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Further
Keywords
Abstract
Scholarly work on the nexus of religion, nationalism, and violence is
currently fragmented along disciplinary and theoretical lines. In sociology, history, and anthropology, a macro-culturalist approach reigns;
in political science, economics, and international relations, a microrationalist approach is dominant. Recent attempts at a synthesis ignore
religion or fold it into ethnicity. A coherent synthesis capable of adequately accounting for religious-nationalist violence must not only
integrate micro and macro, cultural and strategic approaches; it must
also include a meso level of elite conict and boundary maintenance
and treat the religious eld as potentially autonomous from the cultural
eld.
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INTRODUCTION
1
Of the 225 armed conicts that occurred between 1946 and
2001, 115 took place in the 12-year period between 1989 and
2001 (Gleditsch et al. 2002), with the absolute number of
conicts peaking in the early 1990s, following the end of the
Cold War (Blattman & Miguel 2010). Post hoc ergo propter
hoc? That remains a matter of debate (Fearon & Laitin 2003,
Kalyvas & Balcells 2010).
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Merdjanova 2000). Modern Polish nationalism, for example, has portrayed Poland as
the Christ of nations, whose death in the
partitions atoned for other nations sins, and
whose resurrection after communism paved
the way for other national rebirths (Zubrzycki
2006). Orthodox nationalist movements,
especially in Russia, have made extensive use of
the kindred discourse of translatio imperii that
presents Moscow as a Third Rome whose
mission is to redeem not only the Slavs but
all humanity (McLeod 2006). Contemporary
Serbian nationalists have painted themselves
as the crucied nation defeated by Turks at
the Battle of Kosovo back in 1389 (Ivekovic
2002) and through this suffering as having
saved the remaining Slavs (Perica 2002, Sells
2006). Similarly, in Spain, Basque and Catalan
nationalisms derive heavily from religious
symbols like Marian cults (Zuleika 1988) and
martyrdom (Dowling 2012, Dunstan 2008).
Religion has also played a considerable, and
perhaps even greater, role in the formation of
non-Western nationalist movements ( Jaffrelot
2007, Little & Swearer 2006, Von der Mehden
1968). Friedland (2001, p. 129) contends that
the national identities of Iran, Sri Lanka, India,
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Palestine are
all suffused with religious narrative and myth,
symbolism and ritual. Van der Veer (1994) argues that nation-building in India has been dependent on religious antagonism between Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists since its beginnings
in the nineteenth century. Unlike the Christian
New Testament, the Torah and the Quran are
not only about the individuals relationship to
God but also about a politically organized community of believers. Thus, the religious roots
of some non-Western nationalisms go even
deeper than their Western counterparts.
Nonetheless, work on non-Western nationalisms is often inected by the secularization narrative in two more subtle ways, as
Willfried Spohn (2003) has recently shown.
Some scholars portray the Western nationstate model as a conveyor belt for Western
secular values that would help tame religious
conict (Breuilly 1993, Hefner 1998, Tibi
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2
Sener Akturk (2009) challenges this view by suggesting that
Turkish nationalism, since the very beginning of its formation, has always rested on Islam.
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CULTURALIST THEORIES
OF VIOLENCE
One can distinguish two basic approaches to
conict and violence within the contemporary social sciences: culturalist and rationalist. Culturalist approaches dominate work not
only in sociology but also in anthropology, history, literature, and religious studies. These approaches can be further subdivided into three
main lineages: Humean, Durkheimian, and
Schmittian.
The seminal text in the Humean lineage
is The Natural History of Religion (Hume 1757
[2009]). The central argument of the book
widely accepted now, but highly controversial
at the timeis that polytheism preceded
monotheism. But its most provocative argument, at least today, is that polytheism naturally
leads to tolerance, whereas monotheism generally leads to persecution. This is so, Hume
contends, because polytheism admits the gods
of other sections and nations to a share of divinity, unlike monotheism, in which the worship
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of other deities is regarded as absurd and impious and thereby furnishes designing men with
a pretense for representing their adversaries as
profane (Hume 1757 [2009], p. 161).
In recent years, Humes argument has been
revived in a number of works, both popular and
scholarly. For example, Jonathan Kirsch contends that monotheism turned out to inspire
a ferocity and even a fanaticism that are mostly
absent from polytheism (Kirsch 1998, p. 2).
The theological roots of modern-day terrorism, he contends, are to be found in the Hebrew
Bible, not the Quran. Blending the Humean
thesis with the Schmittianwhich we discuss
more belowthe literary scholar Regina
Schwartz argues that the narratives in the
Hebrew Bible introduce a hitherto unknown
form of violent identity formation (Schwartz
1997). By drawing sharp and impermeable
boundaries between Gods people and the nations, she implies, the Old Testament created
the cultural preconditions for religious violence
(Schwartz 1997, p. x). In a series of books and articles that provoked a ery debate in Germany,
the renowned Egyptologist Jan Assmann advanced a slightly different version of Humes argument, inspired by Freuds speculations about
the Mosaic ancestry of monotheism (Assmann
1997). What seems crucial to me is not the
distinction between the One God and many
gods but the distinction between truth and
falsehood in religion, which he christens
the Mosaic distinction. In Judaism, violent
persecution remained an internal affair of
the Jewish people aimed at the Egyptians or
Canaanites who dwell among us (Assmann
2009, p. 17). In Christianity and Islam, on the
other hand, it was also externalized in violent
crusades and jihads.
Now, if the Humean thesis were correct,
we would expect (a) that the emergence of
monotheism would have been accompanied
by dramatic increases in religious violence and
(b) that the history of polytheistic societies
(e.g., in much of Asia or Africa) would be
relatively untouched by violence. Although the
historical record is likely too thin to permit
any denitive resolution of (a), there are good
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tions of bare life and homo sacer, of the political outcast whose existence afrms political
boundaries (Schmitt 2005). And the Bush administrations claims of an extraterritorial status
for Guantanamo that put enemy combatants
beyond the reach of American law resonate with
Schmitts famous dictum that the sovereign is
the one who can proclaim a state of emergency
or state of exception (Ausnahmezustand ).
What few people have noticed, however, are
the striking parallels between the Schmittian
and Durkheimian approaches to religious
violence, especially as articulated by Agamben
and Girard (but see Hussain & Ptacek 2000,
Palaver 1992)between homo sacer and the
sacricial victim, for example, and between
the acts of sovereignty that re/found a state
and the acts of violence that re/constitute a
group. Viewed through this lens, one might
see the Schmittian approach as an extension of
the Durkheimian, from the primitive totemic
horde to the modern liberal state (Datta 2006).
Both point toward a symbolic and emotional
logic that underlies ritualized acts of religious
and political violence that otherwise seem
senseless and irrational. They shed light on
the targets and procedures of these rituals in
a way that a purely rationalist account simply
cannot. However, they also leave us in the dark
regarding both why such violent acts of this
sort remain infrequent and the material and
relational congurations that trigger them.
This is the strength of the rationalist approach.
RATIONALIST THEORIES
OF VIOLENCE
The rationalist approach is the dominant one in
economics, political science, and international
relations today. It was formed by the conuence of two separate streams of work. The rst
and earlier stream is the rational-choice version
of comparative-historical political economy
initially developed during the 1970s, mainly
by a small group of interdisciplinary scholars
centered at the University of Washington,
most of whom worked on Europe. Their initial
ambition was to explain collective action (e.g.,
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However, while the two approaches are indeed complementary in some ways, a simple
synthesis still would not yield an adequate theory. To begin with, the resulting theory would
not be ontologically coherent because the two
approaches are fundamentally at odds regarding the reality of the social and the symbolic.
Moreover, even a coherent synthesis of the two
approaches would still be ontologically incomplete because neither fully theorizes the meso
level of social reality. The culturalist approach
mostly looks at how macro-level culture shapes
and guides micro-level meanings via ritual and
identity. It has little to say about formal institutions and power hierarchies. The rationalist
approach looks at how micro-level interactions
underpin and constrain macro-level institutions
via collective actions and formal hierarchies.
However, it has little to say about ritual and
identity. What is needed, then, is a coherent
synthesis of these three analytically distinct levels of social reality in both their material and
symbolic moments.
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The contentious politics approach developed by Charles
Tilly, Sidney Tarrow, and Jack Goldstone is a third, but its
proponents have not devoted a great deal of attention to ethnicity, nationalism, or religion.
4
One can also scale these distinctions up, by conceptualizing
the international system of states as a eld of power, or one
can scale them down, conceptualizing a particular group or
institution as a eld of power.
SYNTHETIC APPROACHES
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the one hand, it is true that on-the-ground violence typically has a local logic. Civil wars can
provide a political pretext for settling private
scores. However, the violence tends to be selective, and not indiscriminate, as the Hobbesian
account implies. Moreover, the violence often
needs to be legitimated in terms of the master cleavage; although the motive may be private, the justication must still be public. On
the other hand, it is true that political polarization around a master cleavage of some kind
ideological, ethnic, religious, etc.frequently
precedes the outbreak of civil wars; what is
more, post hoc interpretations of civil wars generally appeal to this master cleavage, thereby
giving it a durable salience. Thus, an adequate
account of the logic of political violence must
explicitly theorize the meso-level mechanisms
that mediate between center and periphery and
elites and masses. These typically reside in intracommunity conicts at the local or regional
level.
CONCLUSION
Twenty years ago, there was still widespread
agreement that modern nationalism was an
inherently secular phenomenon (Anderson
1991, Gellner 1983, Hobsbawm 1992). That is
no longer the case. There is now a recognition
among leading scholars of the discipline that
(a) modern nationalism may have a religious
lineage (e.g., in narratives of chosen-ness);
(b) national identities have often formed along
religious cleavages (e.g., between Protestants and Catholics, Hindus and Muslims);
(c) nationalist rhetoric and ritual often borrow
from religion; and (d ) religious nationalism
may be a distinctly modern type of nationalism
(Brubaker 2012).
Nonetheless, the incorporation of the religious factor into the scholarly literature is far
from complete. There are at least four reasons
for this: (a) The initial work on religious
nationalism was mostly done from a culturalist
perspective, which often (and mistakenly)
treated apocalyptic narratives as a sufcient
cause of religious violence; (b) although
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DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
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Contents
Annual Review
of Sociology
Volume 39, 2013
Frontispiece
Charles Tilly p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xiv
Prefatory Chapter
Formations and Formalisms: Charles Tilly and the Paradox
of the Actor
John Krinsky and Ann Mische p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Theory and Methods
The Principles of Experimental Design and Their Application
in Sociology
Michelle Jackson and D.R. Cox p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p27
The New Sociology of Morality
Steven Hitlin and Stephen Vaisey p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p51
Social Processes
Social Scientic Inquiry Into Genocide and Mass Killing:
From Unitary Outcome to Complex Processes
Peter B. Owens, Yang Su, and David A. Snow p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p69
Interest-Oriented Action
Lyn Spillman and Michael Strand p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p85
Drugs, Violence, and the State
Bryan R. Roberts and Yu Chen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
Healthcare Systems in Comparative Perspective: Classication,
Convergence, Institutions, Inequalities, and Five Missed Turns
Jason Beckeld, Sigrun Olafsdottir, and Benjamin Sosnaud p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 127
Institutions and Culture
Multiculturalism and Immigration: A Contested Field
in Cross-National Comparison
Ruud Koopmans p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 147
Sociology of Fashion: Order and Change
Patrik Aspers and Frederic Godart p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 171
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soglu p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 193
Formal Organizations
Race, Religious Organizations, and Integration
Korie L. Edwards, Brad Christerson, and Michael O. Emerson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 211
Political and Economic Sociology
An Environmental Sociology for the Twenty-First Century
David N. Pellow and Hollie Nyseth Brehm p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 229
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:193-210. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
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