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he working class of Brazil is experiencing its worst moment since the military
dictatorship (1964-1985). This time the coup
was executed by the combined action of the
legislature, judiciary and the Vice-President
of the Republic, Michel Temer (Pmdb),
against class collaborating Workers Party
(PT) government. The political unification of
the opposition with traitorous sections of
the government of Dilma was possible only
after the unification of the majority of the
bourgeoisie, under the reorientation of imperialism to isolate the PT and expel it from
the government.
base, split in two and lost more than 700 militants led to a confused group called MAIS.
This is the biggest crisis of the current mother of Morenism since the implosion of the
Argentine MAS (and LIT), after supporting
the end of the USSR.
We must learn from the experience of the
past. Trotsky:
The problem is consequently reduced to the
relationship of forces. To come out into the
streets with the slogan Down with the BrningBraun government at a time when, according to
the relationship of forces, it can only be replaced
by a government of Hitler-Hugenberg, is the
sheerest adventurism. The same slogan, however, assumes an altogether different meaning if it
becomes an introduction to the direct struggle of
the proletariat itself for power. In the first instance, the Communists would appear in the
eyes of the masses as the aids of reaction; but in
the second instance, the question of how the
fascists voted before they were crushed by the
proletariat would have lost all political significance. Leon Trotsky, Revolution and CounterRevolution in Germany - August 1931.
tions, more fraudulently expressing the popular will, where the left and the PT could not
participate or only participate debilitated by
judicial and police coercion.
The legal and police hounding of Lula
through the judicial operation called Car
Wash (Lava Jet) and the ongoing campaign
of criminalization of PT by the great and
powerful media indicates that the coup leaders do not even remotely contemplate handing the government back to the PT in 2018,
as more patient Lulaistas dream.
In turn, the important thing for imperialism
and its national agents is not preserving
Temer, but to make progress some ways with
the slave program which was imposed the
coup, eliminate everything that does not need
labour legislation, social security and social
content contained in the constitution of 1988.
As the labor newspaper Folha warns since
May 2016, Temer is only a bridge to the absolute control of government of Brazil by the
United States, passing over the PMDB itself
and under the heel of the monopolies
(Minister Jos Serra), bankers (Minister of
Finance, Henrique Meirelles) and repression
(Minister of Justice, Alexandre Moraes) .
Temer is nothing more than a pre- Bonapartist government, a host for the dictatorship of
finance capital and the imperialist multinationals.
Workers in Brazil must stop the coup maturing and passing on to the parliamentary
stage and its police - military phase, where the
repression will be far more open. We cannot
let this counterrevolutionary regime consolidate under Temer or worse, a dictatorship
that can impose on us the political, social and
economic penalities they want. We have no
time to lose and we must take advantage of its
weakness and contradictions.
We need to unify the struggles, strikes, occupations, wage campaigns, union meetings,
towards the construction of a general strike to
defeat the coup. The experience we have
gained in defending our rights, accumulated
over time, must become the force to forge a
revolutionary workers government.
The tasks in this period for the Brazilian
section of the Liaison Committee for the
Fourth International (LCFI), the Communist
Workers Front (FCT), should be to seek to
establish solid roots in the working class and
prepare for the new upsurge of the masses in
the next years.
We must learn from the mistakes of the
struggle against the military dictatorship in
order not to repeat them now. The first expressions of that struggle after the 1964 coup
was opportunistic, revenge of the polls (vote
for MDB, opposition party created and allowed by the dictatorship) and the main focus
was on sectarian, agrarian and urban issues.
But it was only a new upsurge of the masses
and the workers strikes of the late 1970s that
created a new vanguard, a fighting instruments, the PT, and the mass organisations,
the CUT and the MST, to harass the dictatorship. Neither a new electoral cretinism
(Direct Elections now!, Vote for Lula in
2018) nor a new adventurous localism can
defeat this new-era coup, far more threatening and remote than the last.
With the best fighters of the anti-imperialist
The right wants to get rid of this resistance, both the anti-coupists and antirace for the next 30 years and the capitalists, we need to build a new instrument
PT wait for the 2018 elections!
of struggle, able to overcome opportunism of
Now there are elections for mayors and coun- the PT, which disarmed the main mass organcillors in 5,500 cities in Brazil. Through these izations of the country against the coup, and
elections, the coup regime intends to legitithe sectarianism of those who supported the
mise its militarization in place. PT and
coup with a leftist phraseology.
PCdoB are immediate targets the coup, the
It is essential to build united fronts in pracfury of the right, the antipathy towards the
tice against the coup with the PT and all
PT and the criminalisation of their political
groups in all mobilizations; strikes, occupaactivities. The right has already expressed
tions, etc. At the same time, we must explain
openly that wishes to root left out the of po- educate the masses in the experience of the
litical life, get rid of this race for the next 30 PT governments; that class collaboration can
years, as stated by a former senator of DEM, only disarm us politically, create ideological
main political successor of the ruling party
confusion and again encourage our enemies
during the military dictatorship.
to re-enslave us.
Despite the threat becoming increasingly
Workers need to believe only in their own
real, the PT and PCdoB do not use the elec- strength, in the weapons of the past; the gention propaganda material as an instrument to eral strike, a regroupment of association and
denounce the coup, much less mobilise the
vanguard fighter derived from resistance
organisation of workers against the historical struggles of the united front and of a new
attacks announced by the coup. And worse,
upsurge against the coup regime and slavery
PT and PCdoB support the fight against
led by a revolutionary workers party.