
in their form but not in their matter, which consists of smoke, fire, darkness,
burning wind and poison. Except for the sun, moon and stars: these consist
of parts of the light engulfed by darkness. But to begin to set free the
other, still imprisoned light-elements, the primal light sends its third
ambassador, the 'spirit of the leading wise man', and at his side the 'maiden
of light'. The third act of creation begins as that of movement: only the
stars remain in the firmament and tied to its revolution, sun and moon
however become bodies circling between earth and heaven. The spirit of
the leading wise man takes up residence in the sun, the maiden of light
(Helen, Sophia) takes up her residence in the moon; from here they keep
the work of light-deliverance going. There now occurs one of the loveliest
wishful interpretations of the sun and the moon known in myth, one that
can scarcely have appeared before Mani, Sun and moon, in Mani's now
soteriological astral myth, become two heavenly ships which load up with
the performed good deeds and the departing souls of good people and bring
the light thus removed from the world back to the kingdom of the first
man and of Ormuzd. The moon in its phases is interpreted as a barque
which fills with light (a perspective which indicates the deep south, for
it is only in countries near the equator that the new moon appears horizontally, a boat floating in the air); but the sun passes upwards the light brought
out by the moon in- the 'pillar of praise'. The twelve signs of the zodiac
through which the sun runs and to which it offers its flood of brightness
are here visualized as the spokes of a huge water-wheel or as the buckets
of a lifting mechanism. But if the microcosm is a prison of light, the
macrocosm is one great mechanism for the deliverance of light; the myth
of the soul's heavenly journey (cf. Vol. III, p. III8ff.) is thereby dedemonized. But equally the planets are deprived of their idle rotations, this
harmony of the spheres of mere circling. On the contrary, Mani praises this
music as a divinely-ascending, death-conquering power, hence as one which
is in contact only with the sun-ship and with light-deliverance by the entire
cosmos. In contrast to Babylon and Chaldea, Mani teaches that the moon
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 47
and the sun are not gods but ways of reaching god; astral myth thus begins
to move against itself, astrology becomes cosmic alchemy. As such Mani's
entire universe stands, insofar as it is moved, insofar as it leads out the
gold light; Manichaeism remained the religious background to alchemy.
Yet it is still necessary to send a fourth ambassador, for the night, too, is
now preparing to strike. One of its forces has formed on earth the first .
men from the remaining light, on the model of the first man, the lifespirit, the leading wise man. The main part of the remaining light is now
imprisoned in Adam and Eve, their bodies are a work of darkness, but
their forms and their souls are modelled on and follow the light. It is to
break open this last prison of light that the fourth and last ambassador now
appears, at the same time a definitive incarnation of the divine first man.
He appeared, as Mani explained, with a magnificent change of form, in
Mani's own genealogy, he appeared to the Persians as Zoroaster, to the
Indians as Buddha, to the people of the West as Jesus (distinguished from
the historical Jesus, the Jesus of Peter rather than Paul). He appears finally
in Mani and as Mani, who is the paraclete, the Vohu mano of Zoroaster,
the spirit of truth. A gnostic here for the first and last time in history
becomes a prophet, more than that, a crown prince of god; his vocation
is: knowledge which redeems. Thus the work of the deliverance of Adam,
cosmogony, turns into ethics of salvation, into an asceticism and hatred
of the flesh which finally differs from Zarathustra's world-powerful teaching
and displays Buddhist characteristics. For the Zendavesta taught that
Ormuzd had created both body and soul; Mani, on the other hand, sees
in the body only the work of the devil, which must be cast aside. But
there is a difference from Buddha, too, because Mani's asceticism is not
merely individual but at the same time cosmic; it is a partial process of
the cosmic final process. Consequently four acts of initiation correspond
to the four above-mentioned cosmogonic acts, even though Manichaeism,
as far as is known, did not contain an elaborated, sensuous-symbolical
mystery cult. Yet the connection between the higher ranks of the Manichaean
order, the electi, and the universal, as it were itself ascetic nature process
cannot be thought of as close enough. The electi of Mani are truly put into
the world like retorts in order to distil the stolen light-matter from it; they
are the living art of chemical separation, with a cosmic goal. The goal is the last
anti-Ahriman act, the razing of the world fortress; the sun and moon also
cease their work of excavation then. When the last messenger of god 'shows
his image' the dark matter collapses, the world burns, the unmixed original
state of night below but light on high fills the universe. The rigidity of death
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
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12 50
one. With none of the founders who have appeared so far does one see the
doctrine so preciselytransformed into way, into a way which of course leads
straight to nirvana. Buddha appeared at the end of the sixth century B.C.,
at a time when the ancient Indian religion of the Vedas was stifled with
formulae, superficialized into ritual. The Indian religion itself was not
originally intent on being lost to the world let alone to the gods as well.
The Vedas, which date back to the pre-Aryan period, are to a large extent
nature-mythic, are not without the juicy wishes of a peasant and warrior
race. Sacrifices, cults, magic rites, even vows and acts of mortification were
intended to achieve nourishment in this world, cattle, horses, long life
and revenge on enemies. Only the dead person is apart from the world,
but in such a way that, united with the fathers, he sees Yama, the king
of the dead, with reward for good works in heaven. The most solemn
part of the Vedas, the collection of hymns, is still for the most part devoted
to nature gods, storm and cloud gods, the fire god Agni, the storm and
heaven god Indra, the frenzied god of libation Soma. The Puranas, which
themselves purport to be part of the Vedas and contain the authentic legends
of Indian mythology, are boundlessly polytheistic; the deeds of the gods
are even more boundlessly entwined in the monstrous, in the inextricably
gigantic. This serves as an astonishing foil to atonement, coolness,
withdrawal into self, glimpses of repose, which do of course already break
through the wilderness of gods in the Rigveda, the oldest part of the Vedas.
And certainly the Upanishads of around 800 B.C., which form the last
part of the Vedas, contain distant light, Himalayan light, whose kind of
nirvana permits no peasant- and war-myth, let alone any approach to the
jungle of gods. Unrest has now made itself into the strongest seeker for rest,
Buddha's 'path of redemption' has its first starting point here. In the
Upanishads an apprentice is shown the world figures so that he may recognize
them, in their terrors and their allurement, as illusion, and at every figure,
whether tiger, cloud, king or nightmare, the exorcistic formula intones: Tat
tvam asi, You are thus. The Upanishads are no longer polytheistic, but
pantheistic: the self (Atman) is not only one with all other beings but also
one with Brahma, the world soul. Brahma sees, hears and knows in every
individual soul, is the all-seeing, all-hearing, all-understanding throughout
all beings; he is the Only One, in whom all striving is extinguished and the
veil of Maya, i.e. the multiplicity of the illusory world, is torn. Yet Buddha's
'path of redemption' has its second starting point in the rationalistic-atheistic
Sankhya philosophy which began around 600 B.C., not in the Himalayas
but in the towns of the lower Ganges, to the east of the old Brahman
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
I2SI
1252
trinity of Brahma-Vishnu-Shiva over all the much-entangled gods and godkings, over the genii, elephants and demons of ancient Indian legend; not
forgetting the dreadful Kali, wife of Shiva, who demands human sacrifice.
Apart from the Hindu church only the scarcely original sect of jainism
remained, founded by Mahavira, a contemporary of Buddha, a sect which
initially also rejected gods, myth and cult but then vied with the Brahmans
in the building ofbarbaric and even more extensive temples. Buddha remains
by contrast that which has become free, religion without god and gods, with
myth below and behind it. The founder goes on ahead of his believers as
Tathagata, i.e. he who redeems himself; as such, of course, he is finally again
the one who is scattered. The peculiar atheism prevented this kind of subjectiveness - an entire contraction of religion to the darkening Buddha-way least of all. Atheism here became religion because a man, with a content
abstracted from world and from gods, moved into the new layer in which
the gods were no longer to be found, not even as illusions. Outside this layer
they are not completely united in Buddha, for otherwise they could not be
overhauled, on the contrary they have the reality of illusion, to which they
belong like all the hazy realities of this world. Atheism thus becomes a part
of immense acosmlsm, which constitutes the consequence of this thoroughgoing doctrine of illusion, in world as in supra-world. Of course, it was only
at the price of acosmism, this incredibly high price, that atheism was purchased
here, and thus it itself became transcendental-religious. Then precisely the
person of the founder, the utterly human hope-way person Buddha, the
person of the world, remains finally extremely visible, as the first to dissolve
into nirvana. Instead of immersion in Brahma as divine nirvana, as the
Upanishads teach, comes immersion in a nirvana completely without forms.
In a centre of repose where instead of exodus, and as this per se, exitus enters
into itself. 'Just as the great ocean', Buddha explained in the rules of his order,
'has only one taste, that of salt, so, too, my teachings and rules have only
one characteristic: redemption'; but redemption from world as well as from
god. It conquers as total abstraction, its location is the completely abolished
cosmos, is the acosmos and atheos of nirvana.
A man exemplified this who wanted to make suffering in itself dwindle
away. Not specific suffering from onething or another but suffering from
a wretched existence as a whole and above all, so to speak thoroughly, from
its cause. But this cause itself is not supposed to be specific. least of all social,
consisting of lords and serfs. It is supposed to be quite universal, is called
Tanha, desiring, thirst, and as such it is the same everywhere; particular crass
misery merely opens the eyes to the entire incurable condition. The nobleman
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12 54
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1255
longer any gods to receive the souls. About this, nirvana as obliteration,
Buddha's practice of knowledge teaches nothing, there is no answer to
this question, the question itself was treated almost as heresy by Buddha.
Only this much becomes negatively clear in this obliteration, that it must
still in all in its category-less non-plenitude be determined by that in it
which - as acosmos, atheos - extinguishes and obliterates. Hence a specific
Indian kind of cosmos does after all, against the intention, impart itself
with a negative imprint to nirvana, namely as abstractly abandoned, as
the emptiness or abstract negation of that which was previously filled by
the cosmos. The cosmos which is abstracted from here is certainly not
that of an astral myth, as in Egypt and Babylon: on the contrary, Buddha's
abandoned cosmos can be none other than the wild-gigantic cosmos of
Indian mythology. But both by contrast to this world and by the hollow
space geometry of the emptied cosmos something strangely inorganic is
nonetheless present in nirvana, a gravity in all its infinite lightness,
something sealed by sleep despite all landing beyond sleep and waking.
Along with this inorganic aspect there even comes an element of that
magnificently closed quality which the statue of the god Buddha manifests
in such contrast to the wild sculptures of gods in Hindu temples; a closedness
not only out of concentration but also out of geometry, out of a smile
in the sleep-crystal. The figures of Buddha from the classical Gupta epoch
in particular show a quite clear mathematical structure based on the triangle
and circle: as reflection of the unreflectible but symmetrically described
nirvana. This is repose not of this world, yet a repose which touches highly
paradoxically on the Egyptian aspiration to become like stone. For the abstract
devotion to nirvana does not contain that emphatically New towards the
cosmos such as the Christian utopia of kingdom presents, the worldovercoming, not world-abstracting leap by virtue ofapocalypse and heavenly
Jerusalem. But why the smile in the sleep-crystal? - the bliss of nirvana which
after all is ultimately something utterly different from the hollow space
geometry of acosmos? - the symbolism of the Buddha statue, the lines of
initiation in it, which yet seem to impart a quite different cipher than the negative counterpart to external geometry? This kind of thing proves again and
again that a particular kind of self-commitment, extinguishing itself, has
entered into the hoped-for salvation here; but that it is present precisely in
extinction, as extinction. This presence, which is therefore ultimately marked
in Buddha's smile, is inconceivable in astral myth a limine, even in Chinese
Tao it is weak, contemplative, directed to the edge of a landscape. Despite all
this the blissof nirvana remains freelysuspended, hypostatized to itself, without
12 56
Prayers are said to a child born in a stable. No glance into the heights can
be broken downwards in a closer, more humble, more homely way. At
the same time the stable is true, such a low origin for the founder is no
invention. Legend does not paint misery, certainly not that which lasts
a whole lifetime. The stable, the carpenter's son, the visionary among simple
people, the gallows at the end, this is taken from historical stuff, not the
golden stuff beloved of legend. Yet, as with Moses, attempts have been
made to dissolveJesus into pure legend, with no one behind it. According
to this view, Jesus no more really lived than William Tell, Herod did
not need to massacre the innocents, and Pilate washes his hands not in
innocence but in thin air. Undoubtedly Jesus is surrounded with myth, yet
this is only the framework into which a man entered, which was filled by a
man. The framework was one of expectations: precisely as such it is also
important for the existence of Christ, for his appearancein unrest, prophecy,
year-god myth. The unrest was the political one in the Jewish land which
longed for a leader. A strong king of the House of David, capable of driving
out, of banishing the Roman occupiers. From here came Jesus' first
followers, his ride into Jerusalem and the readiness to start singing the
hosanna, the acclamation for ancient Israelite kings. Prophecy provides the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 57
second, far broader expectation motif, one that was widespread throughout
the entire Roman empire. Hellenic kings had long since taken upon themselves the title of Soter (saviour), which came from ancient oriental court
ceremonial. Precisely at the time of Christ's birth this title fell to Augustus,
the hoped-for emperor ofpeace; at the same time the Egyptian Horus myth of
the divine child converged with the image of the saviour. Genuinely Roman,
yet already interwoven with messianic strands from the Roman jewish community, perhaps dating back to Horace, was the further association of the
imperator with memories of the Golden Age, with the Age of Saturn. Thus
the famous prophecy in Virgil's Fourth Eclogue refers to Augustus: 'Now
the virgil) returns, and with her the reign of Saturn, now a new generation
descends from heaven. The child whose rule will end the iron age and bring
back the golden age of the world, protect him, chaste Lucina, thy Apollo
already rules ... Behold the world is swaying on its shaken axis, the earth,
the seas in their infinite expanse, heaven and its deep vault, how all nature
trembles with hope of the coming ages (Aspice ventura laetantur ut omnia
saecula). ,. Even the word evangelium, in the new meaning of glad tidings
which change everything, also exists outside Judea, but refers to the emperor,
not to the king of the Jews. As in an altar inscription from Priene in Asia
Minor, celebrating the birth of Augustus, not of Christ jesus: 'This day has
given the world a new aspect, it would have been engulfed if a common joy
for all men had not revealed itself in the new-born child. He judges right
who sees in this birthday feast the beginning of life and of all life-forces for
himself; at last the time when one had to regret being born is over. Providence
has endowed this man with such gifts that it has sent him to us and to coming
generations as the sorer: he will end feuding, will shape everything
magnificently. The birthday of the god has ushered into the world the
evangelia associated with him, from his birth a new era begins. ' The strange
ecstasy of such celebrations of the emperor's birthday indicates what faith in
miracles and redemption, what need for it was going around even in Christ's
time in the Roman empire. The peace and legal security which Caesarism,
born out of anarchy, had brought are not enough to explain these exuberant
tributes, especially as they by no means overlap with the later cult of the
emperor. On the contrary, a strange sense of a new era, an imminent transition, of the end of the Iron Age, was prevalent throughout the Roman empire.
It is from here, too, and not only from the Mandaean prophecy Oohn the
Baptist) that the liturgical form in Luke 2, 14 rings out: 'Glory to God in the
* 'Look to the future so that all generations may rejoice.'
12 58
highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men.' And thirdly the year-god
myth, an astral-mythically tinged expectation motif, completes this still external,
merely general framework around Jesus. By no means the life but the
death ofJesus now enters the framework of the year- or vegetation-god who
descends and rises up again. The cult of this god was widespread in Asia Minor
in Christ's time, strongly mixed with Orphic-Dionysian images of Die and
become. * There was lamentation and rejoicing over the Phrygian Attis, about
the Babylonian-Phoenician Tammuz (the same who was to serve to make Joseph
in the pit completely mythical); both are nature gods who flourish and disappear. At the beginning of spring a felled spruce-tree was set up in honour of
Attis, wreathed with violets, decked out with the image of the god and swathed
in bandages like a corpse; the fir-tree was carried at the head of a procession
in the Roman Attis cult on 22 March (cf. Ed. Meyer, Geschichte
des Altertums, 12 , 1913, P: 724f.). The start of spring and the summer
solstice were here, in the Attis cult and that of Tammuz (hellenized to
Adonis), combined or telescoped; the death rites were held on the first day
of spring and two days later the resurrection feast was observed. Indeed the
god who had fallen into distress was not only lamented but also mocked here:
at least it is recorded that at the PersianSacaean festival, which is connected
with the calendar cult in Asia Minor, the dying year-god was played by a
slave in royal robes who was given the title of Zoganes or by a criminal condemned to death who was mockingly honoured as king. Hence, for example,
the mocking of Christ by Roman soldiers (Matt. 27, 28f.): he is hailed as
king of fools, with purple cloak, wooden sceptre, crown of thorns. Thus from
the year-god mysterium came a mythical schema into which Christ's death,
his Good Friday, largely fitted. In this case in forms in which even the death
on the cross, a real occurrence, even less impressive than the birth in a stable,
enveloped itself with or combined with the ceremonies of a calendar-god.
Yet as noted, with all these images ofexpectation, with Jewish unrest, Roman
prophecy, near-Eastern year-god myth, the attempt to dissolve the historical
Jesus into legend still does not succeed. On the contrary, the life and gospel
ofChrist contrast especially sharply and concretely with the generality of the
framework of expectation, and even with the later cult-image gospel about
Christ. Christianity was thus prevented from becoming such a pneumatic
and theosophical religion as the neo-Docetism of the so-called Christ myth
makes it into a mythologists' religion. And finally, even more than the birth
in a stable and the death on the cross, Christ's influence as a person on his
* See Vol. I. pp.
309-10
and n.
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disciples proves his reality. IfJesus were invented, if his person had only been
interpolated later into the myth, then the earliergospels would be imaginativespeculative and only the later ones historicist; yet the precise opposite is the
case.Jesus undoubtedly appeared in a whole storm-light of myth, and this
light was in himself, indeed even Mandaean apocalyptics, to which no Christmyth alludes, was more powerful than the three above-mentioned expectations put together. But the founder of the religion, who animates and fills
that which came together eschatologicallyaround him from myths, towards
the 'fullness of time', cannot himself be confused with nature gods. Least
of all when his gospel is as alien as Moses to nature myth. Whether because
vegetation merely provides parables for an utterly different seed or because
the vault of heaven has space only for the clouds on which the Son of Man
returns. But above all the account of thefounder's life, derivedfrom the recollection of so many witnesses, has no parallelsin the legends and holy adventures
of Attis, Mithras or evenOsiris. The realfigure ofJesus shows an aspectwhich
is least inventible of all, because least expectable: shyness. This is seen in his
early belief that he was only a preacher (Mark I, 38), in the warded-off event
of Caesarea Philippi of which he charges his apostles not to speak (Mark 8,
27ff.) and which makes the preacher into the Messiah. The stable at the
beginning and the gallows at the end scarcely fitted into the legendary image
of the saviour, but shynessis completely alien to it. Likewise the temptations
and despondencies of Jesus are uninventible, they say Ecce homo, not AttisAdonis. His last,feaifulsupper, his despair in Gethsemane, his abandonment on
the cross and his exclamations: they do not accordwith any legend of the Messiahking, nor even with that of the suffering Messiah. The latter would not have
gone through the agony of doubt, he would, like so many later martyrs, have
derived a senseof fulfilment from the suffering. Indeed preciselythe gnosticDocetic dissolution of Christ into pure logos, light, life and other hypostasis
which is only beginning in the Gospel of St John would undoubtedly have
succeeded completely if it had not been for the historical-realresistance which
the person of Christ put up; a vegetation god would not have put up this
resistance. Thus Christian faith more than any other lives from the historical
reality ofitsfounder, it is essentially the imitation of a life on earth, not of a
cult-image and its gnosis. This real memory acted over the centuries: the
imitation of Christ, however great the internalization and spiritualization,
was primarily a historical and only as such a metaphysical experience. This
concrete nature of Christ was important for his believers, it gave them, in
stunning simplicity, what no cult-image or heavenly image could have
given them. It made even heaven, in the sense of a merely baptized astral
1260
myth, empty and flat. No Attis mystes, however many exercises in the
visualization of his god he had performed, could have spoken as Thomas a
Kempis did: 'I would rather wander as a beggar on earth with you than
possess heaven without you. Where you are is heaven and where you are not
is hell and death' (The Imitation of Christ, III). And finally, an absolutely
decisive point, leading completely out of the general-mythic framework into
the religious-philosophical Novum: if Christianity is not a baptized natural
or astral heaven, it is equally notheaven asthethrone-room ofYahweh. Jesus put
himself as the Son of Man into this Above, is more precisely present in this
superhumanization of his God than Zoroaster or Buddha. He did not put
in existing man but the utopia of something humanly possible whose core
and eschatological fraternity he exemplified in his life. God, who was a
mythical periphery, became the humanly commensurate, humanly ideal
central point, thecentral point at every place in thecongregation which gathers
in his name. This required a founder who was convincing, a founder in whom
the word became flesh, tangible flesh, crucifixus sub Pontio Pilato. This
required the uncounterfeitable delicacy of a hubris which presents itself with
such calm assurance that it was not and is not even perceived as such.
A man appeared here as simply good, this had never happened before. With
a characteristic downward attraction, towards the poor and the despised, yet
not at all condescending. With upward rebellion against above, unmistakable
are the lashes of the whip against the money-changers and all 'who afflict
my people'. It is not long before the tables are turned and the last become
first. Poverty is closest to salvation, wealth prevents it, inwardly and outwardly . But poverty for Jesus certainly is not already a component of salvation,
so that it does not need to be eliminated. Nowhere is poverty, ordinary,
inflicted, wretched poverty, defended; only voluntary poverty is recommended, and this advice is given only to the wealthy, to the rich young man
(Matt. 19, 21). The Son of Man certainly did not praise the fact that he had
nowhere to lay his head. And even voluntary poverty is not seen as an end
in itself, at least insofar as the recommendation to poverty is given and love
does not choose the poor; more about this later. Remaining poor is seen as
a means of preventing the stony heart, of promoting the brotherly
community. This community, built on principles of love-communism, wants
to have no rich members, but also no poor members in the forced, deprived
sense. 'Neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed
was his own; but they had all things common' (Acts, 4, 32), and the
goods are collected from donations, sufficient for the brief period of time
which Jesus had assigned the old earth. The words about the lilies of the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1261
field * and the birds of the air] is certainly not economically naive, on the
contrary is prudent in a visionary way. For if the feet of those who are to
bury the world and its care are standing at the door, economic provision for
the day after tomorrow becomes foolish. Equally the advice to render to
Caesar the things that are Caesar's (Mark 12, 17) teaches not acquiescence
in the world, as St Paul later argues, but contempt; soon there will be nothing
left of Caesar's. The talent which must be turned to good account is only
goodness or the inner treasure. This treasure is recovered by the imitation of
a love which no longer wanted anything for itself, which is prepared to give
its life for its brothers. Classical love was eros towards the beautiful, the
brilliant, Christian love turns instead not merely to the oppressed and the
lost but to the inconspicuous among them. Only this reverse movement of
classicallove makes the partiality for the poor an end in itself after all, precisely
that which follows from their election, from the sojourn in the small. Jesus
is himself present among the helpless, as an element of this humbleness,
standing in the dark, not in brightness: 'Inasmuch as ye have done it unto
one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me' (Matt. 25, 40 ) .
Christian love contains this inclination towards that which is inconspicuous
in the eyes of the world, as an encounter with it, as the consternation of this
encounter, it contains the pathos and the mystery of smallness. This is why
the child in the manger becomes so important, along with the humbleness of
all the circumstances in the out-of-the-way, cramped stable. The unexpectedness of finding the redeemer as a helpless child constantly imparted itself to
Christian love, most surely in the Franciscan order, which regards the helpless
as important, that which is discarded by the world as called. This always bears
in mind the adoration of the child and the search for the cornerstone which
the builders have thrown away; devotion to the inconspicuous ultimately
guides the reverse movement of this love and of its hearkening, its striking,
its expectation of change in the side points, stillpoints, anti-greatnesses of the
world. Hence it is unparalleled in any previous moral religion, including the
Jewish, despite 'Love thy neighbour as thyself' (Lev. 19,18) and the reception
of Matt. 22, 39. Even the love of Buddha, who, as a rabbit, jumps into the
fire to provide a beggar with a meal, does not lead towards the beggar, does
not seek the divine in the helpless. If instead of the Three Kings Confucius,
Lao Tzu and Buddha had set off from the East to the crib, only one of them,
* Matthew 6,28. 'Consider the liliesof the field, how they grow; they toil not, neither do they
spin.' Cf. also Luke 12, 27.
t Matthew 8, 20. 'The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have their nests; but the Son
of man hath not where to lay his head.' Cf. also Luke 9, 58.
12.62
Lao Tzu, would have noticed this inconspicuousness of the Almighty, though
he would not have worshipped it. But even he would not have noticed the
stumbling block which Christian love represents in the world, in its old connections and its hierarchies graded according to the power of rulers. Against the
power of rulers Jesus is precisely the sign that contradicts, and precisely this
sign was contradicted by the world with the gallows: the cross is the world's
answer to Christian love. To the love of the last who shall be first, of the
rejected in whom the true light is gathered, of the joy which in Chesterton's
penetrating words was once the great publicity of a few pagans and became
or will be the little secret of all Christians. To justify itself, this same world,
using its pagan myths, later turned the death on the cross into a voluntary
sacrifice, as if this had been Christ's intention and not its own. As if this death
had itself arisen from love and was, as Paul put it, the price which Jesus paid'
God to redeem men from sin. Jesus is not the Messiah although he died on
the cross but because he died on the cross: thus Paul, who had not known
Jesus, dialecticized the white terror. According to this view Yahweh also
wanted Golgotha, he is not like Satan but like a creditor, only more dreadfully loving than any before him: he gives his own son to wipe out a debt
which otherwise - given the commercial code of heaven - could not have
been remitted. But the real jesus died as a rebel and martyr, not as a paymaster;
his loyalty to his followers unto death was never the will to this death. He
hoped that the chalice would pass him by, and before the horrified eve of
his death in Gethsemane only interpolated passages in his speeches indicate
the cross and death, let alone baptism in the death of Christ. He prophesied
to the apostles: 'There be some standing here, which shall not taste of death,
till they see the Son of man coming in his kingdom' (Matt. 16, 28); how much
more surely the Son of Man ascends to heaven alive, like Enoch and Elijah.
Subjectively and objectively the death on the cross came from without, not
from within, from Christian love; it is the reward for the rebel of love and
his catastrophe. It is the catastrophe for a Jesus who preached not an other
world for the dead but a new heaven, a new earth for the living. A rebel
against custom and the power of rulers died on the cross, a trouble-maker
and loosener of all family bonds (Matt. 10, 34-37; 12, 48), a tribune of the
last, apocalyptically protected exodus from Egypt. This is Christian love,
a love which is almost micrological, one which gathers up its own in their
out-of-the-wayness, their incognito to the world, their discordance with the
world: into the kingdom where theyaccord. The particles and seeds of the new
aeon contradict the old aeon of Herod and Rome, the power of all existing
creation. Thus the rebellion was finally even more monstrous than the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
day had thought, the Jewish as well as the Roman day. Jesus ultimately
did not have in mind the restoration of the glory of David, nor even a
national revolution on the narrow given scene, The destruction of the
entire world was at hand according to the Mandaean preaching of John
the Baptist (Matt. 3, 2-12) who had called Jesus. He took up this call,
the best-attested words ofJesus are eschatological, he really spoke, as in Mark
13, about the destruction of Jerusalem, of the temple, of the world of the
old aeon. If Jesus had declared himself to be only the Messiah or son of
God in the traditional, i.e, restorative sense, he would have been protected
by the priestly caste and not denounced to the Romans; least of all would
the High Priest Caiphas, against the will of the Procurator, have insisted
on his death. For the claim to be the Messiah was not regarded before
or after Jesus as a capital offence; only in his case was the passage in Lev.
24, 16 interpreted to mean that the Son of God was the blasphemer of
God and therefore had to die (John 19, 7). Before this even Cyrus had
been praised as a messiah king, then Serubabel, a leader of the Jews returning
from Persia (Haggai 2, Sff.); the messianic pretention as such was not
unprecedented. After Jesus - of course in an utterly desperate period the great national hero Bar Kochba was proclaimed messiah by Rabbi Akiba,
the highest priestly authority; so the messianic title itself was not always
blasphemy. OI1.ly when the messiah did not remain entirely national, or,
as a universal messiah, came into discord with the official church was he
handed over to the Romans. Only when the messiah appeared as the Son
of Man, in the pre-cosmic as well as the apocalyptic meaning of this title,
when a natural catastrophe which also destroys Jerusalem and the temple
was proclaimed as the instrument and evidence of his triumph, was he
regarded as a blasphemer and worthy of death. In fact Caiphas understood
Jesus correctly when he understood him eschatologically, more correctly
than the unversed Pilate and all soft livers since, who saw in the love of
Christ only peace, not the sword. Jesus is in fact eschatology through and
through: and like his love his morality can only be grasped in relation to
his kingdom. His advice not to worry about the next day, to render to
Caesar what is Caesar's, is merely the beginning of what emerges quite
positively in Christ's moral precepts: demolition, release, morality of an
advent world. It is morality as kingdom-preparing, as a function of preparation for the kingdom which is close at hand; with the ethics of Christ,
in the strict sense of the Sermon on the Mount, there is no arrangement
in time, in continuing history, in secular society. The Sermon on the Mount
is itself one of a period which has become purely adventist, and all these
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1265
of thefounding with the content founded, the kingdom of God. The cosmos,
not as worshipped, not as negatively-omitted, but as collapsing, becomes the
instrument, indeed the location of the kingdom; only as the space of the
servants is nature still existent. Or as the Apocalyptist, not far from Jesus'
meaning, says: 'And the city had no need of the sun, neither of the moon,
to shine in it: for the glory of God did lighten it, and the Lamb is the
light thereof' (Rev. 21, 23). Christ's glad tidings thus operated socially
as Noah's Ark, soteriologically as the arrival of the Son ofMan, who was
with God before creation and finally establishes a new creation. The glad
tidings operated theologically as the abolition of absolute God-transcendence
through Christ's homousia, i.e. equality to God. It operated democratically
and mystically as the perfection of the exodus god into the god of kingdom,
the dissolution of Yahweh in this glory. The creator, indeed the Pharaoh in
Yahweh fall away completely; he remains only as a goal, and the last Christ
called only the community to be its building material and city.
1266
and prove this, not a god immeasurably remote from and unassailableby fear
of death and torment. The doctrine of Christ's sacrificeitself turned against
Yahweh at this point, utterly against the intention in it of explaining the
cross away as a catastrophe. As a catastrophe not only of Christ but of the
father himself, who, as the lord of this world which brought this death, could
scarcely be distinguished from Satan. Essentially the doctrine of sacrifice
belongs to theodicy, not Christianity, indeed since, as noted, it interprets
Christ's death as a real payment in terms of the Roman commercial code,
it belongs to demonic jurisprudence, not religion. But if God the father
sacrificed his son and caused the debt to be paid by him, it was the son alone
who offered up himself, as high priest and sacrificial animal in one. He did,
with the extremest value of love, that of which Yahweh, despite all his
almightiness, not only all his goodness, is not capable; although the later
doctrine taught the complete trinity, only the second person of the godhead
offered himself up on the cross. A new god comes into being, one hitherto
unheard-of, who gives his blood for his children, who, as word become flesh,
is capableof suffering the fate of death in a completely earthly way, not merely
in the ritual of the Attis legend. Here a man, through the hubris ofcomplete
devotion, overhauled every idea of God to date; Jesus becomes a love of God
such as has never been conceived in any god. Hence the wonderful chorale
in the 'St Matthew Passion': 'When lone day must part, then do not part
from me,/When death strikes in my heart, step forward then for me.' From
here too comes one of the finest passages in Paul, a transition with flying
colours: 'For I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor
principalities,nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, Nor height,
nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love
of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord' (Romans 8, 38f.). Who is not
a lord like God: 'Wherefore in all things it behoved him to be made like unto
his brethren, that he might be a merciful and faithful high priest in things
pertaining to God, to make reconciliation for the sins of the people' (Heb.
2, 17), and more a son of man than ever any before God: 'For we have not
an high priest which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities;
but was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin' (Heb. 4, IS).
So from the high priest's position there was something in the accusation that
Jesus was a blasphemer; and not only because Jesus predicted the destruction of the entire old world aeon, predicted it with approval. This approval,
and the sedition behind it, were enough for his condemnation, but the selfcommitment of Christ in Yahweh came on top of this as an ultimate infamy.
The Church has contrasted Jesus with the Old Testament only in terms
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
of the Law, according to the sentence: 'For the Son of Man is Lord even
of the sabbath day' (Matt. 12, 8). Accordingly Christ's believersare no longer
subject to strict Mosaic law, the god of revenge no longer applies, the curtain
of this temple was torn right through the middle; yet the contrast is far
deeper, and it is softened only by the fact that it is not a contrast at all with
the Old Testament as such, indeed in the most crucial place it turns back
to it. But it turns back to a scene which in the Old Testament itself is full
of meanings and concordancesagainst Yahweh. Which always means: against
Yahweh as Optimus Maximus, like other jupiters, not against Yahweh as
exodus god, as Eh'je asher eh'je. The decisive rebelliouspassageis to be found
in the gospel of St John, which is almost wholly unhistorical, but the words
ofJesus quoted in it, spoken to Nicodemus, stand in an age-old]ewish tradition which was not attributed to Jesus only after the event. The passage,
with its wealth of concordances, reads: 'And as Moses lifted up the serpent
in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up: That whosoever
believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life' (John 3, 14f.).
Moses, however, had made a serpent of brass against the fiery serpents in
the desert who killed the people, 'and put it upon a pole, and it came to
pass, that if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of
brass, he lived (Numbers 21, 9). Although this passage could also be interpreted according to the rule of a mythical homeopathy, its contrast with
the words of damnation spoken by the creator Yahweh of Genesis over the
serpent and what it may stand for is plain. Likewise: Jesus is referring to
the serpent, this subterranean-subversive-healing creature. To the dialectical
animal of the depths of the earth, from which simultaneously destructive
gases and healing springs rise up, volcanoes and treasures. Jesus and an
almost apocryphal passage in Moses refer to the serpent-cult of all peoples,
with the double meaning which is inherent in it: the serpent is both an animal
which creeps on the ground, monstrously devastating, hydra, python,
typhon, the Babylonian dragon of the abyss, and it is the serpent of lightning,
the high fire in the heavens. The serpent is both the arch-enemy, fought
and defeated by Apollo, Siegfried, Michael, and the saviour-serpent around
the staff of Aesculapius, the Egyptian serpent ofUraeus on diadems and on
the sun, a magic sign to ward off hostile powers. The serpent-cult survived
for a long time in Israel in particular, as its abolition by Hezekiah underlines, who: 'brake in pieces the brasen serpent that Moses had made: for unto
those days the children of Israeldid burn incense to it' (2 Kings 18, 4). Christ's
astonishing simile, which is an equation, referred only to the saviourserpent in the desert; yet at the same time and on top of this, beyond
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s.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
nature, now become the image of god, and nothing else, is led back out
of the cosmos by the serpent' (cf. Leisegang, Die Gnosis, 1924, p. 146).
What taught man to eat of the tree of knowledge thus remains the first
manifestation of redeeming knowledge, which leads out of the garden of
animals, indeed out of the dreadful paternal home of this world: the serpent
of paradise is the caterpillar of the goddess of reason, Jesus therefore frees
men from the dominion of the demiurge, the same demiurge of whom
he says: 'He was a murderer from the beginning' (John 8, 44), and brings
the revelation of the true god, of whom he says: 'Your father which is
in heaven' (Matt. 7, II). A titanism, a Promethean rebellion, was thus
emphasized in the Bible again, but precisely in the Old Testament itself,
of which the priestly version shows only traces. Yet these traces are present,
they must have been unforgotten in Jewish folklore in Jesus' time, and
they were read as path-marks towards the messianism which was moving
away from Yahweh anyway. Even the priestly version of the Bible has
retained these titanisms, apart from the serpent of paradise Jacob's struggle
with the river-god, whom he defeats, belongs here (Gen. 32, 24f.). Nephilim
(giants) clearly appear before the Flood (Gen. 6, 4); the tower of Babel
motif is rebellious against Yahweh, and so too not least are the sea-motifs
(cf. Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, 1895, p. 9 Iff.), the legends of the
rebellious ocean (Psalms 33, 7; 65, 7f.; 10 4, 5-9; Job /38, 8-11; Prove 8,
22-31; Jer. 5, 22; 31, 35;Jesus Sirach 43, 23). And later Jewish secret doctrine,
fed from Gnosis but also from unextinguished folklore, certainly did not
forget the strange connection between serpent and messiah, however much
rebellion against the demiurge is diluted into rebellion against the common
Satan. Nathan of Gaza, a pupil of the false messiah Sabbatai Zewi, published
a treatise in around 1650: Derush hatamimim, A Treatise on Dragons (cf.
Scholem, The Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism, 1942, p. 292); it purports
to he a commentary on a passage in the Sohar about the mystery of the
"great dragon that lieth in the midst of his (Pharaoh's) rivers' (Ez. 29, 3).
Nahash, the Hebrew word for snake, has the same numerical value as
mashiach, messiah. The treatise explains this as follows: the soul of the messiah
shone into the abyss, where the demonic forces dwell, since the beginning
of creation it has been the 'holy serpent' among serpents. The soul of the
messiah is tied to this prison, hence to Egypt, which is the world prison per
se, with Pharaoh-Satan at its head; only with the advent of the kingdom of
righteousness will the 'holy serpent' be freed and appear in a supraterranean
form. This is how far a tradition went which associated the messiah with the
saviour-serpent inthe desert, among the Ophites with the tree ofknowledge itself. And
12 7 0
the antithesis between Christ and Yahweh did not even reach its greatest
sharpness among the Ophites; for the true God, according to them, also
appeared in the Old Testament. The gnostic Marcion, in around 150 A.D.,
was the only one who attempted to wrench Ophis-jesus from the Old
Testament, in a radical-antithetical fashion. Jesus statement: 'Behold, I
make all things new' * was now interpreted against Yahweh in every form,
even that of the exodus; Yahweh became Zoroaster's Ahriman. But the
new element was the new God, who was absolutely strange, about whom
before Christ no tidings had ever come to man; thus the great Logion
was interpreted, as a governmental decree by Christ: 'No man knoweth
the Son, but the Father; neither the Father knoweth any man, save the
Son, and he to whomsoever the Son will reveal him' (Matt. II, 27).
Marcion, who saw himself as the completer of the antithetical Paul,
connected this pronouncement of Christ's most closely with Paul's sermon
in Athens on the theos agnostos, the unknown God; t but in such a way
that the ambassador of this God tore people away precisely from the creator
of the world, whom Paul and even more the later Church identified with
the father of Christ. Marcion thus represents the most powerful idea of
anti-Yahweh, in favour of Christ as the total Novum or paradox in
Yahweh's world. But while Marcion burns all his bridges with the Old
Testament, he himself is standing on this bridge, together with the Ophites.
In other words, Marcion comes not only from Paul, he also comes from
Moses, the true or strange God dawns in the exodus God, between Egypt
and Canaan. However he certainly does not dawn in the creator of the
world, in this opulent mythology of the past. From the Egyptian Ptah,
from the Babylonian Marduk, this mythology had made the eh'je asher
eh'je the beginning, even the well-pleased beginning; against this not only
Jesus but the utopia of messianism as a whole was in opposition. It will
be recalled that even the prophets seldom mentioned Yahweh as the creator
of the world, but all the more emphatically they referred to a new heaven,
a new earth. Job's complaints were directed entirely against Yahweh as
the ruler of the world, together with the hope that a 'blood-avenger' would
live, that an exodus would come. The apocalyptist Jesus is steeped from
top to bottom in this exodus-idea; thus he was seen as being together
with the serpent of paradise, not with the God of those who, like their
God himself, found that everything in the world was good.
The appearance of the founder therefore certainly did not seem anything
* Revelation 21, S.
Cf. Acts 17, 23.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 71
like as meek as it was later presented. The humble were to be raised up,
the cross was to be smashed, not to be carried or to become the thing
itself. Jesus' shyness, indisputable and self-obstructing, disappeared after
the experience of the transfiguration, which was also hallucinated by his
apostles, and only they were sore afraid (Matt. 17, 2-6). From this point
on, external obscurity, his instructions to the apostles in Caesarea Philippi
that they were to tell no one he was Christ, no longer applied (Matt.
16, 20). The deepest Humanum..c ommitment into heaven was proclaimed,
the subjective factor of Christ-likeness inherited the transcendental factor,
the glory of God became the apocalyptical glory of Christ and his followers.
And thus utterly new religious matter was created - not for the sacrifice
on the cross, which is and remains a theodicy of the world-creator, worldruler, but for the triumphant image ofthe tribune behind the death on the cross.
'Abide with us, for it is toward evening' (Luke 24, 29): thus for the apostles
the presence of Christ had not ended even on the way to Emmaus, thus
the Wishful mysteries of resurrection, ascension and return came into being.
Consequently this second eschatology, the Christianity of this after..gleam
as fore-gleam, started out only from the empty tomb, only with the
ascension did the Son of Man fulfil eternity, only with the return was
the advent-consciousness of the first followers stretched to that of all later
followers. The real memory ofJesus after his death necessarily established
dimensions of hope unlike those of any previous founder. If anyone, then
he for his believers had to be the first of those who sleep and are awoken.
If anyone, then he had to go up towards heaven, not ennobled like Hercules,
like Elijah, who are distant and removed, but as an anchor of hope which
takes men with it. If anyone, then Jesus had to return, to fulfil the kingdom
of man: 'Let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering;
for he is faithful that promised' (Heb. 10, 23). Until that return itself the
evangelist appointed yet another representative: the mysterious paraclete.
He is the only sign that although Jesus guaranteed to the apostles his return,
the Last judgement and the kingdom, he did not guarantee the entire future
till that return. This, however, is a continuing influence of Christ which
contrasts with him, but in such a way that here too the religion of Jesus
gave it colour and direction. The word paraclete, as we have already seen
in the case of its counterpart the Saoshyant in Zoroaster, means helper,
comforter, adviser; true, he appears as such only in the frequently interpolating Gospel of St John, but here as the promise of Christ himself:
'And I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another Comforter,
that he may abide with you for ever' (John 14, 16). With these astonishing
127 2
words, Jesus posits himself only as a first comforter and not as eternal;
the evangelist has backdated the catastrophe of the cross into Jesus'
knowledge. And an interpretation different from that of the sacrificial death
on the cross now arises, one which as it were raises messianism above
the dying Messiah and embodies him anew for the period of advent: 'Nevertheless I tell you the truth; It is expedient for you that I go away: for
if I go not away, the Comforter will not come unto you; but if I depart,
I will send him unto you ... Howbeit when he, the Spirit of truth, is come,
he will guide you into all truth: for he shall not speak of himself; but
whatsoever he shall hear, that shall he speak: and he will shew you things
to come' (John 16, 7 and 13). These dark, brief intimations of the evangelist
imply that the Novum of the paraclete is primarily that he does not talk
of himself, is simply a proclaimer of what he hears. Such passivity could
indicate an angel, insofar as the angels of the Christian era are exclusively
messengers, with no actual will or content of their own; but the paraclete
is also called a 'spirit of truth', who leads into all truth. And 'spirit of
truth' is not the category of an angel but rather the category and translation
of the Persian Vohu mano, who -appears with the last Zoroaster, with
the Saoshyant of the end of the world. Thus the idea of the paraclete does
after all contain something different from the mere presence of a comforter
until the return of Christ; the return itself is designated as the 'spirit of
truth'. Indeed in the paraclete Jewish messianisms which are still powerfully alive are more effective than Persian ones: the beliefin the Messiah
who had appeared in turn contained that in the one who had not yet appeared.
Yet always determined and clothed by the appearance of Christ and by
the governing category of his return: the 'spirit of truth' thus became the Holy
Ghost, together with the Son. Thus this advent of the Holy Ghost only now
becomes the true advent of the Son; the essence of Christ from here on
consequently appeared to the believers in the paraclete in a different,
definitive form, and it is only this form, not the Jesus of the New
Testament, who speaksthe authentic - password, and with it the irresistible
turning of the world towards kingdom. Or in the language of the Ophites:
the serpent of paradise reveals its sophia for the third time in the paraclete,
and its head is no longer crushed. Thus even the Church Father Tertullian
regarded Jesus and the New Testament just as much as an early stage and
perfectible as the Old Testament was perfectible. In Tertullian's writings the
fulfiller is the paraclete, towards him Adam, Moses and Jesus are related, it
is only in him that the 'ultima legislatio' into 'libertatem perfectam' occurs.
It is easy to find the connection between this conception of the paraclete
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 73
12 74
changing of names (which in the Orient signify the essence): 'The Lord
God shall slay thee, and-call his servants by another name' (Isaiah 6S, IS);
'To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden manna, and
will give him a white stone, and in the stone a new name written, which
no man knoweth' (Rev. 2, 17). And again in the Old Testament, that
of the exodus-Yahweh, not of the creator-Yahweh, it even says of Zion:
'And thou shalt be called by a new name, which the mouth of .the Lord
shall name' (Isaiah 62, 2). Christ's resurrection from the dead has no analogy
in the history of religion, but the apocalyptic transformation of the world
into something as yet completely inexistent is not even hinted at outside
the Bible. And by virtue of the exclusive relation of this absolute Novum
or omega to human content, the mysticism of heaven becomes the mysticism
of the Son, the glory of God becomes that of the redeemed community
and of its place. In Christian mysticism, above all in Eckhart, precisely
this was therefore thought of as nothing other than the fulfilled moment
of us all, as its - Nunc stans to the kingdom. This is religious protestation, no longer relating to the self as to something unrevealed and no
longer relating to sursum corda as to a hypostatized Above in which man
is not found: Eritis sicut Deus is the glad tidings of Christian salvation.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 75
with Moses, it thrives in the conquest of Canaan, together with its own kind
of submission it becomes the one and all of early Islam. Religious war well
and truly entered the world with Islam; Adonai echod, Allah il Allah, God
is One, with this cry the subject attains the greatest one-sidedness, the fiercest
for the intended purpose. The Mohammedan glad tidings themselves are not
original, they trail far behind Christ's powerful storming ofheaven, but they
took the passion out of the Bible, passion absolutely in the sense of fervour,
not of suffering.
The path upwards is rugged here, only the man can endure it. Mohammed
started out as a warner about the coming judgement, he certainly did not
immediately appear as a saviour. Visions and voices came upon this man, who
was both powerful and epileptic, the dreams of the night changed into
appearances in the flesh by day. Ancient Arabian religion had worshipped
stone fetishes, sand-storm spirits and rain-gods from the desert and the period
in the desert. For the trading towns in which Mohammed appeared this time
was a long way back in the past, but on the other handJewish influence was
strong. And Mohammed's first concern, as he said, was to restore the pure
religion of Abraham. But in an Arabia of pleasure-seeking merchants and
expansion by land-owners, the prophet of victory did not preach among desert
tribes. A founder of almost unbroken creatureliness. According to a legend
recorded by Gibbon and possible only in Islam, Mohammed's disciple Ali
cried out before his master's corpse: '0 propheta, 0 propheta, et in morte
penis tuus coelum versus erectus est.?" And the virility of this founder is
confirmed by the fact that his most important relic is the weapon, his sword,
al Fehar, known as the flashing one, which is preserved to this day. Allah,
however, is the war-god Zebaoth, he brings out his knights-templar for the
imminent world-judgment, religion is submission to Allah's will, but
precisely war-like fanaticism of submission. And as if called precisely for this
purpose, these menacing glad tidings served an order of knighthood that had
to create the routes for the expansion of rising mercantile capital. The green
flag was soon flying quite homogeneously over a storm of trade, war and
religion. Islam ruled the mercantile empire which spans the period between
the decline of the West Roman Empire and the rise of Venice, almost of
England, it even became the original for all types of expansionist 'God wills
it' , from the crusades to Cromwell. It was primarily its closeness to creature
which made Islam suitable for this unity of expansion and mission; unlike
Christianity, it did not need ecclesiasticalsophistry in order to serve God and
* 0 prophet I
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1277
Mammon at the same time. But above all God and his military service at the
same time: 'The war of religion is the monastic order of Islam' , says a decree
of the prophet. Even Mohammed's farewell speech gave the command for
a crusade against the Byzantines, and during the war of succession Caliph
Ali had the Koran tied to his spears. The same Koran, i.e. reading, which
Mohammed claimed to have deciphered from the one kept in heaven (Sura
96): on the spears this reading became anything but contemplation. Islam
defined its heyday as the 'holding on to the stirrup of the prophet', thus it
was only in the period of decline that this submission to Allah's will became
soft, mere letting things happen. And the conversion of the infidels by fire
and sword was allied, if necessary for political reasons, with a tolerance which
was not exactly written on Islam's birth certificate: payment of tribute made
the conversion of the subjugated unnecessary. And in an Islam which had
stabilized to become a church and then become petrified, intolerance could
only react dogmatically, i.e. itselfbecome a stabilizing force, against innovators and philosophers. However, both within and beyond the church, i.e.
in the rebellious sectarian movements and in the eschatological mysticism of Islam,
the teaching never allowed 'renewal', 'deliverance' (fukan), in accordance
with the earliest Meccan suras, to be forgotten. The prophet thus became,
again and more intensively - more intensively until the last one 'guided
rightly' (mahdi) - messianic, thus the memory of his first appearance lives
on: as the warner, the ambassador of the judgement. Above all the religious
landscape which Islam broke into also exerted its influence, only a few
centuries after Mani: that of Zoroaster, of the Mandaeans, of the south
Johannite church. This landscape showed the Islamic mission an ambassador
who fought not only against infidels on earth but against Ahriman
throughout the entire world, and as a power of light, not only as a prophet.
With him Mohammed moved close to the first Adam, the son of man, whose
pre-existence before the world, whose revelation after the world was believed
by Persians, Mandaeans, Jews, Christians. The Koran had made the angels fall
down before the first or heavenly Adam (Sura 2, 28 and 32) and Mohammed
now merged with him. He now appears to the mystics as 'the first heavenly
light, created from white pearl, surrounded by veils'. And like the Mahdi,
beside him or in him, the paraclete lives in Islam, now as a holy wanderer,
now as the mystery of an association of which Mohammed is not yet the
end. The other person beside Mohammed, or rather his own authentic figure
now appears, the legendary Arab figure of the Chidr or al Chadir: he was
regarded by later Islam as the most mysterious saint. Unrecognized, he ceaselessly prepares men for the Day ofJudgement , is the guardian of the chiliastic
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 79
even today most people find it less easy to discover what and where the light
is. It seems most difficult of all really to go into what is right, on the
true road. And even this road leads astray if the What For, the good whole,
is not constantly considered along with the Where To. This whole is in
the people who walk this path and in the route which the path itself takes.
But it does not exist as something which has appeared and been reached
but only as humanly willed and historically laid out; thus to be well-founded
this good whole must also be trusted in. It takes schooled hope, i.e. trust
in the day during the night, to believe in this un appeared something more
easily than in what is visible. This attitude is not refuted, only corrected,
by setbacks (they are a thousand times more numerous than victories).
The will in this attitude is just as much theoretically directed to the whole
which circulates in all partial movements as it is practically directed to
the whole; in this definitiveness it is necessarilypresumptuous. If the person
fighting for higher wages does not also have the will that the society forcing
him to fight only for wages should disappear then he will achieve nothing
substantial even in the wage dispute. And if a human being already considers
himself a human being, unalienated and the crown of his creation, just
as soon as the miserable society has at last been changed, then he does
not take what for him has not yet become substantially enough. Especially
as the Babbitt which capitalist society has produced on such a wide scale
is not yet simply overcome by electric refrigerators for all; for even in
communist societies there are bourgeois conformists. Men can want to be
brothers even without believing in the father, but they cannot become
brothers without believing in the utterly unbanal contents and dimensions
which in religious terms were conceived through the kingdom. With a
faith which, in its knowledge, as this knowledge, has now destroyed all the
illusions of mythical religion. But even the most clearly visible goal in the
unresting, moving context of a society which isbeginning to become classless
cannot be attained unless the subject overshoots the goal. The great religious
teachers, in their ground of intention - one not exhausted by all its illusory
elements - felt that men were called to the utterly unheard-of, everything
was related to this. Only mumbling priests have made this Too-much of the
non-existent into the Too-little of the existent and defended it, but they were
mumbling priests, not stumbling-blocks, senders to sleep, not wakers. They
were the first to make the Christian religion into opium for the people, they
were the first to project the infinite worth of man which the Bible taught
into the other world, utterly into the other world, where it no longer bites
and does not harm earthly worthlessness. They quoted the just distribution
1280
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1281
the entire culture area at the time. The uninfluenceable stars not only show
but form and figure uninfluenceable fate, which can merely be deciphered
or interpreted; the God Enlil, custodian of the 'tablets of history', follows
his course north of the celestial equator. And the Greeks, whose gods wore
human and not astral form, in return allowed Moira, fate, to rule even
over the gods. Admittedly there is the passage in Homer in which Zeus
justifies himself in the face of mankind's complaints, declaring: 'They cry
that all evil comes from us, and yet/The fools create their own misery
for themselves, contrary to fate' (Od. I, 33f.), but doom, as the legend
of Oedipus shows, rolls on even without guilt, it rolls on mechanically,
as it is released, and thus inexorably. And in the face of fate the gods
themselves have only one advantage over man - that they know fate; they
have foreknowledge of what Moira has decreed, but it is powerless. With
this knowledge, Hermes can warn Aegisthus and prophesy his end, no
more; Zeus himselfbecomes a powerless spectator when Sarpedon, his own
son, by a decree of fate is run through by the sword of Patroclus. The
fall of Troy was already known as an accomplished fact by Cassandra,
who shared with the gods the gift of knowing fate. It was already determined before Paris was born, before Helen had been stolen by him, before
the war had even begun; no atonement by the Trojans, who were cornpletely innocent anyway, could avert their fall. This is Moira, a being that
sits blindly on every action, driving it on so closely and with such immense
weight that it shatters. The Greeks believed that it came from a different
order than that of their gods; even with the older, matrilineal order of
earth- and night-gods fate was only loosely connected as the daughter of
the night. For this connection fate lacked all goodness and all mercy, it
lacked the womb in the grave, the homecoming in the pre-ordered. Moira
is the absolutely inavertible in disparateness; before it not only the reason
stands still but the blood freezes.
It is futile to act in these circumstances, even if one is free to take the
first step. Only the Greeks could endure this Moira of theirs, for only they
had enough surface power to push the abyss away from them. The people
before this abyss are not instruments of a divine will, neither Oedipus nor
Cassandra can do anything, let alone change anything. Fate itself is not a
will, not even to this extent is it mediated, and to assert itself or even simply
to bring itself on to the scene Moira needs no instruments. Or at least none
which have to carry out anything independently or even under instructions:
precisely the irony of Greek fate shows how little the nature or direction
of human action matters here. This utterly demonic element - or rather
1282
not even demonic, because it is too uninterestedly mechanical for this distinguishes Moira from apparently similar ideas which are to be found on
biblical ground or near it: from Mohammed's kismet and Calvin's predestination. The latter both have as their subject a god who is defined as good and
both make the spell operate for an ultimately good, an absolutely unquestionably good end. It is a decree, even if an inscrutable one, * and a-direction,
even if a highly superior one. And here the complete opposite of the extra-biblical
belief in fate and of the quietism which it ultimately endorses is not to be found
in doctrines of powerlessness. It emerges definitively only in the Bible itself,
in the relation of the Israelite prophets to Cassandra and to what is connected
with her. The antithesis at the same time shows how much the open space
which messianism represents changes the believed god even with regard to
what he decrees. For now that which is decreed, or fate, is no longer in any
way tyrannical to man, as in the case of Moira and also of astral myth. On
the contrary, fate now definitely can be averted: above all others, Isaiah teaches
that it is dependent on human morality and its resolve. This is the active antithesis to the Greek seer, to the merely passive-despondent vision of Cassandra
above all: fate in the Bible hangs in the balance, and the finally decisive weight
is man himself. Of course, not in all the prophets and not even everywhere
in Isaiah is fate regarded as morally avertible. Sometimes even here coming
disaster is regarded as definitive, already hanging from heaven on iron chains;
atonement then means remorseful willingness to accept punishment. But
inexorable fate, which for the Greeks was the rule, is the exception in the
Bible; precisely the first step, namely the step towards moral changing of
one's ways, reverses the disaster. Let us now look at one of the most instructive
passagesin the Bible in this respect: namely the astonishment ofthe prophetJonah,
because he did not grasp the difference between himself and Cassandra. For
Jonah had been sent to announce the destruction of Nineveh after forty days,
but when the town repented and the disaster did not occur, this exceedingly
and wrongly displeased him (Jonah 4, I), as if what he told the people of
Nineveh was untrue, whereas in fact the people changing their ways was
immediately followed by Yahweh's changing his ways (jer. 18, 7.; 26, 3 and
19): fate itself still wavers here. Thus it is not categorical but constantly
hypothetical, and the condition on which it depends is doubly posited. First
in human freedom, whose power in the]onah passage clearly appears as an
antithesis to fate. Yet immediately this freedom then flings itself into the open
* An allusion to the German: 'Gottes unerforschlichem RatschluB hat es gefallen' - 'It has
pleased the inscrutable will of God'.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
outweighs his merely ideal being; although the latter is never completely
absent. However, if the distance of the divine is essentially temporal, in the
sense of a breakthrough occurring only at the end of time, then ideal being,
being which has not yet become manifest, decisively outweighs that which
is assumed to be existent; although the latter in turn is not absent from
any religion, however strong the 'I will be who I will be'. Whereas theGod in space, in high space, has his perfection essentially as highest being,
as it were above the roof of all world-being, the God who has the last
days on his side shows his being essentially as highest perfection, and this is
definitely apocalyptically different from every kind of existent world-being.
From the spatial God of astral myth a path therefore leads to pantheism,
insofar as this is worship of the Totum of that which exists; whereas from
the exodus God the Totum goes out precisely from the existent worldbeing, with chiliasm. Even where God's being is so heavily emphasized
that 'proofs' of it were established (astral myth had been able to consider
them completely unnecessary); even in Christian scholasticism the ens
realissimum of its God is after all a quality of the ens perfectissimum, and
not vice-versa. For scholasticism, God is primarily the highest goal, and
only from this does the divine as a superlative of being, not only of value,
follow - as a result of an equation, adopted of course from Plato, not
from Christ, of being with perfection. But the God of exodus was in his
essence no more thought of as res finita than exodus itself; he was therefore
the epitome of the highest perfection, but not of the highest existence
of being. And now: all mythology of being with regard to the divine,
all theology as real science is finished. Not finished, however, is what is
meant by the divine towards the side of its hope and of a hope-content
which is non-alienated and has not been ceded to heaven. The deep need
which drove forth this hope itself has remained, even though the hope
no longer has its real object in a pater noster, qui es in coelis, its merely
spatially separated object in supposedly existent super-space. And long before
God as an existent object of being had been overthrown by the Enlightenment, Christianity put man and his claim, or more precisely the son of
man and his representative mystery, into the Lord of Heaven of former
days. Feuerbach and in many respects Hegel before him here merely brought
to completion what began to resound in the question: Cur Deus homo?
Feuerbach brought religious content from heaven back to man, so that man
is not made in the image of God but God in the image of man, or more
exactly of the ideal guiding images of man at any given time. As a result
God as the creator of the world disappears completely, but a gigantic creative
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1285
region in man is gained, into which - with fantasic illusion, with fantastic
richness at the same time - the divine as a hypostatized human wishful
image of the highest order is incorporated. This 'wishful theory of religion'
in Feuerbach becomes the same as the 'anthropologization of religion' or the
elimination of the 'heavenly doubling of man'. Feuerbach however knows
man, the subject doubled in religion, only in the form of existence in which
he has so far appeared, an abstractly stable form of existence, that of the
so-called species of man. The social-historical ensemble of the respective
'types' of man is missing here, above all man's uncompletedness is missing
here. Religious contents definitely cannot be accommodated in the
shallowness of the bourgeois man which Feuerbach made absolute, any more
than the bourgeois was ever the subject which produced the wealth of
images of gods from within itself. There is least place of all in Feuerbach's
statically existent subject for status-shattering images of religion, the
chiliastic images of 'Behold, I make all things new' and of the kingdom.
Clearly therefore only the openness of the subject and of its world is capable
of absorbing anticipations of absolute perfection into itself again just as
it produced them from within itself. Feuerbach's anthropologization of
religion therefore presupposes, if religion is to be anthropologized, a utopian
notion of man, not a statically determined one. It equally presupposes a
homo absconditus, just as much as the belief in heaven always carried a
deus absconditus within it, a hidden, latent god. Hence the res infinita
of religious ideal-content can least of all be printed on to the res finita
of the bourgeois, as in Feuerbach; for religion may have got along famously
even with ignorance, even with stupidity, but never with triviality:
mysteries are the anti-trivial per see And not only the subject, the demand
for the return of all the abundance transferred to the gods, must be
understood as utopian, but also the nature which surrounds it; it certainly
must not appear as completed, like Feuerbach's mechanical-materialist
nature. Its significant substance has not yet appeared precisely in time,
like that of men it still lies in utopian latency. The kingdom is outwardness,
not only inwardness, is order, not only freedom, is essentially the order of
that subjectivity which is no longer afflicted with objectivity as with something
alien: thus objectivity, which as nature is still around men, must itself be
understood and respected in its unmanifested aspect. The hope which worked
in religion and which has now become without illusions, without hypostases
and unmythological, intends, through the idea of kingdom, that, as in subjectbased possibility, so too on the edge of object-based possibility, utopian
light should shine. The light in the stable at Bethlehem and the light of
1286
the star which stood still above it are therefore one and the same for a religious
intention for which what germinates inside is also what circulates outside.
Small wishes can be forgotten, they also become boring in the long run.
Not so big wishes, for example the image of a beloved who never came or
disappeared, he who has it takes it with him to the grave. As we have seen,
few in the nineteenth century felt more strongly and placed more precisely
that which is undischarged in religion than Feuerbach, the so very important
atheist. Despite the narrowness, rigidity and abstraction in which he keeps
his notion of man, Feuerbach is a turning point in the philosophy of religion;
from him onwards the final history of Christianity begins. For he did want
want to be merely a gravedigger of traditional religion - an easy task a hundred
years after Voltaire and Diderot -, on the contrary, he was fascinated by the
problem of the religious heritage. Nor was he the badly demystified or inconsistent individual who did not get as far in his thinking as the L. Biichners*
or Moleschotts t of the time. On the contrary, he knew that a residue remains
in the affinities, however demystified, which essentially gave rise to
Christmas, Strasbourg Cathedral, the St Matthew Passion. And this residue
he wished - however inadequately in the agent and in the horizons - to take
away even from the other-worldly band of clericsby means of enlightenment.
Hence Feuerbach remarks that he 'negates only in order to establish', and
furthermore that he 'demystifies heaven only in order to make man important'. The task he sets is, in this expropriation of the other world, 'finally
to give man what is man's'. Thus Feuerbach declares with a decisiveness
which is especially instructive today: 'Whoever saysand knows no more than
that I am an atheist says and knows as good as nothing of me. The question
of whether a God does or does not exist belongs to the eighteenth and seventeenth century. I negate God; in my case this means that I negate the negation
of man, in place of the illusory, fantastic, heavenly position of man, which
in real life necessarily becomes the negation of man, I put the sensory, real
and consequently necessarily also political and social position of man. The
question of the existence or non-existence of God for me is precisely the question of the existence or non-existence of man' (Werke, 1846-66, I, p. xiv).
In more defined form this reads: 'Man thinks and believes a God only because
he wants to be God himself but, against his will, is not God' (Werke X,
Ludwig Biichner, the nineteenth-century materialist philosopher and popularizer of science.
See Vol. I, p. 379 and n.
t Jacob Moleschott (1822-93), the Dutch physiologist and philosopher, often considered the
founder of nineteenth-century materialism. His book 'Der Kreislauf des Lebens' (The Circuit of
Life) was influential in the materialist movement.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
p. 290); 'God is the fulfiller, i.e. the reality, the fulfilment of my wishes'; 'God
is nothing but eternal, uninterrupted joy as being' (Werke VII, p. 240,
251). Feuerbach thus brings out first of all two opposing and yet interconnected basic motifs of the former building of the altar: the wish for our
being and at the same time the fantastic relinquishment of our being through
a loan to heaven. But more lasting than these two examples remains the
putting of them to the test, the pouring-out of the other world on to man
and the earth from which it came. The religion-forming sigh of the oppressed,
joy-craving creature, the religion-filled conflict in man between his existing
manifestation and his non-existing being: none of these psychogenic explanations and dissolutions of a transcendental illusion completely dissolve the
origin from which this deification arose. Something similar also applies to
the far more concrete study of the origins ofreligion which interprets deifications as reflections of social power-conditions and of precarious relations to
nature as well. For there is something else in this reflection and in the fact
that it is possible at all which, precisely in terms of content, extended it so
colourfully beyond the merely repetitive hazy gleam in the sky. And even if
the task of abolishing human misery is accomplished, misery of which religion
was just as much the expression as it was protest against it, even if its first
source, its nearest wishful motif source should be eliminated: even then the
independentfund of human content remains, which was added imaginatively hut
also anticipatorily to the heavenly hypostasis. For Feuerbach this fund certainly
does not consist of negation: 'Religion is the first, the indirect selfconsciousness of man' (Werke VII, p. 39), even more: 'The consciousness
of the infinite being is nothing but man's consciousness of the infinity of his
own being, or: in the infinite being, the object of religion, it is only man's
own infinite being that is the object' (Werke VII, P: 372). A clear reference
to Christ's incarnation is also made: 'Man is the God of Christianity, anthropology is the mystery of Christian theology' (Werke VII, p. 434); Cur Deus
homo, this question and possibility which exists in Christianity alone,
therefore remains even for Feuerbach both the problem of religion and the
key to religion. Self-commitment into the transcendental is read backwards
in de-reified form: as the withdrawal of the transcendental into the self, in
the manner Hegel had already defined in his philosophy of religion: 'In this
entire history man has come to realize that man is immediate, present God,
in such a way that in this history, as spirit perceives it, even the representation
of the process is of that which man, which spirit, is' (Hegel, Werke, 1832,
XII, p. 253). Only the elimination of spirit, i.e. radical anthropologization,
was needed to bring heaven to the front of human existence itself and to
1288
anyheavenly transcendence butwith anunderstanding ofit: asa hypostatized anticipation ofbeingfor-itself. It is this still unknown future element in men, not
what is already to hand and at hand in them, that was essentially intended
throughout the changing hypostases of heaven. Thus the founders of religions
have increasingly put Humanum into God, which means here that they have
increasingly circled around the human incognito through ever closer figures
from the other world. Thus all appellations and nominations of God have
been huge figurations of and attempts to interpret the human mystery:
intending the hidden human figure through all religious ideologies and despite
these ideologies. The wishful, indeed the utopian, face-hypostases clearly did
not coincide with the existing image of man: they were both more uncanny
and more enigmatically familiar than the image of man existing at a given
time, the dominant human guiding image at a given time. That which is
both familiar and Utterly Different, the sign of the religious layer, from animal
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
gods to the One God of Power, to the Saviour God, becomes comprehensible
only as such an interpretative projection of the homo absconditus andhis world. The
animal god mixed wild, hideous and gloomy elements such as no man
possessesinto the face. The god of power, with the characteristic superlative
of his being (nemo potest contra Deum nisi Deus ipse"}, brought in the
awesomeness of infinity, the thundering heaven without limits, a tyrannical
element such as again no man possesses but which after all belongs to the
perfected exaggeratedness of religious projections, to this superlative, to this
outbidding. Finally the saviour god, in the shape of the son, is sheer
mysteriousness, but in such a way that it now especially carries the outbidding
element with it, namely as the expulsion of fear par excellence for all the
baptized, who have added the projection of Christ to their old Adam. The
outbidding element in this final shape presents itself to hope immediately
as the wonderful, as if the true core of the incognito tasted sweet. Hence:
'Hope maketh not ashamed' (Romans S, S); even: 'For I reckon that the
sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory
which shall be revealed in us' (Romans 8, 18); even: 'Eye hath not seen, nor
ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God
hath prepared for them that love him' (I Cor. 2, 9). All these are anthropologizations of religion which in increasing depth are equally religions of the
unknown anthropos, the anthropos rising up from unknownness: 'Till we
all come in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God,
unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ'
(Eph. 4, 13). Therefore Christian hope was that everything should be man
redeemed, including transfigured nature; in which sun and moon no longer
shine, but its light is the lamb. And no anthropological critique of religion
robs the hope to which Christianity is applied; it takes away from this hope
only that which would cancelit out as hope and transform it into superstitious
confidence: the pictured, determined mythology of its fulfilment, which is
nonsensically unreal but hypostatized as real. The critique brings the contents
of religion back to the human wish, but to the greatest, most thorough wish,
which in the long run never becomes inessential because it is itself nothing
but the intention towards essence. This essence can be prevented,
mythologically this prevention is conceived as hell, but its non-prevention was
conceived mythologically as apotheosis. God thus appears as the hypostatized
ideal ofthe human essence which has not yetbecome inreality; he appearsas a utopian
entelechy of the soul, just as paradise was imagined as a utopian entelechy of
* 'Noone has power against God except God' himself. '
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RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1291
up, and have stayed, conservative, the image of one enthroned in the other
world has survived. Much habit and unseriousness gets in here, too, but
precisely habit here pads out vague feelings so that they look fatter than in
seriousness they are. Of course no one, not even the most religious person,
today still believes in God as even the most lukewarm, indeed the doubters,
believed in him two hundred years ago. Yet the strong wishful forces or
wishes for a solution which have survived, in habit and in its organized
tradition, the church form, even in hypostatized form, do after all still permit
lukewarm theism. Otherwise it would not be possible- in the huge bourgeois
prose world itself - for the church still to exist at all. To exist as the exception
to the atheistic rule - of course, as the exception that generally tends to be
on very good terms with this rule whenever it comes to maintaining the
bourgeois prose world itself in its capitalist foundations. Until the victory
of the bourgeois enlightenment, atheism was not the rule but an astoundingly
rare exception. And on top of this it was so hedged about with restrictions
that it is doubtful whether Greek, Roman or Indian atheism can be understood at all in the modern meaning of the word. Already the various figures
in the rejected world of gods mean that the hollow space which formed was
different: the No to Jupiter looks different from the No to Brahma, indeed
from the No to Yahweh. As for this latter No, which is at least similar to
today's, atheism as a danger does not occur much more than three times in
the Bible. The dangers of 'apostasy' , of turning to other gods, were countless,
atheism on the other hand appears, if not late, then timid. It is denounced
not as struggle, as profession, as liberation, but more as a kind of forgetfulness:
'They have belied the Lord, and said, It is not he' (jer, S, 12), or as the manner
of the proud man who will not seek after God (Psalm 10, I), or of the fool
who is not clever enough for this question (Psalm 14, rf.). But now the
questions about God have become clever enough to make atheism positive
precisely as an appearance of what was devalued or transferred in the belief
in God. And in this positive element even all atheisms agree, regardless of
the nature of the God lifted out of them: they agree that with the negation
of the real throning of God human fear of it and human nullity ceases. The
fact that the age of despotism, therefore of heteronomous fear is over, this
is what unites such profoundly different atheisms as that of Lucretius, that
ofSankhya philosophy (on which Buddha's teaching is based), that in the
mysticism of the Son of Man (insofar as this caused Yahweh to disappear),
and that in Feuerbach. Lucretius' sigh of relief returns in almost the same
form in the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century, despite the difference
in form of the dethroned Grand Lords; indeed Epicurus, the materialist, for
1292
Lucretius becomes the same in science as Prometheus was in myth. Hence the
positivum which fills all atheisms, as Lucretius expresses it in his didactic
poem: 'When on earth human life lay sorely oppressed by the weight of
religion, which showed its head from heaven and, fearful to behold, threatened
mortals: then for the first time a Greek, a mortal, dared to set his eyes against
it and to oppose it; he whom neither the temple of the gods nor lightning
nor the crashing of heaven subdued; all the more so he now raises the bold
courage of his spirit, because he first demanded that the fixed gates of nature
should be broken open' (De rerum natura I, li. 62-71). Such deliverance from
fear appears, however, to contradict the utterly different kind of deliverance
which is connected with the wishful nature of religion itself, with the hypostasis
of its own wishful perfection into Deus Optimus Maximus. But no atheism
which delivered from fear brought deliverance from the wishful contents and
treasures of hope of religion, except in its most meagre and totally negative
form, in the vulgar materialism of the nineteenth century, which preserved
itself only by its educational embourgeoisement from the complete loss of
these hope contents, i.e. from nihilism. On the contrary, atheism brought
these transcendental treasures into immanence; and in Feuerbach it brought
them quite reflectedly into man. What disappeared, what man was delivered
from in the case of this most important and, on this point, probably least
understood atheist, was again and again the posited reality of the perfectissimum, so that it disappeared as oppressive throning against man, as that
absolute Being-Above which characterizes Caesarism, with which a purely
ideological sum of non-treasures, belonging solely to the church of the masters,
could then ally itself. But as for Feuerbach's actual critique of religion, it is
Jupiter Optimus Maximus which atheism essentially abolished, it is not the
wishful content of an Optimum Maximum itself. And it is essentially the
positing as real, superstitiously carried over into an other-world, of human
mystery and perfectissimum against which atheism then plays its immanence,
against which it posits its open space, at first as emptiness. But its emptiness
is not in immanence; on the contrary, the latter, when the treasures
squandered in heaven were brought back to it, gained increased importance:
it gained the Utterly Different of anthropological depth. The meaning of
nature in the Lucretian sense has not survived as definitive, any more than
the astral myth from which worldliness was brought down was a definitiveness worthy of belief. But the meaning of the regnum humanum in nature is
definitively one, and here atheism has inherited no', less than the entire selfcommitment of the founders into the religious mystery, and therefore the most
powerful religious positivum. Or, with full consciousness of the paradox which
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 93
constitutes the matter here: Jesus, when he said that he was the mediator
between himself and the Father, had himself become the Father, and when
he said he was the vine and his followers the shoots he spoke in the god-cleared space of a mystical anthropology; the son of man mysticism
always followed him in this entry into Yahweh, or more: in this exodus
from the God of exodus himself. No flat or even demonic hubris has a
place here, where even the sursum corda proves itself against hypostases.
And precisely because of this proving the son of man mysticism remains,
right up to Feuerbach's anthropologization, even when, precisely when
Deus Optimus Maximus does not dwell above the stars: the atheist who
has understood that which is conceived as God as a pointer to unmanifested
human content is not antichrist. Nor is he who sees the unmanifested human
content connected with the utopian content of nature, which surrounds
men with the so much broader, fermenting openness of its incognito: 'Do
you senseyour mystery, world?' isjust as much a Christian, i.e. apocalyptic
cry as the older: 'Do you sense the creator, world?' is a mythical one,
despite the Hymn to Joy in which it occurs. Hence this utopian element
is and remains irreligious, because it is strikingly meta-religious, i.e. it
belongs precisely to atheism which has arrived and is finally comprehended
in its depth dimensions; but the concept of atheism, according to its last
positivum, is the realm of freedom. For this it keeps the world open at
the front and forwards; for this it has cleared away Jupiter and the throne
and the world-creating, world-encircling ghost of an existent ens
realissimum. What was formerly designated as God designates no fact
whatever, certainly no throning existence, but an utterly different problem,
and the possible solution of this problem is not God but kingdom.
Things here below in the long run have proved not to be as frail as
those above. Man inherits the otherworldly treasures insofar as they are
treasures and not merely grimaces from what was not understood. For
undoubtedly along with cringing and the deceit of the masters pious
ignorance was also reflected in the other world, not just the secret, which
is and remains one; the unknowing mingled with it. Of deceitful religion
and its unmasking Engels aptly says: 'In order for existing social conditions to be tackled, their halo had to be removed.' On pious ignorance
and on the mythological in religion Engels says, not quite so exhaustively:
'In the early stages of history the powers of nature are the first to
experience this reflection... But soon alongside natural powers socialpowers
also come into effect, powers which confront men just as strangely
and in the beginning just as inexplicably, ruling them with the same
12 94
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 95
Leibniz with most perceptive malice added to the old axiom which Locke
had quoted sensualistically: 'Nihil est in intellectu, quod non fuerit in sensu'
the rider: 'excipe: nisi ipse intellectus' * (Nouveaux Essais II, I, 2). The senses
may therefore have provided the intellect with absolutely everything and
without them it may be a completely empty page, but the senses have not
provided the intellect itself; to which by analogy may be added, in connection
with economism: nothing can be in the superstructure that was not in the
economic substructure - except the superstructure itself. And the same applies
to the superstructure in the superstructure, to the religious deification of the
wishful images, even of the obscure powers of nature and history: a field,
a hollow space, a specific topos must be methodologically presupposed and
objectively pre-ordered if religious wishful images, even images of ignorance,
and especiallythe images of a genuine mystery-relation, around the incognito,
are to be projectible in the way in which they have actually been projected
in the history of religion. With this analogy to the Leibnizian rider it therefore
emerges that the problem of the religious projection space inandfor itselfisnot
an illusory problem, and this space, although certainly no reality in the sense
of factual existence, is nochimera either. It is certainly no reality, let alone
the supreme reality in the sense of the Platonic two-world theory of the frailty
of all appearances and the true existence of the eternal ideas in an eternally
Uranian place. But different from this - precisely in the material unity of
the world - is something kept open for future possible, for not yet decided
reality in this hollow space; as such it is emptiness only according to its first
definition and is certainly not the same as absolute nothingness. And nothing
could be more wrong - insofar as atheism is taken seriously in object-based,
not just in anthropological terms - nothing could be more wrong than the
consequence-making of a belief in hollow space in which no kind of Being
whatever is to be found, not even the correlate of a utopian Being instead
of that of God, of a Not-Yet-Being which is like - the kingdom. Pure belief
in hollow spacecan either despair nihilistically or it may be hectically delighted
because for it meaning and God have both disappeared at the same time; and
then of course humanity, surrounded by nihilistic night, merely
phosphoresces, or, surrounded by a vacuum, fluoresces as in a Geissler tube.
But this is not the case, preciselythe hollow spacecleared by certainty of Being
has emptiness - this must be noted - only as its first determination, but it
has fermentation, open sphere ofinfluence for the human subject - and also for
a by no means disposed of subject of surrounding nature - immediately as its
* 'There is nothing in the intellectwhich hasnot already existedin sense exceptthe intellectitself.t
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RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
12 97
fullness. But above all the utopian space formerly filled with gods identifies itself, positively identifies itself in the topos of order which holds
together the hope-contents which have become anthropological and their
freedom. This order, as has already been seen in the socialutopias (cf. Vol.
II, p. 533f.) and as becomes clear here in religious-philosophical terms,
is the authentic kingdom in the realm of freedom: but such kingdomlikeness would notat last be intentionable if the field of religious hypostases were
not more lasting than the religious hypostases in this field itself. Nothing and
All, chaos and kingdom, lie in the balance in the formerly religious area
of projection; and it is human work in history which heavily influences
the scale of Nothing or of All. Indeed not only the order which is appropriate to the hope of kingdom, but also the chaos which indicates imminent nothingness, was anticipated in the formerly religious space, has
come to a standstill in the projection-field if not in the anticipation-field.
Because the hollow space may contain Nothing as well as All, it was called hell or heaven; and hell was thought of as the space of the finally annihilating or of Satan. The Satanic is horror, complete nihilation, complete absence of content, sealedness which flees into the definitive emptiness
in which it is sealed. Reality as it has been working to date contains enough
of such annihilations, such outbreaks of primeval evil, but not yet as the
victory of evil; if the victory of evil was represented and hypostatized as
definitive, the religious space filled as negatively with the prince of hell and
demonic contents as it had filled positively with God and angelic contents. But even if the mythologies of the prince of hell and the king of
heaven have each equally departed, the topos does remain, in this case as
the double projection"! and anticipation-space, with the inscriptions: Lasciate
ogni speranza, * or conversely: The noble member-of the spirit world is
saved from evil. t These are all therefore utopian problems of space from the
religious inheritance, they belong to that world-road of the future which
is broken precisely into the most thorough immanence, into that of the
anthropological incognito. They belong to the In-Front-of-Us in which
the core of men and of the earth, in which the anthropological subject
as well as that of the cipher of nature utopianly blossoms to its end or
does not blossom to its end. If there is no utopia of the kingdom without
atheism, then there is implicitly also none without the utopian-real hollow
space itself which atheism has both left behind and revealed. Precisely the
extra-territoriality of the incognito again and again presupposes for the
* 'Abandon all hope'. The inscription over the gates of hell in Dante's 'Inferno', III, 9.
t Faust, Part II, 11934-5.
clearing of the incognito that the hollow space itself into which the divine
hypostasis has collapsed has not also collapsed; the extraterritoriality of the
incognito would otherwise be based neither on the new heaven nor on the
new earth to which it points. The kingdom of the cleared incognito of the
depth of man and of the world: to here and nowhere else the entire history of
religion hasjourneyed; but the kingdom needs space. So much space that all
expressionsand extensions so far are not enough for it, and again so little space,
such intensively penetrated space, that only the narrow path of Christian
mysticism indicates it. The Christian ideal would not be one if it did not strike
directly into this incognito landscape, but into an enveloped landscape. This
ideal alsojourneyed with the Three Wise Men of the entire orient; they forgot
their own stars for the one above the hut, but they also brought gifts from
all earlier religions, frankincense, myrrh and gold, they handed over the tradition together with the destruction of the alienation myths at the birthplace
of the moment which finally touches itself. The star journeyed to the hut
where God ceases - not in nothingness but in the, from here on, self-revealing
Cur-Deus-homo space of the possible identification of what is sprouting
in man and the world as a whole and what is being born. For this and for
this end the religious hollow space is and remains non-chimera, although all
the gods in it were chimeras. Homo absconditus therefore retains a sphere
which remains pre-ordered, in which, ifhe does not go under, he may intend
his most thorough appearance in his opened world.
Stay awhile in the religious layer: the unity of the instant in mysticism
Precisely the best does after all lie nearby, where one does not expect to find
it. The Here and Now therefore returns at this highest place, has to say its
Being-For-Itself. All intensive-utopian glances, with their moral, musical,
religious guidelines, lead back to the darkness of the lived moment; for there
the fermenting All sprouts, and there it is still hidden from itself, unbecome
in utopian terms. Every single narrow path around the hope-content of a
Being-For-Itself goes up to the moment, with an ever more intensive attempt
to define this fundamentally intensive element. The most intense attempt
is religious, in the sense of man's self-commitment into the mystery: the last
other world is our nearest this-world, our most immanent nearness. But this
is nothing but that which is sprouting in every lived moment, that which
has not yet been urged on to happiness, not yet extracted as gold. 'Stay awhile,
you are so fair': the fulfilment of this hope therefore in religious terms
ultimately becomes the same asmysticism or more precisely as the instant or
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1299
1300
spark he, would always be uncreated and uncreaturely, uplifted above time
for eternity.' Teresa de Jesus calls the same experience, in which her
apotheosis seemed to occur, the castle of the soul, and she lists the separate
chambers within it; all these place names are related to one another. And
related, i.e. merging into one another are also the attitudes or entrances
to this castle, whether called ardour or light, love or contemplation, activity
or passivity: in the unio mystica they ceased to be alternatives. The question of the primacy of will or of intellect, which divided all Christian
scholasticism, for the same scholastics becomes irrelevant in mysticism:
Ruysbroek, the doctor ecstaticus, and Thomas, the doctor angelicus, no
longer have a quarrel as mystics; love of the highest, contemplation of
the highest become identical in the mystical maximum. Likewise the
distinction between suffering and doing, passivity and activity, is cancelled
out, they exchange their faces in the summum mentis. The New Testament
certainly contains this united doubledness of tearing and being torn, in
the fusion of meekness and of an aggression such as this: 'And from the
days of John the Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence,
and the violent take it by force' (Matt. II, 12). But mysticism sees meekness
and activity as being in a dialectic, it allows these attitudes, once they
have attained their greatest power, to change and to merge into one another.
Christian mysticism is certainly devotion to God, being-dissolved in God,
but in such a way that the aggression of an utterly different kind of beingdissolved is at the same time working in this passivity: namely that of
redemption from God. On the other hand, Christian mysticism is definitely
a breaking into God, an overwhelming consciousness of an apex mentis,
of a point of the mind which pierces God. Yet at the same moment this
activity bends itself back to devotion, in such a way that God makes his
master into a subservient bearer, into one who himself certainly appears
to be borne up by higher powers. Thus dualisms which have their hold
in the common world of ego and of non-ego fuse in the mystical castle.
And precisely this hold disappears in mystical union, because it causes the
sharpest dualism itself to disappear: the castle no longer has any dividing
wall between ego and non-ego, subject and object, subject and substance;
it is itself built without otherness. No more otherness, this ultimately has
been the hugely anticipatory illusion of all mystics, yet a phantasma
utopicissime fundatum. The axe which splits the world into subject and
object is pulled out mentally by the mystic; then all that is held back seems
to cancel itself out. Thus an entering into the immediacy of the moment
takes place, one which is both undivided and completely esoteric; an
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1302
with the Albigensian Wars in the twelfth century and culminated in the
German Peasants' War: the abundance of the elect - as once with the community of the disciples - went about as unity in the people, not among the
mumbling priests of the masters, let alone princes. From this unity the
loneliness in which the mysticism of Hugh and Richard of St Victor in the
twelfth century had moved was also cancelled out, the loneliness of the soul
with its God ('Soliloquium de arrha animae'" is, significantly, the title of
one of Hugo ofSt Victor's major works). The rungs of the heavenly ladder
broke out of psychology, the travel guide of the soul to God was transformed
by the first prophet of Gothic mysticism, Joachim of Fiore, into a movement
of history itself, into the dynamism of the last gospel. All mankind now
completes the movement into mystical Christ-likeness as into the Third
Kingdom - to the salvation of the pure, to the destruction of the impure;
mankind goes beyond the kingdoms of the laws and of grace, it attains
plenitudo intellectus (cf. Vol. II, p. 510). And the state of this intellectual
plenitude corresponds precisely to the deification with which Christian
mysticism surrounded its inspired ones; it therefore corresponds to the community of a universal feast of Pentecost. Or as the Brothers of the Full Spirit,
a mystical sect around the time of Eckhart, described this future or third age,
absolutely in line with Joachim but also absolutely in line with previously
solitary ecstasy: 'In the third age the Holy Spirit will show himself as a flame,
as a furnace of divine love, as a cellar of spiritual intoxication, as a pharmacy
of divine spices, spiritual oils and ointments, as a continuing prophesying
of spiritual joys by which not only in simple knowledge but in delicious and
palpable experience the truth of God's word become flesh will be seen' (cf.
Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1847, II, p. 465). Indeed the
mankindly union of 'knowledge' is followed by an as it were cosmic,
cosmogonic one in Eckhart: the movement of mysticism to God is not only
self-movement, self..knowledge and self-revelation of God in which he unfolds
from his 'unnatured nature' to 'natured nature', but for this very reason it
is the same as the world process. And as the mystical soul, which in its innermost nature is God, returns from the relinquishment of the world to the
primal ground, to the God who is to be regained, so by virtue of this
'unbecoming' the entire world process again returns to the primal ground:
a reflux of Being through knowledge and an entering into its ground.
The mystical function here becomes a function of the world-change itself:
'Soliloquy of the pledge of the mind'. 'Arrha' is medieval Latin for 'earnest money', a
monetary pledge. Hugh of St Victor is using the word metaphorically.
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
133
scintilla, the mystical spark, burns not in mere loneliness but at the divide
between otherness and identity. These finally are very great modes of union,
but they all stem from the revolutionary feeling of togetherness, feeling
of unity in the elect with which immersion allied itself in full heretical
Christianity, with chiliasm. Towards it, in socially and also in cosmically
broad mysticism, the halo now advanced, which anyway came out of man in
the breakthrough to God as if out of captivity. For it was sheer prevented
halo which burns and breaks out in the scintilla, freedom of the children of
God as after the Last Judgement; this freedom thinks that it already exists
today, and in this surpassing it feels itself free even of God as an object. The
halo ofthecore in thecaptivity ofits incommensurate world thus finally founds
the mystical unity 'of all the chosen ones among all scatterings or races of
every kind of faith'. Undoubtedly the unions of mysticism will never return
in the old form, and the lightning in which the indescribable is done will
no longer open up a heaven from which figurative haloes plunge down. But
in the depth of this enthusiasm there always lay the intended breakthrough
of a touching of self, a touching of ground, into a kingdom that was to contain
no mysteries other than human ones and no other order than that of a corpus
Christi, with vine and shoots. The kingdom of Christian mysticism was built
in the dimensions of the Son of Man, with the suddenly opened moment as
his crib. This nunc stans, which itself steps forth on the Here and Now, is
so far from being other-world as to be the closest this-world of all: thus the
nunc stans ofthe mystics in theliteral andin the central sense means the same asthe
'Stay awhile, you are sofair'; - only in the problem of the nunc stans does this
Faust-goal have form and content of the identity staked outin it. The perfect
utopia or utopia of perfection which religion inserted into heaven here swings
back into the core of man as well as into the problem-subject of nature. Nunc
stans is thus the precision formula for the most immanent immanence, i.e.
for the temporally so distant and still absolutely undetermined world without
any possible alienation.
1304
not understand it. But in part, over and above this show-effect, a will-toexplode was also at work in miracle-making. It sought to lift not only
the subjectively but also the objectively accustomed, the usual connection
of things, off its hinges. Both, propagandistic and object-based magic, are
to be found even in the Old Testament. The former when Aaron outdoes
the Egyptian magicians with a rod which finally swallows up their rods.
The latter when Elijah, with 'his face between his knees', appears on the
scene just like an African rain-maker (I Kings 18, 42ff.). Of course, the
accounts of miracles in the Old Testament are mentioned more in passing,
as if they were not really or only indirectly relevant. Even such fantastic
Mosaic legends as those of the Ten Plagues or even the parting of the
Red Sea merely frame the greater charismatic act: the exodus from Egypt.
This relative subordination as well as the ultimate fading of miracles in
the Old Testament is based on two reasons which are no longer found
in the .New Testament. One was that the priestly version of the Bible
under Ezra, when the Jewish church-state was founded, pushed back the
old wildly-growing magical popular religion which was hostile to laws,
and also the will to move within this religion. Many accounts of miracles
probably disappeared at this time, especially if acts were connected with
them which were subversive of or even attempted to improve on Yahweh.
Then the type of prophet also changed: whereas Elijah still displays many
miracle-working, orgiastic-magical characteristics like a shaman or priest
of Baal, already with Amos, only a hundred years later, the form of utopiawith a purely visionary, soon even a literary mandate, begins. The language
of thunder took the place of miraculous things, the miracle itself, indispensable for religious propaganda, was reduced to visionary contact; this was
especiallyrefined in the case of Ezekiel, a scholar and a priest. Until however
the dearest child of faith again advanced both wildly and naively in the
New Testament, much to the chagrin of liberal theologians of today. Jesus
certainly does appear as a magus, he heals the lame, changes water into
wine, feeds five thousand people with five loaves and two fishes, drives
out the devils of disease and raises the dead, as Elijah did. This means
that the popular ground again came to the fore, with it the folklore of
the miracle, undisturbed by Sadducees and Pharisees. Even evangelists such
as Luke, who was a doctor, or the hellenistically educated author of the
Gospel of St. John do not suppress the accounts of miracles, they merely
give them over and above this a spiritualistic meaning, with reference to
even greater miracles. The feeding of the five thousand is related to the
Last Supper (John 6, 35), the healing of the blind man to Ghrist as the
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
135
light of the world (John 9, 30); thus the fleeting and singular aspects of these
miracles cease to apply, they are meant to benefit far more than the chance
number of five thousand men at the time or the single blind man. And
thus it becomes clear from this re-interpretability that it was not only the
mere primitive magic sphere which again spread in the New Testament
thanks to peasants and fishermen, But also utterly new definitions, these
above all, stimulated the miraculous: Jesus as the Messiah, Jesus and the
kingdom of heaven which had drawn near. These two are the fundamental
miracles which first founded the smaller ones which were expected ofJesus,
and which he himself regarded as his 'signs'. In place of the older sense
of the miraculous, still connected with sorcery, came a new, an eschatological
sense: - miracles are the signs of the coming end. However in themselves,
without this background, the accumulated stories of miracles about Jesus
are no different story than all others in history, whether it be the history
of superstition and its mass psychosis (the obsession with witches) or of
the parapsychic or paraphysical processes for which an explanation and
categorization has yet to be found. Parapsychic abilities such as clairvoyance,
paraphysical abilities such as telekinesis and suchlike are, rightly or wrongly,
also recorded outside religions, and within them many miraculous stories
of the New Testament flourish just as well among fetish priests. Legends
such as the changing of the water into wine could just as well have been
told about the sorceress Medea as about the teacher of the Our Father
and of the Sermon on the Mount; the Faust of the chapbook made wine
gush even from wood. A Jewish satire of the Middle Ages, on 'Jesus the
Hanged Man', - on the basis of these isolated miracles - can therefore
come up with nothing better than that Jesus learnt sorcery in Egypt and led
Israel astray by it. But the Novum, with quite different values, consists in
the claim to be the Messiah and in the apocalyptic background: 'Behold, I make
all things new'; it is from this and from this alone that Christ's miracles live.
Along with the other miracles, however primitive, for these, too, belonged
to the Messiah and the last days, but as 'signs', not only as Miracles (John
7, 31) . Above all, and crucially: even the magical actions, in the New
Testament which is always eschatologically directed and surrounded, vouch
in their singular place for a far greater transformation, i.e. for the transformation into the miraculous: from water the wine ofthemiraculous is made. Jesus
hirnselfhad declared these extraordinary deeds to be marks of the Messiah and
the approaching kingdom: with reference to Elijah as a forerunner of Christ,
not as an older miracle-man. Hence his answer to John's question whether
he was the one who was to come or whether they should look for another:
1306
'The blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed,
and the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel
preached to them' (Matt. II, 5). Hence his reply to the Pharisees and
Sadducees: 'When it is evening, ye say, It will be fair weather: for the
sky is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather to-day, for the
sky is red and lowring. 0 ye hypocrites, ye can discern the face of the
sky; but can ye not discern the signs of the times?' (Matt. 16, zf.), The
signs of these times joined together such seemingly remote events as the
healing of the lame and the preaching of the gospel to the poor; the latter
was therefore also intended as really transformative, as the end of labour
and being heavy laden in a new aeon. So definitely does Jesus rank concrete
transformation above the merely inward and invisible that the following
astonishing question becomes possible with him: 'Whether it is easier to
say to the sick of the palsy, Thy sins be forgiven thee; or to say, Arise,
and take up thy bed, and walk?' (Mark 2, 9). The question contains the
answer, which is: 'But that ye may know that the Son of Man hath power
on earth to forgive sins, (he saith to the sick of the palsy,) I say unto
thee, Arise, and take up thy bed, and go thy way into thine house' (Mark
2, rof.), Because after this the palsied man arose, the faithful were given
a proof of their faith - a proof which in Christ's own estimation was
even higher than the power of forgiving sins. A single material line which
does not remain inward runs from the commitment to heal the palsied man
to the proverbialfaith which moves mountains: mountains, not psychologies.
All this in the final sign of the believed fundamental miracle which is phenomenologically connected with the appearance of the Messiah: that of the
apocalypse. Miracle as the blasting apart of the accustomed status quo thus
attains its most radical expression in Jesus; for it is enhanced by the Novum
itself, it wants in each case to be already a new heaven, a new earth, on
a small scale. Certainly, the perceived customary connection of things to
the time and in the environment of Jesus is completely incomparable with
the law-governed causal connection with which the notion of miracle has
contrasted since the sixteenth century. The knowledge of connections was
even different from that of scholastic Christianity, much though its world
still seemed to be inhabited throughout by demons, ruled throughout by
God and his angels. The world of Jesus, however, was that of MandaeanPersian dualism, with Satan as the lord of this aeon, with the kingdom
of light as that of an immediately imminent new aeon. The Messiah is
the bringer of the world conflagration, just as in the Mandaean Book of
John the spirit of light speaks to his only begotten son: 'Be my messenger,
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1307
go into the world of darkness in which there is no ray of light' ; - it was only
against this world and its irredeemable connections that the miracle. as interruption,
occurred. Nonetheless it did occur uniformly as an interruption. moreover
as a visible one, it occurred above all in favour of the particular-representative
visibility of a totally changed order, that of the miraculous. Consequently
the miraculous nature of Christ over and above his temporary world picture
is united with that which is still imaginable today in two main points: inthe
formal point ofinterruption, in thematerial pointofabsolutely good content. This
also remains essential: miracles were not considered inward, they intend
palpable change of an external kind, the salvation which is meant to appear
through them occurs via world. Thus Thomas Aquinas defines precisely the
Christian miracle, in contrast to mere Christian preaching and change of heart,
as follows: 'Miraculum est effictus sensibilis, qui divinitus fit praeter ordinem
totius naturae'" (Contra Gentiles, 3, c. 101). Hence Thomas did not count
the forgiveness of sins or even transubstantiation as miracles, because they
are not sensibly perceptible effects. And even after the kingdom of heaven
was no longer at all believed to be imminent, i.e. in all scholasticism, the
miracle always dwelt at the break-point of the natural world, at a point where
a visible piece of the visible world visibly cracks. It finally becomes clear from
all this that although the miracle has now degenerated into banal occultism
or has unveiled itself as such. although it now survives officially only in the
propaganda and business operations of Catholicism, in hysterical virgins and
in such wretched gates of heaven as those at Lourdes, equally significantly
the concept of miracle, apart from its transcendental superstition, contains
a concept which is not in the least superstitious, that ofthe leap, which stems
ftom explosive religion. Precisely the concept of the leap has been learnt from
the miracle; in a purely mechanical causal world, a world contrasting in every
form with miracles, the concept of the leap thus had no place, but it did in
one no longer conceived as static and no longer conceived as finite. Here of
course the leap, as a strictly dialectically mediated sudden change, itself
demonstrates its own conformity to laws and therefore, although it interrupts the purely mechanical continuation of the same, it is certainly not located
in an intermissio legis per se like the scholastically defined, mythical miracle.
And above all, because of the obvious elimination of all transcendental factors.
every 'state of emergency' is absent here in whose law-less spacea transcendental will could establish what is impossible on earth. However, when Hegel
'A miracle is a sensory effect which happens through divine agency, contrary to the order of
the whole of nature. t
1308
writes of the qualitative leap and its precursors that here something is 'interrupted by the opening UPt a flash which all at once establishes the pattern
of the new world' (Werke II, p. 10), the grasping of this sudden flashing,
however mediated in accordance with laws sui generis it is, is definitely not
unrelated to the formerly miraculous-sudden element, a fundamental archetype of religious and above all of Christian-advental imagination. Natura facit
saltus: this at least is the contribution of the old belief in miracles to a no
longer magically, let alone transcendentally superstructured world. The idea
of the leap first grew in apocalyptic miracle landscape, indeed it still has this
- in overlooked but not discharged consistency - as its background.
And the leap is not the only thing that remains from the strange hocuspocus. If water turns into wine, this is an interruption only for him who
believes in it. But to go on: in the interruption something different lives
on, and this can dispense with all magic. It exists particularly without any
of the rotten content of the miracle, but is connected with its hoped-for
content and its name is the miraculous. Its name is still known even to the
enlightened, and, unlike hair-raising sorceries, they take it seriously. 'I am
looking for the miraculous', says a liberalwoman, quite outside all theological
circles, Ibsen's Nora. Although she does not say it in exactly the same way,
the same content which inhabits the radical leap is meant. Hence Helmer's
exclamation: 'The most miraculous -?' with which, a superlative and a
question mark, this most untheological anti-family play ends. The miraculous
therefore retains its golden resonance, even if the miracle-like, whose space
of interruption it filled, has paled completely. Admittedly, not every recorded
or imagined miraculous content appeared miraculous, not even always good.
There are also punitive miracles in legend, the most exhaustive are the ten
plagues and the drowning of the Egyptians in the Red Sea, the most manysided are those described by Ovid in his Metamorphoses. Even the total
blasting apart of the status quo ante which is imagined in the Book of
Revelation shows in its content as much dread (for the enemies of Christ)
as it shows totaljoy, Nonetheless, joy is an essential part of the content of
miracle, so that even the drowning of the Egyptians, for those who are not
Egyptians, made its own contribution to rejoicing, namely rejoicing at
salvation or the category of just victory. From this perspective there is no
difference between the song of the prophetess Miriam concerning the
miraculous nature of salvation (Exodus IS, 21) and the sky-high proclamation of the angel to the shepherds, which goes on ringing even in the ears
of unbelievers, from Bach's Christmas Oratorio: 'Fear not: for, behold, I
bring you good tidings of great joy' (Luke 2, 10). The miraculous thus finally
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1309
remains the dominant, indeed the sole content of the interruption intended
in the miracle. It remains such so powerfully that even the good in this
world, not only the evil or what is incommensurate with us, is thought
of as interrupted in the miracle, insofar as this contains an extreme, i.e.
the authentic nature of the miraculous. Interruption by mystical ecstasy and
by the absolutely outdoing element that it may seem to contain in the,
midst of its moment, when it seems to extend to eternity, was regarded
as the highest interruption. The absolutely outdoing of this kind, as that
which belongs to the miraculous in accordance with its essence, is again
most magnificently intimated in the sentence of St Paul: 'Eye hath not
seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things
which God hath prepared for them that love him' (1 Cor. 2, 9). And Paul
speaks here of 'our glory', i.e. preciselyof that which constitutes the content
of the most radical wishful dream, becauseit is equally the most central. Such
extremes or complete excessivenesses, as laid out in the category of the
miraculous, seem in comparison to the existing world which has come into
being up to now almost as magical as miracle-working itself. Even in its
simplest version the miraculous is empirically in a bad way, and to 'our
glory' as the utopia which dispels everything trivial there is still a long
way to go. But in contrast to the superstition of miracle-making the belief
in toe miraculous is from the outset one of hope, indeed of paradox,
not an objective-real affirmation. On the contrary (to rule out the misunderstanding of an 'eternal ideal' here and elsewhere): it does not imply
an affirmation which relates or can relate to anything other than intimations,
pre-appearances, pre-experiences, or ciphers in the already existing, objectivereal world. But if even the miracle has a relative, converted truth at least
in the fact that the world moves in (historically mediated) leaps and makes
breakthroughs possible (without any alliance with transcendence, without
transcendental interventions themselves): then the miraculous in these leaps
and possible breakthroughs contains a partial pre-appearance and possible
complete real appearance of its content as long as the opposite of the
miraculous, namely the In Vain or Nothing, has not yet totally and really
occurred. The faith of hope, with the miraculous ascontent which is still undetermined in terms of content but unmistakable, is therefore superstition only in
mechanical empiricism or, which amounts to the same thing, in abstract
utopia, but certainly not in concrete utopia and in its still open, dialecticalprocessive world. On the contrary, it is precisely that which is not
superstition in religion; that which together with the self-commitment
of man into transcendence, because of this self-commitment, gives to religion
1310
its still remaining, demythologized truth, stemming not only from dread
and deprivation and ignorance but from the drive towards light. This truth
lives essentiallyin the historically mediated Futurum and Novum; it consists
not in the hypostasis, claimed to be real, of a mythological other world
claimed to be real, nor of course does it consist in the very partial preterite
of a becomeness which is interpreted merely causally and mechanically.
'Our glory': its dwelling place is and remains even here in the incognito
of every lived moment. This is the bequest of the most radical wishful dream,
which as such is precisely the most central: that of the intensive centre
of everything. What we have attempted to define and to identify in guiding
images and guiding panels, in the deep content of the Faust wager, hence
of the true Faust problem, and in the equally direct yet equally still only
half-manifest self-contents of music: this many-voiced mode of production
of our self has its last evidence in the unio which is sought in religion, a
unio of moment and eternity. Not time, but the moment as that in time
which does not belong to it, communicates with eternity, in which alone
perfect joy has its measure. St Paul has the communication of the moment,
the miraculous and eternity in mind when he makes the extraordinary
connnection: 'Behold, I shew you a mystery; we shall not all sleep, but
we shall all be changed, In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye' (I Cor.
IS, slf.). And the unmythological, although finalvborder meaning in this
is: the transformation into the opposite of falling asleep, into the opposite
of nothingness, happens, if it happens, in a moment, as this moment. And
with none of the accessories of fanaticism: the same moment of movement which runs in and beneath everything, which is not-having, the drive,
the wish, the longing, the question in Being and at the same time the
still constantly unfulfilled beginning towards a being-here at last adequate
to itself: this same moment of movement at the same time contains complete
arrival in itself and only in itself, insofar as truth strikes into its not-knowing
or incognito, Insofar as in the dark That-Root of the world the finally
found and achieved What of its content blossoms out, as the Authentic
and the Absolute - answered, found, realized. The Hie et Nunc is
everywhere the question-being which for its solution puts out the nonadequate or semi-adequate process-figures of World-Being. But only
through the flash of its identification would that arise which in the entire
world is only just beginning to sound and invariably shines on ahead as
- the miraculous: the figure of identity. There is a deep well-being in
an old, familiar place; in their reflection, St Jerome in his Cell, even the
landscape of the Sistine Madonna represent homeland as after a rebirth;
RELIGIOUS MYSTERY
1311
but the real state of this homeland, its matter: the moment, as yet has
no Present in any place, not even in the surfacing of our self at the place
of the image. The miraculous is the Stay Awhile ofthe most central kind; only
here does it have its local sign. The miraculous is the flash of light of
the subject and of the object, beside which nothing alienated exists any
more and in which subject and object have simultaneously ceased to be
separate. The subject has ceased with its truest attribute: the desiderium;
the object has ceased with its untruest attribute: alienation. This arriving
is victory, and the goddess of victory, like the ancient Nike, stand's on
a point: as concentration of Being, brought out and gathered in and to
the Humanum. At this place on earth of arrived-at Being, of world as
homeness, homeness as world, it settles down, here both flight and message
end. Indeed even the miraculous ceases in the miraculous: the foot on which
Nike stands, stands at the moment of arrival, is - after so much illusion,
pre-appearance, even pathos of indescribability - itself inconspicuous.
Outside there are still many footprints and ciphers, they are of the utmost
importance, for men with their moment are not alone, it is also present
in all processes and shapes of nature, indeed it can only be widely read
in the ciphers of nature, only with the expanse of nature can it comprehend
itself as kingdom instead of mere spacelessness of intensity. But the content
of the kingdom itself is small precisely because it is so great; it is just
as concentrated as that which is called 'the highest good' in the mysticism
of morality. Ciphers of nature and the highest good are the final evidences
in which the core of man reveals itself as identical with the core of the
earth. This identical core is at the same time the unmanifested core, there
is so little of it that is settled, so little that is definitely manifested, that
it is least clear of all whether it will be manifested perfectly at all or whether
it will wither. Its essence - indicated by the religions - hangs because
of this continuing unmanifestedness in the balance of threatening Nothing
or of achieving All, of the In Vain or of the miraculous. The Herods pointed
to nothingness, the Orpheuses, Zoroasters, Buddhas, Moseses,Jesusespointed
to the miraculous: it depends on this century whether at least the well
attainable becomes real. Whether the realm of freedom can come near which
allows an entry instead of an exodus. The goal of all higher religions was
a land in which milk and honey flow as really as they do symbolically;
the goal of the content-based atheism which remains over after religions
is exactly the same - without God, but with the uncovered face of our
absconditum and of the salvation-latency in the difficult earth.
1312
S4
Wisdom consisteth not in knowing many things, nor even in knowing them
thoroughly; but in choosing and in following what conduces most certainly
to our lasting happiness and true glory.
1313
is the only one which can become perfect, no other. The little tree that
wished for different leaves would not have stopped even at golden ones.
And yet there was always an irrefutable feeling that the better cannot be
surpassed infinitely. Some time, somewhere, there had to be a 'thus far
and no further', one which was not renunciatory, as is usually the case,
but fulfilling. In which a major value is conceivable which in and for itself
fluctuates neither upwards nor downwards, and from which, indeed towards
which, goods are measurable. This best was then finally alone wanted,
usually on the wrong track, sometimes in premonition.
1314
a sausage that was at stake. In Hauff's fairytale 'The Cold Heart', the
young charcoal burner Peter Munk strikes it richer, but not better: 'A
charcoal burner has a lot of time to think about himself and others, and
when Peter Munk sat by his kiln the dark trees around him and the deep
stillness of the forest moved his heart to tears and to unconscious longing.'
And later Peter told the friendly wood sprite, the little glassman, his wishes,
two are free, the third can be refused if it is foolish. Peter wishes to be
able to dance best of all and always have as much money in his pocket
as the rich Ezechiel, and then he wishes to own the finest glassworks in
all the Black Forest, with all the equipment and money to run it. 'Is that
all?' asks the wood sprite, and answers, when Peter still thinks horse and
carriage suitable: 'Sense, common sense, is what you should have wished
for, carriage and horses would then have come of themselves.' In Hebel
the moral of the tale had been quite similar, common sense was recommended as the first wish, in order to know what should be wished second
in order to be happy. And as the third wish, to eradicate every spur to
more or to a change, Hebel recommends lasting contentment and no regret.
Such advice to be contented is usually a means of reconciling poor people,
who are seldom visited by a mountain fairy or a wood sprite, to their
lot; but there is also a formal instruction in the best in it. Sense in order
to find the right wish, contentment so as not to regret what is chosen:
these are certainly means which lead to the best, which start out from
it. In such a way that the best, if it were really known and granted, would
contain contentment with this best in itself.
But often the best shimmers up here in a quite out-of-the-way manner.
Then, apart from the treasures which the poor devil wishes for and attains,
a different, a highly secret happy end appears. Fairy tale heroes stuff their
pockets full of gold and jewels which they discover in the magic garden
or in the cave, but the only right thing stands inconspicuously nearby,
unknown to them, therefore unseen. Thus it is only by chance that Aladdin
grasps the importance of the lamp, for the jewels were more striking,
though at first he thought even these were glass. And most legends of
treasure keep the inconspicuous in the background, as something incidental
for which there is at first no wish at all; and if the person is informed,
then it is too late, and the chance does not come again. As in Grimm's
tale, 'The Maiden of Willberg' (No. 315): the mountain bursts open,
inside stood huge, overwhelming treasures, the shepherd started to load
himself up with them. 'Do not forget the best of all', says the mountain
maiden to him, but the man thinks that she means a large chandelier.
I3I 5
'Do not forget the best of all', says the mountain maiden a second time, but
he had nothing but the treasures in mind and did not even think of the flower
bush. When he had filled his pockets he wanted to leave again, but scarcely
was he outside the door than it closed with a terrible crash. Now he wanted
to set down his treasures, but he had nothing but paper in his pockets; then
he thought of the flower bush, and now he saw that this was the best thing
ofall, and he walked sadlydown the mountain to his home. Such stories about
the best very rarely go beyond intimation, unless they are religious from the
outset. The flower bush for the sake of which everything else is spurned then
takes on more familiar features, although also unobtrusive, gentle ones. The
fairytale motif of the Seven Sleepers points in that direction; in Grimm it
appears in the legend of the twelve apostles. The youths who, as a reward
fOJ; their longing for the saviour, are allowed to sleep through the centuries
until he appears have not forgotten what for them was the best. It was the
fulfilment of all their wishes and their last wish; of course, the saviour and
the clear longing for him have merely been added to the much older motif
of sleeping through time. The many other tales of SevenSleepers, for example
the Chinese, do not know the trump card of a clear wish and an awakening
related to it. Thus not even the fairytale finds it easy to say the wish of wishes
in terms of content: the highest good is like a well of lasting contentment,
but where the well springs up is hidden in the inconspicuous, at best in the
emblematic. Even the otherwise so manifest and straightforward fairytale
always spun out the best merely formally, without fixed content. Even the
Blue Flower, Novalis's version of the highest value, * blossoms in his work
in a kind of oriental haze. It is the metaphor of an 'extravagant contentment',
and when it is plucked, 'the happiest feast of the soul is celebrated', but apart
from the fact that it is at the same time a fairytale it is itself still in the blue.
The only definite feature in all fairytales, insofar as they touch the unconditional Enough, is that the material for it is inconspicuous.
1316
head of the fairy or of the wood sprite is inter-related and centred. Fairy,
wood sprite and mountain maiden expressed what at the time of the respective fairytales sensible people thought could be wished for without regret.
Thinking of this kind occurs in acts of valuative affirmation or negation
which have become more or less discerning. These acts are not acts of
individual preference, nor do they occur in an atmosphere which is itself
ideal, rather they are determined by the socialenvironment and the guiding
images which in each case occur within it. We encountered these guiding
images at the beginning of this part of the book as those of the warrior,
knight, monk, citoyen and so on, they always chisel out one type of man
as the best. They are followed, it will be recalled, by guiding panels, with
alternating, often antithetical headings of the best behaviour, the best path
to human perfection. Here a debate about status and value arises, the alternatives of happy and of dangerous life, of solitude and of friendship, of abstract
and mediated venturing beyond the limits (Don Quixote, Faust) begin.
But there would, of course, be neither guiding images nor guiding panels
unless they had been preceded by a fundamental act, driven by the need
for the best life, directed towards its most perfected form. It is only this
fundamental act which brings guiding images, virtues, values forth at all;
however much the content of these ideals is in each case ideologically determined, historically exchanged. Thus, in the 'Foundation' section above,
the ideal was related to the utopian function, which is overhauling and
goal-oriented in each case. The utopian function, in the idea of craving
that which is not to hand, indeed that which is not at hand, already gives
to all the things it grasps the cachet of the wishful good, or, if what
corresponds to the wishful good is objectively contained in the thing, it
makes us receptive to it. However, the good, thought of as perfected,
perfected in its way, now attains pathetic status: 'If the goal seems to
contain not just something desirable or worth striving for, but something
absolutely perfect, then it is called an ideal' (Vol. I, p. 165). But the essential
feature of the ideal value-imagetoo is that it is striven for, that it is emulated,
that, even as perfection and precisely as this, it does not remain merely
an object of contemplation. The stars, which we do not desire, whose
splendour is enjoyed in pure contemplation, are not ideals. In contrast, moral
value-images are considered ideal and aesthetic insofar and inasmuch as they
havebroken out of so-called disinterested contemplation. They become ideals
in the strict sense only when, especially in sublimity, they appear as preapperance of an upward-pulling quality, one which has been aesthetically
driven to the end in the existing world. Even religious value-images, such
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1318
1319
1320
WISHFU~
the good is; God for Thomas Aquinas is primarily understanding of the
good, to which God's will is bound. Accordingly, for the ideals of human
life, from goodness as the highest good the Franciscan ordo amoris follows,
from truth as the highest good the Dominican ordo cognitionis follows.
But in both God remains the goal of all value-goals, though with the
mystical extension or narrowing that likewise assimilation to God is the
highest good. Every striving for perfection, according to Thomas, therefore
involves God: 'Quod igitur est summum bonum, est maxime omnium
finis ... Ei igitur res omnes in Deum sicut in ultimum finem tendunt, ut
ipsius bonitatem consequantur, sequitur, quod ultimus rerum finis sit Deo
assimilari'" (Contra Gentiles I, 3, ch. 17. 19). This assimilation to God,
for Thomas as well as for mysticism, is the same as the highest bliss
(therefore the optimum of what Plato called 'perfect satisfaction'). Thus the
definition of the most powerful happiness also unites with the definition of
the highest good; indeed it unites with it so permanently that even after the
weakening of real belief in God bliss remained as the essence of the highest
good. Thus finally in Kant; he defines the highest good as the hope-content
of a world in which virtue and bliss are united; in the existing world virtue
can only make a person worthy of bliss. Insofar as the ideal of the highest
good is represented as the ground of definition of the final purpose of
pure reason, it cannot 'be recognized by reason if one posits only nature
as the ground, but may only be hoped if a highest reason, which commands
according to moral laws, is at the same time posited as the ground of the
cause of nature' (Werke, Hartenstein III, p. 535). This sort of thing goes
far beyond the limits of the theoretical experience of nature, yet at the
same time its otherworldy reality has played itself out. It becomes precisely
hope-content (summum bonum = suprema spes), thisworldy hope-content,
though with a chiliastic gleam. The highest good, as the unity of virtue
and happiness, of ethical and new physical kingdom, becomes the cipher for
'the kingdom of God on earth'. Here the extremest intensification of the
idea of the perfected good is achieved - but at the price of the extremest
rift between the mechanics of nature and kingdom. The absolute purpose
of the highest good appears as one against which reality is ranged as an
insurmountable barrier. The highest good in Kant is at the same time as
disconnected and remote as the ideal people (Marquis Posa) and ideal
'Therefore that which is the highest good is completely the end of all things ... Therefore
all things tend towards God as towards the ultimate end. and consequently they pursue his
goodness. on the grounds that the ultimate end of things is to be assimilated to God.'
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the What of the That, the content of the all-processingdynamic-material worldcore becomes one of the fulfilling All and not one of the preventing Nothing.
The fulfilling All, however, as the adequation, therefore arrival of the That..
intention, of the fundamental tendency at its most characteristic and most
authentic content is conceived precisely in the highest good, in this pole
star of all utopia and above all of concrete utopia, occurring above the
world and the world process. Thus the highest good from this position
presents itself not only as the guiding image of all human guiding images
but at the same time as the problem ofa guiding image in the world process,
one which is still pursued and pursuable towards meaning. The hypostases
of religious mythology saw this world final purpose as what it is least
of all: as completed being-here in a heaven posited as ens realissirnum.
Even Tolstoy's Prince Andrei looks at the stars in this way: but when he
1324
returns to life, life which has changed so little, the ens perfectissimum of
greatness up above proves to be not illusion but anticipation; ens perfectissimum remains premonition and experience, not attained reality. That
which is meant by the highest good does not always thus remain premonition and experience, therefore confined to subjectivity, but it emerges from
this only when its mysticism is understood as event at theheight oftheworld
process and not as event within an Olympus, i.e. a finished eternity from
the beginning, indeed without beginning and end. The highest good, when
thought of as God, stands even for itself in the really undecided or at the
Front. It is - in its content which is not already namable either in terms
of permanence or of unity or of final purpose - itself a problem, not only
a problem for the inadequate human intellect but an objective-real real
problem. As an in itself still unsolved problem, as a real form of the absolute
question working in the core and on the Front of the world process. The
fundamental definitions, permanence, unity, final purpose, provide the
processive guiding image only with its antithesis to the fleeting, to the
multiplicity of chaos, to the In Vain or to nihilism, but they do not yet
give any decidedness of positive content whatsoever. Though they do give
relentless invariance ofdirection towards a content: towards that of a beinghere which has become adequate to the point of identity to the sealedbeing
of the essence, which could therefore be without otherness and alienation.
But the real problem of this being-here lives only within the process which
pursues this being-here, indeed: there would be no process at all if this real
process did notexist, and this real problem would notexist if there were noprocess.
The That which in man but also in the problematic subject of nature seeks
to attain absolute satisfaction of needs, i.e. the highest good, first posits,
by virtue of this objective guiding real problem, the future into which
the unfulfilled momentary world drifts ever further, with intended final
goal. And likewise it first posits the past into which the momentary world
again and again sinks because as yet nothing manifested, resolved into
manifestation, corresponds to the intended final goal or to the highest
good. The highest good is itself this goal which is not yet formed, which
in the tendency of the process is ultimately signified, which is the latency
of the process is ultimately real-possible. Thus a utopian-cosmic perspective
appears in the midst of the subjective- and intensive-existential perspective
when it can be established that: that which is meant by the highest good,
formerly called God, then the kingdom of God, and which is finally the
realm of freedom, constitutes not only the purpose-ideal of human history
but also the metaphysical latency problem of nature.
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precisely in this matter or in this kind of person and nowhere else. Even
taste, about which subjectivelythere can be no arguing, becomes unanimous
the moment stones instead of bread, caccatum instead of pictum are
presented to it. And what is an owl to one man does not become a
nightingale for another when it is a matter of the evaluation of plague
bacilli or the unanimous non-good of death. Value judgements of the ethical
kind have never been the same throughout different periods and societies,
they have always been dependent on the changing social basis, yet precisely
for this reason they have always been passed according to the common
guiding image in each case, one which was typical and, in and beyond this,
the main point: one which was Objective in terms of content. The universally valid criterion here certainly does not lie only in the conscience or
in normative reason per se, it lies in the objective matter itself. It therefore
requires no Socrates or Kant in order to be found by a canon of motivating
forces. Evaluation is here not only directed to a normative consciousness of
itself, however clarified, but precisely to Objects which give the evaluation
material content. Thus material substance certainly does enter into what
is felt to be good, indeed it first differentiates goods and values so that
they can have a hierarchy. If the various material Objects which participate
efficiently in the satisfaction of needs, the formation of values, did not
exist, then there would be only a single value, remaining purely in isolated
subjectivity, and necessarily contentless, i.e. formal in nature; Socrates calls
it virtue pure and simple, Kant calls it good will. There would be - as
Socrates and Kant logically argue - neither a majority nor a gradation in
terms of purpose content, there would be no economically,erotically, morally,
aesthetically, religiously specific values, up to the final, the highest good.
It is only work plus raw material and material content which produces all
values; there is no production of value, especially in higher climax, by
the isolated subject-side without the intervening influence of value materials.
However - and this gives the objective side its demarcation - objectivity
definitely does not contain the valuative as a quality existing in and for
itself, in the naive-realistic sense. So that, as Scheler claimed in his teachings
on the nature of value, love, un narrowed sympathy are only necessary
simply to receive the ontic fullness of value of the world in itself. Contrary
to this objectivist overload it is clear that the material world is definitely
capable of being the vehicle of a good, indeed the sole practice-location
of all goods and values, but in such a way that the greatest part of the values
is only produced by human labour with raw materials, and is thus aroused
in them; which means that the material world possesses its possible attribute
1327
of value solely as one of allied potential in value material. The object side
provides the material for value, together with all the differentiations which
the material sends into the value world; but it does not already contain the
value as an object-based, finished development resting within itself. The
world, especially in its values not produced by labour, in the beauty of
nature, even in the depth of nature designated as mythical, contains ascertainable value quantities which certainly have not first been put into them
by the subject; but these qualities - chiefly value-meanings - are solely
ciphers of a content which is as yet real-utopian; they are not ontically preordered realities to which subjectivity is assigned merely as receptive
participation instead of a common awakening call. For the world, even with
regard to its objective value-material, is no museum and as yet no cathedral;
it is a process. Precisely the existing gradation of values, referring to the
goal-value of the highest good, is not a climax in the sense of an ultimately
Thomistic hierarchy of being but solely the climax of a temporal-processive
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1330
work and its costs, those incurred in the manufacture of the product. But
the true value itself, the utility value, lay objectively founded in the fruits
of the earth; on the subject side of value there then lay little more than
its acceptance, its 'fruitio' made possiblewith some skilled manual assistance.
And all this in uninterrupted gradation as far as participation, no longer
merely economic participation, in ever-higher values, up to the divine primal
source of all values, the highest value and good. This is almost purely
objective world of purpose, at the same time one posited and hypostatized
as so objective-real that men essentially need'only to receive it, not first
to work for it or even merely to bring it out by their work. The latter
was taken for granted by the bourgeois man of the modern period, the
homo faber with productive forces unleashed ever further. Indeed the
reduction to the productive element (in labour) helped and contributed
towards bringing 'more than the exchange value, i.e. all qualities on to
the subjective side. Quality as a whole was regarded as subjective, the
external world independent of man was quantified as value-free. In the
world of Galileo and Newton, above all of Kepler, there certainly still
remains a kind of value-faith in objective beauty and harmony, but there
was no longer finality in this harmony, therefore no objective values ordered
towards a final purpose of man and the world. Rebellions against total
mechanism were not lacking, especially in Germany, which economically,
socially and ideologicallyremained attached to' the Middle Ages much longer
and more deeply than Italy, France and England: Leibniz as well as Hegel
certainly structured their world-picture valuatively and objectively
teleologically. But characteristically in both cases only as work-worldprocess, no longer as in the case of Thomas as a graduated display of goods
or cathedral of value into which men enter like participants or receivers
of presents. The change to homo faber for him himself subsequently showed
two kinds of aspect on to his position in the world: a negative-impoverishing
and a positive-enthusiastic one. And both with regard to labour which
had now become conscious and to its production of value, far beyond the
notion of mere exchange-values. The negative aspect shows that men are
given nothing free, they must first work for all goods, not even half-way
finished table is laid for them. They are not alone in the world, on the
contrary, precisely the production of economic goods occurs in necessary
metabolism and exchange with nature, but the existence of raw materials and
their suitability for processing no longer seems planned but merely a happy
chance. This feeling of loneliness can- intensify quite powerfully in the
philosophical ramifications of a subjectivist doctrine of values, namely into
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1333
man through it, to mediate nature with human history and to humanize
nature through it. The world contains so much more than the completedreal value statics which medieval society reflectedfrom within itselfinto nature
and into a mythological super-nature. Instead of this standstill the valuematerial of the world contains its tendency, one which is alliable with human
labour and not yet thwarted, to express itself, to bring out the latency of
its core-content. Just as according to Marx not only must the thought push
through to reality but reality to the thought if a plan is to succeed; so every
formation of value is dependent on the tendency-latency in its material, and
equally this tendency-latency - instead of dead mechanism but also instead
of hypostatized value-gods - is present in world material. The end of latency
in the most positive-possible sense is the highest good, and it would not be
the highest good if, in its highest subjectivity, it did not also contain highest
object-basedness in spe within it, both as kingdomliness and as complete
materiality. Only in this is it concrete; only in-this can the desiderium find
the Absolute of its intending and ceasewith it; only in this does subjectivity,
which always has the unfulfilled That as ground and content, gain the
tangibility of its content. The Being-There of the highest good is such an
essential part of it that it can never be the highest good in mere inwardness
but always also in uttered, objectively achieved externality. And as such of
course then to disappear with its liberated subject, just as subjectivity disappears with the unalienated object: the subjective as well as the objective
theory of value, like the entire still-separated subject-object relation, ceases
in the highest moment ofthe highestgood. Therefore in consequence: the worldmaterial of the best, this only true feature of objective value theory, is the
utopian-latent matter of the discovered world subject. The location of the
highest good itself, however, even during its intention (unless this is distracted
or falls for the inadequate) always remains close at hand: in the moment as
the core in which subjectivity and objectivity, in an interpenetration sealed
on both sides, are united in an undeveloped way just as , in the real-possible
highest good, they could become identical when developed through each
other. Therefore: all values already have their climax in the fact that as they
become more central the distance in them between subjectivity and objectivity disappears. The hope of the highest value or of the highest good, this
last conceivableborder-ideal, contains both Selfand World, in a manner which
points the utopian way for all other goods, trained and balanced against one
another. The day of the nunc, the presence of the present, is therefore essentially just as much the world as question and the (imminent) human content
as answer as it is man as question and the (imminent) world content as answer.
1334
Which all concerns the revealed face or Humanum, indeed makes this conceivable as the last .potential to value among all external suitabilities.
i335
.-
1337
each case. Hence the hovering towards the last thing is answered outside,
atmospherically, as is fitting here, but with the solicitous warning to come
home on time.
It is the same warning, referring to the same thing, which appears in
severe instead of hovering form. Before it the breath of air passes, and
hovering, although conscientiously effective, withdraws here. In other'
words, that longing withdraws which still characterizes 'feeling is all' and
its way home. The drive-like, the wafting, and the lively quality also depart,
as they depart from an artificial-hard final image in Stefan George: 'My
garden needs neither warmth nor air,/The garden that I have myself
contrived, / And the flocks of lifeless birds resting there/Have never seen
a spring arrive.' Longing and its life have to withdraw here, for together
with it the idea of the highest value, i.e, of total fulfilment, cannot exist.
What Schopenhauer, the metaphysician of fundamental disappointment,
so fundamentally wrongly asserts of the will per se, indeed of the Absolute,
in fact applies only to lower and middle-range value goals: 'The same appears
in human strivings and wishes, which always beguile us with their fulfilment as the final goal of wanting; but once they are attained they no longer
resemble themselves and are therefore soon forgotten, antiquated and
actually always, though this may not be admitted, laid aside as vanished
illusions; happy enough if something still remains to be wished and striven
for, so that the game of constant transition from wish to satisfaction and
from satisfaction to a new wish, the rapid movement of which means
happiness, the slow movement suffering, is kept up and does not fall into
that slackening which manifests itself as terrible, life-numbing boredom,
dull longing without a definite object, deadening languor' (Werke,
Grisebach, I, p. 229). But nothing can be more alien to severe goalformation
or to the means-purposes precisely related to it than this longing without
end; in the landscape of the highest good there is no disappointment through
attainment, there is no problem of the Egyptian Helen here. It is precisely
the criterion of the highest good and of the means-purposes on its precise
path that the magic of the Trojan Helen and of the utopia directed to her
is destroyed only if it is outdone on attainment, indeed on approaching. No
atmosphere competes any longer, no fiery streak of air, no idol bearing
the banner: It was better in the dream. But of course - corresponding to
the mere presentiment of the .highest moment, indeed to the fragmentary
even in the 'chorus mysticus' - even here the hovering only withdraws, does
not disappear completely; for summum bonum even in its severest form is
first present only as a question, as a cipher dawning towards its solution,
not as this solution itself. With regard to the thing which nothing else can
beat there is a plastic mode as well as a poetic one, a figure of metaphysical
hardness as well as a state of metaphysical hovering; but the former, being of
the same unarrived content, is a cloakednesswhich is no less utopian, though
it is formed. Just as the warning to come home in Kierkegaard describes and
does not lose the fixed point in what is wafting, so conversely the truly
attempted figures of perfection never lack the half-transparency of night
mist in which Kierkegaard's concluding countenance so objectively veils
itself. The utopian archetype of the positively definitive acts in all its forms
which have appeared historically as a mystery; in it, hovering becomes
manifest sealedness. All signs of this kind share in George's situationless
garden, and even more so, less preciously and more truly, in this image
of winter arranged by the later Holderlin: 'The rivers are like plains, the
wildness/Of shapes seems more diffused, the mildness/Of life continues,
the cities' expanse/Appears especially fine against the unmeasured distance.'
But the depth of cities appears especially fine against closely measured
infinity: for reasons connected with the civilization of repose, it was not
Europe but the Orient which first developed the 'seals' of an optimum
intended here; Europe, with its varied 'signatum art', culminating in the
attempted signature of highest quality, merely imitated the Orient. Fundamental signs of this kind are found in Babylon, as the star, in Egypt, as
the triangle; but the most powerful geometrical human form of this intended
optimum is unmistakably that of the Buddhafigure. It should be noted
that this is mentioned here as itself merely intending, as a mere attempt,
but as an especially clear one. For the case of this figure shows, in exemplary
and instructive fashion, how precisely the image of repose of something
which has turned out well sought to geometricize itself in human form
in a seal. All the more vividly as the image of Buddha, more than any
other, was also conceived as that by which man was to approach and to form
himself towards the Indian version of the highest good. This highest good
is of course here solely nirvana, i.e. that bliss hypostatized into itself in which
neither subject nor object, neither bearer nor borne exist, but despite this
subject-object-lessness and because of it nirvana borders on the kingdom,
where subject and object are cancelled out only because they interpenetrate
without intervals between them. In the smile of Buddha as well as in the
lines of initiation of his statue there is therefore, even from this side, something much more than the hollow space geometry of an eliminated cosmos
(cf. Vol. III, p. 1255): there is the negative expression of the most highly
intended positivum in it. The Buddha symbol thus itself appears negatively
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but within this assertively and absolutely consolingly t a figure of the most
extreme repose-entrance to the highest good. With the yoga position as
model: to the yogi the image of gods is an instrument (yantra) by which
unity between god and man is created; thus there are not only humanlike yantras but above all richly geometric and linear ones, in the form
of diagrams which are intended to symbolize conditions in heaven
(devachan). Buddha was not a yogi, he rejected the yoga technique, the
hetaira can follow his path as well as the penitent: but the Buddha statue,
the earliest of which appeared only in the first century B.C., took up the
yantra unity. Hence therefore the severity in highest mildness, a severity
which contrasts so significantly with the statues of gods of the Brahmanic
religion which appear at the same time. And with the three-headed and
four-armed Shivas which gained ground again in the second century A.D.,
even more so with the overflowing-organic Vishnu and Shiva temples of
the late Indian era, when all the convoluted confusions of Hinduistically
renewed legends of gods proliferated in plastic form too (Temple of
Madura). The statue of Buddha in contrast stands as another world, so
penetrating, so much concentration on the one thing necessary that its
repose initially communicated itself to Hindu art as well (for example in
its greatest monument, the three-headed Shiva in the rock temple of
Elephanta). Not until the second century A.D. (the Buddha temple of
Mathura) was the symbol of repose of the perfected one executed in its
classical primal form, and it was only in the art of the Gupta empire, from
the fourth to the sixth century A.D., that the primal form was drawn as
completely closed in triangle and circle. This figure of a summum bonum
interpreted in Indian terms occurs in a double form, depending on whether
the Indian perfectedness still faces men or dwells in itself. When facing
men, Buddha is the teacher, standing, in a frontal position, his right hand
raised in the 'seal of protection'; this gesture means: Fear not. But when
dwelling within himself Buddha is transported, in the form of the most
difficult ecstasy t of apathetic ecstasy: the seated figure is set in a triangle,
its arms form another two triangles around the body, and levelwith the solar
plexus its two hands rest flat in one another, in the 'seal of teaching'; this
gesture means that in the illuminated one the wheel of teaching revolves
around itself. This is the Buddha figure or the Indian seal of fulfilment
of the final wish: to wish no more. It is not surprising that this most
manifest cipher of salvation, though still abstract salvation, is located at the
dialecticalbreaking point of exodus and entrance, of decay and significance:
the truly metaphysical severity codifies ascent, not Becomeness. Therefore
1340
every cipher contains tile ultimatum of dawning, not only towards the
side of coming up but also towards the side of the passing of what is habitual
and fixed. Hence what was said in reference to music: 'The requiem is
the mystery landscape of the highest good', also applies to the powerful
welcome and farewell which the Buddha figure, like every attempted final
figure, represents. But Buddha, despite subjectless-objectless nirvana, has
an advantage over other attempted final figures because - in the Nothing
of his All - he does not posit a perfectissimum as already existent, as present in essence, though behind the appearance. Like the essence in the
star of Babylon, in the triangle of Egypt, but partly even in the ornaments
of truly final significance which the religions of the exodus and the kingdom
Oudaism and Christianity) have undertaken to posit in hypostatized-real
form. The hypostatized-real here was the damage inflicted on hope by
a faith fixated on a supernatural world; however, that which was figured
metaphysically in this way, which may now at last be recalled, affected
in its contents, as biblically intended, the highest human life form, in
utopianized habitation, and not formless bliss of drifting. Two of these
biblical final figures gave to the highest good at the same time its most
mysterious expression: the divine chariot (Merkaba) and the heavenly
Jerusalem. The vision of the chariot occurs in Ezekiel, in an archaic composite
of animals, cherubim, wheels and the Son of Man (Ezekiel I, 5-28; 10,
9-22). But this wild vision, reminiscent of the hybrid figures of Babylon
and also of ancient Indian fantasy, became the basis of the highest figuremagic to which Judaism could bring itself. For Judaism, Merkaba signified
not only the chariot by which men can ascend to the divine habitations
but also the symbolic figure of these habitations themselves. A group of
Cabbalistic texts (hekaloth), written in the first centuries after Christ, deals
exclusively with the chariot: it was said to represent the form of the final
space, inhabited throughout only by the essence. Merkaba mysticism as
that of the omega thus challenged the position of Bereshith mysticism
or the mysticism of the beginning, of the mere alpha of creation. Merkaba,
of course, did not get beyond esoteric circles, beyond superstitious sophistry
and inaccessible concern at the same time. The figure of the heavenlyJerusalem
certainly did get beyond this, actually symbolizing for millions the holiest
space. As will be recalled, it provided, together with the Temple of
Solomon, an architectural model of imitation, as it were a model for the
Christian yoga position of the stones. The squares of this figure were,
in a reversed squaring of the circle, transformed into a circle again; hence
the definition which extends to Eckhart and Cusanus: 'Deus est sphaera
1341
1342
theory of nature has discarded colours and even more so aura from their world,
but they survive in the huge sector of the world which does not consist only
of quantitative relations or beginnings. Even in the highly mechanistic
business of the natural sciences, at least geography and to some extent geology
have retained colour, warmth, qualitative natural forms; correspondingly
these sciences were therefore indebted to landscape painting (most clearly
in the case of Alexander von Humboldt). And correspondingly, consciously
qualitative-valuative natural philosophy such as that of Goethe, Schelling,
Hegel entered most closely into their kind of nature through colours, mines,
crystalline forms. Into a nature which seemed to be partly overspread by
objective melancholy, as if from a misfortune because of which it was there;
and it seemed to be partly overspread by objective expectation, towards a
solution and transfiguration.just as in this nature the gold tree was to grow
in the inside of the mountain and light was to rise up from gravity. It was
this romantic value-nature of which Schelling said that it was 'the first or
Old Testament in which things are still outside the centre and therefore under
the law', but also that it was an older revelation than any written one, containing 'models which no man has yet deciphered, whereas those of the
written ones have long since been given their fulfilment and interpretation'
(Werke VIII, p. 411, 415). And only this cloaked gallery of values, richly
referring tothe ultimate made possible - apart from the beauty of nature - the
astonishing element in nature mythology, before which the religious self for
so long stood rapt. Certainly, the religious animation of nature in particular
was filled over and over again with sheer anthropomorphisms, far more than
perceptions of the beauty of nature were: but just as the beauty of nature is not
mere illusion, so that which is termed nature mythology is not every-where
mere superstition, when nature mythology believed that in storm-night,
thunderstorm, spring, and constellations (seen from the earth) it perceived eruptions or orders which were irrefutably supposed to operate outside the
mechanical sector. As we have seen, precisely this interweaving of natural and
of qualitative-valuative categories turned out to be purely mythical, all too
mythical in the case of Mani, in the nature mythology of good-evil, lightnight; but even the organic universe in Leonardo, the musical universe in
Kepler, the light-intoxicated one in Goethe, is inconceivable without the survival of nature mythology. 'Musical for spirits' ears,/Newly-born the day
appears./Rocky portals boom and shatter,/ Phoebus' wheels roll and clatter;/
What a din the light then bringsl/No one hears unheard of things': * for
* Faust, Part II, 4667-71.
1343
Goethe, Aurora here opens the gateway of the east, a symbol of the birth
of light per se and not merely a retinal phenomenon resulting from the fact
that the lower layer of air allows only red rays to pass through. For these
verses by Goethe and the glance in them, the mere subjective retinal
phenomenon, with nothing but quantum outside itself, is not sufficient; and
likewise it is not enough for Shakespeare's inevitably compelling harmony
between actions and landscapes. How else would the so strikingly attuned
essence of nature around his characters be possible, the summer night around
Romeo, the stormy heath around Lear, the north wind and winter around
Hamlet, all the atmospheric nimbus and the specific locality, corresponding
precisely here to the Quale of characters and actions? To rule out any
misunderstanding: the quantitative basis in physical processes is unaffected
by all this, but it does not of course constitute the whole of nature, as
qualitatively experienced, precisely also as aesthetically and qualitatively
graspable. Least of all is the materialist interpretation abandoned when the
mechanical-quantitative is recognized in its limitations or even in its merely
partial sector; for to no dialectical-materialist depiction is the shift to qualities
alien. Not even when these qualities do not break off physically but even in
their aesthetic reflection call for an explanation - with their own potential
for value-quality even here. Which is why Goethe - in the context of nature
as always and without any dualism whatever - makes and indicates the
following connection: 'Although for my part I am quite strongly attached
to the theory of Lucretius and include all my pretensions in the circle of life,
it always greatly delights and refreshes me to see that all-motherly nature,
for tender souls, causes softer sounds and echoes to resound gently in the undulations of its harmonies and thus in so many ways grants infinite man a
feeling offellowship with the eternal and the infinite' (Letter to F. Stolberg,
2. Feb. 1789). From which it becomes clear in the most innocent way that
those artists who can be called landscape-humanists do not therefore have
to be subjective-idealistic or non-committally anthropomorphizing but can
be and often are more objective-concrete than all Mere Quantum in matters
of nature, with pars pro toto. The hugely bubbling world retort demands
to be known by its fruits too; and in the quantitative age the art of nature
kept its conscience. And furthermore: the background, one which is not only
to be unmasked but also in important points to be unveiled and corrected,
remains that which was once so over-imbued with soul but at the same time
kept meaningful in nature mythologies. It is therefore not surprising that
Christianity adopted, namely baptized or at least re-baptized, determinations
of nature mythology; they form the basis of allits religious feasts. This despite
1344
the Christian war against the idolization of nature: this war, one against
the old aeon and for the new, saw in nature tendencies and elements of
a transfigured comrade, therefore a confederate. Thus Augustine taught
almost a formed premonition of salvation in the shapes of nature, especially
in the beautiful ones: Cut, pro eo quod nosse non possunt, quasi innotescere
velIe videantur' (De civ. Dei XI, 27). * Schopenhauer took up this theory
in his philosophy of art, Wagner's Good Friday theatre magic is based
on it, but Church feasts as a whole even before Augustine were so placed
and held as if nature were unconsciously joining in the celebration. As
for example the feast of St John on the shortest night, or the full paradox
of Christmas on the longest night: at its midnight the new sun rises.
Although with Christ an unnatural beginning of light was supposed to
be intended, one which stands in the way of the course of the world,
which in Chesterton's fine phrase gives the suddenly pealing midnight
bells a sound like the thunder of cannon after a battle just won, nonetheless
Christmas was always experienced in connection with external nature, with
its spark of light in outer darkness, as homeliness in the landscape itself.
Until the age when large towns brought nature out of the field of vision,
Advent, which precedes Christmas, was always understood as part of the
natural cycle, and the cave of Bethlehem lay just as much under the old
earth, as its explosive space, as it lay in a new world, as its birth-space.
Here belongs the star which stood still over the stable of the cave, indeed
which symbolizes the new sun in whose sign the Christ of Easter rises
up. For even the feast of Easter was celebrated in the midst of nature towards
a different nature; thus it turned out to be a curiously double spring festival,
a transparent one in which again and again nature seemed fitted for
transparency. The winter grave breaks open, and the withered and frozen
world experiences that resurrection which in pagan myth is presided over
by the vegetation god and in Christian myth by the victorious Jesus completely in nature but no longer in the cycle of the old nature. Ancient
Christendom celebrated not only Easter Sunday in this way but also, in
an Advent vigil of a peculiar kind, the preceding Easter night: the coming
of Christ for judgment was expected on this night. So although in the
Christian Easter a different aurora was welcomed than that of the spring
sun, it was equally one which could make use of the external signs of
nature as if they were themselves symbolic. Christianity, with the pathos
and the escape of anima mea, remained inexorable towards all astral myth
* 'so that what they cannot have known, they may seem willing to get to know' .
1345
1347
What is measurable does not therefore cease to be full of sound. The mere
outline, precisely this, may have it, for example that of the female body.
Every map, with its river-, rnountain-, and especially coast-lines, conveys
a life of its own, carpet-like, abstract, seen from above. The carpet itself
expresses nothing but fiery abbreviations, oriental runes into which its
flowers, animals, places, paths have transformed themselves. And for the
first time in a long time expressionist, cubist, then surrealist experiments
in painting made clear what disillusioned outlines are about, what it means
to see the world as a rebus and to recognize it again in this form, not
naturalistically. Interlacings and pencils of rays, curves and layered applications
of colour brought to light a different, more qualified space than that of real
experience. Bit by bit the everyday context was disturbed, and every thing,
with its cooperation, had a pictorially or physiognomically revealing word
put into its outline or into its mouth. This happened preciselywhere so-called
abstract painting did not degenerate into an absolutely objectlessplay of forms
but reduced or abbreviated things to ground-lines. And it is not as if this
figural essence is confined to Picasso's expressionism or to the geometrical
Cezanne (with his conscientious measurement and weight) from which it
was directly derived. Its closer location is, rightly, the neo-Pythagorean,
neo-Platonic belief in figures in the Renaissance; this was naive in Raphael,
sentimental in Durer. 'The world is full of figure', as Diirer says, or as
Vasari puts it in theoretical terms: 'Depiction draws from many things a
universal judgement (giudizio universale), like a form or idea of all things
in nature, which is absolutely regular in its proportions. This is why
depiction, not only in human and animalbodies but also in plants, paintings
and sculptures, recognizes the proportion of the whole to its parts and the
proportion of the parts to one another and to the whole' (cf. Panofsky, Idea,
1924, p. 33). This proportion, however, was regarded not only as formal
in the modern, all too often purely formalistic sense but as formal in the
older Aristotelian-scholastic sense; it was therefore regarded as substantial
in terms of content. And at the same time as valuative per se; the figure
which is well-balanced in itself and yet significantly humane - called
concinnitas in Alberti, divina proportio in Pacoli- was regarded as an ethical
model throughout the Renaissance, one derived from the revived Pythagoras.
It is scarcely necessary to mention that without the emergent bourgeoisie's
interest in calculation even Pythagoras would not have been revived, but
over and above this the belief in a writing ofnature, in numbers and figures,
continued to have an astonishing, instructive effect. It is the belief which
liberates the same mathematical natural science which later, by rejection of
all qualities, scientistically killed it. Nonetheless, one almost seems to be
hearing a piece of Cezanne and even, in the depths, of the late, Pythagorizing
Plato, when Galileo signs the field of his investigations thus: 'The true book
of philosophy is the book of nature, which always lies open before our eyes.
But it is written in different letters from those of the alphabet; these letters
are triangles, squares, circles, spheres, cones, pyramids and other geometrical
figures.' Nor have these figures quite lost a qualitative character in Galileo,
one which is fully alive in those German philosophers of the Renaissance
who sought to or were able to give not calculation but naturalistic
physiognomy their own contribution. Paracelsus sought nothing but formanalogous ciphers in plants and metals, especiallyin curative ones; on a larger
scale he called this the 'art signata'. This is the art which confers on things
and above all on the specifici of their forms not indifferent names but such
as express their 'nature' and at the same time the corresponding (hostile or
concordant) relation of these 'natures' to one another, above all to that of
man and of his parts. With the idea of correspondence or concordance of
signatures a different, very ancient motif entered this theory: that of the
sympathetic connection of 'natures', mediated by the last child of the astral
myths, astrology. 'What in earth is iron', says Paracelsus in the Book of
Paramirum, 'is in man gall, in the heavens Mars': such astrological correspondence here gave the thing-archetypes their connection, from top to bottom,
from bottom to top throughout the cosmos, or rather the ground for their
'analogy' which was assumed to be object-based. But equally every 'nature'
retains its independence as that of its signature, which in Paracelsus indicates
1349
the morphological aspect now of the species, now of the individual 'character'.
Jakob Bohrne, in many respects his disciple, writes precisely of such marked
features in the book 'De signatura rerum': 'And there is no thing in nature
which is created that does not also reveal its inner form outwardly. As we
know from the power and shaping of this world how the essence reveals itself
in bodying forth in a metaphor, as we know and see such things from stars
and elements as well as creatures, trees and herbs. ' These objective signatures
were supposed to be imprinted most closely in Hebrew characters, as the
oldest, but also in the then undeciphered (or completely fantastically interpreted) Egyptian hieroglyphs. Sometimes Chinese script, made known by
the Jesuits, also lent itself to such speculations, all the more easily because
it was itself celebrated there and then by Chinese mystics as a sign ofessence,
not only as a thing- or thing-complex sign. From Chinese characters (the
understanding of which significantly does not presuppose any knowledge
of the Chinese language) a direct transition occurred to Tao painting, so that
it was not at all remote from the meaning of the theory of signatures when
this painting was praised by Yang Chu, the mystic, as 'the blossom land of
characters in which essences are expressed'. It is known that even Leibniz,
in pursuance of his plan for a 'characteristica universalis' , wanted to study
the Chinese script from this point of view in terms of its 'sign-art' . Returning
to Paracelsus and Bohme, around their theory of signatures stands the most
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I3SI
(Werke, Minor, IV, p. 3). This is analogy formation and scarcely more,
although one among sheer object-based allegories; it is, like every analogy,
the remnant of a correspondence between the forms of things, although the
methodological background of this concordance-idea has collapsed. For this
background was, as became clear in the case of Paracelsus, astrology, a
sympathetic connection between signatures; this is now finished. But what
is not ultimately finished is powerful physiognomy itself, or that qualitative
and value-meaning ofPythagoreanism so impressively recalled once again in
the Renaissance. This as it were numismatic value-set also maintains its
order not by astrology but by its relation to the form problem ofthe highest
good. And just like the highest good itself the qualitative signatures are
not intentionable and methodologically graspable in any other way than
by a thinking of process; they are not static. And so that there should be
no misunderstanding at the end (caused for example by the reactionary use
of 'marked form' for which neither Goethe nor Aristotle, nor even Paracelsus
are to blame): all these problems together with that of a qualitative theory
of the expression of natural qualities and natural forms do not stand of
course contrary to analysable, causal-dialectical happening but are in the
midst of it, they are solely tension-forms, dialectical-material process-figures
and have around them, before them, the uncompletedness of latency. For
precisely this reason object-based severity or figural severity ultimately
demands a truly figurative mathematics, as the heir to the other world
of Pythagoreanism. It demands, instead of the quality-free mathematics
which alone has developed a mathematics of qualitative arisings and formings,
indeed of latent final formings; for neither dialectics nor process figures
exist without Quale, the New, and latent ultimum. But that form of
mathematics which has since become scientific is - as a system~group of
closed deductions - not interested in the problems of becoming, despite
some dialectical aspects in differential calculus. It has long since ceased to be
interested in the Quale or in its structure, especially its hierarchical structure,
despite some more recent connections of this kind (construction of the
colour continuum .by projective geometry, even the application of group
theory, by Speiser, to the ornament). However, transitions from scientific
mathematics to the problem of becoming (expressedin a non-equation), even
to a world hierarchy of the Quale, have always existed; most impressively
in the huge sound-figure world of Kepler. For the unity of form and valuemeaning, even the hierarchy of value, is already given in Pythagoras, that
unity which again and again connects the idea of allegoricalemblems, of objective real symbols, with a theory of signatures. Indeed even with the problem
1353
of intention towards the highest good and the frontier concepts of every thought
that moves towards the A bsolute of human wanting. They are in their essence
thorough remotenesses, 'unto the Jews a stumbling block, and unto the
Greeks foolishness"," but have been part of the optimum since the first
fire started on earth and the first goal ever staked out on it.
Cor.
It
23.
1354
ss
Lessing
It is not enough to portray what exists, it is necessary to think of what is
wished for and what is possible.
Gorky
The great truth of our age (to knowledge of which we have not yet been
helped, but without knowledge of which no other truth of importance can
be found) is that our continent is sinking into barbarism because the conditions
of ownership of the means of production are maintained by force.
Brecht
1355
born or created nonentity, often little real benefit results. For a group
is generally worth no more than those who form it, and bustle in which
nobody moves finally becomes mere repetition and therefore stagnation.
Created and voluntary nonentities do not add up to anything, and curdcheese when trodden on becomes flat, not strong. Worst of all when a
group has become half red, but the other half is just as petit-bourgeois,
and this other half passes on, inculcates and develops all the noble qualities
of the bourgeois conformist. There is not only the love of external kitsch
here, but even more dubious would be the production of human kitsch,
indeed of the degeneration of human relations, in the midst of the ascent
to the freest and boldest goals. The road is not blocked by this, certainly
not, but it is made more difficult and is artificially prevented from remaining
such a fresh one as it is, and a widely appealing one. Therefore trained
men, the true architects of our happiness, will have to bestir themselves
without losing themselves. And likewise they pursue their own life with
such common will and glance that not only their own life remains in this
as something individual, all too private. Struggle and help then begin so
convincingly, and neither mere narrow condition nor what is merely drilled
in an empty fashion is to be found. And it is part of liberating help that
it is also able to smile.
1357
the land. And, quite consistent in this screening-off of the red flag, an
existentialist called Knittermeyer testifies that one cannot 'do justice' to
Marx 'if one simply taints his achievement with what vaunts itself today
as communist ideology' . And Heidegger himself, in the lucus a non lucendo
entitled 'Letter on Humanism', in the de-nazification period at least, was
able to caress downright patronizingly an emasculated or decapitated, but
nonetheless, or precisely for this reason, all the more contemplative Marx.
But it follows from this too that the affinity consisting of temperament,
conscience and objective insight together, by means of which the intelligentsia so often overtook on the left, makes Marx unsurpassable. Because
the unadulterated Marx is an all too certain model of the path of red
intelligentsia: it is humanity actively comprehending itself.
With him it emerges early and visibly, as a particular, never soft
endeavour. Both because this impassioned man feels that he is himself a
human being and because others are human beings too and yet for the
most part are treated like dogs. Those who maltreat them thus are therefore
not included in any mercy, on the contrary: to tolerate them would be
to act inhumanly towards the humiliated and the insulted. The 'feigned
goodness', as Munzer called this in Luther, who condemned so tenderly
for the masters all violence not perpetrated by them, is a far remove from
Marx. Also far removed is the false kind of peaceableness which according
to Marx was part of, and is still part of, the jelly of an indiscriminate
pardon. For its purpose is to ensure that no decisions are taken which
could prove especially troublesome to a ruling class which was partially
defeated in 1918 and even more so in 1945. Instead, Marx cultivates not
a general and abstract but an addressed humanity, one which is directed
towards those alone who need it. And together with Munzer, Marx took
up the scourge with which Jesus chased the money-lenders out of the
temple. Therefore his humanity, precisely as concrete humanity, also
contains a decidedly embittered streak, i.e. it contains in the same act,
depending on the side to which it turns, certainly as much anger as it
does an exhortation, and seeks, finds, communicates objective salvation.
Thus even in misery Marx sees not only misery, in the style of all the
abstract Merciful and even of the abstract utopians, but the revolting element
in misery now becomes truly so, namely active force of revolt against what
is causing misery. Thus misery, once it realizes its causes, becomes the
* Cf. Psalms 35, 20: 'For they speak not peace: but they devise deceitful matters against them
that are quiet in the land.'
1358
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136 0
less pejorative sense. The state, for example, transformed ecclesiastical lands,
goods and privileges into worldly ones; in 1648 in Germany, 'more
thoroughly in 1803. in France in 1789 and finally in 1906. But secularization
certainly has become pejorative when a reactionary fashion then applies
it to Marx, because he has set many things on their feet. Even this kind
of thing, despite the walking feet, is supposed to be nothing but second
hand, as the Americans say, who ought to know. Man, for example, or
even his blessed life: did this not exist before Marx, in significantly more
enhanced, more sublime form, and did not Marx defuse this? Did not
the blessed life merely become happy, indeed one with only material goods
in mind? Does not Marx, ask these bank-clerks of the idea, sell formerly
high values at heavily reduced prices, affordable by far too many, and what
is acquired looks that cheap? Such a dumper of goods, when he is selling
them off, then no longer needs to be specially taken into account there
and then, by the relieved commodity expert, peace-commodity expert so
to speak. Instead, the true lover of man and his salvation returns to the
true sources of supply and finds them where the political song never seems
to have sounded, let alone grated, at all. * Thus Marx is elegantly got rid
of, and yet with a sense of morning red, of new beginning. But then this
morning red must have glowed as far back in the past as possible, and
the new beginning lies behind holy smoke and not in the so-called barren
late age of today. Marx himself is then supposed to appear almost decadent,
at the least he becomes civilizatory in the bad sense.Just as with reactionary
intent a distinction was once made between authors and writers, with
the latter being regarded as comparatively trivial, so the secularizing Marx
is then also regarded as part of the asphalt. All this because man and several
great things related to man were here set on their feet.
This disparagement of one's own age is certainly widespread among
the bourgeoisie in other respects too. To this extent it is not only confined
to Marx, the hero whom they are so particularly fond of belittling. The
fatigue of a declining class does not believe itself capable of much more;
the most general watchword was provided here by Spengler.I Now there
is a 'late age' and nothing more, sterile 'wakefulness' instead of the
once-young 'culture-bearing soul'. This continues just as sweepingly in
1361
136 2
travelled through the air, indeed much further. Whereas the secularizers
themselves are in fact epigonic and, so to speak, genuinely so; for they
all originate from semi-reactionary or completely reactionary Romanticism.
At that time mythology as a whole appeared to men such as Creuzer,
and especially Welcker, as the first origin of all science, as a kind of clairvoyance as it were before the mere day of the brain. Indeed it was supposed
to have been the unattained whole of a knowledge which has existed from
time immemorial, and everything later which propounds anything (such
as Plato's theory of Ideas) is a faint echo of this, therefore likewise
secularized. However, as Marx wrote to Ruge in 1843: 'It will ... become
apparent that the world has long possessed the dream of a matter, of which
it must only possess the consciousness in order to possess it in reality.
It will become apparent that it is not a question of a great thought-dash
between past and future, but of the carrying through of the thoughts of
the past.' After the manner of the secularizers, such a statement would
then itself be regarded as secularized from the Romantic original, whereas
of course it is very essence of originality. Namely a completely new position
precisely with regard to the past, or more accurately, as Marx says: with
'analysis of the mythical consciousness which is unclear to itself' in the
past, and of course not with an abstract breaking-off from the past. Therefore
a good substance is infact not weakened when it is corrected, and even more obviously
it is not secularized when, once set on itsfeet, it is realized. It is unnecessary
here to stress the completely New which Marx - with a proletarianrevolutionary mandate behind him - had to find in order to carry through
the good ideas of the past at all. The pioneeringly New in the cognition
of surplus value, in the economic-dialectical interpretation of history, in
the relation between theory and practice: - if the secularizers do not
understand this, if, given their bourgeois interest, they do not want to
understand it, if out of ignorance they cannot understand it, then this
is merely an indictment of their own restorationist mentality, certainly
not of Marxism. And this backwardness least of all says anything about
the new humanity, activity, changing of the world, the corrected forward
dreaming in always open Marxism. Here there is no ci-devant myth which
has cracked and turned cold, but a veil is parted, always intended light
comes. To remain even outside Marxist setting-on-its-feet, let us look at
morality. Has it been diminished when it no longer happens for the sake
of an otherworldly reward, or has it not on the contrary become purer?
Let us look at Christianity itself: was it defused by Thomas Munzer when
it was no longer taken quietistically, nor in the venial-otherworldly sense
word used so spitefully takes place, in a way which the smatterers among
its despisers expected least of all. Where all great thinkers before Marx
were essentially satisfied merely with a becoming-philosophical of the world,
there now really begins in the horizon of Marxist humanity, suo modo,
a process of making philosophy worldly. So that it is completely set on
its feet and thus proves itself to he as qualified for, as it is skilled in, the
rebuilding of the planet earth. But precisely without any reduction of the
truly great thoughts of the past, on the contrary full of thoughts and
therefore not poor in deeds. 'Or does the deed come, as the sun comes
from the clouds,/From thoughts? Will the books soon live?' -- is the
Marxian question in Holderlin's poem 'To the Germans'. That which
emerges so purely and decisively as task least of all causes comprehended
hope to be wrecked.
1366
castles in the air the total expenditure one way or the other scarcely
matters, from which misdirected and ultimately fraudulently used wishful
dreams then result, hope with plan and with connection to the due possible
is still the most powerful and best thing there is. And even if hope merely
rises above the horizon, whereas only knowledge of the Real shifts it in
solid fashion by means of practice, it is still hope alone which allows us
to gain the inspiring and consoling understanding of the world to which'
it leads, both as the most solid, the most tendency-based and concrete
understanding. Undoubtedly the consolation of this understanding of the
world must be strenuously formed as well. It would have been easier to
build Rome in a day than Athens, and what a difficult path, often
demanding with every step, stretches ahead until the topping-out ceremony
of the regnum humanum. 'Socialist realism must, however, have a perspective', as even Lukacs says of the promoted path-tendency, 'otherwise it
cannot be socialist.' Reason cannot blossom without hope, hope cannot
speak without reason, both in Marxist unity - no other science has any
future, no other future any science.
Walking upright, this distinguishes men from animals, and it cannot
yet be done. It exists only as a wish, the wish to live without exploitation
and masters. Here in particular, daydream, as lasting as it was necessary,
hovered above the previous Becomeness, unsuccessful Becomeness, went
on ahead of it. And various seekers of how to walk upright also went
on ahead of it, in the admonitory sense which Ludwig Borne, in 'Fragments
and Aphorisms', rightly expressed as follows: 'Before an age sets
out and moves on, it always sends on ahead capable and trustworthy
people to stake out its new camp. If these messengers were allowed
to go their way, were followed and observed, .we would soon find out
where the age is aiming. But we do not do this, we call these precursors
trouble-makers, misleaders and fanatics and hold them back with force.
But the age moves on with its entire train, and because it finds nothing
ordered and arranged it settles down wherever it will and takes and
destroys more than it needs and requires.' This has certainly changed
since Marx, or rather in those countries where Marxism took power
- here quarters are arranged for the future. And even the waking
dream of the regnum humanum is here no longer in the air or in the
sky or merely in works of art such that the paths there are taken
only as escape routes and the resignation walks along them for
which the beautiful blossoms only in song. In place of the Walpurgis
Night, 'where to our astonishment it seems/Mammon in the mountain
1368
1370
booms between crises and by quack theories, but it remains, and only
Marxism is both the detective and the liberator, both the theoretical and
the practical solution to this most persistent of contradictions. And only
Marxism has given rise to the theory-practice of a better world, not in
order to forget the existing world, as was common in most abstract social
utopias, but in order to change it economically and dialectically. Never
without inheritance, least of all without that of the primal intention: of
the Golden Age; but Marxism, in all its analyses the coldest detective, takes
the fairy tale seriously, takes the dream of a Golden Age practically; real debit
and credit of real hope begins. The circumstances so far have not been
such that it was possible also to enter in life into the more perfect perspective, the circumstances of the more perfect itself are not such, because
it is not yet there, because in alienation so far it has been kept particularly
remote. The relation of neediness to the warming, even to the enthusiastic
elements of most of the wishful images shaped in previous Becomeness
was therefore, over and above the contemplative, resignation or, which
amounts to something similar here, religion. But if the real essence of
the substances of hope is adequately to strike into existence, gaining ground,
hand and foot, then the point of entry, equipped both with prose and symbolic
value, is classless society > usque ad finem.
1371
world and thinking things into the world creatively, directed powerful as a
magnet over into our future, into the future of the world, which constantly
looks towards us and leaves good and evil equally undecided solely to feeble
choice. It revolves around us and does not know where it is going, only we
ourselves are the lever and the engine, external and revealed life falters: but
the new thought finally breaks out, into the full adventures, into the open,
unfinished, reeling world, in order, in its strength, girded with our suffering,
with our defiant premonition, With the tremendous power of our human voice,
to name God and not to rest until our innermost shadows have submitted
and the fulfilment of that hollow, fermenting night has been achieved around
which all things, men and works are built.
Ernst Bloch, The Spirit of Utopia, 1918
Correct thus:
Three categories of the dialectical process are therefore central: Front, Novum,
Matter; all three presuppose the most honourable human quality for their
grasping and activation: hope. Front, this is the most advanced section of the
age, where the next age is decided. Novum, this is the real possibility of the
Not-Yet-Conscious, Not-Yet-Become, with the accent of the good Novum
(of the realm of freedom) when tendency is activated towards it. Matter, this
is not the mechanical lump but - in accordance with the implied meaning
of the Aristotelian definition of matter - both What-Is-according-to-possibility,
i.e. that which is defined in terms of conditions by what in each case is capable
of appearing historically, and also What-Is-in-possibility, i.e. the real substratum
of possibility in the dialectical process. Precisely as moved Being, matter is
Being which has not yet been delivered; it is the soil and the substance in
which our future, which is also its own future, is delivered. Problems in
abundance therefore lie before contemporary philosophy; to the West at present
they are, although overdue, not yet ready for the 'overclimb'. Looked at in
this way, ex oriente lux, this old saying both from geography and Christianity,
acquires a fresh re-functioned truth: from the eastern point of present-day
humanity comes light. German philosophy, from Hegel to Marx, first articulated
this, German philosophy must remain worthy of this obligation.
Ernst Bloch, On the present state of philosophy, 1950
Even mediated wishing does not yield, does not renounce. It never loses
sight of itself, however much it is impeded or made expensive. It does
not cling to the given, but finds it appropriate, whenever it sees the visible
which exists, not quite to - believe it. Whereas the subjective hope which
is hoped with is sure of itself and certain, even when that which is designated
by it, i.e. objective hope, which is hoped in terms of content, can be at
1372
best only probable. The subjective hope is spes, qua speratur, the objective
is spes, quae speratur; the former, hoping hope, is therefore also really
believed and has, suo modo, confidence; whereas the second, hoped hope,
if it already had complete confidence to support it, would not be hope
at all. In other words, the matter designated in hoping hope, however
inflexible, however actively inspiring to the end, the objective matter of hope
in the world itself, is definitely not yet guaranteed sure and certain of
itself; otherwise the confidence of hoping hope, instead of being brave
and, as so often, upright-paradoxical, would merely be trivial. True hope
as such, i.e hope which is mediated in terms of history and tendency, stands
least of all in an empty space from which nothing moves towards it, in
which it would therefore somewhere be possible to go adventuring. But
precisely because true hope moves in the world, via the world and works
in mediation with its objective process, it stands together with this process
in a hazardous business, that of the Front. And only if the legitimately
expectable and attainable goal, namely socialist humanization, is not
obscured by the inadequate, is not bitterly led away down false roads,
can the objectively valid laws of dialectical development and its more distant
possibility also effectively guide and be happily fructified. In itself certainly
decided as hoping hope, the outcome itself must yet be decided, in open
history, the field of objective-real decision. This is the category of danger
or of the objective unguaranteedness even of mediated, of docta spes; there
is as yet no unwavering situationlessness of a fixed result. There is none
as yet in the dark sense, such that decidability, NOVUffi, objective possibility
would be extinguished and not every lost battle could be fought out better
once again. But nor is there as yet situationlessness in the bright sense,
the brightest sense of all, which denotes existence without alienation,
unequivocally matured, naturalized value. Optimism is therefore justified
only as militant optimism, never as certain; in the latter form it seems,
in the face of the misery of the world, not merely wicked but feeble-minded.
And real, best decidedness of all stands just as little somehow or somewhere
in a hypostatized other world; as if its ens perfectissimum were an ens
realissimum, existing enthroned above. Such accomplished 'fact' of a higher
order, which not only theistic religions but also metaphysical idealisms
apply, on the contrary represents pure hypostasis. All the worse, all the
more wrongly, when all previous philosophies, insofar as they have
considered such distant regions of heaven, have dealt with their God, their
substance, their Absolutum as if these were a Fixum, a Deflnitum, indeed
a Realissimum without parallel and as if all proce~s were merely pedagogics
1373
towards this Fixum or from it. Certainly everything, and above all human
life, is a kind of transcendere, a venturing beyond the given, but this
transcendere, as concrete-utopian, also certainly does not involve any
transcendence. This itself would again be a complete, a spectral givenness,
and as surely as the conscience of concrete utopia does not cling positivistically to the Factum of immediate visibility, even more surely it does not
vaporize at mere Factum-hypostases of purely mythological invisibility.
Philosophy instead proves itself as expedition with and in broadly ramified,
unenclosed process, as courage for that unguaranteedness which puts hope
precisely on the Front. Not with unenclosedness as fate, not with mere endless
approach to the goal, as with Tantalus in sensory terms and with Kant
in moral terms. On the contrary, the unfinished world can be brought
to its end, the process pending in it can be brought to a result, the incognito
of the main matter which is really-cloaked in itself can be revealed. But
not by hasty hypostases and by fixed definitions of essence, which block
the way. The Authentic or essence is not something existing in finished
form such as water, air, fire, even the invisible cosmic idea or whatever
these real-Fixa were called when they were made absolute or hypostatized.
The Authentic or essence is that which is not yet, which in the core of things
drives towards itself, which awaits its genesis in the tendency-latency ofprocess;
it is itself only now founded, objective-real - hope. And its name ultimately
borders on 'What-Is-in-.possibility' in the Aristotelian sense and in a sense
which goes far beyond Aristotle, on what is ostensibly the most certain
thing there is: matter. For all its bearing, conditioning and becoming would
be a concept empty of meaning if that which wishes to and can come
out already existed. This Not-Yet is of course not such that, for example,
in the atom or in the sub-atomic 'differentials' of matter everything which
comes out later or will come out later already existed according to its
'disposition' in reduced form, as if encapsulated. Such a backward interpretation of the Not-Yet would suppress or fail to understand precisely
the dialectical leap into the New. Just as self-evidently, there is in the
dialectical tendency-latency, open to the Novum, of material process no
pre-ordered, i.e. likewise finally posited purpose in the style of the old
teleology, let alone a teleology mythologically guided from above. But of
course with this old teleology, which is also reminiscent of 'providence', the
genuine teleology problem itself is not discredited, nor can the genuine
category of goal, then of purpose, then of meaning be further excluded, nor
is it dogmatically settled once and for all. All the less so as precisely tendency
constantly implies relatedness to goal; as progress without such relation
1374
1375
in every age, just like that which in each individual case they believed
they saw. Whereas the direction here is always related, indeed in its still
concealed goal it is the same; it appears as the only unchanging thing in
history. Happiness, freedom, non-alienation, Golden Age, Land of Milk
and Honey, the Eternally-Female, the trumpet signal in Fidelio and the
Christ-likeness of the Day of Resurrection which follows it: these are so
many witnesses and images of such differing value, but all are set up around
that which speaks for itself by still remaining silent. The direction towards
this materially and not only logically enlightening entity must be invariant;
this is discernible at every place where hope opens up its Absolute and
attempts to read it. There is no doubt at all, and no doubt was left about
it: an unilluminated, undirected hope can easily merely lead astray, for
the true horizon does not extend beyond the knowledge of realities, but
precisely this knowledge, when instead it is Marxist and not mechanistic,
shows reality itself as one of - the horizon and informed hope as one
commensurate with this reality. The goal as a whole is and remains still
concealed, the Absolute of the will and of hope still unfound, in the agent
of existing the light of its Whatness, of its essence, of its intended fundamental content itself has not yet dawned, and yet the nunc stans of the
driving moment, of the striving filled with its content, stands ahead, utopian
and clear. 'Terminus', says Abelard, the restless scholastic, 'est ilIa civitas,
ubi non praevenit rem desiderium nee desiderio minus est praemium', the
goal is that community where the longing does not anticipate the matter
nor where the fulfilment is less than the longing. This is Being like hope,
is the finally manifested What- and essence-content of our striving Thatfactor, a 'Quid' pro 'Quod', i.e. a What and an essence that are such
that the intention in them can be cancelled out. But precisely also the
human capacity for such an absolute concept of goal is the tremendous
aspect in an existence where the best still remains patchwork, where every
end again and again becomes a means to serve the still utterly opaque,
indeed in and for itself still unavailable fundamental goal, final goal. Marx
describes as his final concern 'the development of the wealth of human
nature'; this human wealth as well as that of nature as a whole lies solely
in the tendency-latency in which the world finds itself - vis-a-vis de tout.
This glance therefore confirms that man everywhere is still living in
prehistory, indeed all and everything still stands before the creation of the
world, of a right world. True genesis is not at the beginning but at the end,
and it starts to begin only when society and existence become radical, i.e.
grasp their roots. But the root of history is the working, creating human
being who reshapes and overhauls the given facts. Once he has grasped
himself and established what is his. without expropriation and alienation,
in real democracy, there arises in the world something which shines into
the childhood of all and in which no one has yet been: homeland.
Greek (transliterated)
aporia: doubt, perplexity
aristoi: aristocratic quality (lit: best)
diairesis: division
dynamei on: What-Is-in-possibility
dynaton: capable
elphis: hope
eschaton: the last things
eudaemonia: happiness
hen kai pan: one and all
kairos: occasion, opportunity, the right time
logos spermatikos: engendering word
melos: melody
oecumene: the whole world, the merging of all nations
peripeteia: sudden change
polis: city state
proskunesis: worship
zoon politikon: political animal
Latin
ab origine: from its origin
ab ovo: from the beginning
absconditum: the thing that has vanished
actus purus: the pure act
ad calendas apocalypticas: until the time of the apocalypse
ad libitum: as far as desirable
ad oculos: to the eye
ad pessimum: in a pessimistic direction
ad valorem: according to its strength
alter deus: the other god
1377
alteritas: multiplicity
alterius juris: according to another law
amor Dei: love of God
amor dei intellectualis: intellectual love of God
arnor fati: love of fate
analogiae entis: the correspondences between things
a nihilo contracta: assimilated from nothing
anima candidissima: most candid soul
anima mea: my soul
ante rem: before the event
apex mentis: the apex of the mind
apex terrae: the apex of the earth
a posse ad esse: from potential to being
appetitus socialis: social appetite
arpeggio ante lucem: the arpeggio before the light
ars amandi: the art of love
ars combinatoria: the art of combination
ars demonstrandi: the art of demonstration
ars inveniendi: the art of invention
ars magna: the great art
artes liberales: liberal arts (in the Middle Ages)
a se esse: being to itself
auditio beatifica: blessed hearing
augmentatio: augmentation
aut Caesar aut Christus: either Caesar or Christ
bona valetudo: good health
caccatum: stained, soiled
cantus firmus: sure song
caput mortuum: dead head
caritas: charity, love
carpe aeternitatem in momenta: seize eternity in the moment
carpe diem: seize the day (live for the day)
carpe diem nostrum in mundo nostro: seize our day in our world
causa aequat effectum: cause equals effect
causa finalis: final cause
causa sui: for its own sake
chorus martyrum: chorus of martyrs
1379
circenses: circuses
civitas Christi: the city of Christ
civitas Dei: the city of God
civitas terrena: the earthly, sinful city
cogitatio: thinking
cogito ergo sum: I think therefore I am
collegia fabrorum: college of masons
comes: comrade
communes notiones: common ideas
communis opinio: common opinion
compunctio cordis: the contrition of the heart
conditio sine qua non: an indispensable condition
contemplatio: contemplation,
contradictio in adjecto: opposite to what is next to it
Corpus Christi: the body of Christ
corpus permixtum: adulterated body
corpus verum: true body
corrumpere: to corrupt, corruption
corruptio, defectus: corruption, disintegration
corruptio optimi pessima: the worst things are a corruption of the best
credo quia absurdum: I believe because it is absurd (the leap of faith)
crucifixus sub Pontio Pilato: crucified under Pontius Pilate
cum grano salis: with a grain of salt
cum ira et studio: with passion and partiality
cur deus homo: why does god become man
dator formarum: the giver of forms
definitio: definition
de jure: according to the law
de nobis res agitur: the matter in question is ourselves
de profundis: of the depths
descendendo ad opera: by getting down to business
destillatio, solutio, purefactio, nigredo, albedo, fermentatio, projectio
medicinae: the distillation, solution, purefaction, blackening, whitening,
fermentation and projection of medicine
destinatio: destination
deus absconditus: vanished god
deus optimus maximus: greatest and best god
deus spes: god is our hope
13 80
1381
quale: essence
quendam vultum et gestum: a certain mien and gesture
quidditas: whatness, What-Essence (Bloch)
qui es in coelis: that art in heaven
quietas in fuga: quietness in the fugue (lit: quietness in flight)
quodditas: thatness, That-ground (Bloch)
quos ego: those whom I affect
ratio: reason
rebus sic stantibus: as things now stand
rebus sic imperfectibus: things thus being imperfected
rebus sic imperfectis et fluentibus: in the imperfect and fluid state of things
receptacula salutis: refuges of salvation
recta ratio: the right reasoning
regnum Christi: the reign of Christ
regnum homini: the reign for man
regressio: regressive material
res finita: finite thing
restituto in integrum: putting back together again, making whole again
Roma quadrato: the Roman square
sacerdos: priest
sacramentum plenum: full sacrament
sal philosophicum: philosophers' salt
saltare fabulam: to perform a play
sancta: the sacred
satis est: that is enough
seculis: ages
sed: but
sensus: physical sense
signatura rerum: the signature of things
signifer sanctus Michael: Michael the holy standard..bearer
si vis bellum para pacem: if you want war prepare for peace
socialis vita sanctorum: the social existence of the saints
societas amicorum: society of friends
sol invinctus: sun unchained
solus ipse: the individual himself
spes: hope
spes quae speratur: hope which is hoped
1386
unitas: oneness
universitas litterarium: university of studies
unum necessarium: the one thing necessary
unum verum bonus: the one true good
unus Christianus nullus Christianus: the solitary Christian is no Christian
urbs: city
usque ad finem: right to the end
ut aliquid fieri videatur: so that something may be seen to be done
vade-mecum: a book that can be carried for reference along the way
ver sacrum: sacred spring (season)
verum bonum: true good
via regia: royal road
virgo optime perfecta: the virgin of sheer perfection
virgo virginum: virgin of virgins
virtus: virtue
virtus-ingenium: virtuous talent
vis dormitiva: dormant strength
visio: perception, vision
visio beatifica Dei: beatific vision of God
vita activa: the active life
vita brevis, ars longa: life is short, art is long
vita contemplativa: the contemplative life
French
acte accessoire: act of accessory
apres nous le deluge: after us the flood
au dessus de la melee: above the rabble
au fond: basically
cloches du monastere: monastery bells
concert a la vapeur: steam concert
corriger la fortune: to correct fortune
donneurs d'avis: givers of advice
duree: duration
echappe de vue: vanished from sight
egalisation des classes: the equalization of classes
epater le bourgeois: to shock the bourgeoisie
Italian
adagio: quietly, softly
amoretti: little Cupids
atto puro: pure act
dolce far niente: sweet idleness
dopo lavoro: after work
espressivo: expressively
grave: with gravity, solemn
lento: slowly
nnaestoso: stately
nnartellato: hamnnered
misterioso: mysteriously
mondo senza gente: uninhabited world
oprare: to work
pastoso: soft, sticky (from 'pasta' dough)
piano: softly
presto: fast
prevenire: anticipate, an anticipation of what is coming
sostenuto: sustained
sostenuto assai: sustained effort
trepassar del segno: venture beyond the linnits
vedere: to see
veduta: a view (with a full perspective)
virtu ordinata: regulated virtue
vivace allegro: at a lively pace
Spanish
buen retiro: happy retreat
hidalgo: Spanish knight, junker
passacaglia: an early dance tune (of Spanish origin)
Aratus 496
Ariosto 882.
Aristides 933
Aristippus 483
Aristophanes 435-6, 591, 882
The Ecclesiazusae 435, 591
The Birds 436, 484
Aristotle xxvii, 7, 168-9, 191, 194,
206-7, 208, 216, 223, 228, 229,
236, 237, 242, 243, 279, 283, 429,
491, 493, 64 2 , 687, 689, 757, 767,
778, 843, 847, 850, 857, 860, 865,
878, 879, 90S, 962-3, 964, 985,
9 86, 1351, 1364, 1373
Logic 1075; Prior Analytics 228
Metaphysics 235, 879
Nicomachean Ethics 962-3
Physics 878; Meteorology 761
Poetics 207
Politics 738, 962
Amim, Achim von
Die Kronenwachter (The Guardians of
the Crown) 708
Arnim, Bettina von 28
Arnold, Gottfried
U nparteiische Kirchen- und
Ketzerhistorie (Impartial History of
the Church and its Heretics) 637
Arnold of Brescia 771
Arts, Hendrik 709
Artshibashev
Ssanin 1172
Asafyev
The Flame of Paris 406
Asaro, Cosmas Damian 70S
Aspasia 328
Augustine 160, 161, 203, 20 4, 269, 479,
493, 499, 501, j02, 503-9, 510, jIl,
512., 7 25, 732, 787, 832-3, 854-7,
860, 862, 1019, 1064, 1076, 1087,
1319, 1362
De civitate Dei (The City of God)
478, 503-9, 854-7, 1120-1, 1248,
1344
De musica 8]]
Confessions 71
In Joh. ev. tractatus 857
Letter to Monica 1322
Augustus, Caesar 383, 739, 9S9, 1257
1391
6S6-7
Bacon, Roger 647
Epistola de secretis operibus artis
Baedeker 376
Baumer, Gertrud 590, 59I
Bakunin, Michael 571, S72-4, 94S
647
1392
Introduction a la Metaphysique
(Introduction to Metaphysics) 140
L'Evolution Creatrice (Creative
Evolution) 201
La Pensee et le Mouvant (Thought and
the Moving) 202.
Berkeley 697
Berlioz, Hector 180, 181, IOS7, 1068,
1099
Requiem 1100
Symphonic fantastique 1060-2.
Bernard of Clairvaux 2.13, 769, 770
On Contemplation 771
Bernoulli 311ft
Bernstein 581
Berossos 12.18
Bertholet 1235
Bertram 957
Berzelius 686
Bessler (see Orfyreus)
Bethmann-Hollweg 33"
Bettelheim, Bruno 62n
Bhagavad..Gita 667, II36, 1138
Bias 481, 839
Bible 7, 201, 2.21, 330n, 502., 509, SIO,
SIS, 518, S78, 609, 610, 642., 718,
730-1, 759- 6 0 , 78S, 787, 917, 9 6 3,
1150, 1166, 1194-S, II98, 12.31, 1232 ,
1237, 12S6-74, 12.76, 1278, 1279 ,
12.82.-3, 1291, 1301, 1304-10, 1349
Characters
Aaron 1304
Abel s06, 1268
Abraham 50S, 732, 1131, 1230, 1276
Adam 478, 50S, S07, 636, 637, 95 2,
1002, II27, 112.8, 1238, 1247, 1272,
1277, 1289 , 1294
Daniel 1126, 1128, 1132, 1146, 1238
David 401, 50S, 1076, 1238, 1243,
1256, 1263
Deutero-Isaiah 498, 917
Elijah 497, 605, 645, 74, 112.5, 1262,
12.71, 1274, 1275, 1304, 1305,
1362-3
Enoch 637, 112S, 112.7, 1130, 1262
Esau 1268
Ezekiel 1304
Eve 478, 1247, 12.94
Herod 163, 113, 12.56, 1262, 1311
Hezekiah 12.67
Hosea 496
Isaac 1230, 12.68
Isaiah 602, 776, 1240, 1282, 1283,
1294, 1362
Jacob 230, 480, 712., 1230, 1268, 1269
Jeremiah 496, 602
Jesus Christ 14, 327-31, 465, 499-501,
52, 503, 504, 505, 57, 508, 511 ,
512, 514, 515, 519, 54 2, 577, 578,
609, 950, 952, 953, 104 8, 112.0,
1129, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1158, 1190,
1191, 1192-3, 1203, 1213, 1231, 1238,
1243, 1244 , 12.45, 1247 , 12.49,
1256-74, 12.75, 1285, 1287, 12.89,
1293, 1303, 1304, 1305, 1306, 1307,
1311, 1344, 1357
Job lI50, 12.15, 12.34, 1235, 1239
John 1 79 , 1305
John the Baptist 497, 499, 510 , I129,
12.33, 1245, 1257, 1263, 1300
Jonah 12.82-3
Joseph (son of Jacob) 80, i60, 1230-1,
12.S8
Joseph (father of Jesus) 1243, 12.65
Judas 609
Leah 954
Lazarus 1131
Luke 1304
1393
1394
Amos
Jonah 12.82.
Micah 498
Zephaniah 1132."
Hagai 12.63
Apocrypha
Book of Enoch 112.6, 1127
Book of Ezra (Esdras) 112.7
Jesus Sirach 12.69
Bier 5461
Bindel
Die agyptischen Pyramiden (The
Egyptian Pyramids) 723
Bismarck 2.32.n, S66, 890n, 942, 943
Bizet
Carmen 934, 949
L' Arlesienne 398
Blake, William 114
Blanc, Louis S64, 574, 903
BlaB
Das Wesen der neuen Tanzkunst (The
Nature of the New Art of
Dance) 405
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna U87
Isis unveiled 1186
Bleuler 1002
Bloch, Elsa xxi-XXII, 331n
Bloch, Ernst xix-xXxiii
Avicenna und die Aristotelische Linke
(Avicenna and the Aristotelian
Left) 2.07
Das Materialismusproblem (The
Problem of Materialism) xxiii
Das Prinzip Hoffnung (The Principle
of Hope) xx-xxxiii
Das Weltall im Lichte des Atheismus
(The Universe in the Light of
Atheism) xix
Erbschaft dieser Zeit (Legacy of this
Time) xxiii, 6
Geist der Utopia (The Spirit of
Utopia) xxi, xxii, xxiii, 6, 157.
21S, 2.89-90, 297-8, 304, 386-7,
72.4, 733, 880, 924, 1058, 1070,
1084, 1371
Renaissance der Sinnlichkei t
(Renaissance of Sensuality) xix
Spuren (Traces) xix, xxiii, xxxii, 6, 289
Subjekt-Objekt, Erlauterungen zu
Hegel (Subject-Object,
Commentaries on Hegel) 6, 8S9,
1058
Thomas Munzer als Theologe der
Revolution (Thomas Munzer as
Theologian of the
Revolution) xxiii, xxx, 6, 582
Ober den gegenwartigen Stand der
Philosophie (On the present state of
philosophy) 1371
Bloch, Jan Robert xxiv
Bloch, Jean-Richard 909
Bloch, Karola xxii, xxiv
Aus meinem Leben (From My
Life) xxii
Blok, Alexander SI4
March of the Twelve SI4
Blossius 495
Bluher S88
Boccaccio
Decameron 818
Bodin, Jean 517
Bocklin 380
Bohme, Jakob 365, 637, 640, 643, 671.
712, 8so. 859. 860, 861, u88
De signatura rerum 1349
Morgenrot in Aufgang (Aurora) 712,
8S8
Theosophische Sendbriefe (Theosophical
Missives) 928
Bolsche, Wilhelm 380, U53
Borne, Ludwig 912
Fragmente und Aphorismen (Fragments
and Aphorisms) 1367
Boethius 107S
Ars musica 1075. 1077
Boetie, Etienne de La
Le Contr'un ou de la servitude
volontaire (The contrary man or
the will to bondage) 516
B6ttger 629
Bollnov 104
Bonnet
Palingenesies philosophiques II45
Book of John (Mandaean) 1306
Borchardt. Ludwig 723
Bosch, Hieronymus 43S
Boyle, Robert 647"
Brahms 1063
A German Requiem IIOO~I
Fourth Symphony 107
Brand 629-30
Breasted
The History of Egypt 730
Brecht, Bertolt xxi, xxiii, 413-6, 417,
418 419. 4 24. 42.7. 666. 746, 886,
1224, 1354
Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny
(Rise and Fall of the City of
Mahagonny) 914
Der jasager (The Man Who Says
Yes) 416
Der Neinsager (The Man Who Says
No) 416
Die Ausnahme und die Regel (The
Exception and the Rule) 415
Die MaBnahme (The Measure
Taken) 415
1395
Dreigroschenoper (Threepenny
Opera) 34, 414
Dreigroschenroman (Threepenny
Novel) 47S
Kleines Organon far das Theater
(Little Organon for the
Theatre) 414, 415. 417
Leben des Galilei (Life of Galileo) 416
Theaterarbeit (Theatre-work) 414
Brentano, Clemens 96
Brentano, Franz 71
Brion, Friederike 974, 977n
Brissot 933
Brockhaus, Heinrich
Die U topia-Schrift des Thomas Morus
(Thomas More's
Utopia-work) 517-18, 519
Brotoffer
Elucidarius major
Browning, Robert 1322
Pippa Passes 172
Brown-Sequard 461
Bruckner 267. 1079
Sixth Symphony 1073
Brueghel, Pieter (The elder)
The Land of Cockaigne 357n,
813
The Tower of Babel 711-12
Bruning 553
Brunelleschi 648
Bruno, Giordano 207. 2.08, 236. 237,
242. 652. 672, 793. 848-50. 852,
864. 993. 102.8
De la causa, principio e uno
(Cause, Principle and Unity) 236.
667
Brunswick, Duke of 294n
Brust. Alfred
Die verlorene Erde (The Lost
Earth) II59
Brutus, Marcus jonius 152, 368, 425, 933
Budde
Die Religion des Volkes Israel his zur
Verbannung (The Religion of the
People of Israel until their
Banishment) 1231
Buddha 678-9. II36, II37, II40-1, II90,
1191.1203,1224,12.32,1247,1249-56,
12.60,1261, 1291, I3II. 1338-40
De monarchia 52.6
De sensu rerum et magia
Philosophia realis 524
Caracalla I118
524
De fato 2.43
De finibus bonorum et malorum
De oratore 403
Laelius de amicitia 963
Somnium Scipionis 761
Cieszkovski 270-1
Prolegomena zur Historiosophie
(Prolegomena to
Historiosophy) 2.70
Cimabue 819
1319
Clair, Rene
Chapeau de paille (Straw-hat)
408
Gaslight 408
Claudel, Paul 405
L' annonce faite ~ Marie (The Tidings
brought to Mary) 736
L'homme et son desir (Man and his
Longing) 405
Clemens of Alexandria
Stromata 758
Cleopatra 328, 704, 754
Cocteau
Orpheus and Eurydice 416
Collini 390
Columbus 732., 749, 750-1., 758, 760,
762., 772, 773, 774-7, 782, 7 85,
788, 793, 1026
Danziger S88
Da Ponte 1008
Darius 1240
Darwin 469, 646, 894n
Daumier 473, 476, 1023
David of Dinant 207, 236
Davy 686
de Bonald 566
Debussy 105, 107
Decian 506
Declaration des droits de 1'homme
(Declaration of the rights of
man) 541
Defoe, Daniel
Robinson Crusoe 816
Dehio 3 1 , 957
Delacroix 377
de la Ronciere
La decouverte de l' Afrique au moyen
~ge (The discovery of Africa in the
Middle Ages) 770
de Maistre 566
Etude sur la Souverainete (A Study of
Sovereignty) 566
della Porta
Magia naturalis 651
Democritus 256-7, 2. 85, 841- 2, 843, 847.
864, 1364
Diderot 12.86
Essay on Painting 2.16
Rameau's Nephew 42.8, 983
Diels (with W. Kranz)
Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (The
Fragments of the Pre-Socratic
Philosophers) 840-1, 875, 876
Dilthey 72.
Dinokrates 738
Dio Cassius 72.9
Dio Chrysostomos 12.14
Diodoros Kronos 2.02., 2.43, 2.44, 2.45
Diodorus 112.2.
Diogenes 482, 543, 915
Dionysios Areopagita 833
Disraeli, see Beaconsfield, Lord
Doctor Faustus (chapbook and
puppet-play) 948-9, 1305
Domseiff
Odysseus' letzte Fahrt (Odysseus' Last
Voyage) 1025
Dostoevsky 817, 1047, 1048
Crime and Punishment 1004
The Brothers Karamazov 289
The Idiot 320
The Raw Youth
Dreyfus 602
Durer 232., 274, 1074, 1347
Apocalypsis Cum Figuris 2.2.1
David 3Ig
St Jerome in his Cell
1310
F., P. (Gent)
The Historie of the damnable life, and
deserved death of Doctor John
Faustus 1012.n
Fabius Cunctator 2.2.6, 940-1, 947
Fallada, Hans
Kleiner Mann was nun? (Little Man
What Now?) 92.8
Faraday 663, 685
Fechner
Das Biichlein vom Leben nach dem
Tode (The Little Book of Life after
Death) 115S
Die Tagesansicht gegeniiber der
Nachtansicht (The Aspect of Day
compared with the Aspect of
Night) IISS
Fenelon
Aventures de Telemaque 544
Ferdinand of Castille 776
Ferenczi 81
Feuchtersleben
Diatetik der Seele (Dietetics of the
Soul) 463
Peuerbach, Anselm S41
Peuerbach, Ludwig 2.49-286, 872., 1153-5,
1199-1200, 1284-90, 1291, 1296,
13S6
Das Wesen der Religion (The Essence
of Religion) 1183
Das Wesen des Christentums (The
Essence of Christianity) 2.S0, 2.53,
2.61
Gedanken iiber T od und
U nsterblichkeit (Thoughts on
Death and Immortality) 1154
1399
1400
Galen 463-4
Galileo 647, 667, 918, 1328, 1330, 1348
Galli-Bibiena, Alessandro 706
Galli-Bibiena, Giuseppe 703-4, 706,
739
Galsworthy 892
Beyond 891
Garaudy, Roger 625
Garve, Christian
Ober Gesellschaft und Einsamkeit (On
Sociability and Solitude) 962
Gauguin 816-17
Gellert, Christian Fiirchtegott
Geistliche Oden und Lieder (Religious
Odes and Songs) 1076
Gentile, Giovanni 547, 943, 945
George, Henry 618-19
Progress and Poverty 618
George, Stefan xx, 175, 405, 468, 957,
959, 999, 1337, 1338
Gershwin
Summertime 345n
Gervinus 1069
Gesell, Silvio 617
Ghiberti 818
Gibbon 1276
Giorgione
Concert in the open air 813
Sleeping Venus 798
Giotto 218, 267, 533, 7II, 712-13, S16,
817-20, 825, 864
Annunciation to Zachariah 8IS
Apparition of St Francis to the Chapter
at Aries 818, 820
Dream of the Palace 818
Flight into Egypt 818, 819, 820
Jesus' Return to His Parents
713
Joachim's Dream 818
Raising of Lazarus 214
The Assumption of St John 818
The Last Judgement 821
Glaucon (Plato's brother) 485
Gluck
Orpheus and Eurydice 832
Gorres
Mythengeschichte (History of
Myths) 135
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang xxvii, xxx,
39, 122, 134n, 147, 174, 175, 176-7,
193, 213, 215, 216, 217, 223, 294,
314, 377. 387, 4 0 0 , 4 24-5, 597,
642, 670, 789, 807, 812, 821, 839,
840, 846, 880, 911, 919, 973-1000,
1033, 1084, II44, 1146, II47, II55,
II88, 1342-3, 1351
Am Rhein, Main und Neckar 1814 and
ISI5 (On the Rhine, Main and
Neckar) 909
Anmerkungen zu Diderots 'Rameau's
1401
1402
Griffith, D. W. 406
Birth of a Nation 406n
Grimm (Brothers) 353-7, 362
Brother Lustig 356
Cinderella 353
Faithful John 317-8
Frau Holle 86n, 455
Godfather Death 354
Hansel and Gretel 352
The Boy Who Went Out to Learn
What Fear Was 354-5, 357
The Frog King 355
The Land of Cockaigne 357, 472, 627
The Magic Table, the Golden Ass and
the Cudgel in the Sack 355, 356,
47 2, 473, 477, 627
The Maiden of Willberg 1314-15
The Star-thalers 361
The Twelve Apostles 1315
The Valiant Little Tailor 353, 357
The Water-sprite 356
Grimm, Jacob 39-40
Gropius, Walter 386- 1, 735
Grotius 537, 538, 541, 895
De Jure belli et pacis 535-6
Grunewald 218, 267, 774, 819
Isenheim Altar 694, 819
Guericke, Otto von 647
Guillaume de Lorris
Roman de la Rose 804
Gundolf 175
Gunkel
Schopfung und Chaos (Creation and
Chaos) 776, 1269
Hallmann
Marianne 630
Hamann 134, 977
Aesthetica in nuce 838
Hammurabi 1218, 1233
Hamsun 289
Handel 1063
Julius Caesar 828
Hannibal 226n, 940, 1003
Hanno 772
Hardenberg 541
Harich, Wolfgang xxv
HarleB
Jakob Bohme und die Alchymisten
Oakob Bohme and the
Alchemists) 643
Harnack 1245
Dogmengeschichte (History of
Dogmas) 1245
Harrington
The Commonwealth of Oceana 544
Hartlib, Samuel
A Description of the Famous
Kingdome of Macaria 474
Hartmann, Eduard von 204
Philo sophie des Schonen (Philosophy of
the Beautiful) 423
Hartmann, Franz n86
Hartmann, Nicolai 241
Hastings, Warren 891
Hauff 357
Das kalte Herz (The Cold Heart)
1314
Der kleine Muck (Little Muck)
357-8
Saids Schicksale (The Fates of
Said) 355-6, 628
Hauptmann
Einsame Menschen (Lonely
People) 569, 593
Haydn t063
Creation 1082
Hebbel, Friedrich 184, 430
Auf die Unbekannte (To the Unknown
Woman) 322
Hebel, Johann Peter
Schatzkastlein (The Little Treasure
Chest) 1313-14
Die Juden (The Jews) 885-6
De cive 536,537
Leviathan 536, 537
Honegger
Pacific ~31 1081
Hooch, Pieter de 796, 797
A mug of beer 796
Hooke, Robert 647n
Horace 2.93, 373, 937, 959, 1214, 1257, 1318
Epistles I54n
Odes 290n, 393
Horkheimer, Max xxiv
Horseman of Bamberg (sculpture) 932
Howard, Ebenezer
Garden Cities of Tomorrow 612.
Tomorrow 612
Hsia Kuei 122.6
Huch, Friedrich
Traume (Dreams) 99
Hudson, W. H.
A Crystal Age 474
Hufeland
Makrobiotik (Macrobiotics) 461, 463
Hugh ofSt Victor 1019, 1302
Hugo
Lehrbuch des Naturrechts (Textbook of
Natural Right) 547
Humboldt, Alexander von 39, 774, 1342.
Ansichten der Natur (Views of
Nature) 816
Kosmos 2.13
916
De mysteriis 93
Iamboulos 510
Islandof the SUD 490-1, S16, 523
Ibn Khordadbeh 757
Ibn Tofail 401, 771
Ibsen 170-An Enemy of the People 421
Ghosts 170
Love's Comedy 323
~ora
373,593,138
Rosmersholm 144,569
The Doll's House 170
The Wild Duck 170, 569, 1044
The Woman from the Sea 323
I-ching (Book of Changes) 1223
Imhotep 1191, 1216
Impekoven 397
Irenaeus 1117
Isabella of Castille 776
Isidore of Seville 7S3
De concordiautriusque testamenti
510
Jacobsen IOS,107
Niels Lyhne 934
jahn, Friedrich Ludwig (called Turnvater
Jahn) 4S2
Jacob of Liege
Speculummusicae 1075, 1077
1406
La Bruyere IS4
Lactantius 1214-15
Lagerlof, Selma 629
Little Nils' Journey with the Wild
Geese 360
La Mettrie
L'Homme machine (Machine
man) 630
La Motte-Fouque, Friedrich Baron
de 99Sn
Landor, Walter Savage
Imaginary Conversations 1312
Lange, Helene 590, 591
Lao Tzu 304, 88o, II90. 1191, 122S-30,
1261-2, 1295
Tao-te-ching 880, 1225-30
Laroche. J. J. 1008n
La Rochefoucauld IS4, 964
Larsson, Carl
House in the Sun 380
Lasker-Schuler, Else xxii
Lassalle S5S, 566, 600, 620, 1170
Franz von Sickingen II70n
Lasso, Orlando di 1064
Lasswitz, Kurt 474, 629, 753
Auf zwei Planeten (On two
planets) 753
Sternentau (Stardew) 753
Lavater 981
Lavoisier 642
Lawrence, D. H. 59, 61
Lazaretti, David 1185
Le Corbusier 735. 742
Ledoux 827, 741- 2 744, 812
Lee, Anna 118S
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 6, 8, 132-3,
138-9, 212, 243, 257, 480, 546, 6S3,
673, 687, 843, 847, 856, 8S8, 8S9,
860. 861-2, 863, 864, 87S, 1143,
1295, 1330, 1349, 1366
De arte combinatoria 652
Monadologie 860
Nouveaux Essais (New Essays) 133,
1295
Leisegang
Die Gnosis (Gnosis) 1268-9
Lenau, Nikolaus 119, 181, 183, 293, 1010
Don Juan 1010-11
Faust 1010-II, 1016, 1023
Schilflieder (Reed Songs) 119
Wandel der Sehnsucht (Change of
Longing) 181-2, 323
Lenin 6, 9-10, 157, 174, 271, 281, 294,
3S4, 410, 554. 580 , 607, 610, 622,
903, 943, 945, 1202, 1368-9
'Left-wing' Communism 1369
Philosophical Notebooks 208, 673
State and Revolution S74
What is to be Done? 9-10
Three Sources and Three Components
of Marxism 277
Lenz, Jakob Michael Reinhold 301. 977n
Der Hofmeister (The Private
Tutor) 427
Leonardo da Vinci 121, 648-9, 670, 672,
800, 1074, 1342
Mona Lisa 800, 819, 836
1408
1409
MaaB
Versuch 'liber die Leidenschaft (An
Essay on Passion) 80
Mably S39
Macaulay 891
Mach 697, 774, 78S
Machiavelli 94 2, 943, 946-7
Discorsi (Discourses) 946
II Principe (The Prince) 946, 947
Macpherson, James (Ossian) 134, 391,
779-81, 783
Macrobius 1II4-IS
Maeterlinck 681-2
The olive-branch 68~
Magellan 77 2-3, 777
Magus, Simon 328
Mahavira 12S2
Mahler, Gustav 1083, 1092, II02
Lied von der Erde (Song of the
Earth) 1092
Sixth Symphony 1083
Seventh Symphony 1092
Maimonides, Moses 732, 1128, 1241
Fuhrer der Unschlussigen (Guide of the
Perplexed) 732
Makart, Hans 378-9, 380, 703
Malthus, Rev. Thomas 467-9
Essay on the Principle of Population 468
Mandeville, Bernard de
Fable of the Bees ISO
Mandeville, Sir John Gean
d'Outremeuse) 7S3
Manet
Dejeuner sur l'herbe (The Picnic) 813,
814, 81S
Mani 8S4, 1II9, 1121, 1244-9, 1277, 1342
Mann, Heinrich 1163
Mann, Thomas xxiv, 1068
Der Tad in Venedig (Death in
Venice) III
Doktor Faustus 1004
Mantegna 70S
Manu
Book of Law 1222
Manuel 766, 768
Marc, Franz 794, 837
Marcellus (Pope) 213, 1079, 1086
Marchettus of Padua 1077
Mardon 1244, 1270
Marcuse, Herbert
xxvi
Marees 81S
Marlitt (Eugenie John) 351
Marlowe
Doctor Faustus 654, 1012, 1016, 1017,
1029
Martinov 10
Marx, Karl xxvii, xxviii, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10, 17, 125, 130, 131, 141, 146, 148,
150, 152 , 155-6, 163, 173-4, 199,
204, 2,08, 211, 232n, 240, 247,
249-86, 294, 44 2 , 468, 481, 483,
S14, 534, 546, 559, 560, 571, 573,
576, 578, 681, 582, 583, 584, 585,
600, 601, 604, 607, 612, 615, 618,
619, 619- 2 4 , 695, 813, 866, 874,
882, 884, 889, 892, 921, 932, 947,
969, 97 2-3, 1044, 1047, 1170, 1215,
1288, 1318, 1329, 1333, 13S4-76
Aus dem philosophischen NachlaB
(Posthumous Philosophical
Writings) 270, S12-3
Circular against H. Kriege 273, 1356
Das Kapital (Capital) 76, 261, 265-6,
278,' 620, 886, 970-1, 1359, 1361
Der 18. Brumaire des Louis Napoleon
(The Eighteenth Brumaire) 294
Differnz der demokritischen und
epikureischen Philosophie
(Distinction between Democritean
and Epicurean Philosophy) 2.63
Einleitung zur Kritik der Hegelschen
Rechtsphilosophie (Introduction to
the Critique- of Hegel's Philosophy
of Right) 265, 279, 281, 882, 1183,
13S8
Einleitung zur Kritik der politischen
Okonomie (Introduction to the
Critique of Political Economy) IS4
Elf Thesen liber Feuerbach (Eleven
Theses on Feuerbach) 199, 249-86,
1358
Kritik der Gothaer Programms
(Critique of the Gotha
Programme) 1369
Kritik der Hege1schen Staatsphilosophie
(Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of
State) 251
La misere de la philosophie (The
1410
.,
1411
1412
Pietro da Mora
Da rosa 822
Pindar 1214
Nemean Odes 757, 983
Piotrkowska, Karola (Karola Bloch) xxii
Piranesi 74 1, 74 2, 744
Vedute di Roma (Views of
Rome) 385
Pisano, Andrea 218, 334
Pissarev 10
Pistis Sophia II20
Pius IV (Pope) 833, 1079
Pius IX (Pope) 330
Pizarro 777
Plato 7, 8, 18, 62, 140, 160, 161-2, 168,
212, 256, 257, 269, 292, 305,
477-8, 480, 484- 8, 490, 491, 492,
493, 506, 512, 527, 553, 609, 757,
843, 845-7, 999, 1086, 1207, 1244,
1320, 1321, 1348, 1363
Critias 489, 654
Cratylus II70
Gorgias 243
Laws 486
Meno 283
Parmenides 292, 846
Phaedrus 845
Philebos 847, 1319
Protagoras 671, 1214
Republic 457, 484-8, 516, 523, 549,
1086
Symposium 155, 845
Timaeus 728
Plautus 939
Plekhanov 10
Pliny 753, 767
Plotinus 62, 211, 491, 840, II41
Enneads 1214
Plutarch 464, 773, 1163
De defectu oraculorum 764
De EI apud Delphos 1236
De facie in orbe lunae 764
De fortuna Alexandri 492
De lsi et Osiri 723
Poe, Edgar Allan 392
The Fall of the House of Usher 392
The Gold Bug 357
Poppelmann, M. D.
Poincare 667
706n
1413
Polybius 492
Pomponius Mela 753, 761
Ponce de Le6n 777
Pontoppidan
Hans im Gluck (Lucky Jack) 1001
Pope, Alexander 389
Mensch und Tier (Man and
Animal) 1187
Poseidonios 491, 494
Poussin 389
Powel 433
Presbyter Leo
Nativitas et victoria Alexandri
Magni 767
Proclos Ill8
Prodikos 948
Proudhon 569-72, 575, 576, 579, 580,
581, 617, 620
Racine 546
I phigenie 211
Rameses II II24
Raphael 1347
School of Athens 709
Sistine Madonna 836-7, 1310
Rasputin 630
Rawley, William 654n
Reich, Wilhelm 633
Reichenbach
Physikalisch-physiologische
Untersuchungen
(physical-physiological
investigations) 633
Reinach, Salomon II28
Reinhardt, Max 621
Reitzenstein
Das iranische Erlosungsmysterium (The
Iranian Mystery of the
Redemption) 1240
Das mandaische Buch des Herrn der
GroBe (The Mandaean Book of the
Lord of Greatness) 1245
Rembrandt 800-2, 999
Entombment of Christ 801
Man with the Golden Helmet 800
Night Watch 801
Resurrection 802
River Landscape with Ruins 801
Saskia 800
Renard, Maurice
Docteur Lerne 439
Retif de la Bretonne
La decouverte australe par un homme
volant (Australia discovered by a
lying man) 779
Reubeni, David 600
Reuchlin 1349
Reuleaux 662
Reventlov, Franziska 66, 467
Ricardo 545, 557, S80, 621, 1329
Richard of St Victor 1299, 1302
Richardson, Samuel 151
Richelieu 52.4
Richter
Literary Works of Leonardo da
Vinci 649
Rienzo 774
Rilke, Rainer Maria 959, 1202, 1290
1416
Schmieder
Geschichte der Alchymie (History of
Alchemy) 643
Schnaase 715
Schnabel, Johann Gottfried
Insel Felsenburg (The Isle of
Felsenburg) 474
Schonberg 1089-91
Erwartung (Expectation) 1090
Harmonielehre (Theory of
Harmony) 1090
First string quartet 191
First chamber symphony 1091
Second chamber symphony 1091
Three piano pieces 1091
Wind quintet 1091
Scholem
The Major Trends in Jewish
Mysticism 1269
Schopenhauer, Arthur 58, 59, 126, 169,
274, 793, 808, 998, 1084-5, 1177,
12S3, 1337, 1344
Schubert, Franz 180n
Schubert, G. H.
Die Geschichte der Seele (The Story of
the Soul) 1000
Schultz, Fiete 1173
Schultz-Hencke 587
Schumann 1093
Schweizer, Albert
J. S. Bach 1065-6
Scipio the Younger 263, 49 2, 971
Scott, Howard 898
Seer of Prevost 143
Seghers, Anna
Das siebte Kreuz (The Seventh
Cross) 1103
Selmer, C.
764
Semon 60
Semper 715
Seneca 491
Medea 438, 773, 774, 1026
Sens, Bishop of 702
Sent M'ahesa 397
Serubabel 1263
Sesostris III 1124
Seurat
Un dimanche la Grande-jatte (A Sunday
on the Grande-Jatte) 814, 909, 920
Pyramid 723
Socrates 168, 190, 269, 48S, S29, S30,
S32., 842, 844, 867- 9, 9S0, 132.S,
1326, 1364
Speiser 13SI,
Spencer, Herbert 894
Spengler 584, 730, 942, 1160
Der Untergang des Abendlandes
(The Decline of the W est) 376,
1360
Sperber
Traktat von den drei seculis (Treatise
on the three seculis) 645, 1079
Sphairos 495
Spinoza, Benedict 67, 72, 212, 234, 243,
2.44, 2S7, 311, 740, 793, 846,
8so-3, 8S9, 861, 864, 9S5, 993,
1148, 1328
7 2, ISS, 243, 8S1-3, 884, 1195,
132.8
Ethics
BS3
Stockl
Geschichte der Philosophie des
Mittelalters (History of the
Philosophy of the Middle
Ages) 652
Stolberg, F. 1343
Storm Theodor
Viola Tricolor 332
Strachey, James xxix,
S4n, 62.n
Strato 207, 8so Strauss, David Friedrich 9II
Strauss, Richard 1068
Die agyptische Helena (The Egyptian
Helen) IB4-5
Don Juan 1093
Don Quixote 1083
Ein Heldenleben (A Hero's Life) s96,
1093
Suetonius 729
Sulla 947, 1003, 1211
Surajah Dowlah 891
Susman, Margarete xxi
Suttner, Berta von
Die Waffen nieder (Lay Down your
Arms) 895
Swedenborg 630
Swesen
Limanora, The Island of Progress 457
Swift, Jonathan
A Modest Proposal 888
Tacitus
Annals 72n
Germania 779, 783
Talmud 604, 1128, 1134
Tarde
Underground Man 612
Tasso
Aminta 804
Liberated Jerusalem 1135
Tausend, Franz 633-4
Taut, Bruno 737, 742
Die Stadtkrone (The City
Crown) 736
Tchaikovsky 1068
Telesphorus 511
Teniers 813
Teresa de Jesus 1300
Tertullian 504, 1194, 1214-15, 1272
Thales 18, 67 2, 840, 849
Theocritus 803, 1174-5
Theodoros 489
Theophrastus 757
Theopompos 488
The Suit of Leaves (Chinese
Fairytale( 628
Thirion
Neustria 612
Tholuck, Friedrich August Gotttreu
Suufismus (Sufism) 1278
Thomas a Kempis
The Imitation of Christ 1260
Thomasius 976
Fundamentum juris naturae et
gentium 543
Thomas of Celano
Dies irae I067n, 1I00n, 1127, 1132
Thorndike
A History of Magic and Experimental
Science 754, 767
Tibetan Book of the Dead II39-40
Tieck, Ludwig 1041
Der Runenberg (The Rune
Mountain) 1350
Tiepolo 704, 710
Tillich, Paul xxxii
Timotheus 1081
Tintoretto 744
Titian 379, 778
Tito xxv
Tobin 433
Tocqueville 967, 968
De la democratie en Amerique (On
democracy in America) 967
Toland, John
Pantheisticon 568
Tolstoy 213, U81, 1322
Anna Karenina 302, U81, 1322
Death of Ivan Illyich 240, 302
Kreutzer Sonata 322
War and Peace 240, 302, 917, 1181,
1322, 1323-4
224
1420
Wolfe. Thomas
You Can't Go Home Again
Wolff, Christian 212, 873
Wolfram von Eschenbach 218
Parzival 218n
Titurel 707
Wollstonecraft, Mary S91
Wright, Frank Lloyd 735
Wyneken S88
1370
Xenophanes 1207
Xenophon 483, 948
Xerxes 34, 49
Yang Chu 1349
Yeats 1183
Yeliutaschi 769-70
Young
Night Thoughts 835, II48
Zeising
Asthetische Forschungen (Aesthetic
Investigations) 728
Zeller
Sitzungsbericht der Berliner Akademie
1882 (Report of the Berlin
Academy) 243
Zendavesta 1242, 1244 , 1247
Zeno (Eleatic) 130, 243
Zeno (Stoic) 491, 49 2, 493, 494
Politeia 492, 493, 495
Zimmer
Indische Spharen (Indian Spheres) 677
Zimmermann, Johann
Ober die Einsamkeit (On
Solitude) 960
Zoroaster 1191, 1203, 12.32., 12.38, 1240,
1242.-9, 12.60, 1270, 127 1, 12.72,
1277, 13II
The Gathas 1242
Zoser (Pharaoh) 1216