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Identity,Politicsand
PublicPolicy
RickMuirandMargaretWetherell

April2010
©ippr2010

InstituteforPublicPolicyResearch
Challengingideas– Changingpolicy
2 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

Contents
1.Introduction........................................................................................................................................................... 3
2.Whatisidentityandwhyisitsoimportant?....................................................................................................... 4
3.Newtrendsinchangingtimes .............................................................................................................................. 5
4.Identityandpolicy ................................................................................................................................................ 9
5.Conclusions:approachesforpolicymakers.......................................................................................................... 11
References .............................................................................................................................................................. 13

Aboutippr
TheInstituteforPublicPolicyResearch(ippr)istheUK’sleadingprogressivethinktank,
producingcutting-edgeresearchandinnovativepolicyideasforajust,democraticand
sustainableworld.
Since1988,wehavebeenattheforefrontofprogressivedebateandpolicymakinginthe
UK.Throughourindependentresearchandanalysiswedefinenewagendasforchangeand
providepracticalsolutionstochallengesacrossthefullrangeofpublicpolicyissues.
WithofficesinbothLondonandNewcastle,weensureouroutlookisasbroad-basedas
possible,whileourGlobalChangeprogrammeextendsourpartnershipsandinfluence
beyondtheUK,givingusatrulyworld-classreputationforhighqualityresearch.
ippr,30-32SouthamptonStreet,LondonWC2E7RA.Tel:+44(0)2074706100E:info@ippr.org
www.ippr.org.RegisteredCharityNo.800065

ThispaperwasfirstpublishedinApril2010.©ippr2010

Abouttheauthors
RickMuir isaSeniorResearchFellowatippr.Hisresearchfocusesonthethemesof
democracy,citizenshipandpublicservices.HehasadoctorateinPoliticsfromOxford
UniversityandwasformerlyalocalcouncillorinOxford.
MargaretWetherell isProfessorofSocialPsychologyattheOpenUniversity.Sheiscurrently
onanEconomicandSocialResearchCouncilDirector’sFellowshipwhichextendsworkon
IdentitiesandSocialAction.

Acknowledgements
WearegratefultotheEconomicandSocialResearchCouncil(ESRC)forprovidingthe
fundingforthispaper.TheauthorswouldalsoliketothankGuyLodgeandMichaelKenny
fortheircomments.
Pleaseseewww.identities.org.ukforfurtherinformationabouttheresearchstudiesdescribed
inthispaperandforalistofthepublicationsfromtheESRCIdentitiesandSocialAction
Programme.
3 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

1.Introduction
Questionsofidentityarisecontinuouslyincontemporarypublicdebate.Inthelastyearwe
haveseencontroversysparkedbytheappearanceoftheleaderofthefarrightBritish
NationalPartyontheBBC’sQuestionTime programme.AnattemptedprotestagainstBritish
involvementinAfghanistanatWoottonBassettprovokedoutrageandledtheHome
Secretarytoproscribethegroupresponsible.EvenpopulartelevisionprogrammeslikeTheX
Factor andStrictlyComeDancing haverecentlygeneratedpublicrowsaboutrace,ageand
gender.
Thegrowingsalienceofidentityinpublicdiscourse,andtherangeofidentity-related
questionsbeingdiscussed,isaconsequenceofmajortransformationstothewayweliveand
work.Thelastdecadesofthetwentiethcenturysawamassiveexpansioninthemovement
oflabour,goodsandcapital.Manyhavebenefitedfromthewiderrangeofcultural
experiencesnowavailableandfromtheeconomicprosperitythatmoreopenmarketshave
delivered.Atthesametimeolderculturesandsolidaritiesbasedaroundneighbourhood,
work,classandnationhavebeenweakenedinaworldthatismuchmoremobileandless
predictable.Thesechangeshavebroughtwiththemincreasedtensionsandinsecurities,
whichhavebeenplayedoutinnewformsofidentitypolitics.
Whyarequestionsofidentitysoimportant?What,ifanything,shouldpoliticiansbedoing
aboutthem?Shouldpolicymakersleavepeople’sidentitiesaloneor,giventheirimportance
tooursharedlifeascitizens,helpshapetheminsomeway?Ifpolicymakersshouldactin
thisterrain,howshouldtheydosoandwhatchallengesdotheyface?
Thispaperaddressesthesequestionsbysurveyingnewevidencefromfiveyearsofresearch
undertheEconomicandSocialResearchCouncil’sIdentitiesandSocialActionprogramme
(seewww.identities.org.uk).Thisprogrammesoughttounderstandnewtrendsinidentity
formation,theircausesandtheirwiderimplicationsforsociety.Theoutcomesofthisresearch
programmearethesubjectoftwoeditedvolumespublishedlastyear,Identityinthe21st
Century:NewTrendsinChangingTimesand TheorizingIdentitiesandSocialAction
(Wetherell2009aandb)1.
The25projectsthatmadeuptheprogrammeworkedwithover12,000participantsacross
theUKandemployedawiderangeofmethodologicalapproaches,usingquantitative
surveys,in-depthqualitativeinterviews,focusgroups,ethnography,oralhistory,textual
analysisandstudiesofnaturalinteraction.Theprogrammecrossednumerousdisciplinary
boundaries,involvingpsychologists,sociologists,geographers,anthropologistsandsocial
policyexperts.
Thepurposeofthisshortpaperistounderstandwhatthissubstantivebodyofnewevidence
cantellusaboutsomeofthemostimportantpublicpolicyquestionsthatinvolvequestions
ofidentity–andwhat,ifanything,politiciansandourwidersocietyshouldbedoingabout
them.

1.Palgrave,thepublisherofthetwovolumesofprogrammefindingsIdentityinthe21stCentury:NewTrendsinChangingTimes
andTheorizingIdentitiesandSocialAction,isofferingadiscountof£20.00offeachbooktoreadersofthisreportandalso£20off
BenRogalyandBeckyTaylor’smonographMovingHistoriesofClassandCommunity onthefindingsfromtheirresearchon
Englishestates.ThesediscountscanbeaccessedusingthepromocodeWIDENTITY2009awhenorderingfrompalgrave.com.
Furtherinformationonthebookscanbefoundat:www.palgrave.com.
4 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

2.Whatisidentityandwhyisitsoimportant?
Ingivingthingsidentitieswegathertogethercharacteristicsabouttheworldsothatwecan
makebettersenseofit.Innamingoridentifyingthings,wecreategeneralisationsand
connectmeaningstosymbolsandrepresentationsinawaythathelpsguideusthrougha
complexworld.Itseemsevidentlydifficulttoleadahumanlifewithoutmakinguseofthese
generalmarkers:‘sheisawoman’,‘heisaman’,‘thatisadog’andsoforth.Thepracticeof
identityplaysacrucialroleinmakingourlivesintelligible.
Identityisbestunderstoodasaprocess,ratherthanathing.Eachdayweareinvolvedinthe
practiceof‘identification’:ascribingnamesandlabelstopeopleandthings.Identitiesare
bothcontingent,andorganisedandpredictable.JudithButlerexpressesthisinsightwellin
hernotionof‘performativity’asa‘practiceofimprovisationwithinasceneofconstraint’
(Butler2004:1).Somesourcesofidentityaredifficulttochange,suchasthecolourofour
skinoroursex,andtendtoleadtoratherresilientunderstandingsof‘whoweare’,formed
throughconstantrepetitionandinteractionwithothers.Othersources,suchasoursporting
allegiancesormusicaltastes,aremoreopentopersonalcraftinganddesign.
Insocialscienceresearchadistinctionissometimesmadebetweenthestudyofpersonaland
socialidentities.Intruththisisaratherarbitrarydistinction:identityisalwaysbothabout
ourselvesandabouthowwearepositionedinrelationtotheworld.Ouridentitiesarealways
formedbothbyourownagencyandbyourinteractionwithothers.Identityisalwaysabout
ourownpersonalbiographyandthewidercollectivepracticesinwhichweparticipate.For
thisreason,identityisstudiedbyawiderangeofsocialsciencedisciplines,rangingfrom
ethnographicstudiesofindividuallivestolarge-scalequantitativesurveysencompassingthe
attitudesandbehaviourofthousandsofpeople.
Theknowledgeandpsychologicalfunctionsofidentityareclear:weidentifypeopleand
thingssothatwecanmakeacomplexworld–andourownsubjectiveexperience(our
selfhood)–intelligibleandcoherent.Butidentitiesarealsoimportantbecauseoftheways
theyaffecthumanbehaviourmorewidely.Identityisapersonalmatterbutitisalsoa
collectiveforceintheworld.
Someofthegreatpoliticalchallengesofourdaycomedowntoquestionsofidentity.
Sometimesweworrythatidentitiesaretooweak:forexample,weareconcernedthattheold
bondsofcommunityhavebeenweakened,makingourliveslessneighbourlyandconnected.
Weareworriedaboutaworldinwhichfewerpeopleparticipateinpublicaffairs,byvotingor
takingpartintheassociationsoflocalciviclife,andthisisinpartrelatedtoaconcernabout
theweakeningsenseofallegiancewefeeltonationalandlocalcommunities.
Atothertimesweworrythatidentitiesaretoostrong:theriseofradicalpoliticalIslam,the
growingvotefortheBNP,postcodewarsbetweenurbanyouthgangs.Itworriesusthat
therearepeoplewhofeeltoointenselyattachedtotheiridentitiesandarewillingtobring
harmtoothersasaconsequence.Itseemsthatidentitybecomesapoliticalproblemwhen
thereisbothtoomuchandtoolittleofit.
Inthefollowingsectionswesurveysomeofthemostimportantidentitytrendsthathave
emergedinrecentyearsintheUKanddiscusstheirwiderimplications.Wethengoonto
discusswhatrole,ifany,publicpolicyshouldplayintherealmofidentityandsetoutthose
characteristicsofidentity-makingthatposeparticularchallengesforpolicymakers.Inso
doingwehopetohelpenablepolicymakerstoactinmoreinformedandnuancedwaysin
thiscomplicatedterrain.
5 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

3.Newtrendsinchangingtimes
Britishsocietyhasundergonesignificantchangeinthelastquarterofacentury.Thereare
twoimportanttrendsthathelptoframethisbriefsurvey.First,thereisthetrendtowards
whatsocialtheoristslikeAnthonyGiddensandUlrichBeckhavedescribedas
‘individualisation’(Beck1992,Giddens1991).Theso-called‘individualisationthesis’holds
thatneo-liberallabourmarkets,thecasualisationofwork,thedeclineofheavyindustries,
thechangingnatureoffamilylifeandpatternsofculturalglobalizationhaveuprooted
peoplefromoldercommunalwaysoflife.Individualisationisthoughttocutthroughold
bondsofcommonfate,mutualdependenceandtrust,aswellaslong-standingpoliticaland
socialcommitmentslinkedtoneighbourhood,nationandclass.Thishasresultedinidentities
thatarelooser,morenegotiableandmoreautonomouslyfashioned.Theflipsideofthis
greaterfreedomismoreinsecurityandriskaslifebecomeslesscertainandpredictable.
Beckwentasfarastostatethatinthisnewworld‘communityisdissolvedintheacidbath
ofcompetition’(Beck1992:94).Onedoesnothavetosustainthatratherextreme
generalisationtoaccepttheimportantkerneloftruthcontainedwithinit.Mostofuswould
recognisethatweliveinamoremobilesocietythanthatofpreviousgenerationsandindeed
empiricalstudiesshowthatmanyindicatorsofsocialcapitalsuchasinter-personaltrustand
civicparticipationhavedeclined(Halpern2000).
Thesecondgeneraltrendthatprovidesanimportantcontextforthisdiscussionistheshift
towardsmuchgreaterculturaldiversity,largelyduetothegreatupswinginmigrationthat
followedthefalloftheBerlinWallandtheprocessofeconomicglobalization.Whereasinthe
1970smorepeoplewereleavingBritainthanmigratingtoit,inrecentyearswehaveseen
sustainedandhighlevelsofnetimmigration.Partlyasaresultofthat,Britain’sethnic
minoritypopulationincreasedfromjust4percentin1981to8percentinthe2001census,
andisexpectedtorisetoahigherlevelinthenextcensus.Moreover,theprofileofBritain’s
newmigrantpopulationsismuchmoremixedthanthatofthepast,withcontinued
migrationfromCommonwealthcountrieslikeJamaicaandPakistan,butalsomanyarrivals
fromEasternEurope,AfricaandtheMiddleEast.Somecities,suchasLondonand
Birmingham,havebeendescribedasnotsimplydiversebut‘hyper-diverse’becauseofthe
vastrangeofcommunitiesthatnowresidethere(Vertovec2006).Morethan300languages
arespokeninLondon’sschoolsandmorethan100inmostofourprincipalcities(Cantle
2005).
InmanywaysBritainhasadaptedwelltosuchchange.A2005surveyfoundthatonly25per
centofBritonswantedtoliveinethnicallyhomogenousareas:thatmayseemhighbutitis
muchlowerthanmostotherEuropeancountries,withonlyfourcountriescomingoutwith
highersupportforlivingindiversecommunities(RogersandMuir2007).Thecasualopen
racismofthepasthaslargelygoneorisatleastamajorsocialtaboo.Britaindoesseemto
havesuccessfullyre-imagineditselfasamulticulturalnation:mostpeoplesaythatcultural
diversityhasmadeBritainabetterplacetoliveandwhenaskedwhatitmeanstobeBritish
mostpeopleshareacivicratherthananethnicunderstandingofBritishnationalidentity
(ibid).AnotherpositivesignisthatthelargestgrowingethnicminorityinBritainismixed
race,demonstratingasteadyriseinthenumberofinter-racialrelationships.
AndyetasBritainhaschangedtherehavebeensignsoftension.TheBNP,untilnowvery
muchonthefarrightfringesofpolitics,wonalmostamillionvotesinthe2009European
elections,hastwomembersintheEuropeanParliamentanddozensofcouncillorsaround
thecountry.OpinionpollsshowthatmostpeoplebelievetheGovernment’simmigration
policiesaretoopermissive,whichhasledtoahardeningofpolicyinrecentyears.Insome
partsofthecountry,notablytheNorthWest,somecommunitieshavebeenfoundtobe
living‘parallellives’,withverylittledailycontactbetweenthem.Thishashelpedbreed
mutualsuspicionandunderminecommunitycohesion(Cantle2001,CommunitiesandLocal
Government2009).
6 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

Wenowturntohowthesetwoprocessesofindividualisationandculturaldiversification
haveaffectedidentitiesintheUKanddiscusswhatthewiderimplicationsofthese
changesmightbe.

Classandcommunity
WecanexpectthattheeconomicandsocialtransformationsdescribedbyGiddensandBeck
inthelate1990shaveinevitablyhadaneffectontheoldkindofclasssolidaritiesthatused
tomarkBritishsociety:manyheavyindustrieshavegone,thelabourmovementismuch
weakerthanitoncewasandworkhasbecomelessofacommoncarrierofidentityaspeople
havemovedintomorediverseandlessstablepatternsofemployment.
Remarkably,inthiscontextHeathetal (2009)findthatBritishpeopleremainalmostasable
toallocatethemselvesintomiddleorworkingclasscategoriesastheywereinthe1960s(see
Table1).Theproportionofpeoplebeingabletoidentifytheirclasslocationwithout
promptingwas48percentin1964–anditisstill45percenttoday.Therearemoremiddle
classidentifiersthantherewere,whichwouldmakesensegiventhedeclineinthenumberof
manualoccupationsoverthatperiod.Butatthelevelofsimpleclassrecognition,weseemto
beasclassconsciousasocietyaswewere50yearsago.

Table1:Promptedandunpromptedclassidentity,1964–2005(%)
Respondentswereasked:Doyoueverthinkofyourselfasbelongingtoanyparticularclass?
IFYES:Whichoneisthat?
IFNO(orYESbutotherthanmiddleorworkingclass):Mostpeoplesaytheybelongtoeitherthemiddleclassorthe
workingclass.Doyoueverthinkofyourselfasbeinginoneoftheseclasses?
1964 1970 1974 1983 1987 1992 1997 2005
Unprompted:Middleclass 14 16 17 20 16 16 20 20
Unprompted:Workingclass 34 25 25 33 30 29 31 25
Totalunprompted 48 41 41 53 46 45 51 45
Prompted:Middleclass 16 17 17 14 18 18 17 17
Prompted:Workingclass 31 38 38 27 31 30 30 32
Didnotidentifywithanyclass 4 4 4 6 5 6 2 6
No. 832 731 2329 3637 3795 2672 2906 2102

Notes:the1974surveyfollowedtheOctobergeneralelection.1992and1997areweightedtocorrectforover-samplein
Scotland,and2005isweightedtoaccountfordifferentialrefusal.‘Don’tknow’/refusedareincludedwiththecategory‘did
notidentifywithanyclass’.Respondentsaged21andoverin1964.
Sources:BritishElectionStudies,1964–1997;BritishSocialAttitudes2005,fromHeathetal 2009

The‘individualisationthesis’seemstoholdmoreswaywhenweexaminehowclasscashes
outintopeople’swiderattitudes.Heathetal findthatpeoplefeel‘lessclose’totheirsocial
classthantheyusedto:in1963morethanhalfofpeoplefeltclosetotheirsocialclass,
comparedtoaroundtwofifthsofpeopletoday(Heathetal 2009).Classalsoseemstobe
lessimportantnowinshapingpeople’spoliticalattitudesthanitwas,atleastasmeasuredby
whichpoliticalpartiestheyvotefor.Whileitisstilltruethatworkingclasspeoplearemore
likelytovoteLabourthananyotherparty,theyarelesslikelytodosothanbeforeandthere
hasbeenacorrespondingriseinthenumberofmiddleclasspeoplevotingLabour.
Theindividualisationthesisisalsoqualifiedbyresearchshowingthatpeoplecontinueto
searchforsourcesofcommunityandsolidarityevenfollowingprocessesofeconomic
dislocation.ValerieWalkerdinestudiedthelivesofpeopleinapost-industrialSouthWales
townfollowingtheclosureofitstraditionalsteelindustry(Walkerdine2009).Farfrom
7 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

findingthekindofatomisedsituationpredictedbyGiddensandBeck,shesawastrong
desireamongresidentstostayinthetownandbuildabetterfuturethere.Despitetheloss
ofopportunitiesforwork,andinparticularasharedcultureofworkandthereforeclass,a
senseoflocalallegianceremainedstrong.Peoplepursuednewemploymentopportunities
locally,ratherthangoingfurtherafield,andtherewasastrongdesiretorebuildasenseof
townpridethroughrenewedcivicactivism.Long-standingcommunityloyaltiesmaybemore
resilientthantheindividualisationthesishasposited.
Theindividualisationthesisalsopositedthatchangestotraditionalfamilylifewouldleaveus
withamoreatomisedsociety.However,whilefamilymayhavebeende-centredfromour
lives,otherinterpersonalrelationshipsmayhavereplacedit,inparticularthegrowing
importanceoffriendshipgroups.ChristineGriffinetal (2009)foundthatfriendshipgroups
havebecomeincreasinglyimportantassitesofcollectiveidentity,communityandmutual
support,aswellasfunandenjoyment.Inresearchintoyoungpeople’sdrinkingpractices
theyfoundthatyoungpeoplestronglydisavoweddrinkingalone(asignofalcoholismanda
socialtaboo)andweremotivatedtowardssessionalheavydrinkingbingesinlargepartbya
desiretobeinacommunityoffriendswhogooutregularly,lookaftereachotherand‘have
alaugh’together.

Ethnicconviviality
OneimportantpositivetrendidentifiedintheresearchistheemergenceinBritain’slarge
citiesofwhatPaulGilroyhasdescribedasa‘convivialculture’.AsGilroyputsit:‘inthis
convivialcultureracialandethnicdifferenceshavebeenrenderedunremarkable…theyhave
beenabletobecome“ordinary”.Insteadofaddingtothepremiumofraceaspolitical
ontologyandeconomicfate,peoplediscoverthatthethingswhichreallydividethemare
muchmoreprofound:taste,lifestyle,leisurepreferences’(Gilroy2006:39-40).
Thisisnottosaythatracismhasceasedtoexistintheseplacesorthattherearenotethnic
penaltiesintermsofeconomicopportunities.Butitistosaythatinthesehyper-diverse
citiesacosmopolitanandopenframeofmindseemstoholdsway,withpeoplefrom
differentethnicbackgroundsmixingseamlesslyandordinarily.Thisinturnproducesitsown
self-fulfillingpoliticaldividend:anordinary,everydayanti-racism.
Thereismuchevidencefromtheresearchtobackupthiscontention.RoxyHarrisandBen
RamptonstudiedtheeverydayconversationsofschoolpupilsinanethnicallymixedLondon
comprehensive.Whatisnoticeableabouttheseconversationsisnottheabsenceofracefrom
theirworld–theschoolstudentsdofrequentlyreferenceracialandethniccharacteristics
amongtheirpeergroup.However,thesereferencesarebanalandlargelynon-problematic
(HarrisandRampton2009).
RodEarleandCorettaPhillipsfoundthatraceoperatedatalargelybanallevelinayoung
men’sprisoninKent.Again,thisisnottosaythattherewasnoracismorevidencefor
systematicethnicdisadvantageinwidersociety,buttherewasahighlevelofmixingand
prisonersfromallbackgroundstendedtoshareattachmentstomusicandaspectsofpopular
culturethatreachacrosstraditionalethniccategories.Insteadofracialandethnicpointsof
reference,EarleandPhillipsfoundthatyoungprisoners’primaryidentificationswereoften
aroundthelocalisedspacesinwhichtheirliveshadbeenlivedbeforeprison.Therewasa
kindof‘postcodepride’,basedaroundparticularestates,streetsorneighbourhoods.
This‘neighbourhoodnationalism’mightbeduetoadesireto‘own’alocality,andespecially
thepublicspaceswithinit,whichhasbeenfoundinotherresearchtobeintegraltoyoung
malesub-cultures.Thismanifestsitselfin‘gangs’or‘crews’whoengageinterritorialdisputes
withrivals.Ithasbeenarguedthatsymbolicownershipoftheseareashelpsotherwise
disadvantagedyoungmentodemonstratestatusamongtheircontemporariesandmayalso
providethemwithanimportantsourceoflocalbelonging(EarleandPhilips2009).
8 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

Englishness,immigrationandcohesion
Thisconvivialcultureinourlargecitiesexistsincontrasttotheemergenceofinter-ethnic
tensionselsewhere.RecentresearchfortheDepartmentforCommunitiesandLocal
Government(CLG)hasfoundthatcommunitycohesionislowinanumberofconcentrated
regionalareasofEngland.TheGovernmentmeasuresthelevelofcommunitycohesioninan
areabylookingattheproportionofpeoplewhoagreethat‘inthisareapeoplefrom
differentbackgroundsgetalongwelltogether’.Theresultsshowineightofthe325areas
theproportionofpeoplesupportingthatclaimfallsbelow60percent.Someofthese
regionshavealsoseenrisingsupportfortheBNPinrecentelections(CLG2009).
SimonClarke,SteveGarnerandRosieGilmourlookedatpublicattitudesinanumberof
largelyethnicallywhitecommunitiesandfoundthattherewaswidespreadoppositionto
governmentimmigrationpolicies.
Theauthorsfoundthatoppositiontoimmigrationwasrootedinasenseofbothmaterialand
culturalinjustice.Therewasaperceptionthatimmigrantsaregivenanunfairpreferencein
theallocationofhousingandotheraspectsofthewelfarestate.Thiswascombinedwitha
senseofculturalinjustice:thestrongandvibrantculturesofminoritygroups(immigrantand
minoritygroupstendtogetconflatedinthesediscussions)tendtobecontrastedtoamore
weaklyunderstoodtraditionalwhiteEnglishculture.Thismajorityculturewasfeltnotto
receivesufficientrecognitionorsupportfrompublicauthorities.
ThisbringsustothequestionofEnglishnessandhowithasevolvedinthecontextofa
multiculturalBritain.ippr’spreviousresearchhasfoundagrowingpopularityofEnglishas
opposedtoBritishnationalidentity(StoneandMuir2006,LodgeandKennyforthcoming).
InpartthisisaconsequenceofdevolutionandtheriseofScottishandWelshnational
sentiment.Inmanyrealms,suchasfootballorcricket,Englishnessisgivenalargelycivic
ratherthanethniccast.However,itisalsotruethatEnglishnessisamuchmoreethnicised
nationalcategorythanBritishnessandthatmanypeoplearearticulatingasenseofethnic
disadvantagethroughtheprismofEnglishness.Thereisadangerthatforsome,English
nationalidentitycouldmorphintoakindof‘Alamoidentity’,abadgeofresistancetoa
perceivedelite-driven‘multiculturalism’.
Thesesentimentsarealsoconnectedtoawidelysharedconcernaboutthedeclineof
traditionalpatternsofcommunitylife,affectedbytheprocessesofindvidualisationand
economicrestructuringdiscussedabove.Peopleoftencontrasthowwelivenowwithatime
whenyoudidn’thavetolockyourdoor,whenpeopletookcareofeachother’schildrenand
lookedoutforeachother(Clarkeetal 2009).
Howweareabletorespondsimultaneouslytoboththeriseofconvivialculturesinsome
places,andgreaterinsecurityandoppositiontoimmigrationinothers,isoneofthemain
contemporarychallengesfacingpolicymakers.Itistothatpolicyresponsewenowturn.
9 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

4.Identityandpolicy
Howshouldpolicymakersactintheterrainofidentity?Onepositionwouldbetosaythat
thestateshouldremainneutralwhenitcomestoidentityformationandletpeoplechoose
theiridentitiesforthemselves.
Althoughthisisanattractiveargument,itisdifficulttosustainunderscrutiny.First,itisnot
reallyplausible.Allstates,evenliberalones,areinevitablyinvolvedinshapingouridentities
invariouswaysandcanneverbewhollyneutral.Governmentsmakedecisionsthathavean
importantimpactonourunderstandingofwhoweare:fromwhatistaughtinschoolsto
whichpublicholidaysweshouldhave,fromhowwemarkhistoricaleventstoour
relationshipswithothercountries.Whethertheyadoptamulti-culturalistapproachorseek
tofosterastrongersenseofnationalidentityoracombinationofthetwo,theyareactively
involvedinthebusinessofidentity-making.
Second,giventheriseinvariousproblematicformsofidentitypolitics,whetherthisbe
radicalformsofpoliticalIslamismorhighlyethnicisedunderstandingsofEnglishidentity,it
hasbecomeincreasinglydifficulttoarguethatthestateshouldleavethisquestionfor
others.Forexample,asipprwillargueinaforthcomingreportontheplaceofEnglandina
devolvedUK,byremainingsilentonquestionsofEnglishnationalidentity,politiciansmay
havecreatedavacuuminwhich‘Englishness’canincreasinglybedefinedas‘whiteness’and
asasocialidentitythatisperceived,rightlyorwrongly,tobedisadvantagedinrelationto
others(seeLodgeandKenny,forthcoming).
So,ifthereisalegitimateroleforpolicymakersinthisspace,whatdoesresearchinthisarea
tellusabouthowtheymightactmoreorlesseffectively?

Diversity
Thefirstpointthatemergesfromtheresearchisthatidentityisasceneoftremendous
diversityandvariation–andthismakespolicymakingfraughtwithdifficultyandproneto
unintendedeffects,suchastheemergenceofconflictingparalleltrends,aswediscussed
above.Forexample,somepartsofthecountryareevermoreateasewithdiversityanda
morecosmopolitanwayoflife,whileforotherschangebringsinsecurity.Addressingthe
identityconcernsofboththeseaudiencessimultaneouslyisdifficult.
Moreover,everybodypossessesmultipleidentities,meaningthatgeneralisationsabout
individualsandgroupsveryoftenfailtoengagewithhowpeopleactuallyexperiencetheir
identities.So,forexample,Britishpublicdiscoursesince9/11hasbeenfulloftalkaboutthe
‘Muslimcommunity’.InfactweknowthattherearemanydifferentMuslimcommunitiesin
Britain–andwithinthosecommunitiesnoteveryonewalksaroundprimarilythinkingof
themselvesasaMuslimmostofthetime.Thesamecouldbesaidof‘thewhiteworking
class’,agroupthattendstobecaricaturedendlesslyinmediacommentary.Thisgroupis
spokenofasifeveryonewhofallsintothiscategorysharesacohesiveworldview,distinctto
thatofotherethnicandclass-basedgroups.
Thecomplexityanddiversityofidentitypatternscreatesgapsbetweenpolicyandpracticeat
alllevels.Identitytalkinpoliticalspeechesandpoliciesaimedatvariousidentity-based
groupstendtoassumehomogeneity,makingoverlysimplisticassumptionsaboutpeopleand
thereforeadoptingpoliciesthatfailtogaintractionwithpeopleandattimesbackfire.

Agency
Asecondimportantpointisthatidentityisnotapolicyareainwhichthestatecansimply
pullaleverandexpectsomethingtohappendownthe‘productionline’.Ofcoursemost
policymakingisnotlikethat:itisrarelyassimpleaspassingalawhereorspendingsome
moneythereandthenyougettheoutcomesyouhopedfor.Thisisbecauseinmostareasof
policy,thepublicitselfhastoparticipateindeliveringtheoutcomesgovernmentswant–
10 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

whetherintermsofreducingthenumbersofteenagepregnancies,cuttingobesityratesor
increasingtheamounthouseholdsrecycle.
Thisdifficultyisevenmorepronouncedintheareaofidentitysimplybecauseidentifying
withsomethingalwaysrequirestheexerciseofindividualagency.Weinvestinouridentities
psychologicallyandwehavetowanttodoso–thisisnotsomethingthatcanbebrought
aboutbythestateoranyoneelseinamechanisticfashion.
Thisisanotherreasonwhytop-downapproachestofosteringidentitytendtofail.Take,for
example,GordonBrown’sinitiativetopromoteBritishness.TheGovernmenthastalkedof
establishingaBritishBillofRightsandResponsibilities,thesubjectofarecentgreenpaper.
OneoftheobjectivesofthisBillwouldbetohelppromoteacommonunderstandingof
whatitmeanstobeBritish,givingBritonsofallbackgroundsacommonsourceofpolitical
identity.TheGovernmentclearlyhasitseyeontheAmericanapproachtopatriotism:a
relativelyinclusivecivicidentitythatcanbindtogetherpeoplefromdifferentbackgrounds
becauseithasitssourceinaconstitutionbasedonuniversalvalues.
However,thedifferenceisthattheAmericanConstitutionwasforgedduringaperiodof
revolutionaryupheavalanditisadocumentforwhichmanyAmericansgavetheirlives.A
BritishBillofRightsthathasbeendevisedinWhitehallandsubjecttoabriefconsultation
withvariousfocusgroupsisunlikelytoleadtoastepchangeincommunitycohesionin
BoltonorBarking.

Identity’sJanusface
Athirddifficultyinthisterritoryisthatpolicymakersoftenignorethe‘Janusface’ofidentity,
whichmeansthatwell-intentionedinterventionscanhaveunintendedconsequences.Social
psychologytellsusthattherearealwaystwosidestoidentity:meandyou,themandus.
Identitiesarealwaysformedthroughcomparisonsofsimilarityanddifference.Researchby
Schmidetal (2009)inNorthernIrelandhasfoundthatsolidaritywithinagroupisoften
correlatedstronglyandperhapsinpartcausedbyhatred,prejudiceandrejectiontowards
thoseoutsidethegroup.Oftenthebestwayofdecreasinghostilitybetweentwogroupsis
tofindathirdgroupthattheydislikeevenmorethaneachother–thussettingoffawhole
newroundofproblems.
InSchmidetal’sstudiesinBelfast,forexample,neighbourhoodsthatwereeitherall
ProtestantorallCatholichadenviablelevelsofwithin-groupcohesionbutthepeopleliving
inmoremixedneighbourhoodsexpressedmuchlessprejudicetootherreligiousandethnic
groups.Thesocialpsychologyofsolidaritywithingroupsandthesocialpsychologyofgood
relationsbetweengroupscanpullforcefullyagainsteachother.

Inthefinalsectionwelookatwhatpolicymakerscanlearnfromthisanalysis.
11 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

5.Conclusions:approachesforpolicymakers
Thecharacteristicsofidentity-makingdiscussedabove–diversity,agencyandidentity’s
Janusface–meanthatclunkyandtop-downinterventionsshouldbeavoided.Butwhatcan
policymakersdointhisdifficultterritory,wherecarefulnuanceandbalanceseemtobe
required?
Thefirstpointisthatthereisaneedtorecognisethecomplexityandvariationthatis
inherentinthisterrain.Forexample,anappealforastrongersenseofBritishnational
identitymightwellbemotivatedbyadesireforsomekindofencompassingidentitytohelp
bindsocietytogether,butitmaybehearddifferentlybydifferentcommunities.Whatlooks
balancedandthoughtfulinthetextofaministerialspeechcancomeacrossverydifferently
whenreflectedthroughtheprismofasensationalistmediaheadline.
Itshouldbestressed,however,thatrecognisingthecomplexityofthesemattersisnota
reasonfornotinterveningatall.Butitisareasontobescepticaloftop-downeffortsto
buildidentitiesthatcanberatherclunky,and,unlesstheygowiththegrainofpublic
sentiment,bemetwithindifferenceorresistance.Somethinglikethishashappenedto
GordonBrown’s‘Britishness’agenda,whichnevercaughtonwiththeBritishpublic.
ThecaseforrecognisingcomplexityismadestrongerbyfindingsfromNorthernIrelandthat
showthatthosepeoplewithmorecomplexandmultipleidentitiesarealsothosewhoare
muchlesslikelytobeprejudicedagainstothers.Thisistruenotjustintermsofprejudice
towardsCatholicsorProtestants,butalsoforthosefromdifferentbackgroundsmorewidely
(Schmidetal 2009).Inotherwordsthereareempiricalgroundsforbelieving,asAmartya
Senhasargued,thatthelesswe‘homogenise’andsimplifyidentitytalkthebetter(Sen
2008).
Thisleadsustoasecondpoint:thebestinterventionsmaywellcomefrom‘scalingup’from
thegrassroots.JaneWills’sstudyofthecaseoftheLondonCitizensmovementinthecapital
isrelevanthere(Wills2009).LondonCitizensisamovementofchurchgroups,mosques,
temples,tradesunionsandothercommunityorganisationsinLondonthathassuccessfully
unitedtocampaignaroundissuesofcommonconcern.Forexample,theyhavesuccessfully
appliedsocialpressureonbigfinancialandpublicsectorinstitutionstopayalivingwage,
overandabovethestatutoryminimum.Theyalsosecuredacommitmentfromthemain
mayoralcandidatestosupportanamnestyforundocumentedmigrantworkers–whichis
nowthepositionofthecurrentmayorBorisJohnson.
InbuildingsuchamovementLondonCitizenshadtodirectlyaddressoneofthemajor
contemporarychallengesdiscussedabove:inplacescharacterisedbyhighlevelsofcultural
diversity–whichinLondon’scaseis‘hyper-diversity’–howcanyoubuildasenseofshared
citizenshipandcommunity?LondonCitizensdidthisnotbyignoringdifference,butby
buildingitintoacampaignwithcross-communityobjectives.Itsactivistsparticipatethrough
theirchurch,mosqueortradeunion,theplaceswheretheyfeelmostcomfortableandwith
whichtheyhaveastrongsenseofcommunalallegiance.Buttheythenbecomepartofa
commoncampaignforchangethatfostersrealmeaningfulrelationshipsbetweenmembers
fromverydifferentbackgrounds:evangelicalChristianscampaigningalongsideleft-wing
tradeunionists,forexample,tosecurealivingwageforcleaners.
Willsfoundthatovertimeanencompassing‘LondonCitizens’identity–thekindofcivic
identitypoliticiansaresokeentopromote–begantoemergeoutofthoserelationshipsand
campaigns.Thisisanexampleofthescalingupofmultipleanddiverseidentitiesinto
somethingthatbridgesdifference.
Whatmightthismeaninpolicyterms?BetterthanbroadcastingidentitytalkfromWhitehall,
civicidentitiesaremorelikelytotakeholdwhentheyareconstructedthroughcivicactivism
ontheground.Government,localandnational,canencourageanactivepublicrealmanda
12 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

healthydemocracyintheplacesthatareclosetopeople,wheretheycanmosteasily
participate.Noneofthisisnew,ofcourse–noreasy,giventhetrendtowards
individualisationdescribedearlier.Despitebeingchallenging,theprocessofcivicand
democraticrenewalisperhapsthebestroutewehaveavailabletoconstructingcivic
identitiesofan‘encompassing’reach.
Italsoputsmuchmoreemphasisontheroleoflocalgovernmentthanisgenerallydonein
thisdebate.Particularlyinthehyper-diversesettingswearediscussing,civicidentitiesbuilt
aroundourtownsandcitiesmayhavemoretractionthannationalidentities(seearecent
speechonthefutureofthecity-region–Cox2009).Inthiscontextitisinterestingtonote
thatidentificationwithone’slocality(asdistinctfromregionorlargerarea)increased
between1990and2000,theperiodoftheintensificationofeconomicglobalization.
Althoughthisisinlinewithinternationaltrends,therehasbeenamuchlargerincreaseinthe
UKthanelsewhere.MostindividualsintheUKidentifymoststronglywiththeirlocalityor
towninpreferencetoaregional,nationalorglobalidentity.56percentofthepopulation
identifywiththeirlocalityfirst,comparedwith25percentthatidentifywiththenation.All
generationschooselocalidentityasthemostimportant(StoneandMuir2006).
Thereareanumberofwayslocalauthoritiescanactintheterrainofidentity.Schmidetal
(2009)haveshownhowfosteringmeaningfulrelationshipsbetweenpeoplefromdifferent
backgroundsiscrucialinreducingprejudice.Contactisalsoanimportantconditionfor
allowingcommoncross-cuttingidentitiestodevelopinconditionsofdiversity.Localand
nationalauthoritiesshouldclearlypaycloseattentiontothedegreeofsegregationthat
existsinourcommunities,whetherthisbeintermsofhousing,employment,educationor
recreation–andaimtoreduceit.
Localgovernmentalsoinfluencesthecivicspaceswhereweliveandwork,whichhave
historicallybeensitesofcontestationbetweendifferentidentityclaims.DominicBryanand
SeanConnollyfoundthatpoliticalconflictinNorthernIrelandwasgenerated,andlaterin
partdefused,throughthedesignofcivicspacesandthewaydifferentidentitiesweregiven
expressionwithinthem(BryanandConnolly2009).SomanyofBritain’stowncentres,with
theircivicsquaresandVictoriantownhalls,weredesignedtosymboliseanassertivepublic
cultureandambitiousschemesforurbanimprovement.Inthinkingaboutmonuments,
signaturebuildingsandthestagingofpublicevents,localauthoritiescanplayarolein
fosteringcivicidentity.
Ourcallinthispaperisforapublicdiscoursearoundidentitythatismorenuancedand
publicpolicyresponsesthatworkatthegrassrootsandfromthebottomup,ratherthan
clunkyinterventionsfromthecentre.Thereisno‘magicbullet’thatwillsortoutquestionsof
identityandpoliticiansandpolicymakersshouldresistthesimplefix.Thereisaneedto
celebratesuccessessuchastheappearanceofnewconvivialmulticultureswheretheseare
emerginginUKcitiesbutalsotobeginthehardworkofthinkingthroughthecomplexity
andcontradictionsofcurrentidentitytrendsandprovidingthelocalconditionsfor
productiveandbenignmobilizationsofthepassionsidentitiesarouse.
13 ippr|Identity,PoliticsandPublicPolicy

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