Yanesha Agriculture in the Upper Peruvian Amazon

Yanesha Agriculture in the Upper Peruvian Amazon: Persistence and Change Fifteen Years
down the 'Road'

Authors(s): Catherine C. Hamlin and Jan Salick
Source: Economic Botany, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Summer, 2003), pp. 163-180
Published by: Springer on behalf of New York Botanical Garden Press
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YANESHA AGRICULTURE IN THE UPPER PERUVIAN AMAZON:
PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE FIFTEEN YEARS DOWN
THE 'ROAD'1
CATHERINE C. HAMLIN AND JAN SALICK
Hamlin, Catherine (Environmental Studies, Ohio University, Athens, OH 45701, USA; e-mail:
cchamlin@hotmail.com), and Jan Salick (Curator of Ethnobotany, Missouri Botanical Gardens,
Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166-0299, USA; e-mail: jan.salick@mobot.org). YANEsHA AGRICULTURE
IN THE UPPER PERUVIAN AMAZON: PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE FIFTEEN YEARS DOWN THE 'RoAD.'
Economic Botany 57(2):163-180, 2003. For centuries the Yanesha have practiced complex swid-
den agriculture well adapted to the narrow valleys of the upper Peruvian Amazon. The 1980s
marked a time of increased change in the Palcazu Valley, beginning with the construction of a
marginal highway (Carretera Marginal) in 1984 that dissected several native communities. This
study employs quantitative plant ecology and interviews to describe change in Yanesha agriculture
in Laguna fifteen years later. Percent cover, planting density, field size, and diversities of species
(a), field-type (f3), and height class did not change in fields. In 1999, black earth and commercial
agroforestry were new field types, and upland rice fields were absent. In home gardens, species
richness persisted, while changes in species composition reflected species experimentation and
aggregation of homes along the roadside (with upland soils). The road facilitated the flow of
plants, people, and markets to influence Yanesha agriculture, and facilitated other agents of
change during more than a decade of guerrilla, military, Ashaninka, and drug-trafficking activities
plaguing the Palcazu Valley. This violence punctuated calmer periods when "development" was
promoted by aid agencies. Agents of conservation included community land titles, immigration
restrictions, a national park, protection forest, and communal reserves.
AGRICULTURA YANESHA EN LA ALTA AMAZONIA PERUANA: PERSISTENCIA Y CAMBIO DESPUES DE
QUINCE ANos. Por siglos los Yanesha han practicado un sistema agr(cola de roza-y-quema bien
adaptado a los valles de la alta Amazonia peruana. En los ahos ochenta varios incidentes afec-
taron el Valle Palcazu, incluyendo la construcci6n de una carretera (la Carretera Marginal) que
dividi6 algunas comunidades indfgenas. Esta investigaci6n utilizo metodos de ecologfa botdinica
cuantitativa y entrevistas para describir cambios en la agricultura Yanesha en Laguna despue's
de quince anos. El porcentaje de cobertura, la densidad de siembra, el tamanio de campo agrfcola,
y las diversidades de especies (a), del tipo de campo (/3), y del nivel de altura no cambiaron en
los campos agrfcolas. Entre los cambios importantes en 1999 se presentaron nuevos tipos de
campos con tierra negra y campo agroforestal comercial y una ausencia notada de arrozales.
En huertas domesticas, se conserv6 la riqueza de especies, aunque se presentaron cambios en la
composici6n de especies como resultado de la experimentacio'n y agregacion de casas por la
carretera (con suelos pobres de altura). La carretera facilito movimiento de plantas, personas, y
mercados que influyeron la agricultura Yanesha, y facilit6 otro agentes de cambio durante mas
de una decada de actividades de guerrillas, militares, Ashaninka, y narcotraficantes en el Valle
Palcazu. Agentes de conservation incluyieron titulos comunitarios, imigration restrijida, un par-
que nacional, un foresta de protection, y reserves comunales.
Key Words: agriculture; Amazon; Peru; Yanesha.
The Yanesha of the Palcazu Valley in the cen-
productivity within environmental constraints.
tral region of the Peruvian Amazon (Selva CenThese practices have been central to their sub-
tral) have developed indigenous agriculture

sistence for centuries or longer (Salick 1989).
characterized by flexibility, buffering, and sevSince European conquest of Peru, missionaries,
eral levels of diversity to achieve stability and

colonists, and other actors have disrupted the
Yanesha (Salick and Lundberg 1990). In the
1980s, a new and potentially radical vehicle of

' Received 3 December 2002; accepted 5 April
2003.
change was poised to enter Yanesha lands. This
Economic Botany 57(2) pp. 163-180. 2003
(C 2003 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A.
164 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57
vehicle was a new highway (Carretera Margin-
al), and its penetration of the Palcazu Valley
served to widen and accelerate the links con-
necting Yanesha communities to ideas, markets,
impact of road construction on the physical en-
vironment and on indigenous cultures (Barclay
1985; Brown 1984; Bunker 1985; Loker and
Vosti 1993; Maki, Kalliola, and Vuorinen 2001;
Salick and Lundberg 1990; Schmink and Wood
and resources.
In 1980, newly re-elected Peruvian president
Fernando Belaunde Terry proposed eight "spe-
cial projects," one of which earmarked the Selva
1992; Shoemaker 1981; Smith 1982; Works
1984). Existing literature recounts tales of indig-
enous societies in which stronger links to cash
Central for improvement and extension of fair-
markets and Western culture influenced every-
weather roads between the town of La Merced
thing from diet to religious practices (Behrens,
through the Palcazu Valley to Puerto Bermudez
Baksh, and Mothes 1994; Behrens 1996; Brown
on the Pichis River, and then to Pucallpa, a dy-
1984; Kensinger 1995; Stocks 1981; Works
namic and growing commercial center to the
north. Road construction began in 1984 and was
1984). Agricultural changes typically involved
integration of commercial cropping, and often
completed and under improvement by 1999, dis-
signaled pivotal economic change. To date, how-
secting several Yanesha Native Communities in
ever, no study has attempted to explore quanti-
the Palcazu Valley and several Ashaninka com-
tatively how roads initiate change in traditional
munities in the Pichis watershed. The road per-
agriculture, the basis of subsistence for most
mitted greater movement of people, goods, pros-
Amazonian Amerindians (Camino 1984). These
pectors, and ideas. The effects of the road's pen-
ancient, usually swidden agricultural systems are
etration were pronounced at the time of our
well adapted to a physical environment charac-
study in 1999.
terized by poor soils, extreme rainfall, and in-
During the 1980s, there were also agents of
tense pathogens and weeds (Beckerman 1987;
conservation in the Palcazu Valley including
Moran 1993) but are they adapted to a global-
community land titles, immigration restrictions,
ized environment?
a national park, a protection forest, and com-
munal reserves supported by Cultural Survival,
USAID, and the Peruvian government and con-
servative cultural traditions of the Yanesha
Studies of Yanesha agricultural practices from
1984 to 1986 (Salick 1989; Salick and Lundberg
1990) described the ecological basis of Yanesha
agriculture at a time prior to, during, and im-
themselves. Has change or conservation held
mediately following the appearance of the Ca-
greater sway in the Palcazu Valley and among
rretera Marginal. We used tools from anthropol-
the Yanesha?
ogy and plant ecology to measure and under-
The fifteen years between our two studies
stand agricultural practices at this pivotal time.
marked a time of turbulence. Guerrilla and mil-
In 1999, we returned to the Palcazu Valley and
itary intrusion, invasion by a neighboring indig-
reapplied these methods to quantify cropping
enous group, and establishment of Colombian
changes and to understand motives and factors
cocaine traffickers shattered peace in the com-
leading to those changes.
munities of the Palcazu Valley for several years.
STUDY SITE
When the last drug lords were gone, an explo-
sion of timber extraction ushered in another
The Palcazu Valley is in the Andean foothills
short-term income boom for people throughout
approximately 400 kilometers northeast of Lima
the valley.
in the Selva Central (Central Jungle) (Fig. 1).
In this study our primary focus was agricul-
About 180 km in length, the valley is bordered
tural change, and we anticipated that the new
on both sides by recently protected mountain
highway and concomitant activities would stim-
ranges: the San Matias Protection Forest to the
ulate change in indigenous swidden agriculture.
east (up to 2000 m elevation) and the Yanachaga
By linking communities to markets, improving
National Park to the west (up to 4000 m eleva-
communication and transportation, and allowing
tion). The valley floor is approximately 15 ki-
more access to the wider Peruvian and global
environment-cultural, economic, political and
military-new roads are potent forces in the
Amazonian hinterland (Laurance et al. 2001).
Several studies of Amazonia addressed the
lometers wide and has a lowland tropical cli-
mate. Rainy season is from November to May
with a somewhat dry season in July and August.
Partly due to orographic lift of moisture masses
from the lowland forests to the east (Fig. 2),
2003] HAMLIN & SALICK: YANESHA AGRICULTURE 165
/ m> I ,iElevations
4 _,-., W J<_ In Meters
A/qu os 0 _j> - , |-~*'Cl 2000
yb; "-'-I.. -' '. 500 3000
alcazu .,-~~~~~~~~~~ & ~1 000 L ]4000
V ley 17 x t . s
| Peru %N) |/^ '--' ''
I Iscozacin) > s I
Puerto? Lagun BPuertomd
I . P~~~~~~~I
. Ohio University Cartographic Center
C> R /iver Timothy A. Price 7/2002
Fig. 1. Palcazu Valley in the Selva Central area of Peru. The Marginal Highway (Carretera Marginal) is
indicated, as well as cities, rivers, and protected areas mentioned in the text.
rainfall is very high in the Palcazu, over 6000
the Palcazu Valley. Optimal lands for agricul-
mm/year (Staver 1989; Staver, Simeone, and
tural use are alluvial floodplains along the valley
Stocks 1994). High rainfall and steep slopes
floor, though many of these are tenured by de-
contribute to erosion and landslides throughout
scendents of European immigrants who operate
ployed the same quantitative and qualitative
methods for data collection as those used pre-
viously (Salick 1989; Salick and Lundberg
1990). One third of the households in Laguna
were sampled (n = 18) for the purpose of this
study, prioritizing those households included in
the previous study (n = 10) and the remainder
selected to reflect the range of ages and occu-
~. - - pational situations represented in the communi-
ty. We sampled all agricultural fields and home
gardens for crops, voluntary edible plants, and
other species of economic importance (exclud-
Fig. 2. Logging truck with a full load of hard-
ing magic and medicinal plants for which the

woods negotiating the muddy Marginal Highway.
Yanesha reserved intellectual property rights and
ornamentals). In agricultural fields, we laid strat-
ified random quadrats (2 m X 5 m = 10 m2) to
extensive cattle ranching operations (Santos-
sample 5% of the total field area or until the
Granero and Barclay 1998). Villa Rica is a city
species richness did not increase in three suc-
upriver from the Palcazu, and is the center of
cessive quadrats. In the quadrats, we measured
coffee cultivation for the Selva Central.
the inventoried plants for height and distance to
The Yanesha are of the Arawak linguistic
another plant of the same species, estimated per-
group, and archaeological evidence traces the
cent cover, and noted the nearest neighboring
Yanesha to this part of the upper Amazon from
species. From these data we calculated density,
as early as 4000 B.P. Yanesha communities for-
cover, and diversities of species (a), field-type
merly located in the Palcazu, Pozuzo, Pichis,
(,B), and height class for all agricultural fields.
and Perene river valleys were forced to the edg-
Fields were classified on the basis of land type
es of traditional tribal lands by encroachment of
(beaches, alluvial lowlands, acidic uplands, and
European and Andean settlers (Smith 1977).

black earth uplands) and on the basis of field
Since contact with Spaniards in the 16th century,

type (bean/peanut, maize, cassava transition,
the Yanesha of this region have seen more Euplantain, early upland, late upland cassava, and
ropean and Andean colonization, increased maragroforestry). Height class and ao diversities
ket commerce, Adventist missions, development

were calculated by field type and L diversity by
projects, and more recently, violence related to

household.
political subversive groups and international

Ecological measures were used to describe
drug traffic.
agricultural fields and home gardens, and were
Puerto Laguna (hereafter "Laguna"), the fo-
analyzed with nonparametric univariate paired t-
cal Yanesha community in this study, was estab-
tests and multivariate polar ordinations. Semi-
lished in 1970, and was one of thirteen Yanesha
structured interviews with Yanesha agricultur-
Native Communities to receive official land title
alists and others in the Palcazu Valley provided
bases for interpreting motives influencing agri-
in titling campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s
cultural practices. Data from interviews with Ya-
(Smith 1982). Laguna is situated at the conflu-
nesha and non-Yanesha individuals in the Palence of the Raya River with the Palcazu River.
cazu Valley were also used for understanding

In 1985, members of Laguna divided upland
social, economic, political, and military factors

community lands into family parcels.
at play in the valley and influencing Yanesha
METHODS
livelihoods. Interviews with market vendors in
Villa Rica garnered information about the ecoPermission for the present study and its pub-
nomic conditions at play in this city, a primary
lication was obtained from the individuals inter-
destination for agricultural goods exported from
viewed, from the community of Laguna, from
the Palcazu Valley.
the Yanesha council and its Cornesha (elected
RESULTS
leader), and from the Peruvian government, Ins-
VEGETATION ANALYSES
tituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales (INRE-
NA).
Eighty agricultural fields were sampled and
For the most effective comparison, we em-
were categorized by field type as per Salick
Cl cv *l 4 cs - 00
~O00O
v : CN 66666o
1 - * _ 1983-86
00
1999
a C + + +tl l +1
00 66
66 006
! D X D <t N ~~~~~m z 00 r- I
0.
H' Beta H' HtH' Dens Cov/100 Area/Ha
Field characteristics
> o 5) o o~~~~~0 oo 00 o)
Fig. 3. Changes in crop (ox), height class, and f

!1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +1
+Is 6666oc
(field) diversities, and density (stems/m2), percent cov-
00 -0o
er, and field size (m2/10 000) between 1983-1986 and
1999. The asterisk indicates a significant trend of de-
creasing species diversity (Z = 1.41, P = 0.079).
(1989), with the addition of two new field types
(Table 1). Upland "black earth" (tierra negra)
Q <: mv ~~~~I+ +1 t+ +1 +1 +1
fields were new, comprising 1% (1990 m2) of
the total cultivated area sampled in the study.
Z~~~~~~~~~0c m N o N
Thirteen upland agroforestry fields were also
new in 1999, comprising 46% (36 750 m2) of

>0 . = N D CD o o
the upland area sampled, or 27% of the total area
<) H 'ca 00i I+I I 0 0 0+0
sampled in the study. These agroforestry fields
.0U ; CX O. F c o 00
were planted mostly with market crops, includ-
ing coffee (usually Coffea arabica) and peach
palm (Bactris gasipaes). Most of the agroforest-
ry plots were intercropped with subsistence
crops such as cassava. In the previous studies,
upland acidic terraces were planted with rice,

0. I +I +1+I +1+1+1
Cl 00 No~W
followed by cassava, but in 1999 we found no
upland rice fields.
Wilcoxon Signed Ranks nonparametric paired
t-tests of planting density, mean percent cover,
< H .= 0 O O O O X O
field size (area), and diversities of species, field-
type and height class showed no significant

O C-m :, e I +I + I+I +I +f
change in Yanesha fields between 1983-1986
and 1999 (Fig. 3). In a polar ordination with
major crops (beans/peanuts, maize, cassava, and
O Cl
plantains) used as poles, fields paired by house-
hold and field type were tested; no significant
changes were found (Fig. 4). Notable within this
ordination, however, was the proximity of agz~~~~~~~~- $ r
roforestry fields to cassava fields, reflecting the
common practice of intercropping of coffee
(Coffea sp.) and peach palm (Bactris gasipaes)
C: ? n >-t = r ~~~~~;>
with cassava in agroforestry fields. Upland rice
fields occurring in the center of the ordination

Lx < I 4 i ? 's U Q
were from 1983-1986 with this field type absent
Plantain
.~~~~~~~
Field groups
v A 1983-86
80 V A 1983-86 Rice
A v 1999
V:VV 'A Agroforestry
m v ~~~Vv vEw4
0 40 V8V
VA
V A AAV
40 40 80
Cd v~~~Maz 123%
=~~~~~~~~~~~1 0.2)
Fi.4 ryCrtsodnto o oshlssape n18-18 n 99 Fed r lttdaogae
base on ensiy ofmajo crp.Fel ar weentdfeetbtentetosuis( 3 .3
= 0.22). ~ ~ v
in 1999. A polar ordination with non-subjective
stricted mostly to acid upland soils, and hence
axes of only households sampled in both studies
are associated with fewer garden species (Table
revealed significant changes in field pairs be-
2). Other households, dispersed from the road-
tween 1983-1986 and 1999 (z = 2.053, P =
side and often located near or within the flood-
0.04) (Fig. 5) and in field types overall (Mann
plain, have more space for gardens and greater
Whitney U = -3.264, P = 0.001). A significant
access to richer alluvial soils on which diverse
crop bias was seen in this ordination with ten of
species thrive. Differences also correspond to
the twelve bean/peanut fields occurring in 1999
variation in traditional plant knowledge among
and five of the seven plantain fields in 1983-
community members. Species richness between
1986. Interviews with agriculturalists concern-
gardens of households sampled in both studies
ing these fields revealed a single event under-
did not change significantly (z = 0.84, P = 0.4).
lying these significant differences: a major flood
In a Bray-Curtis polar ordination of gardens by
in 1999 destroyed several plantain fields, which
species presence/absence, there was significant
were subsequently replanted with beans and pea-
change in species composition of paired gardens
nuts typical of beach fields. This flood caused
(Wilcoxon Signed Ranks z = 2.24, P = 0.025).
both the preponderance of bean fields and dearth
Culinary herbs associated with Spanish-Peru-
of plantain fields in our 1999 sample.
vian cooking (Capsicum frutescens, Allium sp.,
In 1999, the species richness of home gardens
was not significantly different from the earlier
Coriandrum sativum) were more common in Ya-
nesha gardens in 1999. Introduced plants such
study. Species richness was related to the garden
as fruit trees have been both added to and
area and location: households situated along the
dropped from Yanesha gardens. Fruit trees pro-
roadside were built close together and were re-
moted by PEPP in the 1980s such as star fruit
. ~~~~A
Year
A 1983-86
Cassava fields V 1999
80-
00 v
A | T Bean, peanut, maize fields
- ~~~~~vAV &
A~~~~~
0 40 80
AV
0 L0~~v
Axis 1 (19.84%)
Fig. 5. Bray Curtis ordination of agricultural fields by species density. Fields plotted are old (1983-1986)
and new (1999) measures of the same households. Field pairs were different between the two studies (n = 23,
z = 2.053, P = 0.04).
(Averrhoa carambola), and araza' (Eugenia sti-
fields in cultivation than a family of ten. At one
pitata) were more common in 1999, while other
extreme, a small family in which the father was
introduced plants such as Mamee apple (Mam-
a full-time laborer had no fields under cultiva-
mea americana) and cacao (Theobroma cacao)
tion and acquired all food goods with cash. At
were mostly abandoned. Also, plants tradition-
the other extreme, an older family (heads of
ally familiar to the Yanesha such as aguaje
household older than 60) with long-held access
(Mauritia flexuosa), papaya (Carica papaya),
to lowland and upland parcels, and with a long-
guava (Psidium guayaba), taro root (Colocasia
established membership in the community had
esculenta), pacae (Inga edulis), and peach palm
the highest field-type diversity. The premise here
(Bactris gasipaes) were more common in 1999.
is that because floodplain soils support a variety
of nutrient-demanding crops, access to lowland
FIELD-TYPE DIVERSITY
fields makes greater field diversity possible.
Field-type diversity was calculated based on
number and types of fields within families, and
Most households cultivated several different
land types simultaneously (higher field-type di-
then related to social factors such as lowland
versity); exceptions were small households,
access (present/absent), length of family estab-
those subsisting largely on cash income, or those
lishment in community (number of years), in-
with limited access to lowland fields. Unequal
volvement in cash cropping (present/absent),
access to lowland fields is partly due to their
and/or household size (number of individuals
relative scarcity in the mountainous terrain of
under same roof) (Table 3). For example, a fam-
Laguna and the unequal distribution of com-
ily of four or five members may have had fewer
munity lands that resulted from parceling in
TABLE 2. NUMBER OF SPECIES (NOT INCLUDING
TABLE 3. DIVERSITY (B) OF FIELD TYPES, AS A
ORNAMENTAL, MEDICINAL OR MAGIC PLANTS) IN
COMBINATION OF NUMBER AND TYPE OF AGRICUL-
HOUSEYARD GARDENS AND FACTORS ASSOCIATED
TURAL FIELD, ARE ASSOCIATED WITH FACTORS OF
WITH GARDEN AREA, COMPOSITION, OR MAINTE-
ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLD ESTABLISHMENT.
NANCE.
Among
field
Garden
(O)
species Family establishment/limitations
diver-
richness on gardening
sity Household economy, family establishment
6
1.63 Swidden agriculturalists with secure land ten-
7 Young family, single man, small area at
8 roadside home
ure and family establishment
1.52
9
1.39 Swidden agriculturalist and laborer with large
11 Plants attacked by leafcutter ants

family
12 High field crop diversity

1.10 Swidden agriculturalists establishing families
1.10 (same)
12 Small garden area at roadside home
13
1.05 (same)
13 Large garden, traditional plant knowledge

1.05 Establishing family with some cash cropping
15 Low field crop diversity/area

1.04 Small establishing family
1.04 (same)
18 Traditional plant knowledge
1.01 Professional with swidden agriculture and
19
cash cropping
19 Large garden area, traditional plant

0.87 Agriculturalist with small family and exten-
20 knowledge
0.64 sive cash cropping
21
Swidden agriculturalist with small family (1-
27 Large garden area, well-established fami3 persons)
28 ly
0.64 (same)
0.64 (same)
0.64 Swidden agriculturalist with poor establish-
ment
1985. Supporting key crops such as maize,
0.00 Professional with small family
beans, peanuts, plantain, papaya, and squash in
0.00 Swidden agriculturalist with small family (1-
their fertile soils, these floodplain fields are cru-
3 persons)
cial to Yanesha field and crop diversity. Unequal

0.00 Laborer
access to these fields was cause for conflict in
1985 and continued to be so; in 1999 many com-
munity members expressed concern about a

this time. Incursions incited the rebellion of an-
shortage of floodplain fields.
gry Ashaninka (the neighboring indigenous
group in the Pichis) to crush the guerrillas and
INTERVIEWS AND OBSERVATIONS
terrorize European colonists in both valleys. Af-
RECENT HISTORY IN THE PALCAZU VALLEY

ter the departure of the Ashaninka from the Pal-
Before presenting the quantitative data col-
lected in 1999, it is appropriate that we present
results on the nature and extent of the events
affecting the people in the Palcazu Valley during
the fifteen years preceding this study. The grow-
ing activity of guerrilla movements in Peru pen-
etrated the Palcazu and Pichis valleys in the late
1980s, and from 1988 to 1989 increasingly fre-
quent visits from left-wing guerrillas of first the
Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and later the
Revolutionary Movement of Tupac Amaru
(MRTA) subjected many communities to kid-
nappings, violence, theft, cattle slaughter, and
harassment. Many European and Andean people
evacuated the Palcazu and Pichis Valleys during
cazu Valley in approximately 1991, the drug
traffickers already evident along the Carretera
Marginal, including the upper Palcazu, estab-
lished in the lower Palcazu under the leadership
of a Colombian drug-lord. The drug-lord recruit-
ed countless local people into employment and/
or coca production causing a booming economy.
Even the army personnel based in Iscozacin
were corrupted by the lure of money to protect
the burgeoning drug trade and its clandestine
transport activities. It was the failure of this sup-
port base, due to a belated Peruvian government
crackdown, that prompted the evacuation of the
drug-lords in 1995.
The close of the drug trade ushered in a
20031 HAMLIN & SALICK: YANESHA AGRICULTURE 171
TABLE 4. AREA OF LAND CULTIVATED BY EACH HOUSEHOLD AND PER HOUSEHOLD MEMBER; TOTAL AREA
CASH-CROPPED BY EACH HOUSEHOLD, AND LAND-TYPES REPRESENTED. L = LOWLAND ALLUVIAL SOILS; U
= UPLAND ACIDIC SOILS. SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS CONCERNING FAMILY ESTABLISHMENT, LAND TENURE,
TIME AND LABOR COMMITMENTS OF HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD ARE LISTED.
Area of cultivated land (ha)
Per
household Cash- Land
Total member cropped Sociological factors types
<- Extensive cash cropping, large family, L, U
1.87 0.16 1.06 part-time laborer
1.69 0.14 0 - Large family L, U
1.49 0.25 1.23 - Extensive cash cropping U
1.34 0.27 0.64 Good land tenure, small household, L, U
1.17 0.59 0 cash cropping L, U
0.88 0.11 0 e Some borrowed land L, U
0.84 0.21 0.14 ) L, U
0.78 0.13 0.34 ) Good land tenure, cash cropping L, U
0.57 0.10 0 L, U
0.56 0.08 0 L, U
0.56 0.11 0 ) Good land tenure, no cash cropping L, U
0.54 0.11 0 L, U
0.37 0.07 0.06 e Poor land holding U
0.37 0.12 0 L, U
0.24 0.05 0 Head of household is full-time laborer/ L, U
0.24 0.05 0 professional U
0.17 0.17 0 e Widower L, U
0.12 0.12 0 e Widow L, U
peacetime boom in the timber industry in the
Palcazu Valley (Fig. 2). Road access allowed re-
roadside, comprising what was called the
"Raya" sector of the community. By 1999, sev-
moval of high-graded timber for export mostly
eral small Yanesha and Andean businesses lined
to Lima. The industry advanced so quickly that
the road, selling food staples, toys, tools, or hot
timber merchants interviewed claimed that all
meals; a few rented out rooms to schoolteachers,
accessible hardwoods had been sold by the late
transient workers, and travelers. From 1998-
1990s, forcing proprietors to sell lower grade
2000 PEPP worked to construct a spur road
woods. Besides the sociopolitical highlights here
along the western flank of the Raya River with
reviewed, another important trend taking place
plans to build a small hydroelectric dam, neither
during the last twenty years in the Palcazu Val-
of which were ever completed.
ley was the steady, though legally moderated,
YANESHA AGRICULTURE IN LAGUNA

immigration of peasants from the Andean high-
lands, placing incremental pressure on land and
resources in the region (Hierro, Hvalkof, and
Gray 1998).
The Yanesha continued to classify land types
based on their respective flooding regimes and
soil types, reflecting the crops these soil/land
Since the early 1980s, development projects
were in the area, including the Pichis-Palcazu
types supported (Salick 1989). In 1999, there
was the addition of infrequent fertile uplands
Special Project (PEPP) and USAID that built the
(tierra negra) that were cropped with maize or
Carretera Marginal, and the non-governmental
cowpeas.
organization Pro-Naturaleza associated with the
The area under cultivation by each household
Yanachaga National Park. Aside from the road
was associated with different social factors (Ta-
and the conservation areas, these projects have
ble 4). Greater area under cultivation was found
had little measurable effect on the area.
in households that had more members, had a
Since the road dissected Laguna in 1984, most
households relocated their homes along the
longer history of establishment in the commu-
nity, or had devoted much upland area to com-
mercial agroforestry. In addition, individuals
planting it is the soft growing meristem (palm
with regular cash income were less likely to
heart) that is harvested and directed for exterior
farm a large area due to lack of time or need.
markets. However, export marketing of palm
One exception was a part-time medic who was
heart required efficient transportation and/or
keeping a large area in cultivation, though this
area was mostly cash cropped.
Adaptive practices observed in 1999 included
experimentation with introduced species in
sanitary canning that depended on capital and
electricity, none of which were available in La-
guna in 1999.
Access to preferred locations or land types re-
home gardens and staggered planting in low-
mained of concern to many people in Laguna.
lands to buffer against crop failure. People often
In some cases, fields were so distant from the
took advantage of field microsites by planting
school and clinic that families opted to build
sugar cane or plantains in moist depressions of
their homes in the roadside Raya sector and visit
upland fields. Flexibility in cropping strategies
fields only occasionally. Many community
extended to handling problems of land tenure
members expressed concern about limited low-
and access: a family with no lowland fields bor-
lands for the community, a problem noted also
rowed a lowland plot from a neighbor; another
by Salick and Lundberg (1990) fifteen years ago.
family experimented with planting lowland
Three of the families interviewed were newly
crops (beans, plantains) on upland hillsides.
establishing families that had no access to low-
When we asked people why there were no
upland rice fields planted, most agriculturalists
land or floodplain fields. To adapt, families with
limited lowland access "rented" or borrowed
emphasized that rice was a very demanding
lowland fields or purchased lowland crops from
crop, requiring diligent weeding, and yields
other community members. The father in one
could be jeopardized by bird predation of ripe
newly establishing family was a fulltime logger,
seed heads. Homegrown rice had to be hulled
and in lieu of cultivating his fields, he bought
by hand, or carried across the Palcazu River to
food goods within the community, or borrowed
the community of Loma Linda, where one could
from his parents' fields. Some people claimed
hire a rice-hulling machine for the cost of the
that they had resorted to reducing the fallow pe-
fuel. These disadvantages of growing rice were
riod of lowland fields to one or two years in
off-set by readily available, cheap rice from the
order to maintain usifruct access.
Peruvian coast that most families purchased in
YANESHA REACTIONS TO CHANGE

1999.
Coffee and peach palm were introduced by
In general, people were reluctant to discuss
development programs in the 1980s and re-
the turbulent events of the previous fifteen
mained the most popular commercial crops
years: the guerrilla era, the Ashaninka rebel-
planted by agriculturalists (Fig. 6). Lowland va-
lion, and the period of the Colombian dru-
rieties of coffee (Coffea robusta) introduced in
glords. Terror and coersion were preferably for-
the 1980s, had been largely abandoned for the
gotten. However, some acts did directly affect
more popular C. arabica varieties, since the lat-
Yanesha agriculture. In 1991, several hundred
ter would get a higher price and were less likely
Ashaninka in the area demanded that both La-
to be rejected at market. World prices of coffee
guna and Loma Linda slaughter cattle to feed
fell dramatically in July of 1989 when the In-
the Ashaninka; Laguna's communal herd was
ternational Coffee Organization's export quota
reduced by half, eventually contributing to
system collapsed and launched worldwide cof-
abandonment of communal cattle operations.
fee prices into tailspin (McCormick 1994). Re-
Maginal Yanesha pastures and cattle produc-
duced coffee exportation forced producers'
tion, not a direct subject of this research, are
gross income nationally to an average of 3.51
addressed elsewhere (Staver, Simeone, and
Nuevos Soles (approx. US $1 in 1999) per ki-
Stocks 1994; Staver in press).
logram (La Reputblica 1999).
Peach palm (Bactris gasipaes) had been pro-
Yanesha perceptions of the road and its im-
pacts were usually positive. They were optimis-
moted by PEPP since the early 1980s, harvest-
tic about the changes the road would continue
able two or three years after field planting.
to bring. In interviews, most informants reflect-
Peach palm produce an edible starchy fruit con-
ed on positive changes since the road's arrival,
sumed by the Yanesha, though in commercial
citing greater health services, and improved ed-
4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-
Fig.6 UplAn l . i a f .
,~~~~~~~~~~~~6,
Fig. 6. Upland fields intercropped with commercial coffee (C. arabica) and fruit trees.
ucation, communication, and especially trans-
munity of Laguna used timber revenue to buy
portation.
a satellite dish with diesel generator, and con-
The construction of the highway and the
tinued to raise money for its operation and
timber boom, nevertheless, left some obvious
maintenance. Thus, even in a remote indige-
effects: home improvements, purchase of
nous village without electricity or running wa-
goods, and increased travel. In 1995 the com-
ter, it was possible to occasionally see soccer
Fig. 7. Upland black earth fields were planted by Amuesha agriculturalists with nutrient-demanding maize.
games, nature programs and soap operas
of intercropping, crop rotation, flexibility, spe-
broadcast from Lima.
cies experimentation, and employment of agro-
biodiversity at the species, field, and land-type
VILLA RICA MARKET

levels. Flexibility was obvious in the common
Market vendors pay very little for lowland
response to perturbation-the major flood early
food crops since the local economy, dependent
in 1999-when Yanesha transformed their low-
largely on coffee production, became depressed
land crop fields into beach fields by planting
when coffee prices collapsed more than a decade
beans and peanuts among rotted plantains. Like-
ago. Dealers in lowland crops such as plantains
wise, agriculturalists that discovered upland
and bananas often travel to production areas to
black earth sites recognized their potential and
buy and provide transportation to the markets;
planted them with nutrient-demanding crops
however these dealers by-pass the Palcazu,
such as corn and beans (Fig. 7). As Salick
which has limited lowland floodplains for low(1989) showed previously, many Yanesha agri-
land crop production. The vendors interviewed

cultural strategies are complex and forestall di-
expressed frustration with the local economy

saster; in 1999 they had not lost these strategies.
and unanimously supplemented incomes through

Cassava continued to be the staple food in Ya-
labor such as seasonal coffee-picking.

nesha diet and to be a focus of their spiritual
beliefs (Salick, Cellinese, and Knapp 1997; Sa-
DISCUSSION
lick and Russell in prep. The consistent inter-
PERSISTENCE
cropping of cassava in almost all field types re-
Yanesha cropping practices in Laguna in 1999
reflected great persistence of indigenous agri-
culture: beach (peanut/bean), lowland (relayed
maize-cassava-plantain-short fallow) and upland
flected these relationships, with cassava promi-
nent even in commercial coffee and peach palm
fields.
Likewise, other studies have found persis-
fields (cassava-long fallow). The major defining
tence of indigenous agriculture; subsistence gar-
characteristics of Yanesha swidden systems en-
dens and crops were persistent among the Ma-
dured overall (Fig. 3) and within households
chiguenga, also of the Peruvian Amazon, after
(Fig. 4), as did traditionally adaptive practices
ten years of increased contact with the market
economy, western influences, and many other
cial agroforestry reflected common economic as-
changes (Baksh 1995). By reducing risks, inter-
pirations in Laguna. Interest in cash crops was
cropping as practiced by both the Yanesha and
not new among the Yanesha, though coffee and
the Machiguenga continued to ensure the pro-
palm heart seemed to offer limited profits. In
duction of vital food crops.
Laguna, coffee was a popular cash crop pro-
moted by development workers with the advan-
CHANGE
tage of the established market in Villa Rica. As
Despite persistence in indigenous agricultural
strategies, some significant agricultural changes
a cash crop, coffee did have some advantages.
Despite being labor intensive to plant, cultivate,
were recorded in 1999 that revealed important
and harvest, coffee required little initial capital
trends in Yanesha subsistence and livelihood.
investment, it had a ready market, it earned a
Species composition changes in home gardens
reflected plant introduction and the massive re-
location of homes from the lowland sector to the
upland Raya sector of the community. In 1999,
higher price than other food or fruit-tree crops,
it endured transportation well, and had a greater
ratio of price to transport costs than many crops
(Pichon et al. 2001). Also, once planted, coffee
almost half of the households sampled were lo-
produced for several years. Nevertheless, the
cated along the road, packed closely together
collapse of coffee prices internationally meant
mostly on upland acidic infertile soils (Fig. 7).
that Yanesha from Laguna could earn US $50
There, limitations of space, soil fertility, and gar-
for a sack of coffee in 1999, which is relatively
den age influenced garden species. Also, many
little compared to the time and energy invested
fruit trees have been introduced over the years.
in producing the coffee. In many coffee-growing
Cooking herbs such as cilantro (Coriandrum sa-
areas of central Peru, the collapse in coffee prof-
tivum), chili pepper (Capiscum annuum), and
its caused agriculturalists to turn to cattle pro-
green onion (Allium sp.) were more common in
duction (Hierro, Hvalkof, and Gray 1998) but
1999 gardens, revealing a trend among Yanesha
to adopt tastes traditional to Andean and coastal
cattle have never been profitable for the Yanesha
(Staver, Simeone, and Stocks 1994). In another
cooking. Greater familiarity with Spanish-Peru-
part of the Peruvian Amazon, production and
vian cooking herbs is not surprising, given the
marketing problems with commercial rice and
increasing number of young Yanesha women
coffee left Machiguenga communities just
working in Lima (Salick 1992, 1997) and the
breaking even, even after several years of im-
influx of people and customs from the Andean
proved market links (Baksh 1995).
and coastal regions of Peru along the new high-
way.
Palm heart was also a popular cash crop in
Laguna, although the marketing of this product
The use of black earth for nutrient-demanding
depended on resources unavailable to them: sup-
crops in some upland fields was an intriguing
plies, training, electricity, and dependable trans-
find: the presence of black earth in this area may
portation to market. In addition, market linkages
indicate previous human settlement. That the
Yanesha recognize and take advantage of these
fertile soils speaks to their historical knowledge
of their environment and to the agricultural po-
tential of these possibly anthropogenic soils.
Community parceling and the construction of
the Raya spur road may have compelled people
to shift field sites further into the uplands where
these black earth soils were found.
Reduced rice cultivation was probably a con-
sequence of two factors: rice cultivation was la-
bor intensive, and inexpensive, imported rice
and other products were increasingly available
at the stores that have sprung up along the road.
Given these options, many people purchased
rice because it saved time and cost little.
The expansion of cash cropping and commer-
were undeveloped in 1999. As a strategy, many
suggest that agroforestry is an important area for
commercial development in the Amazon. For
the Runa of the Ecuadorian Amazon, the incor-
poration of maize, coffee, and cacao into their
shifting cultivation system has allowed them to
produce market crops, and may also have re-
sulted in agricultural intensification, an impor-
tant trend for the Runa, whose regional popula-
tion has been on the increase (Irvine 1987).
Outside of coffee and palm heart, the Yanesha
of Laguna had not ventured widely into com-
mercial cropping. Local crops such as barbasco,
cassava, plantains, maize, and peanuts were oc-
casionally sold within the community, but the
potential for large-scale commercial production
was limited even with the road: transport was
costly and unreliable, while food crops were in-
other Yanesha communities prior to the road's
appropriate, perishable, or insufficient for mar-
arrival, but in 1999 Laguna exhibited a wide-
ket. To make matters worse, with the depressed
spread though low-level dependence on cash.
economy in the closest market, Villa Rica, ven-
Several small stores sprang up along the road-
side, and most families were engaged in cash
dors buy very little anyway.
earning at some level, making cash exchange an
The most significant change we found was
increasingly common way to barter services or
commercial cropping, and despite reflecting both
a greater perceived need for cash and signifying
goods. During the last ten years of booming tim-
greater time and energy investments, the Yanes-
ber sales, many people in Laguna found new
ha people of Laguna, with few exceptions, main-
wealth by selling hardwood from their parcels.
tained food security. These results support the
By 1999 this activity had apparently slowed, and
popular theory that subsistence agricultural so-
many men worked intermittently as laborers for
cieties tend to practice risk avoidance (Scott
regional timber merchants.
1976). A system based on food security rather
Increased articulation with the market econo-
than high yield, swidden agriculture allows the
my is ubiquitous in indigenous Amazonia. As
Yanesha an existence relatively safe from an un-
Barbosa (2000) puts it, indigenous peoples are
predictable market economy. Or possibly, de-
becoming more aware economic resources are
velopment forces in the Palcazu Valley never en-
essential in the world economy that is 'engulf-
couraged the Yanesha to abandon subsistence
ing' them. For the Machiguenga, well-being has
agriculture, unlike parts of the Brazilian Amazon
become increasingly dependent on the ability to
(Ellen 1982; Hecht 1985).
have a reliable cash income (Baksh 1995). For
the Tupi-Monde, the trends of aggregation of
THE MEETING OF AMAZON NATIVES WITH

more sedentary communities combined with
NEW ROADS AND MARKETS

greater involvement in the market economy has
Reliable roads and strong market links are vi-
intensified natural resource exploitation (Santos
tal to successful distribution of cash crops. Thus,
and Coimbra 1998). Anthropologists and soci-
difficulties of market access are typical for set-
ologists have been active in exploring the cul-
tlers trying to market crops from homesteads in
tural effects of these economic transitions. A
the Amazonian frontier (Behrens, Baksh, and
Mothes 1994; Mahar 1989). These distances are
shift in values from a traditional reciprocal econ-
omy to those inherent in market economy such
compounded by insufficiently maintained roads,
as accumulation, saving, and investment are
so marketing agricultural produce becomes ab-
common, and often lead to conflict and contra-
solutely impractical (Barbosa 2000; Ryder and
diction. Those who transition largely to market
Brown 2000). Even recent projects aimed at
economy practices are regarded as threats to the
linking indigenous communities directly to mar-
cultural survival and material equality of the
kets and cutting out middlemen have failed due
community (Benavides 2000). After gold miners
to transportation costs and lack of training in
followed road construction into Yanomami ter-
enterprise management (Benavides 2000). In the
Palcazu Valley the Marginal Highway was prac-
tically impassable during the wettest months of
the year, and in several places had required ex-
tensive repairs where bridges collapsed at high
water or landslides covered the highway.
Nevertheless, the movement of people and
goods along the mud track was persistent even
when slowed by poor road conditions. The high-
way has been central to the growing involve-
ment by the Yanesha in the cash economy, al-
lowing greater influx of cash goods, routes for
timber export, and easier mobility of people. By
1999, it was evident that the cash economy was
a driving force in the Palcazu Valley. The pres-
ence of the cash economy existed in Laguna and
ritory in Venezuela and Brazil, the ensuing in-
vasion of new markets and customs led many
Yanomami to conditions of hunger, disease, beg-
gary, alcoholism, and prostitution (Sponsel
1995). The conflicts in this region have been at
times extremely violent.
The Kayapo of eastern Brazil became famous
in their resistance to gold mining and hydro-
electric dams, gaining the endorsements of rock
star Sting. When their signing of timber conces-
sions was seen as a 'corruption' of their tradi-
tional values and sacrificed them their support
by Sting and much of the international com-
munity, it was clear that for the international au-
dience the image of the 'noble savage' held no
room for timber concessions. In fact, logging
has been a common entry to many Amazonian
ically in the previous fifteen years. On the other
indigenous groups into the market economy. Of-
hand, many of the community members inter-
ten, timber extraction in the Amazon is depen-
viewed in 1999 were Yanesha previously dis-
dent on indigenous knowledge and labor, much
placed by overcrowding around Villa Rica and
as was the rubber industry in earlier times (Hier-
Oxapampa where highland immigration has
ro, Hvalkof, and Gray 1998). The Yanesha went
been significant; additionally, many families had
through economic booms consecutively of coca
children who had out-migrated to Amazonian
and timber increasing their dependence on cash
cities or Lima. Immigration of peasants from the
and market goods.
Andean highlands may intensify problems of
land access and emmigration of Yanesha may
LAND TENURE AND COMMUNITY REACTIONS

threaten cultural continuity.
A continuing situation in Laguna in 1999 was
Common among indigenous settlements under
pressure on lands. Tenure of fertile lowlands has
pressure of roads and socioeconomic and polit-
been an issue before the first studies in 1983-86
ical influences is the gradual aggregation of the
and since the Yanesha were forced from their
community. Schools and clinics are poles of at-
open homelands in other valleys into relatively
traction. Such patterns have in some cases led
small, bounded reserves with limited fertile low-
formerly nomadic societies to increasingly sed-
lands. Laguna gained land title in 1984, and after
entary lifestyles (Benavides 2000). This aggre-
parceling uplands to individuals in 1985, began
gation has been linked to decline in subsistence
to see a surge in disagreements related to these
resources and capabilities. For example, trends
lands as well. Land pressures prompted many
may include decreased fallow, decreased agri-
people to borrow fields from neighbors or rela-
cultural potential, soil degradation, a declining
tives, or to experiment with lowland crops
diversity in the dietary intake, and declines in
(beans, plantains) on acid, upland hillsides. The
wild foods, game and fish (Baksh 1995; Santos
success of these strategies was never promising:
and Coimbra 1998). Where social fellowship
borrowing depended on the willingness of others
was traditionally supported by the flow of inter-
to share, and the plantains and beans observed
household food and labor exchanges, new con-
on upland fields were few, and unlikely to flour-
flicts arise over issues of fish and fauna scarcity,
ish. Of even more concern was the strategy of
community-organized labor, political leadership,
fallow reduction in lowland fields; fallows are
and health care costs. For some, like the Yuqui
traditionally short where soil fertility is high (Sa-
in lowland Bolivia, these trends of aggregation
lick 1989). Reduced fallow times could result in
result in followed population increases that cul-
reduction of soil fertility (Beckerman 1993;
minated in extreme resource stress (Stearman
Lovejoy 1985; Shoemaker 1981) and even more
likely on these fertile lands, in increased weed
1995).
The trend of aggregation seen in many native
infestations (Staver 1989). If the increasing pres-
societies in Amazonia is also evident in Laguna,
sure on lowland fields does not lead to intensi-
where people are drawn to the clinic, the high
fication (reduced fallowing time or greater fal-
school, and the road. Interestingly, it was the
lowing frequency), it may result in further dis-
road that first brought Laguna community mem-
agreements over land tenure. Further study is
bers to relocate homes in the Raya sector in
needed to track Yanesha adaptive responses to
internal land pressures.
Most Yanesha communities in the Palcazu
Valley have obtained legal land title, as well as
access to communal reserve lands for subsis-
tence practices (Hierro, Hvalkof, and Gray
1998). However, the reserves created were de-
lineated somewhat arbitrarily, ignoring both eq-
uitable soil type distribution and size of tradi-
tional hunting and gathering grounds; boundar-
ies drawn for communities overlooked the po-
tential for population growth. In 1999, the
population of Laguna had not increased dramat-
1984-85, even though at that time the clinic and
school were in the Laguna sector of Puerto La-
guna, about ten minutes walk from Raya. Later
the school and clinic were relocated close to the
road and the new village center. By 1999, few
families in Laguna did not have a home located
within the roadside Raya sector, despite the con-
sequences that farming plots were more distant
for many, and Raya homes were close together.
We noted one possible effect of this trend in the
changing array of plant species seen in home
gardens. The socio-cultural consequences of this
change toward a reduction in privacy and inten-
sified social interactions and outside influences
chances for a new life are more likely a squat-
could be of even greater import. Given that La-
ter's hut or servant's quarters rather than real
guna has one of the few secondary schools in
opportunity. In an ideal world, the complex and
the entire valley, the community will continue
adaptive nature of Yanesha agricultural systems
to draw both Yanesha and non-Yanesha influ-
that have evolved during centuries will persist
ence in the years to come.
while continuing to evolve with the challenges
of a dynamic community on a busy road in the
YANESHA ALLIANCES
Peruvian Amazon. We have seen some signs for
Among the most remarkable features of the
such optimism, but also some warning of more
Laguna community are the regular town meet-
pessimistic scenarios found elsewhere in the
ings. There the Yanesha leader dressed in the
Amazon. What is clear is that the Yanesha will
typical cotton 'cushma' and his executive board
not persist, nor ever have persisted, in isolation.
meet publicly with all community members who
Who will be their influencing associates?
respond to his summons on a giant conch shell.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
After almost two decades of sweeping change,
the Yanesha of Laguna still keep most important
This study was supported by the Ohio University John Houk Memorial
Grant, as well as the Environmental Studies Program and the Department

decisions on a community platform: how much
of Environmental and Plant Biology at Ohio University. Partial field trav-
chicken and rice each home should provide for

el was provided by the United States Agency for Intemational Devel-
opment. Timothy Price and the Ohio University Cartographic Center

the town anniversary, how to raise money for
kindly prepared the map of the Palcazu Valley. We would especially like
repairs of the satellite dish, when and where the

to acknowledge our graditude to the community of Puerto Laguna for
next Adventist retreat will take place, who will
their warmth, openness and support of our study. May your road be paved
with something more positive than good intentions and something less
organize a maintenance crew for the water wells,
harmful than warfare-guerilla, indigenous, army and druglord.
if there will be transportation to next week's soc-
cer and volleyball games downriver. Most im-
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Yanesha Agriculture in the Upper Peruvian Amazon: Persistence and Change Fifteen Years

down the 'Road'

YANESHA AGRICULTURE IN THE UPPER PERUVIAN AMAZON:

PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE FIFTEEN YEARS DOWN

CATHERINE C. HAMLIN AND JAN SALICK

cchamlin@hotmail.com), and Jan Salick (Curator of Ethnobotany, Missouri Botanical Gardens,

restrictions, a national park, protection forest, and communal reserves.

AGRICULTURA YANESHA EN LA ALTA AMAZONIA PERUANA: PERSISTENCIA Y CAMBIO DESPUES DE

cuantitativa y entrevistas para describir cambios en la agricultura Yanesha en Laguna despue's

de quince anos. El porcentaje de cobertura, la densidad de siembra, el tamanio de campo agrfcola,

En huertas domesticas, se conserv6 la riqueza de especies, aunque se presentaron cambios en la

composici6n de especies como resultado de la experimentacio'n y agregacion de casas por la

de una decada de actividades de guerrillas, militares, Ashaninka, y narcotraficantes en el Valle

Palcazu. Agentes de conservation incluyieron titulos comunitarios, imigration restrijida, un par-

que nacional, un foresta de protection, y reserves comunales.

Key Words: agriculture; Amazon; Peru; Yanesha.

The Yanesha of the Palcazu Valley in the cen-

productivity within environmental constraints.

tral) have developed indigenous agriculture

characterized by flexibility, buffering, and sevSince European conquest of Peru, missionaries,

eral levels of diversity to achieve stability and

Yanesha (Salick and Lundberg 1990). In the

1980s, a new and potentially radical vehicle of

Economic Botany 57(2) pp. 163-180. 2003

164 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

vehicle was a new highway (Carretera Margin-

al), and its penetration of the Palcazu Valley

served to widen and accelerate the links con-

necting Yanesha communities to ideas, markets,

impact of road construction on the physical en-

vironment and on indigenous cultures (Barclay

1985; Brown 1984; Bunker 1985; Loker and

Vosti 1993; Maki, Kalliola, and Vuorinen 2001;

Salick and Lundberg 1990; Schmink and Wood

In 1980, newly re-elected Peruvian president

Fernando Belaunde Terry proposed eight "spe-

cial projects," one of which earmarked the Selva

1992; Shoemaker 1981; Smith 1982; Works

1984). Existing literature recounts tales of indig-

enous societies in which stronger links to cash

Central for improvement and extension of fair-

markets and Western culture influenced every-

weather roads between the town of La Merced

thing from diet to religious practices (Behrens,

through the Palcazu Valley to Puerto Bermudez

Baksh, and Mothes 1994; Behrens 1996; Brown

on the Pichis River, and then to Pucallpa, a dy-

1984; Kensinger 1995; Stocks 1981; Works

namic and growing commercial center to the

north. Road construction began in 1984 and was

1984). Agricultural changes typically involved

integration of commercial cropping, and often

completed and under improvement by 1999, dis-

signaled pivotal economic change. To date, how-

secting several Yanesha Native Communities in

ever, no study has attempted to explore quanti-

the Palcazu Valley and several Ashaninka com-

tatively how roads initiate change in traditional

munities in the Pichis watershed. The road per-

agriculture, the basis of subsistence for most

mitted greater movement of people, goods, pros-

Amazonian Amerindians (Camino 1984). These