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The age of Constantine marked a distinct epoch in the history of the Roman Empire.[5] He built a new imperial residence at Byzantium and renamed the city Constantinople
after himself (the laudatory epithet of New Rome came
later, and was never an ocial title). It would later become the capital of the Empire for over one thousand
years; for which reason the later Eastern Empire would
come to be known as the Byzantine Empire. His more
immediate political legacy was that, in leaving the empire to his sons, he replaced Diocletians tetrarchy with
the principle of dynastic succession. His reputation ourished during the lifetime of his children and centuries
after his reign. The medieval church upheld him as a
paragon of virtue while secular rulers invoked him as a
prototype, a point of reference, and the symbol of imperial legitimacy and identity.[6] Beginning with the Renaissance, there were more critical appraisals of his reign due
to the rediscovery of anti-Constantinian sources. Critics
portrayed him as a tyrant. Trends in modern and recent
scholarship attempted to balance the extremes of previous scholarship.
Constantine the Great (Latin: Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus Augustus;[2] Greek:
; 27 February c. 272 AD[1] 22 May 337 AD),
also known as Constantine I or Saint Constantine (in
the Orthodox Church as Saint Constantine the Great,
Equal-to-the-Apostles),[3] was a Roman Emperor from
306 to 337 AD. Constantine was the son of Flavius Valerius Constantius, a Roman army ocer, and his consort
Helena. His father became Caesar, the deputy emperor in
the west in 293 AD. Constantine was sent east, where he
rose through the ranks to become a military tribune under
the emperors Diocletian and Galerius. In 305, Constantius was raised to the rank of Augustus, senior western
emperor, and Constantine was recalled west to campaign
under his father in Britannia (Britain). Acclaimed as emperor by the army at Eboracum (modern-day York) after his fathers death in 306 AD, Constantine emerged
victorious in a series of civil wars against the emperors
Maxentius and Licinius to become sole ruler of both west
and east by 324 AD.
Constantine is a signicant gure in the history of Christianity. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, built on his orders at the purported site of Jesus' tomb in Jerusalem, became the holiest place in Christendom. The Papal claim
to temporal power in the High Middle Ages was based on
the supposed Donation of Constantine. He is venerated
as a saint by Eastern Orthodox, Byzantine Catholics, and
Anglicans.
1 Sources
Constantine was a ruler of major historical importance,
and he has always been a controversial gure.[7] The
uctuations in Constantines reputation reect the nature of the ancient sources for his reign. These are
abundant and detailed,[8] but have been strongly inuenced by the ocial propaganda of the period,[9] and
are often one-sided.[10] There are no surviving histories or biographies dealing with Constantines life and
rule.[11] The nearest replacement is Eusebius of Caesarea's Vita Constantini, a work that is a mixture of eulogy
and hagiography.[12] Written between 335 AD and circa
339 AD,[13] the Vita extols Constantines moral and religious virtues.[14] The Vita creates a contentiously positive image of Constantine,[15] and modern historians have
frequently challenged its reliability.[16] The fullest secular life of Constantine is the anonymous Origo Constan1
EARLY LIFE
tini.[17] A work of uncertain date,[18] the Origo focuses on February,[28] probably c. 272 AD.[29] His father was
military and political events, to the neglect of cultural and Flavius Constantius, an Illyrian,[30][31] and a native of
religious matters.[19]
Dardania province of Moesia (later Dacia Ripensis).[32]
[33]
Lactantius' De Mortibus Persecutorum, a political Chris- Constantine probably spent little time with his father
tian pamphlet on the reigns of Diocletian and the who was an ocer in the Roman army, part of the Emdescribed
Tetrarchy, provides valuable but tendentious detail peror Aurelian's imperial bodyguard. Being
[34]
as
a
tolerant
and
politically
skilled
man,
Constantius
[20]
The
on Constantines predecessors and early life.
ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and advanced through the ranks, earning the governorship
of Dalmatia from Emperor Diocletian, another of AuTheodoret describe the ecclesiastic disputes of Con[32]
[21]
stantines later reign.
Written during the reign of relians companions from Illyricum, in 284 or 285.
Constantines mother was Helena, possibly a Bithynian
Theodosius II (40850 AD), a century after Con[35]
stantines reign, these ecclesiastic historians obscure woman of low social standing. It is uncertain whether
she was legally married to Constantius or merely his
the events and theologies of the Constantinian period
[36]
It is unclear if Constantine could speak
through misdirection, misrepresentation and deliberate concubine.
Thracian, his main language being Latin, during his pub[22]
obscurity. The contemporary writings of the orthodox
[37]
Christian Athanasius and the ecclesiastical history of the lic speeches he needed Greek translators.
Arian Philostorgius also survive, though their biases are
no less rm.[23]
The epitomes of Aurelius Victor (De Caesaribus),
Eutropius (Breviarium), Festus (Breviarium), and the
anonymous author of the Epitome de Caesaribus oer
compressed secular political and military histories of the
period. Although not Christian, the epitomes paint a
favorable image of Constantine, but omit reference to
Constantines religious policies.[24] The Panegyrici Latini, a collection of panegyrics from the late third and
early fourth centuries, provide valuable information on
the politics and ideology of the tetrarchic period and the
early life of Constantine.[25] Contemporary architecture, Constantines parents and siblings, the dates in square brackets
such as the Arch of Constantine in Rome and palaces in indicate the possession of minor titles
Gamzigrad and Crdoba,[26] epigraphic remains, and the
coinage of the era complement the literary sources.[27]
In July 285 AD, Diocletian declared Maximian, another
colleague from Illyricum, his co-emperor. Each emperor
would have his own court, his own military and administrative faculties, and each would rule with a separate
2 Early life
praetorian prefect as chief lieutenant.[38] Maximian ruled
in the West, from his capitals at Mediolanum (Milan,
Italy) or Augusta Treverorum (Trier, Germany), while
Diocletian ruled in the East, from Nicomedia (zmit,
Turkey). The division was merely pragmatic: the Empire
was called indivisible in ocial panegyric,[39] and both
emperors could move freely throughout the Empire.[40]
In 288, Maximian appointed Constantius to serve as
his praetorian prefect in Gaul. Constantius left Helena
to marry Maximians stepdaughter Theodora in 288 or
289.[41]
Diocletian divided the Empire again in 293 AD, appointing two Caesars (junior emperors) to rule over further
subdivisions of East and West. Each would be subordinate to their respective Augustus (senior emperor) but
would act with supreme authority in his assigned lands.
Remains of the luxurious residence palace of Mediana, erected This system would later be called the Tetrarchy. Diocleby Constantine I near his birth town of Naissus
tians rst appointee for the oce of Caesar was Constantius; his second was Galerius, a native of Felix RoFlavius Valerius Constantinus, as he was originally muliana. According to Lactantius, Galerius was a brunamed, was born in the city of Naissus, (today Ni, tal, animalistic man. Although he shared the paganism
Serbia) part of the Dardania province of Moesia on 27 of Romes aristocracy, he seemed to them an alien g-
2.2
In the West
2.1
In the East
3
Constantine had returned to Nicomedia from the eastern
front by the spring of 303 AD, in time to witness the beginnings of Diocletians "Great Persecution", the most severe persecution of Christians in Roman history.[50] In
late 302, Diocletian and Galerius sent a messenger to
the oracle of Apollo at Didyma with an inquiry about
Christians.[51] Constantine could recall his presence at the
palace when the messenger returned, when Diocletian accepted his courts demands for universal persecution.[52]
On 23 February 303 AD, Diocletian ordered the destruction of Nicomedias new church, condemned its scriptures to the ames, and had its treasures seized. In the
months that followed, churches and scriptures were destroyed, Christians were deprived of ocial ranks, and
priests were imprisoned.[53]
It is unlikely that Constantine played any role in the
persecution.[54] In his later writings he would attempt
to present himself as an opponent of Diocletians sanguinary edicts against the worshippers of God,[55] but
nothing indicates that he opposed it eectively at the
time.[56] Although no contemporary Christian challenged
Constantine for his inaction during the persecutions, it remained a political liability throughout his life.[57]
On 1 May 305 AD, Diocletian, as a result of a debilitating
sickness taken in the winter of 304305 AD, announced
his resignation. In a parallel ceremony in Milan, Maximian did the same.[58] Lactantius states that Galerius
manipulated the weakened Diocletian into resigning, and
forced him to accept Galerius allies in the imperial succession. According to Lactantius, the crowd listening to
Diocletians resignation speech believed, until the very
last moment, that Diocletian would choose Constantine
and Maxentius (Maximians son) as his successors.[59] It
was not to be: Constantius and Galerius were promoted
to Augusti, while Severus and Maximinus Daia, Galerius
nephew, were appointed their Caesars respectively. Constantine and Maxentius were ignored.[60]
3 EARLY RULE
tiuss death and his own acclamation. Along with the notice, he included a portrait of himself in the robes of an
Augustus.[71] The portrait was wreathed in bay.[72] He
requested recognition as heir to his fathers throne, and
passed o responsibility for his unlawful ascension on
his army, claiming they had forced it upon him.[73] Galerius was put into a fury by the message; he almost set the
portrait on re. His advisers calmed him, and argued that
outright denial of Constantines claims would mean certain war.[74] Galerius was compelled to compromise: he
granted Constantine the title Caesar rather than AuBronze statue of Constantine I in York, England, near the spot
gustus (the latter oce went to Severus instead).[75]
where he was proclaimed Augustus in 306
Wishing to make it clear that he alone gave Constantine
legitimacy, Galerius personally sent Constantine the emFrom Bononia they crossed the Channel to Britain and perors traditional purple robes.[76] Constantine accepted
made their way to Eboracum (York), capital of the the decision,[75] knowing that it would remove doubts as
province of Britannia Secunda and home to a large to his legitimacy.[77]
military base. Constantine was able to spend a year
in northern Britain at his fathers side, campaigning
against the Picts beyond Hadrians Wall in the summer and autumn.[67] Constantiuss campaign, like that of 3 Early rule
Septimius Severus before it, probably advanced far into
the north without achieving great success.[68] Constantius Constantines share of the Empire consisted of Britain,
had become severely sick over the course of his reign, and Gaul, and Spain. He therefore commanded one of the
died on 25 July 306 in Eboracum (York). Before dying, largest Roman armies, stationed along the important
he declared his support for raising Constantine to the rank Rhine frontier.[78] After his promotion to emperor, Conof full Augustus. The Alamannic king Chrocus, a barbar- stantine remained in Britain, driving back the tribes of the
ian taken into service under Constantius, then proclaimed Picts and secured his control in the northwestern dioceses.
Constantine as Augustus. The troops loyal to Constantius He completed the reconstruction of military bases bememory followed him in acclamation. Gaul and Britain gun under his fathers rule, and ordered the repair of the
quickly accepted his rule;[69] Iberia, which had been in regions roadways.[79] He soon left for Augusta Treverohis fathers domain for less than a year, rejected it.[70]
rum (Trier) in Gaul, the Tetrarchic capital of the northConstantine sent Galerius an ocial notice of Constan- western Roman Empire.[80] The Franks, after learning of
3.1
Maxentius rebellion
The portrait of Gaius Flavius Valerius Constantinus on a Roman coin. The inscription around the portrait is Constantinus
Aug[ustus]".
5
hint of illegitimacy about him, he relied on his fathers
reputation in his early propaganda: the earliest panegyrics to Constantine give as much coverage to his fathers deeds as to those of Constantine himself.[88] Constantines military skill and building projects soon gave
the panegyrist the opportunity to comment favorably on
the similarities between father and son, and Eusebius remarked that Constantine was a renewal, as it were, in
his own person, of his fathers life and reign.[89] Constantinian coinage, sculpture and oratory also shows a
new tendency for disdain towards the barbarians beyond the frontiers. After Constantines victory over
the Alemanni, he minted a coin issue depicting weeping and begging Alemannic tribesmen"The Alemanni
conqueredbeneath the phrase Romans rejoicing.[90]
There was little sympathy for these enemies. As his panegyrist declared: It is a stupid clemency that spares the
conquered foe.[91]
Maxentius rebellion
3 EARLY RULE
3.2
Maximians rebellion
tines army remained loyal to their emperor, and Maximian was soon compelled to leave. Constantine soon
heard of the rebellion, abandoned his campaign against
the Franks, and marched his army up the Rhine.[102]
At Cabillunum (Chalon-sur-Sane), he moved his troops
onto waiting boats to row down the slow waters of the
Sane to the quicker waters of the Rhone. He disembarked at Lugdunum (Lyon).[103] Maximian ed to Massilia (Marseille), a town better able to withstand a long
siege than Arles. It made little dierence, however, as
loyal citizens opened the rear gates to Constantine. Maximian was captured and reproved for his crimes. Constantine granted some clemency, but strongly encouraged his
suicide. In July 310 AD, Maximian hanged himself.[102]
In spite of the earlier rupture in their relations, Maxentius was eager to present himself as his fathers devoted
son after his death.[104] He began minting coins with his
fathers deied image, proclaiming his desire to avenge
Maximians death.[105] Constantine initially presented the
suicide as an unfortunate family tragedy. By 311 AD,
however, he was spreading another version. According to this, after Constantine had pardoned him, Maximian planned to murder Constantine in his sleep. Fausta
learned of the plot and warned Constantine, who put a
eunuch in his own place in bed. Maximian was apprehended when he killed the eunuch and was oered suicide, which he accepted.[106] Along with using propaganda, Constantine instituted a damnatio memoriae on
Maximian, destroying all inscriptions referring to him
and eliminating any public work bearing his image.[107]
4.1
Civil wars
4.1
7
port dissolved in the wake of heightened tax rates and depressed trade; riots broke out in Rome and Carthage;[122]
and Domitius Alexander was able to briey usurp his authority in Africa.[123] By 312 AD, he was a man barely tolerated, not one actively supported,[124] even among Christian Italians.[125] In the summer of 311 AD, Maxentius
mobilized against Constantine while Licinius was occupied with aairs in the East. He declared war on Constantine, vowing to avenge his fathers murder.[126] To prevent Maxentius from forming an alliance against him with
Licinius,[127] Constantine forged his own alliance with
Licinius over the winter of 311312 AD, and oered him
his sister Constantia in marriage. Maximin considered
Constantines arrangement with Licinius an aront to his
authority. In response, he sent ambassadors to Rome, offering political recognition to Maxentius in exchange for
a military support. Maxentius accepted.[128] According
to Eusebius, inter-regional travel became impossible, and
there was military buildup everywhere. There was not a
place where people were not expecting the onset of hostilities every day.[129]
Constantines advisers and generals cautioned against preemptive attack on Maxentius;[130] even his soothsayers
recommended against it, stating that the sacrices had
produced unfavorable omens.[131] Constantine, with a
spirit that left a deep impression on his followers, inspiring some to believe that he had some form of supernatural
guidance,[132] ignored all these cautions.[133] Early in the
spring of 312 AD,[134] Constantine crossed the Cottian
Alps with a quarter of his army, a force numbering about
40,000.[135] The rst town his army encountered was Segusium (Susa, Italy), a heavily fortied town that shut its
gates to him. Constantine ordered his men to set re to
its gates and scale its walls. He took the town quickly.
Constantine ordered his troops not to loot the town, and
advanced with them into northern Italy.[134]
At the approach to the west of the important city of Augusta Taurinorum (Turin, Italy), Constantine met a large
force of heavily armed Maxentian cavalry.[136] In the ensuing battle Constantines army encircled Maxentius cavalry, anked them with his own cavalry, and dismounted
them with blows from his soldiers iron-tipped clubs.
Constantines armies emerged victorious.[137] Turin refused to give refuge to Maxentius retreating forces, opening its gates to Constantine instead.[138] Other cities of the
north Italian plain sent Constantine embassies of congratulation for his victory. He moved on to Milan, where he
was met with open gates and jubilant rejoicing. Constantine rested his army in Milan until mid-summer 312 AD,
when he moved on to Brixia (Brescia).[139]
Brescias army was easily dispersed,[140] and Constantine quickly advanced to Verona, where a large Maxentian force was camped.[141] Ruricius Pompeianus, general of the Veronese forces and Maxentius praetorian
prefect,[142] was in a strong defensive position, since the
town was surrounded on three sides by the Adige. ConMaxentius rule was nevertheless insecure. His early sup- stantine sent a small force north of the town in an at-
CIVIL WARS
The description from 28th October 312, 'A cross centered on the
Sun ts with modern-day photographs of Sun dogs.
The Milvian Bridge (Ponte Milvio) over the Tiber, north of Rome,
where Constantine and Maxentius fought in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge
Constantine and his army adopt the Greek letters for Christs initials: Chi Rho
4.2
In Rome
9
He staged a grand adventus in the city, and was met with
popular jubilation.[175] Maxentius body was shed out of
the Tiber and decapitated. His head was paraded through
the streets for all to see.[176] After the ceremonies, Maxentius disembodied head was sent to Carthage; at this,
Carthage would oer no further resistance.[177] Unlike
his predecessors, Constantine neglected to make the trip
to the Capitoline Hill and perform customary sacrices
at the Temple of Jupiter.[178] He did, however, choose
to honor the Senatorial Curia with a visit,[179] where he
promised to restore its ancestral privileges and give it
a secure role in his reformed government: there would
be no revenge against Maxentius supporters.[180] In response, the Senate decreed him title of the rst name,
which meant his name would be listed rst in all ocial documents,[181] and acclaimed him as the greatest
Augustus.[182] He issued decrees returning property lost
under Maxentius, recalling political exiles, and releasing
Maxentius imprisoned opponents.[183]
10
4.3
In the following years, Constantine gradually consolidated his military superiority over his rivals in the crumbling Tetrarchy. In 313, he met Licinius in Milan to secure their alliance by the marriage of Licinius and Constantines half-sister Constantia. During this meeting, the
emperors agreed on the so-called Edict of Milan,[193] ofcially granting full tolerance to Christianity and all religions in the Empire.[194] The document had special benets for Christians, legalizing their religion and granting them restoration for all property seized during Diocletians persecution. It repudiates past methods of religious coercion and used only general terms to refer to
the divine sphere"Divinity and Supreme Divinity,
summa divinitas.[195] The conference was cut short, however, when news reached Licinius that his rival Maximin
had crossed the Bosporus and invaded European territory. Licinius departed and eventually defeated Maximin,
gaining control over the entire eastern half of the Roman
Empire. Relations between the two remaining emperors
deteriorated, as Constantine suered an assassination attempt at the hands of a character that Licinius wanted elevated to the rank of Caesar;[196] Licinius, for his part had
Constantines statues in Emona destroyed.[197] In either
314 or 316 the two Augusti fought against one another
at the Battle of Cibalae, with Constantine being victorious. They clashed again at the Battle of Mardia in 317,
and agreed to a settlement in which Constantines sons
Crispus and Constantine II, and Licinius son Licinianus
were made caesars.[198] After this arrangement, Constantine ruled the dioceses of Pannonia and Macedonia and
took residence at Sirmium, whence he could wage war
on the Goths and Sarmatians in 322, and on the Goths in
323.[196]
In the year 320, Licinius allegedly reneged on the religious freedom promised by the Edict of Milan in 313 and
began to oppress Christians anew,[199] generally without
bloodshed, but resorting to conscations and sacking of
Christian oce-holders.[200] Although this characterization of Licinius as anti-Christian is somewhat doubtful,
the fact is that he seems to have been far less open in
his support of Christianity than Constantine. Therefore,
Licinius was prone to see the Church as a force more
loyal to Constantine than to the Imperial system in general [201] the explanation oered by the Church historian
Sozomen.[202]
This dubious arrangement eventually became a challenge
to Constantine in the West, climaxing in the great civil
war of 324. Licinius, aided by Goth mercenaries, represented the past and the ancient Pagan faiths. Constantine and his Franks marched under the standard of the
labarum, and both sides saw the battle in religious terms.
Outnumbered, but red by their zeal, Constantines army
emerged victorious in the Battle of Adrianople. Licinius
ed across the Bosphorus and appointed Martius Martinianus, the commander of his bodyguard, as Caesar, but
LATER RULE
Constantine next won the Battle of the Hellespont, and nally the Battle of Chrysopolis on 18 September 324.[203]
Licinius and Martinianus surrendered to Constantine at
Nicomedia on the promise their lives would be spared:
they were sent to live as private citizens in Thessalonica
and Cappadocia respectively, but in 325 Constantine accused Licinius of plotting against him and had them both
arrested and hanged; Liciniuss son (the son of Constantines half-sister) was also killed.[204] Thus Constantine
became the sole emperor of the Roman Empire.[205]
5 Later rule
5.1 Foundation of Constantinople
Licinius defeat came to represent the defeat of a rival center of Pagan and Greek-speaking political activity in the East, as opposed to the Christian and Latinspeaking Rome, and it was proposed that a new Eastern capital should represent the integration of the East
into the Roman Empire as a whole, as a center of learning, prosperity, and cultural preservation for the whole
of the Eastern Roman Empire.[206] Among the various
locations proposed for this alternative capital, Constantine appears to have toyed earlier with Serdica (presentday Soa), as he was reported saying that "Serdica is
my Rome".[207] Sirmium and Thessalonica were also
considered.[208] Eventually, however, Constantine decided to work on the Greek city of Byzantium, which
oered the advantage of having already been extensively
rebuilt on Roman patterns of urbanism, during the preceding century, by Septimius Severus and Caracalla, who
had already acknowledged its strategic importance.[209]
The city was thus founded in 324,[210] dedicated on 11
May 330[210] and renamed Constantinopolis (Constantines City or Constantinople in English). Special commemorative coins were issued in 330 to honor the event.
The new city was protected by the relics of the True
Cross, the Rod of Moses and other holy relics, though
a cameo now at the Hermitage Museum also represented
Constantine crowned by the tyche of the new city.[211]
The gures of old gods were either replaced or assimilated into a framework of Christian symbolism. Constantine built the new Church of the Holy Apostles on the site
5.2
Religious policy
11
title emperors bore as heads of the ancient Roman religion priesthood until Gratian (r. 375383) renounced the
title.[216][217] According to Christian writers, Constantine
was over 40 when he nally declared himself a Christian, writing to Christians to make clear that he believed
he owed his successes to the protection of the Christian
High God alone.[218] Throughout his rule, Constantine
supported the Church nancially, built basilicas, granted
5.2 Religious policy
privileges to clergy (e.g. exemption from certain taxes),
promoted Christians to high oce, and returned propFurther information: Constantine I and Christianity, erty conscated during the Diocletianic persecution.[219]
Constantine I and paganism, and Constantine the Great His most famous building projects include the Church of
and Judaism
the Holy Sepulchre, and Old Saint Peters Basilica.
Constantine was the rst emperor to stop Christian perApparently Constantine did not patronize Christianity
alone. After gaining victory in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge (312), a triumphal archthe Arch of Constantinewas built (315) to celebrate his triumph. The
arch is decorated with images of the goddess Victoria. At
the time of its dedication, sacrices to gods like Apollo,
Diana, and Hercules were made. Absent from the Arch
are any depictions of Christian symbolism. However, as
the Arch was commissioned by the Senate, the absence
of Christian symbols may reect the role of the Curia at
the time as a pagan redoubt.[220]
In 321, he legislated that the venerable day of the sun
should be a day of rest for all citizens.[221] In the year
323, he issued a decree banning Christians from participating in state sacrices[222] Furthermore, Constantines
coinage continued to carry the symbols of the sun. After
the pagan gods had disappeared from his coinage, Christian symbols appeared as Constantines attributes: the chi
rho between his hands or on his labarum,[223] as well on
the coin itself.[224]
Constantine the Great, mosaic in Hagia Sophia, c. 1000
12
LATER RULE
5.5
5.4
Monetary reforms
13
silver currency was overvalued in terms of its actual metal
content, and therefore could only circulate at much discounted rates. Minting of the Diocletianic pure silver
argenteus ceased, therefore, soon after 305, while the billon currency continued to be used until the 360s. From
the early 300s on, Constantine forsook any attempts at
restoring the silver currency, preferring instead to concentrate on minting large quantities of good standard gold
piecesthe solidus, 72 of which made a pound of gold.
New (and highly debased) silver pieces would continue
to be issued during Constantines later reign and after his
death, in a continuous process of retaring, until this
bullion minting eventually ceased, de jure, in 367, with
the silver piece being de facto continued by various denominations of bronze coins, the most important being
the centenionalis.[244] These bronze pieces continued to
be devalued, assuring the possibility of keeping duciary
minting alongside a gold standard. The anonymous author of the possibly contemporary treatise on military
aairs De Rebus Bellicis held that, as a consequence of
this monetary policy, the rift between classes widened:
the rich beneted from the stability in purchasing power
of the gold piece, while the poor had to cope with everdegrading bronze pieces.[245] Later emperors like Julian
the Apostate tried to present themselves as advocates of
the humiles by insisting on trustworthy mintings of the
bronze currency.[246]
Constantines monetary policy were closely associated
with his religious ones, in that increased minting was associated with measures of conscationtaken since 331
and closed in 336of all gold, silver and bronze statues from pagan temples, who were declared as imperial
property and, as such, as monetary assets. Two imperial
commissioners for each province had the task of getting
hold of the statues and having them melded for immediate mintingwith the exception of a number of bronze
statues who were used as public monuments for the beautication of the new capital in Constantinople.[247]
A Nummus of Constantine
After the runaway ination of the third century, associated with the production of at money to pay for public
expenses, Diocletian had tried unsuccessfully to re establish trustworthy minting of silver and billon coins. The
failure of the various Diocletianic attempts at the restoration of a functioning silver coin resided in the fact that the
On some date between 15 May and 17 June 326, Constantine had his eldest son Crispus, by Minervina, seized and
put to death by cold poison at Pola (Pula, Croatia).[248]
In July, Constantine had his wife, the Empress Fausta,
killed in an over-heated bath.[249] Their names were
wiped from the face of many inscriptions, references to
their lives in the literary record were erased, and the
memory of both was condemned. Eusebius, for example,
edited praise of Crispus out of later copies of his Historia
Ecclesiastica, and his Vita Constantini contains no mention of Fausta or Crispus at all.[250] Few ancient sources
are willing to discuss possible motives for the events;
those few that do, oer unconvincing rationales, are of
later provenance, and are generally unreliable.[251] At the
time of the executions, it was commonly believed that the
Empress Fausta was either in an illicit relationship with
14
Crispus, or was spreading rumors to that eect. A popular myth arose, modied to allude to HippolytusPhaedra
legend, with the suggestion that Constantine killed Crispus and Fausta for their immoralities.[252] One source, the
largely ctional Passion of Artemius, probably penned in
the eighth century by John of Damascus, makes the legendary connection explicit.[253] As an interpretation of
the executions, the myth rests on only the slimmest of
evidence": sources that allude to the relationship between
Crispus and Fausta are late and unreliable, and the modern suggestion that Constantines godly edicts of 326
and the irregularities of Crispus are somehow connected
rests on no evidence at all.[252]
LATER RULE
Although Constantine created his apparent heirs Caesars, following a pattern established by Diocletian, he
gave his creations a hereditary character, alien to the
tetrarchic system: Constantines Caesars were to be kept
in the hope of ascending to Empire, and entirely subordinated to their Augustus, as long as he was alive.[254]
Therefore, an alternative explanation for the execution of
Crispus was, perhaps, Constantines desire to keep a rm
grip on his prospective heirs, thisand Faustas desire for
having her sons inheriting instead of their half-brother
being reason enough for killing Crispus; the subsequent
execution of Fausta, however, was probably meant as a
reminder to her children that Constantine would not hesitate in killing his own relatives when he felt this was
necessary.[255]
Gold medallion struck at Nicomedia in 336337 to celebrate the
30th anniversary of his rule
5.6
Later campaigns
15
and which has Constantine dying in Nicomedia;[269] the
Historiae abbreviatae of Sextus Aurelius Victor, written in 361, which has Constantine dying at an estate
near Nicomedia called Achyrona while marching against
the Persians;[270] and the Breviarium of Eutropius, a
handbook compiled in 369 for the Emperor Valens,
which has Constantine dying in a nameless state villa
in Nicomedia.[271] From these and other accounts, some
have concluded that Eusebiuss Vita was edited to defend
Constantines reputation against what Eusebius saw as a
less congenial version of the campaign.[272]
The Baptism of Constantine, as imagined by students of Raphael
Following his death, his body was transferred to Constantinople and buried in the Church of the Holy Apostles there.[273] He was succeeded by his three sons born
of Fausta, Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans. A
number of relatives were killed by followers of Constantius, notably Constantines nephews Dalmatius (who held
the rank of Caesar) and Hannibalianus, presumably to
eliminate possible contenders to an already complicated
succession. He also had two daughters, Constantina and
Helena, wife of Emperor Julian.[274]
6 Legacy
16
LEGACY
achievements and victories alone. Besides reuniting the Eunapius beganand Zosimus continueda historioEmpire under one emperor, Constantine won major vic- graphic tradition that blamed Constantine for weakening
tories over the Franks and Alamanni in 306308, the the Empire through his indulgence to the Christians.[285]
Franks again in 313314, the Goths in 332 and the
Sarmatians in 334. By 336, Constantine had reoccupied
most of the long-lost province of Dacia, which Aurelian
had been forced to abandon in 271. At the time of his
death, he was planning a great expedition to end raids on
the eastern provinces from the Persian Empire.[275] Serving for a total of almost 31 years (combining his years as
co-ruler and sole ruler), he was also the longest serving
emperor since Augustus and the second longest serving
emperor in Roman history.
In the cultural sphere Constantine contributed to the revival of the clean shaven face fashion of the Roman emperors from Augustus to Trajan, which was originally introduced among the Romans by Scipio Africanus. This
new Roman imperial fashion lasted until the reign of
Phocas.[276][277]
The Byzantine Empire considered Constantine its
founder and the Holy Roman Empire reckoned him
among the venerable gures of its tradition. In the later
Byzantine state, it had become a great honor for an emperor to be hailed as a new Constantine. Ten emperors,
including the last emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire,
carried the name.[278] Monumental Constantinian forms
were used at the court of Charlemagne to suggest that he
was Constantines successor and equal. Constantine acquired a mythic role as a warrior against heathens. The
motif of the Romanesque equestrian, the mounted gure in the posture of a triumphant Roman emperor, became a visual metaphor in statuary in praise of local benefactors. The name Constantine itself enjoyed renewed
popularity in western France in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries.[279] The Orthodox Church considers Constantine a saint ( , Saint Constantine),
having a feast day on 3 September,[280] and calls him isapostolos ( )an equal of
the Apostles.[281]
The Ni Airport is named Constantine the Great in
honor of him. A large Cross was planned to be built on
a hill overlooking Ni, but the project was cancelled.[282]
In 2012, a memorial was erected in Ni in his honor. The
Commemoration of the Edict of Milan was held in Ni in
2013.[283]
6.1
Historiography
During his life and those of his sons, Constantine was presented as a paragon of virtue. Pagans such as Praxagoras
of Athens and Libanius showered him with praise. When
the last of his sons died in 361, however, his nephew (and
son-in-law) Julian the Apostate wrote the satire Symposium, or the Saturnalia, which denigrated Constantine,
calling him inferior to the great pagan emperors, and
given over to luxury and greed.[284] Following Julian,
In both medieval East and West, Constantine was presented as an ideal ruler, the standard against which any
king or emperor could be measured.[285] The Renaissance
rediscovery of anti-Constantinian sources prompted a reevaluation of Constantines career. The German humanist Johann Lwenklau, discoverer of Zosimus writings,
published a Latin translation thereof in 1576. In its preface, he argued that Zosimus picture of Constantine was
superior to that oered by Eusebius and the Church historians, oered a more balanced view.[286] Cardinal Caesar
Baronius, a man of the Counter-Reformation, criticized
Zosimus, favoring Eusebius account of the Constantinian
era. Baronius Life of Constantine (1588) presents Constantine as the model of a Christian prince.[287] For his
History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
(177689), Edward Gibbon, aiming to unite the two extremes of Constantinian scholarship, oered a portrait of
Constantine built on the contrasted narratives of Eusebius
and Zosimus.[288] In a form that parallels his account of
the empires decline, Gibbon presents a noble war hero
corrupted by Christian inuences, who transforms into
an Oriental despot in his old age: a hero ... degenerating
into a cruel and dissolute monarch.[289]
Modern interpretations of Constantines rule begin with
Jacob Burckhardt's The Age of Constantine the Great
(1853, rev. 1880). Burckhardts Constantine is a scheming secularist, a politician who manipulates all parties
in a quest to secure his own power.[290] Henri Grgoire,
6.3
6.2
17
(752757), a document called the Donation of Constantine rst appeared, in which the freshly converted Constantine hands the temporal rule over the city of Rome
and all the provinces, districts, and cities of Italy and
the Western regions to Sylvester and his successors.[301]
In the High Middle Ages, this document was used and
accepted as the basis for the Popes temporal power,
though it was denounced as a forgery by Emperor Otto
III[302] and lamented as the root of papal worldliness by
the poet Dante Alighieri.[303] The 15th century philologist Lorenzo Valla proved the document was indeed a
forgery.[304]
Donation of Constantine
7 Documentaries
Documentaries of Constantine include: PBS' From JeLatin Rite Catholics considered it inappropriate that Con- sus To Christ: The First Christians Chapter 12[307] and
stantine was baptized only on his death-bed and by an Hector Galans Ancient Roads from Christ to Constanunorthodox bishop, as it undermined the authority of the tine Episode 6 Constantine.[308]
Papacy. Hence, by the early fourth century, a legend had
emerged that Pope Sylvester I (314335) had cured the
pagan emperor from leprosy. According to this legend,
Constantine was soon baptized, and began the construc- 8 See also
tion of a church in the Lateran Palace.[300] In the eighth
century, most likely during the ponticate of Stephen II
Colossus of Constantine
18
Constantinian shift
Decline of an Empire
Fifty Bibles of Constantine
German and Sarmatian campaigns of Constantine
List of Byzantine Emperors
References
9.1
Ancient sources
Athanasius of Alexandria.
Apologia contra Arianos (Defence against the
Arians) c. 349.
REFERENCES
9.1
Ancient sources
Christian Literature Publishing Co.,
1890. Revised and edited for New
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Eutropius, Breviarium ab Urbe Condita (Abbreviated History from the Citys Founding) c. 369.
Watson, John Henry, trans. Justin, Cornelius
Nepos and Eutropius. London: George Bell &
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Rufus Festus, Breviarium Festi (The Abbreviated
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Banchich, Thomas M., and Jennifer A. Meka,
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2001. Online at De Imperatoribus Romanis.
Retrieved 15 August 2009.
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Jerome, Chronicon (Chronicle) c. 380.
Pearse, Roger, et al.., trans. The Chronicle
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Jordanes, De origine actibusque Getarum [Getica]
(The Origin and Deeds of the Goths) c. 551.
Mierow, Charles C., trans. The Origins and
Deeds of the Goths. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1915.
20
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XII Panegyrici Latini (Twelve Latin Panegyircs) relevant panegyrics dated 289, 291, 297, 298, 307, 310,
311, 313 and 321.
Anderson, Perry. Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism. London: Verso, 1981 [1974]. ISBN 086091-709-6
9.2
Modern sources
Armstrong, Gregory T. Church and State Relations: The Changes Wrought by Constantine. Journal of Bible and Religion 32 (1964): 17.
Armstrong, Gregory T. Constantines Churches:
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Barnes, Timothy D. Lactantius and Constantine.
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Barnes, Timothy D. (1981). Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
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Barnes, Timothy D. The New Empire of Diocletian
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Barnes, Timothy D. Constantine and the Christians
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Barnes, Timothy. Constantine: dynasty, religion
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Cameron, Averil. The Reign of Constantine, A.D.
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Cameron, Averil and Stuart G. Hall. Life of Constantine. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999. Hardcover ISBN 0-19-814917-4 Paperback ISBN 0-19814924-7
Carri, Jean-Michel & Rousselle, Aline. L'Empire
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Christol, M. & Nony, D. Rome et son Empire. Paris:
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Modern sources
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Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma. The Making of A
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Downey, Glanville. Education in the Christian
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22
10 NOTES
MacMullen, Ramsay. Christianizing the Roman Empire A.D. 100400. New Haven, CT; London: Yale
University Press, 1984. ISBN 978-0-300-03642-8
10 Notes
[1] Caesar in the west; self-proclaimed Augustus from 309;
recognized as such in the east in April 310.
[2] Undisputed Augustus in the west, senior Augustus in the
empire.
[3] As emperor of whole empire.
[4] with the possible exception of Philip the Arab (r. 244
249). See Philip the Arab and Christianity.[4]
23
[5] This translation is not very good. The pagination is broken in several places, there are many typographical errors
(including several replacements of Julian with Jovian
and Constantine with Constantius). It is nonetheless
the only translation of the Historia Nova in the public
domain.[309]
11
Citations
[1] Birth dates vary but most modern historians use c. 272.
Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 59.
[34] Panegyrici Latini 8(5), 9(4); Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 8.7; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.13.3; Barnes,
Constantine and Eusebius, 13, 290.
24
11 CITATIONS
[42] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 7.1; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 13, 290.
25
[102] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3435; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
(CC), 6566; Odahl, 93; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 17; Potter, 352.
[103] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 34.
[104] Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 68; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine,
20.
[89] Panegyrici Latini 7(6)3.4; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.22, [112] Virgil, Ecologues 4.10.
qtd. and tr. Odahl, 83; Rodgers, 238.
[113] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3637; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 67; Odahl, 95.
[90] MacMullen, Constantine, 40.
[114] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3637; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 5053; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 6667; Odahl, 9495.
Zosimus, 2.9.2; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 62;
MacMullen, Constantine, 39.
[115] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 3135; Eusebius,
Historia Ecclesiastica 8.16; Elliott, Christianity of ConBarnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 29; Odahl, 86; Potter,
stantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 68;
346.
Odahl, 9596, 316.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3031; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4142; Lenski, Reign of Constan- [116] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 34; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.17; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius,
tine (CC), 6263; Odahl, 8687; Potter, 34849.
304; Jones, 66.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 31; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 64; Odahl, 8788; Pohlsander, Em- [117] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 39; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4344; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
peror Constantine, 1516.
(CC), 68; Odahl, 9596.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 30; Lenski, Reign of
[118] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity
Constantine (CC), 6263; Odahl, 8687.
of Constantine, 45; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC),
69; Odahl, 96.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 34; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 6365; Odahl, 89; Pohlsander, Em[119] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3940; Elliott, Chrisperor Constantine, 1516.
tianity of Constantine, 44; Odahl, 96.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 32; Lenski, Reign of
[120] Odahl, 96.
Constantine (CC), 64; Odahl, 89, 93.
[121] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 38; Odahl, 96.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3234; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4243; Jones, 61; Lenski, Reign [122] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37; Curran, 66; Lenski,
of Constantine (CC), 65; Odahl, 9091; Pohlsander, EmReign of Constantine (CC), 68; MacMullen, Constanperor Constantine, 17; Potter, 34950; Treadgold, 29.
tine, 62.
[95]
[96]
[97]
[98]
[99]
26
11 CITATIONS
[125] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3839; MacMullen, [153] MacMullen, Constantine, 72; Odahl, 107.
Constantine, 62.
[154] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Curran, 67; Jones,
[126] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 40; Curran, 66.
7172; Odahl, 1078.
[127] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41.
[128] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4445; Lenski, Reign of Constantine [156] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 44.8; Barnes, Con(CC), 69; Odahl, 96.
stantine and Eusebius, 43; Curran, 67; Jones, 72; Odahl,
108.
[129] Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.15.12, qtd. and tr. in
MacMullen, Constantine, 65.
[157] Odahl, 108.
[130] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; MacMullen, Con- [158] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Digeser, 122;
stantine, 71.
Jones, 72; Odahl, 106.
[131] Panegyrici Latini 12(9)2.5; Curran, 67.
[132] Curran, 67.
[133] MacMullen, Constantine, 7071.
[146]
[147]
[148]
71.
[149] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl,
105.
27
[176] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44; Curran, 72; Jones, [204] Scarre, Chronicle of the Roman Emperors, 215.
72; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 70; MacMullen,
[205] MacMullen, Constantine.
Constantine, 78; Odahl, 108.
[177] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4445.
[178] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44; MacMullen, Con- [207] Petrus Patricius excerpta Vaticana, 190:
stantine, 81; Odahl, 111. Cf. also Curran, 7275.
" .
[179] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45; Curran, 72; MacMullen, Constantine, 81; Odahl, 109.
[208] Ramsey MacMullen, Constantine, Routledge ed., 1987,
149
[180] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4546; Odahl, 109.
[181] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 46; Odahl, 109.
[184] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4547; Cameron, 93; [211] Sardonyx cameo depicting constantine the great crowned
Curran, 7677; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 70.
by Constantinople, 4th century AD at The Road to
Byzantium: Luxury Arts of Antiquity. The Hermitage
[185] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45.
Rooms at Somerset House (30 March 2006 3 September
2006) Archived 1 January 1970 at the Wayback Machine.
[186] Curran, 8083.
[212] According to the Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum,
vol. 164 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 2005), column 442,
there is no evidence for the tradition that Constantine ofCurran, 8385.
cially dubbed the city New Rome (Nova Roma or Nea
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45; Curran, 76; Odahl,
Rhome). Commemorative coins that were issued dur109.
ing the 330s already refer to the city as Constantinopolis
(Michael Grant, The Climax of Rome (London: WeidenCurran, 101.
feld and Nicolson, 1968), 133). It is possible that the emperor called the city Second Rome (Deutera Rhome) by
Krautheimer, Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Roocial decree, as reported by the 5th-century church hismanorum, 5.90, cited in Curran, 9396.
torian Socrates of Constantinople.
Odahl, 109.
[213] Bowder, Diana. The Age of Constantine and Julian. New
York: Barnes & Noble, 1978
The term is a misnomer as the act of Milan was not an
edict, while the subsequent edicts by Liciniusof which
the edicts to the provinces of Bythinia and Palestine are [214] See Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 3435.
recorded by Lactantius and Eusebius, respectivelywere [215] R. Gerberding and J. H. Moran Cruz, Medieval Worlds
not issued in Milan.
(New York: Houghton Miin Company, 2004) p. 55.
Also, Percival J. On the Question of Constantines Conversion to Christianity, Clio History Journal, 2008.
[216] "Gratian" Encyclopdia Britannica. 2008. Encyclopdia
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[197] Byeld, Ted, ed. The Christians: Their First Two Thou- [217] Pontifex Maximus Livius.org article by Jona Lendering
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sand Years, vol. III By This Sign. pg 148.
[198] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 3839.
[199] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 4142.
[200] Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 229/230
[218] Peter Brown, The Rise of Christendom 2nd edition (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2003) p. 60
[219] R. Gerberding and J. H. Moran Cruz, Medieval Worlds
(New York: Houghton Miin Company, 2004) pp. 55
56.
[201] Timothy E. Gregory, A History of Byzantium. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 2010, ISBN 978-1-4051-8471- [220] Robin Lane Fox, apud Jonathan Bardill, Constantine, Di7, page 54
vine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age. Cambridge
University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-76423-0, page
[202] Philip Scha, ed., Nicene and Post-nicene Fathers: Second
307, note 27
Series. New York: Cosimo, 2007, ISBN 978-1-60206508-6, page 418, footnote 6
[221] Codex Justinianus 3.12.2
[203] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 4243.
28
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[223] Cf. Paul Veyne, Quand notre monde est devenu chrtien, [241] T.D. Barnes, Statistics and the Conversion of the Roman
163.
Aristocracy, Journal of Roman Studies, 85,1995, quoted
by Carri & Rousselle, p.657
[224] R. MacMullen, Christianizing The Roman Empire
A.D.100-400, Yale University Press, 1984, p.44, ISBN [242] Cf. Paul Veyne, L'Empire Grco-Romain, 49.
0-300-03642-6
[243] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 247.
[225] Richards, Jerey. The Popes and the Papacy in the Early
Middle Ages 476752 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, [244] Walter Scheidel, The Monetary Systems of the Han and
Roman Empires, 174/175
1979) 1415; The Popes and the Papacy in the Early Middle Ages 476752 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
[245]
1979) 15.
[246]
[226] Richards, Jerey. The Popes and the Papacy in the Early
Middle Ages 476752 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1979) p. 15-16.
[247]
De Rebus Bellicis, 2.
Sandro Mazzarino, according to Christol & Nony, Rome
et son Empire, 246
Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 245246
[227] Frend, W.H.C., The Donatist Church; A Movement of [248] Guthrie, 3256.
Protest in Roman North Africa, (1952 Oxford), pp.156
[249] Guthrie, 326; Woods, Death of the Empress, 7072.
162
[228] CHURCH FATHERS: Life of Constantine, Book III [250] Guthrie, 326; Woods, Death of the Empress, 72.
(Eusebius)".
[251] Encyclopedia of Roman Empire. MobileReference.com.
2008. ISBN 978-1-60501-314-5. Retrieved 2014-10-05.
[229] Cf. Adrian Goldsworthy, How Rome Fell, 187
[230] Stemberger, Gunter. Jews and Christians in the Holy [252]
Land, A&C Black, 1999, p. 37-38, ISBN 0-567-23050-3
[253]
[231] Schfer, Peter. The History of the Jews in the GrecoRoman World, Routledge, 2003, p. 182, ISBN 1-134- [254]
40317-8
[255]
[232] Cameron, 107.
Guthrie, 32627.
Art. Pass 45; Woods, Death of the Empress, 7172.
Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 237/238
Cf. Adrian Goldsworthy, How Rome Fell, 189 & 191
[233] Js Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, 64, [257] Odahl, 261.
g.32
[258] Eusebius, VC 4.9, cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eu[234] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 241
sebius, 259.
[235] As equestrian order refers to people of equestrian cen- [259] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 25859. See also:
susthousands of which had no state functionthat
Fowden, Last Days, 14648, and Wiemer, 515.
had an actual position in the state bureaucracy: cf.
Claude Lepelley, Fine delle' ordine equestre: le tappe [260] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.5860; Barnes, Constantine
delle'unicazione dela classe dirigente romana nel IV seand Eusebius, 259.
colo, IN Giardina, ed., Societ romana e impero tardoantico, Bari: Laterza, 1986, V.1, quoted by Carri & [261] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.61; Barnes, Constantine and
Eusebius, 259.
Rouselle, p.660
[236] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 247; Carri & [262] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.62.
Rousselle L'Empire Romain, 658.
[263] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.62.4.
[237] Carri & Rousselle L'Empire Romain, 65859.
29
[266] Marilena Amerise, 'Il battesimo di Costantino il Grande. [291] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 7.
[267] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.64; Fowden, Last Days of [292] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 78.
Constantine, 147; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC),
82.
[293] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274.
[268] Julian, Orations 1.18.b.
[283] http://www.b92.net/eng/news/society.php?yyyy=2013&
mm=01&dd=17&nav_id=84193.
Missing or empty [304]
|title= (help)
[305]
[284] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 27223.
[306]
[285] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 273.
[286] Johannes Leunclavius, Apologia pro Zosimo adversus Evagrii, Nicephori Callisti et aliorum acerbas criminationes
(Defence of Zosimus against the Unjustied Charges of [307] Watch The Full Program Online | From Jesus To Christ
The First Christians | FRONTLINE | PBS. www.pbs.org.
Evagrius, Nicephorus Callistus, and Others) (Basel, 1576),
Retrieved 2015-08-17.
cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 273, and
Odahl, 282.
[308] HOME.
www.christtoconstantine.com.
Retrieved
[287] Caesar Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici 3 (Antwerp, 1623),
2015-08-17.
cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274, and
Odahl, 282.
[309] Roger Pearse, "Preface to the online edition of Zosimus
New History". 19 November 2002, rev. 20 August 2003.
[288] Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman EmRetrieved 2009-08-15.
pire Chapter 18, cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274, and Odahl, 282. See also Lenski, Introduc- [310] This list of primary sources is based principally on the
tion (CC), 67.
summary in Odahl, 211 and further lists in Odahl, 372
[289] Gibbon, Decline and Fall, 1.256; David P. Jordan, Gibbons 'Age of Constantine' and the Fall of Rome, History
and Theory 8:1 (1969): 7196.
[290] Jacob Burckhardt, Die Zeit Constantins des Grossen
(Basel, 1853; revised edition, Leipzig, 1880), cited in
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274; Lenski, Introduction (CC), 7.
76. See also Bruno Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine (CC), Sources for the History of
Constantine, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of
Constantine, trans. Noel Lenski, ed. Noel Lenski (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 1431; and
Noel Lenski, ed. The Cambridge Companion to the Age
of Constantine (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2006), 41117.
30
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